2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état

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Title: Joint Statement from KHRG and KRW: The Construction of the Hatgyi Hydropower Plant Along the Salween River Must be Stopped
Description: "SAC Chairman Min Aung Hlaing visited Karen State and had a meeting with SAC members at Hpa An on May 31st 2021. In that meeting, he mentioned the possibility of resuming the Hatgyi Hydropwer Dam project. Human Rights Group (KHRG) and the Karen Rivers Watch (KRW) stand alongside local communities in strong opposition to General Min Aung Hlaing’s recent announcement that the State Administrative Council (SAC) intends to push ahead with the construction of the Hatgyi hydropower mega-dam on the Salween River. This would be catastrophic for ethnic and Indigenous communities in the Salween River Basin. The Hatgyi dam is a planned 1,360 megawatt dam on the Salween River in Karen areas. More than 10 million people rely on the Salween River and the Hatgyi dam will have severe negative impacts on ecosystems in the area, along with people’s livelihoods, wellbeing, and cultural integrity. Human rights violations have already been linked to the planned project site, including forced labor, rape, and forced displacement of over 5,000 people. Much of this displacement is due to conflict between ethnic Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Myanmar military around the dam area. Conflict has broken out around the proposed site several times from 2014 - 2018. The dam has been met with strong opposition from communities, environmental organisations, and civil society. Local communities launched a powerful campaign against dams on the Salween River, which eventually led to the Hatgyi dam construction being put on hiatus, until now. Since the recent military coup, there has been intensified conflicts in ethnic areas across the country. In Karen territories alone, military airstrikes and ground artillery attacks have killed and injured dozens of people and displaced around 70,000. The SAC regime is looking to extract economic revenue from natural resources to fund their military activities and so are pushing ahead with mega-dam investment along the Salween River. This will exacerbate the dire humanitarian crisis in Karen State caused by the ongoing SAC military offensives. Due to the instability that followed the coup, people across the country are facing a multitude of hardships. Therefore, it is unacceptable that the SAC is trying to push for the hydropower dam project to generate more revenue to fund its military while civilians have no economic and physical security. It is more important than ever to demand the protection of the Salween River which is of great importance for ecology, indigenous culture, and livelihoods. Therefore, we make the following urgent demands: (1) The SAC military also known as Tatmadaw must immediately withdraw from Karen territories. They are committing atrocities against civilians whilst they invade Karen territories in order to establish military bases, and push ahead with investment projects such as dams, threatening and destroying local communities and the natural environment. (2) All planned controversial infrastructure development projects must be cancelled including the construction of mega-dams on rivers all across Myanmar, and including planned mega-dams and infrastructure projects along the Salween River. This is because rivers and lakes are an essential lifeline for our local people to live in peace. (3) The international community must oppose and sanction any and all sources of economic revenue going to the Myanmar military regime, including hydropower projects, and other investment projects. (4) All concerned actors, including state-owned and private companies that are commissioned to construct, or are otherwise investing in, the development and implementation of the Hatgyi hydropower dam project, must stop all plans and cooperation with regard to the construction of the dam. Contact persons: Saw Tha Phoe (KRW) - +95 978 263 9714 Saw Nanda Hsue (KHRG) - +66 811 297 564..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
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Title: Myanmar: More than 100 attacks on schools in May, says Save the Children
Description: "Myanmar saw 103 schools and other education facilities attacked and often damaged by explosives in May this year alone, new data from Save the Children reveals, as armed forces continue to occupy schools and university campuses across the country. Explosive devices such as IEDs and hand grenades were reportedly used in the vast majority of incidents where bomb blasts occurred in and around schools, posing a serious risk to children and teachers. The blasts reportedly killed and injured several people and severely damaged education facilities across the country. The shocking figures come as deeply disturbing images emerged on social media this week of armed soldiers in class rooms, apparently encouraging young children to hold guns. Armed forces have also occupied at least 60 schools, and university campuses across the country since March. These attacks cause yet more disruption to education in Myanmar, where more than 12 million children have already lost more than a year of education as a result of COVID-19-related school closures. Over two million of these children were already out of school before the pandemic. Following the military coup on 1 February, children’s education has been marred by political strife and conflict, Save the Children said, with almost daily attacks on schools and widespread teacher lay-offs. Local media reports have suggested that only one in four children returned to school since they officially re-opened on 1 June. One nine-year-old boy from Magway, a region in central Myanmar, said: "Our school didn't open this year. When I see other children going to school, I want to go too. But I’m afraid because I heard guns and bomb blasts at my school. I don't like bomb blasts and guns shooting at school, because [I’m scared that] the school will be on fire and students will die. If there were no more soldiers and bomb blasts at school, I want to go back." A 10-year-old girl, also from Magway, said: “I wasn't able to go to school for the whole of last year because of the virus. And this year I dare not go. I want to go to school, but I’m scared. Although the school gates are closed, there are soldiers inside, and I’m afraid of the soldiers. I’m afraid that there might be a bomb blast at our school while we are there." Save the Children said: “Save the Children is appalled by these attacks, which not only put the lives of children in danger, but also further compromise what is already a disastrous situation when it comes to children’s learning in Myanmar. Schools are protected places of learning for children that must be free from attacks at all times. Attacks on schools constitute a grave violation against children, and no school should be deliberately targeted. “We are also deeply concerned by the images that have emerged of armed soldiers in classrooms. Armed soldiers have no place in schools or other learning spaces. Under no circumstances should children be made to hold weaponry of any kind. This highly irresponsible behavior by armed personnel is unacceptable, it puts children at risk and violates international standards for safe education. “Save the Children urges all parties involved to put the best interests of children first. All children have the right to a safe education – a right that is safeguarded by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Convention for the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), both of which apply to Myanmar. “Learning spaces must be made safe again for children and appropriate measures to limit the possible spread of COVID-19 must be implemented. Save the Children calls for everyone in Myanmar who has an interest in children’s wellbeing to step up and make their safety and learning a priority.” Save the Children and its partners are investing in safe, quality and inclusive learning opportunities for children in Myanmar across a range of options. It is also providing mental health support for children affected by the crisis..."
Source/publisher: Save the Children via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
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Title: Regime Destroys Food and Medicine for Refugees in Southeastern Myanmar
Description: "Myanmar junta troops destroyed supplies of rice and medicine intended for over 3,000 internally displaced people (IDP’s) in Pekon, southern Shan State, who were forced to flee their homes after intense fighting broke out between regime forces and civilian resistance fighters last month. More than 100,000 villagers from over 150 villages and downtown areas in Pekon and Demoso, Hpruso and Loikaw townships in Kayah State have now been displaced for weeks. Locals told The Irrawaddy that on June 8 junta forces burned 80 bags of rice, three barrels of cooking oil, dried food, medicine and two vehicles being stored at Loi Ying village in Pekon Township. The vehicles were an ambulance from the Mobye (Moebyel) free funeral services association and a private car. “Junta forces and people defense forces (PDF) were involved in heavy fighting on June 7. On that day we gathered food supplies for the refugees in the village. As the PDF members withdrew, we were left with the food. But we were forced to flee when the military entered the village. They torched everything on June 8,” said one local. “Medicines to treat diarrhea were among the items burned. Currently, over 3,000 IDP’s are sharing what little rice they have. They fled from their homes due to the fighting that followed the PDF’s seizure of Mobye police station,” he added. Loi Ying village, which is home to ethnic Kayan people, is located over 15 miles from Pekon town. The whole village fled the fighting, which began in Kayah State’s Demoso Township, which borders Pekon. Villagers have sought shelter at monasteries, churches and nearby villages by displaying white flags. But their temporary shelters have been attacked by the military regime’s artillery, with junta forces accusing the PDF of taking cover in them. An artillery attack on a church in Kayan Thar Yar village on May 24 killed four civilians sheltering there, prompting residents to flee into nearby forests and hills. The IDPs are reportedly sheltering at ten different locations and are living on the support provided by local civil society groups. But many places lack adequate supplies of food, medicine and clean drinking water. Fighting halted on Thursday and Friday, but locals are still fleeing whenever they see soldiers entering their villages, according to a spokesperson for the IDPs management committee in Pekin Kaw Khu in Loikaw Township. He said they could not buy petrol, while donated food supplies are being held up by military checkpoints and the closure of the road linking Aung Pan and Taunggyi in Shan State. Junta forces have set up checkpoints along the transport routes within Kayah State, blocking local transport. All vehicles travelling between Kayah State and Pekon and from Taunggyi are also being inspected. Pekin Kaw Khu IDP camp is currently hosting more than 1,500 people and they only have food for one week. “If they continue blocking the road, all the IDP’s could face going hungry,” added the spokesperson. He urged that food, medicine and materials for shelters should be allowed past the checkpoints. Myanmar regime troops are trying to eliminate the local PDF force. For about a week, they have cut off electricity, internet and cell phone access in areas where they suspect the PDF to be operating. Junta troops have been accused of targeting civilians as well as the PDF. A total of 131 locals have been detained since March 10, according to the Progressive Karenni People Force. Seven of those were arrested while on their way to the IDP camps..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
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Title: Torture to Death in Detention
Description: "The military group has carried out a series of daily arrests on elected leaders and civilians opposing the military coup since February 1, 2021. As a result of these arbitrary arrests and torture, people are being disabled and tortured to death. Successive dictatorships have pursued policies to control the population with fear and torture as one of those policies. Interrogation centers during the military regime were notorious for torture. After the 1988 uprising, thousands of civilians against them were arrested and imprisoned. AAPP collected data on 127 deaths during the State Law and Order Resurrection Council (SLORC) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) era, torturing inside interrogation camps, prisons, police custody, and through lack of access to medical treatment. Since February 1, the junta has brutally arrested and tortured, continuing to use torture as policy. The junta is beating, crashing with cars, and shooting. Many anti-coup activists have been arrested with serious injuries. Some of those cannot even be recognized because of torture and photos shown on junta-controlled media display people with injuries. Some detainees who were subjected to severe torture resulting in significant mental illness, being disabled and death. Sometimes, days after arrest, families are informed to take the dead bodies. Some others are not even recovering the bodies but instead just informed they are dead. In Burma since the coup, people are tortured to death for the specific purpose of inducing a climate of fear. This is a crime against humanity, and fundamentally the activity of a foreign terrorist organization. According to AAPP documentation, 5965 have been arrested since the coup. Of these, 4,804 remain in prison, interrogation centers, and under house arrest. At least 860 people have been killed. Of these, 22 have been killed from torture during detention. 3 of these tortured to death, dead bodies were not returned to their family. The number of tortured to death is likely to be higher than confirmed. Of those 22 tortured to death, 13 were killed within 24 hours of arrest and 4 were killed within 2 days, another 4 were killed within a week, and 1 victim was killed within two weeks. Almost all the victims were found with wounds consistent with torture, it can be seen all over the bodies. However, the junta reports they died from illness or other cause. U Aye Ko, 40-year old, was shot by the junta troops while night guarding in front of Ta Tar Oo Monastery, Mandalay on March 27. They dragged him onto a burning car tire. An eyewitness said that Aye Ko was not dead and could still walk when he was burnt alive. U Kyaw Kyaw (a.k.a. Agga Moe Nyo) 39-year-old, was arrested on March 15. On March 30 he was announced dead, his family were not allowed to return and bury his body. Daw Khin Marlar Win (a.k.a. Myo Myo Lwin) 39-year-old, was detained on March 19 in the Pakokku crackdown. She begged on her knees not to be arrested, she was forcibly arrested. The family was informed to take the dead body the next morning. U Zaw Myat Linn, 46-year-old, was arrested in Shwepyithar Township where he lived. He was killed that night. According to eyewitnesses, his whole head was bruised, and parts of his mouth and body had disintegrated. The prohibition of torture, and especially to death, is customary and observed across national military manuals. Torture is prohibited in Burma’s domestic law as well, “bodily pain” and “grievous hurt” are outlawed under the Articles 319 and 320 of Burma’s Penal Code. Articles 330 and 331 specifically forbid a public servant to commit “hurt” and “grievous hurt” during interrogations. According to Article 166, any public servant disobeying this law and intentionally harming any person shall be punished to one year imprisonment, a fine or both. When a public servant commits torture to death, it is a crime of murder. The Prisoner Act 49 provisions includes situations concerning the different use of punishment, and the restriction of a prison authority to significantly harm detainees. According to the international human rights law torture is prohibited under any circumstances: Article 3 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 7 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (commonly known as the United Nations Convention against Torture (UNCAT) Burma is one of the handful countries to refuse to sign the UN Convention against Torture. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) strongly condemns such brutal torture and killings. At the same time, we call on the international community to take immediate and effective action in preventing the recurrence of torture. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
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Title: ‘Military dogs bite,’ soldiers tell protesters as they inflict vicious beatings
Sub-title: Dozens of protesters, including women and young students, were subjected to brutal treatment following a crackdown on Tuesday
Description: "“They took turns, beating us relentlessly. We couldn’t stay on our knees for long. Every time we fell, they would start beating on us again. So many of us were beaten up,” said a 30-year-old man from Myeik, in southern Myanmar’s Tanintharyi region. The man is one of more than 70 protesters arrested during anti-coup demonstrations in Myeik on Tuesday. He recalled how soldiers and police closed in on them from both ends of D street in the city’s Kat Thit ward at around 9am. There were around 45 men and 25 women in the group, he said, ranging in age from their early teens to their thirties. All of the men were whipped repeatedly with strips of iron or beaten with wooden rods. Some were even hit with heavy chains, he said. Photos received by Myanmar Now showed the extent of the damage inflicted on them: their backs, buttocks and chests were covered with painful-looking injuries. While they were being tortured in this way, the protesters were also forced to sing the famous anti-dictatorship anthem “Kabar Ma Kyay Buu” over and over again and repeat protest slogans. “They said, ‘What is it you chant and sing in marches and protests? How many fingers do you hold up?’ and beat us up. Anyone with a tattoo of Amay Suu was treated even worse,” he said, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi, long regarded as the leader of Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement. “And they said, ‘You called us military dogs. Well, military dogs bite.’ And they just kept beating us,” the man said. Around 10 soldiers made the men take off their shirts, put their hands behind their heads, and kneel down for one long, continuous session of beatings. “If we raised our heads, they’d tell us to keep it down. They were afraid we’d see their faces. We kept falling down because we couldn’t stay on our knees while we were being beaten up. We were in a line and they would go back and forth, beating us constantly while we were in the room,” he said. Of those arrested, only one woman who was injured by a rubber bullet was taken to a military hospital, while the rest were transported to the air force base near Myeik airport to be brutally tortured. The majority of those arrested were students, who received the same treatment as the adults, even though the Myeik police told the soldiers not to be so hard on them, another detainee told Myanmar Now following his release. “When we were arrested, there were police from Myeik who told the soldiers not to beat up the students. But the soldiers beat them anyway, saying that this was what they had come here all the way from Naypyitaw for,” he said. One arrested woman said the youth protesters were arrested after soldiers fired guns inside the houses they ran into to escape the crackdown. Another woman who had been hiding inside a house said soldiers kicked down a door to get in and shot her repeatedly with rubber bullets from just three feet away. “They kicked the door open, aimed and shot me twice in the neck,” she wrote on her Facebook page. “The bastards even arrested the homeowners,” she added. “When they arrested the girls, they said, ‘We can do whatever we want with you. We can jail you for six months,’” one of detained girls told Myanmar Now. “They hit one girl with the butt of a gun. She got four stitches. And another girl was kicked in the face. It’s all swollen up,” she said, adding that they were also taunted for their age. “They said, ‘You’re pretty young. Do you even know what democracy is?’ And when we were released, the soldiers said, ‘Young people have nothing to do with politics. If you are involved again, we will put you in jail,’” the girl said. “Once I recover, I’ll continue to protest wherever I can. We can’t lose this battle or give up,” said added defiantly. “From the start of this dictatorship, they’ve done whatever they wanted to do. The law is whatever they say it is. I loathe this system. Even the internet is restricted. Not even Covid was this bad. The dictatorship is way worse,” she said. According to the girl, around half of the detained protesters—29 men and six women—are still in custody and have been sentenced to one month in prison without charges. However, Myanmar Now was unable to confirm the exact number of protesters who were arrested or how many remain in custody. Among the arrested, some have been sent to Myeik prison. Others were released after they were bailed out by their parents, teachers, or ward administrators. “We had to sign a release saying that we wouldn’t do this again. They said if we’re arrested again, all they will return to our families is our bodies,” said one man who vowed to continue fighting after he had recovered from his injuries. “Once you get arrested, they will beat you up. Hard. They have no humanity,” he said. “They can be so inhumane because they have weapons. We had to put our heads down because we don’t have weapons. I will never forgive and forget. My own parents have never hit me this much, this relentlessly. I’ve only seen this kind of torture in movies before. This is terrible. I’m not okay with it at all and we must win this revolution,” he added..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-03-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.4/2021
Description: "The NUG has vowed to the people that it will, by justifiable means, vanquish and uproot the terrorist military council that has been ruling the country unlawfully and repressively. The NUG will, together with the public, endeavor to work judiciously and diligently towards building a federal democratic union. Today’s Spring Revolution is the people’s revolution led by the people to liberate themselves from under the yoke of the thuggish military dictatorship. It is obvious to one and all that the world renowned Civil Disobedience Movement is the main pillar of the Spring Revolution that has successfully hindered and impeded the military regime’s apparatus by nonviolent means. And it has rightfully been commended.Therefore the NUG, on record, hereby pay homage, applaud and honour all the heroes of the nonviolent Civil Disobedience Movement. It has also come to our notice that the terrorist military regime has been suppressing our non-violent CDM heroes by using inhumane methods such as intimidating, torturing and arresting them. Likewise their non-CDM lackeys in the upper administrative echelon are using various threats and putting pressure on staff. But with the interests of the Nation and the People at heart the populace and all nationals are persevering wholeheartedly with the Civil Disobedience Movement and for that we are grateful. The NUG will make sure that the military regime’s lackeys are meted out with appropriate retribution through the courts. The NUG has been systematically recording data on those who are non-CDM participants and have been bullying and threatening CDM participants. Similarly systematic data is being kept on who is CDM participant and who is not in a graded scale and that data will be used for adjudication purposes after the abolition of military dictatorship and the advent of a new federal democratic union. The NUG unreservedly supports the non-violent Civil Disobedience Movement. In addition the NUG has advocated a policy on self defence in order for the public to be able to defend themselves against the strong-armed repressive unjust atrocities enacted upon them by the junta. We also note that a group of factious agitators in all forms and guises have been performing seditious acts. The NUG has never been an advocate, nor a supporter of these lawless seditious acts. The NUG strongly condemns and denounces those acts. The NUG hereby declares that this government will only continue to support the two principles, that of upholding the law and endorse and lend credence to the non-violent activities of the Civil Disobedience Movement..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
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Title: H.E Dr. Sasa has sent a special appealing letter to Prime Minister of UK
Description: "Dear Prime Minister, I am making this special appeal to you on behalf of 54 million brave people of Myanmar and the National Unity Government of Myanmar to please put the deepening crisis in Myanmar on the G7 agenda when the head of world leaders meet at the upcoming G7 meeting. First of all, I would like to reiterate my sincere thanks to the people, Parliament and Government of the United Kingdom for standing in solidarity and being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar. I also want to express my gratitude for the efforts of the UK on coordinating targeted sanctions against key Tatmadaw personnel, Tatmadaw linked companies and enterprises such as MGE, MEC and MEHL, and for providing generous funding of 28 million UK sterling pound for humanitarian aids to Myanmar and for providing extra funding to the IIMM. I would like to further thank the UK government for taking a strong leadership role in the UN and G7 meetings on behalf of the people of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of many in this nation. Truly we are the voice of over 54 million brave people who stand in solidarity against the cruel and ruthless junta. Thank you also for lending protection and support to Myanmar Ambassador to UK, H.E Kyaw Zwar Minn since he was illegally removed from office by the junta. I previously had the wonderful privilege of meetings with Minister H.E. Nigel Adams and UK Ambassador to Myanmar H.E Dan Chugg. British Parliamentarians reassured me that the People and Government of the UK are strongly committed and supportive of the brave people of Myanmar in our peaceful movement for freedom and democracy against the junta reign of terror. I am also grateful for the opportunity to appear before the British Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee on the Myanmar military coup crisis hearing. Since the 1st of February 2021 when military coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his gunmen instigated this illegal coup d’etat and took our Nation, Myanmar, hostage, nearly 900 civilians have been murdered by the junta including at least 72 children, nearly 6,000 civilians have been arrested by the junta including our State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President U Win Myint , and over 1,900 are evading arrest warrants. I have been charged with high treason by these military generals who are in fact the ones committing high treason against the people of Myanmar themselves. The junta leaders continue using the ASEAN engagements as a propaganda tool while the junta forces continue committing violence and atrocities against the people of Myanmar in villages, towns, and cities across the nation. The torture and cold-blooded murder of innocent civilians under the junta forces continue. They have abolished free media outlets in the vain attempt to stop the truth from getting out. Harassment and imprisonment of journalists continue under the junta. The violence we are seeing by the junta is both systematic and widespread. It is clear that they are engaging in crimes against humanity by using heavy battlefield weapons against unarmed civilians. They have been purchasing these weapons from big countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and country of Myanmar. As a result, Myanmar is now quickly becoming a failed state: ten of thousands of people have become displaced by the junta forces, food insecurity is rising sharply, and the UNDP is predicting that over half of the 54 million population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. World Food Programme (WFP) estimates 6.4 million people will be without food in Myanmar by October 2021.lt will be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused not only by the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun. We, the sovereign citizens of Myanmar, are doing all that we can to prevent these great tragedies of violence, genocide, criminal atrocities, poverty and hunger by courageously and peacefully resisting the junta’s efforts to cause us maximum pain, suffering, death and destruction. The citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through this peaceful movement of Civil Disobedient Movement-CDM, strikes and other acts of civil disobedience. We are boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants are refusing to support the junta’s work. The sanctions that have been imposed to date by the International Community have been a helpful start to supporting our domestic efforts. While the brutal crackdown by the junta and its forces continue, opposition to the junta remains strong and unanimous among the people of Myanmar. However, greater help and support from G7 world leaders and countries are vitally important. We have three core requests to present to the G7 world leaders and countries: Engage with the National Unity Government as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar. We are comprised of leaders elected in Myanmar’s democratic November elections as well as leaders of ethnic states and regions. The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well. Help us to address the growing humanitarian crisis. We need aid. The National Unity Government knows how to get aid to where it is needed. A humanitarian crisis is growing due to this brutal junta and the spread of COVID-19. Myanmar’s economy is in collapse and millions are already, or at risk of being, without water, food, sanitation, shelter and medicine. We desperately need aid for 1) FOOD SECURITY, 2) HEALTH 3) SHELTER, 4) EDUCATION: Help us by putting more financial and diplomatic pressure on the junta. It is critical for the nations of the world who stand with us to band together in a coordinated campaign of further sanctions that would cut the flow of revenue to this murderous regime to ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of G7 countries and its alliances be allowed to continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains unscathed by the international community, therefore sanctions must be placed against Myanmar Oil and Gas and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology; the imposition of an international arms embargo and a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by whatever means necessary. These measures are critically vital to prevent many bloodbaths and another genocide in Myanmar. Our National Unity Government of Myanmar is ready, willing and able to help in all of these coordinated efforts. This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from the Governments of G7 countries and the free countries and leaders from around the world who believe in freedom, justice and democracy. This is the greatest opportunity of the century for Myanmar. We must then seize upon this window of opportunity and put an end to this junta reign of terror - and build inclusive federal democratic union for All people of Myanmar by the people and for the people, and where the rights of ALL regardless of race, gender, culture, ethnicity, background, and religion are equally respected, protected and promoted. We, the opposition to the illegal junta, will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military dictatorships, and at the other end of this fight we will emerge an inclusive Myanmar that is committed to democracy, human rights, and to being a responsible partner in the global community. With the help of the world leaders and G7 countries, our vision and our dream will become a powerful reality and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratitude for generations to come. Yours sincerely, H.E Dr. Sasa..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
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Title: Local resistance fighter killed as clashes continue in Mindat
Sub-title: The location of the most recent fighting is just a few miles from makeshift camps where displaced locals have been sheltering
Description: "A member of the local resistance force in southern Chin State’s Mindat Township was killed during clashes with the junta’s armed forces on Tuesday. The military fired artillery shells during the fighting, which took place near the villages of Hpayar Sakhan and Shet, 16km from Mindat town, a member of the anti-coup Mindat People’s Administration Team said. “Fighting broke out in two locations. They fired heavy artillery. One of our members was killed in the fighting this morning,” he told Myanmar Now by telephone on Tuesday. “Today we could not hear the sound of their airplanes, but heavy artillery is still being fired as I am speaking to you now,” he added Eighteen-year-old Salai Ling Yaw Um was the resistance member killed during the clash. The source in Mindat added that others were injured, but the exact number of people wounded had not been confirmed. The military council imposed martial law in Mindat in mid-May. Intense fighting has broken out with local anti-coup fighters, forcing residents to flee to the town for safety, and into the nearby jungle, where they set up makeshift camps. The camps are just a few miles from the area where the fighting took place on Tuesday. With the junta’s forces recently stationed near the camps, the displaced locals have been forced to flee again, with only children and the elderly remaining, a representative from the Lu Saw internally displaced persons (IDPs) camp told Myanmar Now. “Everyone had to run to different locations. As the troops approached the camp, IDPs had to run again. Some IDPs left the camp. But we don’t know where they went,” the camp representative said. “Some ran towards the jungle. Only the people who did not know where to run remained in the camp.” At the time of reporting, more than 8,300 IDPs from Mindat had taken refuge in 18 IDP camps. The junta blocked all routes through which food could be transported to the locations where displaced persons were staying. Camp officials have said that food, clean water and medicine are urgently needed. Clashes erupted in Mindat in late April after a crowd gathered to demand the release of several detained protesters and a member of the regime’s forces reportedly shot at a demonstrator. Local resistance fighters have since killed dozens of soldiers in ambushes. They retreated from the town on Saturday after the military sent in helicopters full of reinforcement troops. On May 13, the junta declared martial law in Mindat and intensified its attacks on the town with long range artillery, machine guns, and shoulder-held rocket launchers. Soldiers also arrested local residents and forced them to act as human shields. By contrast, the resistance fighters are armed with traditional Tumi hunting rifles, double-barreled guns, and home-made explosive devices. After three days of clashes between the Myanmar military and local resistance fighters in Mindat, the military took control of the town, also deploying helicopters full of reinforcement troops. Since then, the majority of Mindat residents have fled to the jungles or to the homes of relatives in nearby towns and villages. During fighting from May 13 to June 6, some 21 members of the civilian resistance were killed, according to the Mindat People’s Administration Team..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
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Title: Message from Vice-President Duwal Sheila on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the resumption of hostilities in Kachin State - ဒုတိယသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလက ကချင်ဒေသအတွင်း တကျော့ပြန်စစ်ပွဲပြန်ဖြစ်ခြင်း (၁၀) နှစ်ပြည့် ကျင်းပသည့် အခမ်းအနားသို့ ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ဒုတိယသမ္မတ ဒူဝါလရှီးလက ကချင်ဒေသအတွင်း တကျော့ပြန်စစ်ပွဲပြန်ဖြစ်ခြင်း (၁၀) နှစ်ပြည့် ကျင်းပသည့် အခမ်းအနားသို့ ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၉) ရက်
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Aung San Suu Kyi faces most serious corruption charge yet
Sub-title: Myanmar's military authorities have charged deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi with corruption, the most serious charge laid against her to date.
Description: "Ms Suu Kyi is accused of accepting cash and gold in bribes, and faces up to 15 years in jail if found guilty. She faces six other charges relating to alleged illegal imports of walkie-talkies and inciting public unrest. The former State Counsellor was arrested on 1 February when the military seized power in a coup. She has since been held under house arrest, and little has been seen or heard of her apart from brief court appearances. A press release by the military council on Thursday said Ms Suu Kyi had accepted $600,000 (£425,000) in bribes and seven pieces of gold. It also alleged that the previous civilian government - the National League for Democracy (NLD) - had lost significant sums of money in land deals. Besides Ms Suu Kyi, several other former officials face similar corruption and bribery charges. Prior to this, the most serious charge filed against Ms Suu Kyi had accused her of breaking the official secrets act - which carries a term of up to 14 years in jail. Myanmar coup: What is happening and why? The small embattled town that stood up to the army Street tales from Myanmar: 'Take care of our baby if I die' The 'fallen stars' from Myanmar's deadliest day Myanmar's military seized power earlier in February on accusations of voter fraud. But independent election monitors say the election was largely free and fair, and the charges against Ms Suu Kyi have been widely criticised as politically motivated. The coup triggered widespread demonstrations, and Myanmar's military has brutally cracked down on pro-democracy protesters. They have killed more than 800 people and detained nearly 5,000 to date, according to the monitoring group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).....Myanmar in profile: Myanmar, also known as Burma, became independent from Britain in 1948. For much of its modern history it has been under military rule Restrictions began loosening from 2010 onwards, leading to free elections in 2015 and the installation of a government led by veteran opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi the following year In 2017, Myanmar's army responded to attacks on police by Rohingya militants with a deadly crackdown, driving more than half a million Rohingya Muslims across the border into Bangladesh in what the UN later called a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing"..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-06-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: EU's third round of sanctions raises eyebrows
Sub-title: Experts say the EU's new sanctions against Myanmar raise questions over a contradiction in policy, which calls on ASEAN to take the lead in mediation. There is also concern over how effective the sanctions will be.
Description: "Questions have been raised over the EU's exact objectives regarding Myanmar, after its foreign affairs chief, Josep Borrell, last Thursday said that a third round of sanctions will soon be imposed on the country's military and economic interests. Following its February 1 coup, which overthrew the recently reelected civilian government headed by national icon Aung San Suu Kyi, the military is believed to have killed at least 845 people, the majority of whom were civilians who participated in nationwide pro-democracy protests. The coup has also escalated the country's seven-decade-old insurgencies, with several ethnic militia groups now cooperating to oppose the junta. The National Unity Government, an underground government composed of opponents of the military junta, including ousted parliamentarians, also recently announced the creation of their own militia, the People's Defense Force. As tensions continue to escalate, the majority of foreign powers, including the EU, have publicly backed the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc in taking the lead to mediate a resolution to the conflict. Situation beyond ASEAN's reach However, the situation now appears to be beyond the reach of ASEAN, for whom the Myanmar crisis represents its biggest and most difficult test in decades. The junta's continued violence and repression go against the five-point consensus it agreed to with ASEAN in April. And Myanmar's pro-democracy movement now says it doesn't trust ASEAN's interlocutors, especially as there appears to be little chance that the bloc can mediate a deal that allows the now-banned National League for Democracy (NLD) to return to power, or even to politics. Moreover, accusations have been made that the EU is sanctioning the same Myanmar officials that ASEAN may soon confer legitimacy upon, if the bloc's eventual resolution allows the junta to remain in power until new elections are held, which are likely to be rigged by the military. The EU first agreed to impose sanctions on several officials in Myanmar's military junta and its aligned companies in mid-February. But it took several weeks for the measures to be formally adopted. A second round of sanctions in April targeted a dozen more junta officials, as well as key military-owned conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited and Myanmar Economic Corporation.....A hazy relationship with oil companies: However, one notable exception so far from the sanctions list is the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state-owned enterprise with close connections to the military's business assets. "It is imperative that the EU sanctions Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and junta-controlled banks to cut the flow of revenue financing the military's international crimes," said Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice for Myanmar, a research activist group. "The most significant single source of revenue for the military is from oil and gas, channeled through offshore accounts belonging to state-owned banks," Maung added. "This is wealth that belongs to the people of Myanmar, who have made clear their absolute rejection of the coup." In late May, petroleum giants Total SA and Chevron — French and American-owned, respectively — announced that they had terminated cash payments to the junta, the dividends they derive from transporting gas from Myanmar's offshore Yadana field to the mainland and to neighboring Thailand. Both international firms are majority owners of Moattama Gas Transportation Company, the pipeline company that transports the gas. MOGE owns a 15% share. Maung also called on the EU to push for a global arms embargo on Myanmar. Brussels has frozen the sale and transfer of weapons to the country, while the United Nations earlier introduced a non-binding resolution for an arms embargo. However, the ASEAN bloc has opposed the UN resolution. It remains to be seen whether MOGE, as well as other lucrative military-run entities, will be part of the new sanctions promised by Borrell last week during his visit to Jakarta.....'A comprehensive and balanced approach': Nabila Massrali, EU Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, said she "would not speculate" on what the new sanctions will entail as they are still being discussed in Brussels. Massrali described the bloc's measures as "a comprehensive and balanced approach," adding that: "These measures have been carefully crafted to avoid a further negative impact on the Myanmar population. They send a strong signal to the military junta that the EU holds them accountable for their actions and they impose clear costs on their behavior." Given that EU sanctions were only imposed in March and April, she said it is "too soon to assess the impact of these measures." In early May, a study made by 10 foreign chambers of commerce in Myanmar found that 13% of surveyed companies had ceased business activity in the country since the coup, and a third reported at least a 75% reduction in their activity. According to some commentators, however, sanctions may have dented the military's coffers but are almost certain not to force it to its knees. After all, the military, known locally as the Tatmadaw, ruled Myanmar as a hermetic state from 1962 until 2011, when it tentatively accepted a democratic shift and allowed the NLD to form a civilian government after a resounding victory at the 2015 general election. 'No evidence' that sanctions are effective "There is no evidence so far that the sanctions have caused any change within the military junta, which continues to use violence and imprisonment to silence democratic opposition," said Htwe Htwe Thein, an associate professor of international business at Curtin University in Perth. In part, this is because almost none of the military's financial assets is held in EU bank accounts, and the majority of large foreign companies doing businesses in Myanmar aren't European. "Of course, there are travel and visa bans for key officials — so officials and their families cannot plan to go to Paris on holiday," Thein noted. On the one hand, she added, EU sanctions have "symbolic effects" in supporting international condemnation of the junta's actions, and may also pressure other governments to follow suit. "Therefore, they are more effective than they seem," she said. Yet many other nations haven't followed the EU's example. Singapore, the largest investor in Myanmar, has opposed sanctions, as have other major investors Japan and China. Who is in charge of mediation? Confusing matters further, the EU is ramping up its sanctions against Myanmar's junta, but at the same time, is trusting the ASEAN bloc to mediate a solution that may end up conferring legitimacy on the same people that Brussels has targeted. The EU "should be very careful and discerning in allowing ASEAN to lead the diplomatic efforts and set agendas," said Thien. When announcing further sanctions on a visit to Jakarta last week, EU foreign policy chief Borrell reiterated that efforts "to find a political solution for the Myanmar situation belongs to ASEAN." He added that the regional bloc's interlocutors are "doing the best possible job." Not everyone agrees. Even Thailand, whose current ruling party and prime minister came to power through a military coup in 2014, said this week it was concerned that Myanmar's junta is not sticking to the five-point "consensus" it agreed to with ASEAN in April, which committed the military to ending violence and opening political talks with other groups. Following the visit last week by two ASEAN envoys to Naypyitaw, the National Unity Government said, "we no longer have any faith in ASEAN's efforts, and we have no expectation." Last weekend, pro-democracy protesters in Mandalay, Myanmar's second-largest city, set fire to ASEAN flags to show their anger at the bloc's ongoing talks with the junta. Brussels may have backed itself into a corner by imposing sanctions, yet intimating that it will support an ASEAN-led resolution to the crisis. 'A compromised solution' "If ASEAN finds a 'solution' it would be a very compromised solution — such as scarcely believable promises of future 'free and fair elections' and an end to military violence against pro-democracy supporters," said Thein. "Chances are that the EU wouldn't be able to accept such false 'solutions,' given the EU's democratic values and policies. What to do then?," she added. Indeed, if Brussels follows an ASEAN outcome that essentially accepts the junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar, then the EU will presumably have to end its sanctions. If not, and sanctions remain, Brussels will be seen as disagreeing with ASEAN's resolution. The EU spokesperson did not directly address this issue when asked by DW. "Violence and repression will not grant legitimacy to the military junta. Only a credible political dialogue, aimed at restoring the democratic institutions and which takes into account the will of Myanmar's people, as expressed in last November's elections, can ensure sustainable peace and a credible democracy," Massrali said, referring to the NLD's victory at a general election last year, which the military argued was rigged. "The EU will monitor closely the developments and re-assess its policy, including in relation to sanctions, based on the situation on the ground."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Electricity and Energy Notification No.1/2021 - လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁) ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ် ကဆုန်လပြည့်ကျော် ၁၄ ရက် (၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၈ ရက်) အကြောင်းအရာ။ ။ လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အားခများကောက်ခံနေမှု နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း။ ရည်ညွှန်းချက် ။ ။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အစိုးရ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေး နှင့် စက်မှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန ၏ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၁၈ ရက်စွဲပါ ကြေညာချက် ၃/၂၀၂၁။ ၁။ ယခုကာလသည် ပြည်သူက ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရထံမှ တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက အာဏာသိမ်း ၍ အုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြံရွယ်နေသောကာလ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ ပြည်သူလူထုက ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်လိုက်သော ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်သည် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ ၂၀၂၁ ခု မတ်လတွင် ‌ခေတ္တ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများ ခန့်အပ်ပြီး ရည်ညွှန်းပါ စာ အတိုင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုး လျှော့ချရန် လျှစ်စစ် ဓာတ်အားခ များအား - (က) အိမ်သုံးအမျိုးအစား လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် မီတာဝန်ဆောင်ခများကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ် အားလုံး အတွက် ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် (အခမဲ့) ပြုခြင်း၊ (ခ) အိမ်သုံးမဟုတ်သည့် အမျိုးအစားများအတွက် လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် အခြားဝန်ဆောင်ခ များ ကောက်ခံခြင်းကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ်အားလုံးအတွက် ခေတ္တ ဆိုင်းငံ့ခြင်း တို့ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် အထက် ရည်ညွှန်းပါ ကြေညာချက်ကို ဆက်လက် အတည်ပြုပါသည်။ ၄။ ယခု လပိုင်းများအတွင်း အချို့သော မြို့နယ်များတွင် လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခ ပေးဆောင်ရန် တောင်းခံလွှာပေးပို့ခြင်း၊ မပေးဆောင်ပါက လျှပ်စစ်မီး ဖြတ်တောက်မည်ဟု ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်းများ ရှိနေကြောင်း ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။ ၅။ လျှပ်စစ်ဖြန့်ဖြူးရေး ဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံပိုင်စီးပွားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်း များဖြစ်သော လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အား ဖြန့်ဖြူးရေး လုပ်ငန်း (ESE)၊ ရန်ကုန် လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အားပေးရေး ကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း (YESC) နှင့် မန္တလေး လျှပ်စစ် ဓာတ်အားပေးရေးကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း (MESC) တို့၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ဌာနနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသော Franchise လုပ်ငန်းများ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများသည် နိုင်ငံတော် အစိုးရ၏ အမိန့်ကြေညာချက် များကို လိုက်နာကြရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး အနေဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါ (COVID-19) ကျရောက်နေခဲ့ပြီး ယခုအခါ စစ်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဒဏ်ကိုပါခံစားနေရသော ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဝန်ထုပ်ဝန်ပိုး လျော့ကျစေရန် အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ညွှန်ကြားလိုက်သည်။ (၁) လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခများအား ကောက်ခံနေမှု၊ ပြည်သူလူထုအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေမှုကို လုံးဝရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်၊ (၂) နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရ၏ ကြေညာချက်အတိုင်း ဓာတ်အားခ မပေးဆောင်ကြသည် ဖြစ်စေကာမူ လျှပ်စစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်သူလူထု ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများအား ကောင်းမွန်စွာစောင့်ရှောက်ကြရန်၊ ၆။ အထက်ပါ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များအား မလိုက်နာသော ညွှန်ကြားသူ၊ လက်တွေ့လုပ်ဆောင်သူ စသည့် တာဝန်ရှိသူ တစ်ဦးချင်းသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၂၂/၁၂၄ ပါအတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကျေးဇူးသစ္စာ ဖောက်ဖျက်ပုန်ကန်မှု အဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အများပြည်သူအကျိုးစီးပွားစောင့်‌ရှောက်ရေး ဥပဒေအရ လည်းကောင်း အရေးယူခြင်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နှင့် နိုင်ငံပိုင်စီးပွားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်း များနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိသော Franchise ကုမ္ပဏီများသည်လည်း အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း (blacklist) သွင်းခံရမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိ‌ပေးအပ်ပါသည်။ (စိုးသူရထွန်း) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး လျှပ်စစ် နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Electricity and Energy: Instructions - အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ညွှန်ကြားချက်
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ညွှန်ကြားချက် ၁။ ယခုကာလသည် ပြည်သူက ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရထံမှ တရားမဝင် စစ်ကောင်စီ က အာဏာသိမ်း ၍ အုပ်ချုပ်ရန် ကြံရွယ်နေသောကာလ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ PSC contract များ ချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့သည့် ယခင် နိုင်ငံတော်အေးချမ်းသာယာရေး နှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကောင်စီ အစိုးရ၊ ပထမအကြိမ် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံရသည့် အစိုးရ၊ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံရသည့် အစိုးရတို့ သည် အဆိုပါ စာချုပ်များကို ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံကာ လွှဲပြောင်း ခဲ့ကြခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃။ လက်ရှိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဥပဒေ နှင့်အညီတာဝန်လွှဲပြောင်းယူမှု မရှိသည့် အတွက် အထက်ပါ စာချုပ်များ နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ တာဝန်ခံနိုင်မှု အလျဉ်းမရှိပါ။ နိုင်ငံတကာ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံသူများ အနေဖြင့်လည်း တာဝန်ယူမှုကို ခံစားရမည် မဟုတ်သကဲ့သို့ တာဝန်ခံရန်လည်း မသင့်လျော်ပါ။ ၄။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ မြန်မာ့ ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ လုပ်ငန်းအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက် အား စတင် ရက်စွဲအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်လျက် အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ညွှန်ကြားလိုက်သည်။ (၁) တရားဝင် အစိုးရများနှင့် ချုပ်ဆိုထားသည့် တည်ဆဲ PSC စာချုပ်များ အတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတကာ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံ သူများအား လုပ်ငန်း အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှု ဆက်လက် ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး အကူအညီပေးသွားရန်။ (၂) PSCစာချုပ်များအရ ရရှိအပ်သည့် အကျိုးအမြတ်ခွဲဝေမှုရငွေ နှင့် အခွန်အကောက်ရငွေတို့အား လက်ခံ ရယူခြင်း၊ ရရှိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်းများ မပြုပဲ နောက်ထပ်ညွှန်ကြားချက် တစုံတရာ မရရှိမီအထိ လုံးဝ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန်။ (၃) ကိုလိုနီခေတ် Burma Oil Company ကာလ မှ ယနေ့ ထိ တည်ဆောက် ထားခဲ့သော မြန်မာ့ ရေနံ ယန္တရားအား ပျက်စီးစေနိုင်သည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်မှု၊ မသင့်လျော်သော အမိန့် ညွှန်ကြားချက်များ ထုတ်ပေးမှု၊ တည်ဆဲ အလုပ်သမားဥပဒေများ နှင့် မကိုက်ညီသော ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များ တို့ကို လုံးဝမပြုလုပ်ရန်။ ၅။ အထက်ပါ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များအား မလိုက်နာပါက နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၁၂၂/၁၂၄ ပါအတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကျေးဇူးသစ္စာ ဖောက်ဖျက်ပုန်ကန်မှုအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အများပြည်သူ အကျိုးစီးပွားစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း အရေးယူခြင်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိ‌ပေးလိုက်သည်။ (စိုးသူရထွန်း) ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဦးဆောင်ညွှန်ကြားရေးမှူး မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ လုပ်ငန်း ကြီးကြပ် ကြပ်မတ်ပေးရန် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၁။ ဗဟိုသတင်းအချက်အလက်အဖွဲ့၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ရုံး။ ၂။ သတင်းအချက်အလက်အရာရှိ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေး နှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာန။ စာအမှတ် - စွမ်းအင်/MOGE (1)/ညွှန် (၂) ရက်စွဲ - ၂၀၂၁ ခု ဇွန်လ ၁၀ ရက်..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 386.89 KB
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No. 4/2021 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ က သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ၁၀ ဇွန်လ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက တရားရေဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရေး၊ သတင်းအချက်အလက်နှင့် နည်းပညာဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လျှပ်စစ်နှင့် စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတို့ကို ထပ်မံဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတက အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းသော ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးများကို ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) က အတည်ပြုခန့်အပ်ပေးခဲ့သည်။ ၁ ၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ “အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကြေညာခြင်း” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁) ၂ ကို ၇ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနစ် နေ့စွဲဖြင့်ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါကြေညာချက်တွင် အောက်ပါအချက်များပါဝင်သည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်း၏အပေါင်းအပါအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် - အရပ်သား ၈၀၀ ကျော်ကို သေစေနိုင်သောလက်နက်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း - လူပေါင်း ၅၀၀၀ ကျော်အား မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားပြီး၊ အများစုမှာ အနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာစော်ကားခြင်း - ဘဏ်စနစ်ပြိုလဲလုနီးပါးအခြေအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်စီးပွားရေးကိုချွတ်ခြုံကျစေပြီး အများပြည်သူ၏ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှု စည်းစိမ်ဥစ္စာတို့အားပျက်စီးစေခြင်း - စားနပ်ရိက္ခာအကျပ်အတည်းကို လျစ်လျူရှုထားပြီး မကြာခင်ကာလများအတွင်း စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ အကျပ်အတည်း၏ ရိုက်ခတ်မှုကိုကြုံတွေ့ရမည့် လူပေါင်း (၁) သန်းမှ (၃) သန်းအထိ မြင့်မားသွားနိုင်ခြေရှိခြင်း - မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ COVID CERP အစီအစဉ်ကို ပစ်ပယ်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ ကျန်းမာရေးကဏ္ဍ ကျဆုံးသွားခြင်း။ - ငွေကြေးခဝါချမှု လုပ်ငန်းကြီးများပြုလုပ်ခြင်း စသည်တို့ကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သောကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG)သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်းနှင့်ဆက်စပ်လျက် ရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ (၃) အရ အကြမ်းဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဥပဒေတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် “အများပြည်သူ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကိုဖြစ်စေ၊ အသက် အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကိုဖြစ်စေ၊ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးစေရန် ပြုလုပ်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများ” ကို ကျူးလွန်လျှင် ဥပဒေအရ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြောက်သည်။ ၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ “Non-CDM များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သဘောထားကြေညာချက်” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ၃ ကို ၈ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနစ် နေ့စွဲဖြင့်ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) - အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားနေကြသော တော်လှန်ရေးသူရဲကောင်းများအား ဤနေရာမှ လေးစားစွာ ဂုဏ်ပြု မှတ်တမ်းတင်ကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်က CDM ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းမရှိသည့်အပြင် CDM ပြုလုပ်သူများအား အနိုင့်အထက်ပြု ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်လျက်ရှိသော ဝန်ထမ်းဆိုးများကို စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိသလို၊ Non-CDM များ၊ CDM များ ၏ စာရင်းများကို CDM ပြုလုပ်သည့် အချိန်ကာလပေါ်မူတည်၍ အဆင့်များခွဲခြားကာ စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင် ပြုတ်ကျပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ထောင်သည့်အချိန်တွင် အဆိုပါ စာရင်းများအပေါ်မူတည်၍ တရားသော စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တိကျစွာဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း စသည်တို့ပါဝင်သည်။ ၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ တရားဝင် အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ mohai.nugmyanmar.org ကို ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်ပြီး အဆိုပါ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့်လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို တရားမျတမှုအောက်သို့ခေါ်ဆောင်ပြီး ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ် ခုံရုံးများတွင် ကြီးလေးသောပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးနိုင်ရန် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန် နှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုကာလ တရားမျှတမှုကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအနေဖြင့် အထောက်အထားအပြည့်အစုံနှင့်တကွ တိုင်ကြားနိုင်သည့် လမ်းကြောင်းတစ်ခုကို ဖော်ဆောင်ပေးထားပြီး ထိုသို့ တိုင်ကြားနိုင်ကြောင်း ကြေညာချက်တစ်ရပ်၄ လည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ ၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနက CDM ပြုလုပ်နေကြသော ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ကို၅ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ၊ (၈)ရက်နေ့ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်တွင် CDM ပြုလုပ်၍ ရုံးတက်ပျက်ကွက်သည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ၁၅-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ နိုင်ငံဝန်ထမ်းနည်းဥပဒေ ၁၇၁ အရ တာဝန်မှ ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းကြောင်း အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာ အသီးသီး ကို လက်ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန့်နာခံသည့် ဌာနတာဝန်ရှိသူများမှ မတရား ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ယခင်အစိုးက ထုတ်ချေးထားသော (၂) လစာချေးငွေနှင့် အချို့သောဝန်ထမ်းများအား အလုပ်ခန့်ထားစဉ်က ဝန်ထမ်းခန့်ထားရေး မူအရ ချုပ်ဆိုထားသော ကတိဝန်ခံချက်စာချုပ်သက်တမ်း မပြည့်သေးသည့် အကြောင်းပြချက်ဖြင့် စာချုပ်အရ လျော်ကြေး ငွေများကို (၂)ပတ်အတွင်း နောက်ဆုံးထားပေးသွင်းရန်နှင့် ပျက်ကွက်ပါက တည်ဆဲဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ တရားစွဲဆိုသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဝန်ထမ်းအချို့အားစာဖြင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေကြောင်း၊ ထိုသို့ ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ စီမံကိန်းနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ချေးငွေများအား ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ရန် မလိုအပ်သော ချေးငွေများအဖြစ် ၂ ကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင်ကြေညာကြောင်း၊ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များအား ရှုတ်ချပါကြောင်းနှင့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် (၂) လစာ ချေးယူငွေများ နှင့် လုပ်သက်စာချုပ်လျော်ကြေးများအား ပေးလျော်ရန် မလိုအပ်ကြောင်း စသည့်အချက်များပါဝင်ပါသည်။ ၆။ အသစ်ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သော လျှပ်စစ်နှင့်စွမ်းအင်ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက “လျှပ်စစ်ဓာတ်အားခများကောက်ခံနေမှု နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း။” အကြောင်းအရာနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁) ၆ ကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လ ၈ ရက်နေ့ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ သတိပေးထုတ်ပြန်မှုတွင် CRPH ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော ကြေညာချက်ပါ (က) အိမ်သုံးအမျိုးအစား လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် မီတာဝန်ဆောင်ခများကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ်အားလုံးအတွက် ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်(အခမဲ့)ပြုခြင်း (ခ) အိမ်သုံးမဟုတ်သည့် အမျိုးအစားများအတွက် လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားခ ကျသင့်ငွေနှင့် အခြားဝန်ဆောင်ခများ ကောက်ခံခြင်းကို သုံးစွဲမှုယူနစ်အားလုံးအတွက် ခေတ္တဆိုင်းငံ့ခြင်း တို့ကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ဆက်လက်အတည်ပြုကြောင်း၊ လျှပ်စစ်မီတာခများ ကောက်ခံနေမှု၊ ပြည်သူလူထုအား ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေမှုကို လုံးဝရန်ဆိုင်းရန်၊ နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရ၏ ကြေညာချက်အတိုင်း ဓါတ်အားခမပေး ဆောင်ကြသည် ဖြစ်စေကာမူ လျှပ်စစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများအား ကောင်းမွန်စွာစောင့်ရှောက်ကြရန် လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားဖြန့်ဖြူးရေးလုပ်ငန်း (ESE)၊ ရန်ကုန်လျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားပေးရေးကော်ပိုရေရှင်း(YESC) နှင့် မန္တလေးလျှပ်စစ်ဓါတ်အားပေးကော်ပိုရေးရှင်း(MESC) တို့၏ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ဌာနနှင့်ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသော Franchise လုပ်ငန်းများ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ညွှန်ကြားလိုက်ကြောင်း၊ ညွှန်ကြားချက်များအား မလိုက်နာသော ညွှန်ကြားသူ၊ လက်တွေ့လုပ်ဆောင်သူ စသည့် တာဝန်ရှိသူ တစ်ဦးချင်းသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း၊ ရာဇသတ်ကြီးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ ၁၂၂/၁၂၄ ပါအတိုင်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ ကျေးဇူးသစ္စာ ဖောက်ဖျက်ပုန်ကန်မှုအဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အများပြည်သူအကျိုးစီးပွားစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး ဥပဒေအရလည်းကောင်း အရေးယူခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံပိုင်စီးပွားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော Franchise ကုမ္ပဏီများသည်လည်း အမည်ပျက်စာရင်း(Blacklist) သွင်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို သတိပေးကြောင်း စသည်တို့ပါဝင်ပါသည်။ ၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါ်ဇင်မာအောင်က တရုတ်ပြည်သူ့သမ္မတနိုင်ငံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးထံသို့ စာတစ်စောင် ၇ ပေးပို့ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါစာတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရုတ်သံရုံး၏ ဇွန်လ (၅) ရက်နေ့က စစ်ကောင်စီ ခေါင်းဆောင်နှင့် တရုတ်သံအမတ်ကြီးတို့ တွေ့ဆုံသည့်အကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်အား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ “ခေါင်းဆောင်” အဖြစ် ရည်ညွှန်းသည့်အပေါ် ရှုံ့ချကြောင်း၊ ၎င်းသည် နိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်ခေါင်းဆောင်မဟုတ်ကြောင်း၊ တရုတ်-အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးနှင့် နှစ်သုံးဆယ်ပြည့် အခမ်းအနား ပွဲများကို စီစဉ်ကျင်းပရာတွင် တရုတ်နှင့် အာဆီယံနှစ်ဦးလုံးသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် တရုတ်နိုင်ငံနှင့်အတူ လန်ကန်-မဲခေါင် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရေး (LMC) ၏ ပူးတွဲသဘာပတိ ဖြစ်သော်လည်း တရုတ်နိုင်ငံဘက်မှ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအား တိုင်ပင်ဆွေးနွေးရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်က နိုင်ငံအတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်မှု ရမှသာ အာဆီယံ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကို စတင်နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောကြားချက်ကို တရုတ်နှင့် အာဆီယံတို့က ပြင်းထန်စွာ ငြင်းပယ်သင့်ကြောင်း စသည်တို့ ပါဝင်သည်။ ၈။ “အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဇွန်လ ၁၁ရက်နေ့မှ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့အထိကျင်းပပြုလုပ်မည့် G7 ကမ္ဘာထိပ်သီးခေါင်းဆောင်များ တွေ့ဆုံမည့်အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အရေးကိစ္စကို ဆွေးနွေးအဖြေရှာ ကူညီကြပါရန် NUG အနေနှင့်တောင်းဆိုထားသော စာကို ဗြိတိသျှဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဆီပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီး တက်ရောက်လာမည့် ကမ္ဘာ့ထိပ်သီးခေါင်းဆောင်များထံ ဖြန့်ဝေပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုထားကြောင်း၊ G7 အစည်းအဝေးမှ ထွက်ပေါ်လာသော ရလာဒ်များကို ဗြိတိသျှလွှတ်တော်တွင် ဆက်လက်ဆွေးနွေးပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုထားကြောင်း၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး မန်းဝင်းခိုင်သန်းကလည်း G7 အစည်းအဝေးအတွက် NUG ၏သတင်းစကားကို ပေးပို့ထားပြီးဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း” အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာမှ ပြောကြားထားပါသည်။ ၉။ “မတ်လ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့မှာ ဗြိတိသျှ လွှတ်တော်သို့ ကျွန်တော် ပန်ကြားခဲ့တဲ့ ကိစ္စရပ်များကို အလေးအနက်ထား တုန့်ပြန်သောအားဖြင့် ဗြိတိန်နိုင်ငံ၏ အာရှရေးရာဝန်ကြီး နီဂယ်အဒမ် က စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဒဏ်ကို ခံစားနေရတဲ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသူ၊ နိုင်ငံသားများ၏ ကျန်းမာရေး၊ ပညာရေး၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် နားခိုရာနေရာ စသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားသည့် ကိစ္စများမှာ ကူညီဖို့ ပေါင် (၂၈) သန်း လျာထားပြီး ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ပါတီစုံမှ ဗြိတိသျှ လွှတ်တော်အမတ် (၆) ဦး လတ်မှတ်ထိုးပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရကို ယူကေအစိုးရအနေနဲ့ တရားဝင် အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် တောင်းဆိုပေးခဲ့ကြတာကိုလည်း ကျေးဇူး အထူးတင်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာက ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၁၀။ “COVID 19 ရောဂါတတိယလှိုင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက ထိရောက်သော ထိမ်းချုပ်မှုကို ပေးနိုင်မည်မဟုတ်သည်မှာသေချာသောကြောင့် ပြည်သူတစ်ဦးချင်း တစ်ယောက်ချင်း အနေနဲ့ ကာကွယ်ခြင်း၊ အိမ်တွင်သီးခြားနေထိုင်ခြင်း ၈၊ တစ်ဦးကို တစ်ဦး အသိပေးခြင်း သတိပေးခြင်း စသည့် ထိမ်းချုပ်ကာကွယ်မှုများ၉ ကိုလိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည်သာ မြန်မာပြည်အတွက် အကောင်းဆုံး၊ အထိရောက်ဆုံး ဖြစ်သည်” ဟု အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာဇော်ဝေစိုးက ပြောကြားထား သည်။ ၁၁။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် ယခုအပတ်အတွင်း တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ် ဒေသအသီးသီးသို့ ငွေကျပ် သိန်း ၄၇၀ခန့် တန်ဖိုးရှိ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ချင်းပြည်နယ် နှင့် ကရင်နီ ပြည်နယ်များအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများ ဆက်လက်ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရန် ဦးဆောင်စီစဉ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: United Kingdom: Take Urgent Action to Isolate Myanmar Junta, Support Accountability for Atrocities
Description: "May 25, 2021)–The Government of the United Kingdom should take immediate action to deprive the Myanmar military junta of natural gas revenues, weapons, and political legitimacy, and ensure accountability for its past and present mass atrocity crimes in the country, Fortify Rights said today in a submission to the U.K. Parliament. Fortify Rights today submitted evidence to the U.K. Foreign Affairs Committee, which is holding an inquiry into the U.K. government’s response to the crisis in Myanmar following the February 1 coup d’état. The committee will also hear oral evidence from U.N. Special Rapporteur Thomas Andrews, Myanmar National Unity Government (NUG) Minister Dr. Sasa, human rights defender Thinzar Shunlei Yi, and others. The committee will then draft a report and make recommendations to the U.K. government. The Fortify Rights submission recommends the U.K. “work with relevant governments and foreign operators of Myanmar gas fields to ensure the junta is unable to access natural gas revenues from its accounts and ensure revenues are effectively held in trust until democracy is restored.” Fortify Rights urged the U.K. to sanction the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and other specified entities to ensure the country’s natural gas wealth is not controlled by the illegal military junta. As the penholder at the U.N. Security Council, the U.K. should table a resolution that includes a global arms embargo, targeted sanctions, and a referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC), forcing a veto from China or Russia, if necessary, Fortify Rights said. The U.K. should simultaneously lead efforts beyond the Security Council to build an international coalition to achieve these same aims. Fortify Rights also called on the U.K. government to reverse recently announced funding cuts to Rohingya refugee response efforts in Bangladesh and to conduct an urgent public review of U.K. aid spending in Myanmar to ensure it does not reach the military junta. The U.K. government should also work with countries receiving Myanmar refugees, including Thailand, Bangladesh, India, and Malaysia, to ensure refugee protection. In November 2019, The Gambia opened a case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague, alleging Myanmar violated its obligations under the Genocide Convention with regard to mass-scale, army-led attacks against Rohingya men, women, and children. In light of the coup, long-persecuted minorities in Myanmar, such as the Rohingya, face increased existential risks,Fortify Rights said. “The U.K. should formally join the case at the ICJ brought by The Gambia against Myanmar for violations of the Genocide Convention,” Fortify Rights said in its submission. Since the coup, the junta-controlled military and police reportedly killed more than 800 people and arbitrarily detained more than 4,000 nationwide. In a document seen by Fortify Rights, provided by the Myanmar junta to members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) ahead of an emergency summit to discuss Myanmar last month, the junta claimed it detained 9,848 persons, released 4,511, and charged 5,070 between February 1 and April 15. The junta has also launched airstrikes against villages in ethnic army-controlled border areas, reportedly killing, injuring, and displacing tens of thousands of civilians. The junta also cut internet access and mobile data nationally, preventing the population from communicating with each other and the outside world. On April 16, elected legislators in Myanmar and others formed the National Unity Government (NUG) to fulfill the will of the people as expressed through the November 2020 elections. In its submission to the Foreign Affairs Committee, Fortify Rights recommended the U.K. government recognize and engage the NUG as the legitimate Government of Myanmar. In its April 29 announcement launching the U.K. inquiry, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Tom Tugendhat, referenced “deeply distressing reports” of the junta’s human rights violations against peaceful protesters in Myanmar, noting that “[e]fforts to curb the violence and brutality through the imposition of sanctions have, unfortunately, fallen short.” “This urgent inquiry will determine how the Government can improve its response to the crisis, as well as how the U.K. can use its influence in organizations such as the U.N. to help deliver a peaceful resolution for the people of Myanmar,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of publication: 2021-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ‘Mass deaths’ alert in Myanmar as 100,000 flee junta’s heavy weapons
Sub-title: In Myanmar, international action is needed urgently to prevent “mass deaths” there, after civilians fled attacks by so-called “junta bombs”, a top independent UN rights expert has warned.
Description: "“Mass deaths from starvation, disease and exposure could occur in Kayah State after many of the 100,000 forced to flee into forests from junta bombs are now cut off from food, water and medicine by the junta. The international community must act”, UN Special Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, tweeted late on Monday. In his alert, Mr. Andrews noted that the Kayah state attacks were just the latest in a series throughout Myanmar that had caused mass displacement and suffering, from Mutraw in Karen state to Mindat in Chin state and Bago city. The independent rights expert, who reports to the Human Rights Council, emphasised that that the lives of many thousands of men, women and children were under threat from indiscriminate attacks, on a scale not seen since the 1 February coup, “that likely amount to mass atrocity crimes”. The development echoes concern by the UN Country Team in Myanmar, which on Monday underscored the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State and other parts of the country, linked to protests caused by the military takeover.....Basic needs blocked: Citing credible reports, Mr. Andrews said that people were in dire need of food, water, medicine and shelter after reported clashes with volunteer community militias, while the UN country team said that many had also sought safety in host communities and forests across Kayah and southern parts of neighbouring Shan state. Aid deliveries had been allegedly blocked to those forced to flee their homes to escape bombing raids and artillery fire and the military had also placed landmines on public roads, said the Special Rapporteur. “Any pressure or leverage UN Member States can put on the junta must now be exerted” to encourage junta leader Min Aung Hlaing to allow lifesaving aid in, and to stop “terrorising the population by ceasing the aerial bombardment, shelling and shooting of civilians”.....Medical teams a target: In its appeal, the UN Country Team reiterated earlier calls for all parties to protect all civilians and civilian infrastructure, “particularly medical units and health workers”. Despite that fact that UN aid teams and their partners had supplies that were ready to be deployed “insecurity, travel restrictions imposed by security forces, and poor road conditions are delaying the delivery of supplies”, the team said in a statement. The team called on "the security forces to allow for a safe passage of humanitarian supplies and personnel and to facilitate our ability to directly provide aid to all those who need it." “Now, more than ever, the international community must cut off access to the resources that the junta needs to continue these brutal attacks on the people of Myanmar,” Mr. Andrews said..."
Source/publisher: UN News
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 9 June, (858) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Aunglan Township in Magway Region died today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 9 June, a total of (4782) people are currently under detention; of them (163) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of 9 June, Tin Zaw Oo died while he was receiving the medical treatment at the hospital. He got injured by gunshot during a protest at Aunglan Town in Magway Region in March. On the night of 8 June, Myint Than, a philanthropic leader from Nawnghkio Township in Shan State, was arrested after his home was searched by so-called police and soldiers. A lawsuit was filed against him under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. On 7 June, Than Oo, headmaster of B.E.H.S (1) of Myitkyina of Kachin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 8 June, (857) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 8 June, a total of (4704) people are currently under detention; of them (162) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On June 7, doctor Aung Moe Nyo, Magway Region Chief Minister, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under 505(b) of the Penal Code. Marn Zar Myay Mon, a protest leader of Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region, whom a Penal Code Section 505(a) warrant was issued, was shot and arrested by terrorist junta troops in the early morning of 8 June in the village where he was evading arrest. On 7 June, Myo Zaw, a former village administrator living in Nga Min Village of Taungdwingyi Township of Magway Region, was arrested by the terrorist police and military forces. In the early morning of 6 June, Kyaw Soe, elected MP for Thingangyun Township of Yangon Region, was arrested by junta troops. Moreover, on the night of 6 June, Tin Myint a.k.a Maw Si, Taunggyi Township Executive Committee Member of NLD, living in Ayetharyar Town, Shan State, was beaten and arrested at his home by junta troops. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: He Used His Poetry To Speak Out Against Myanmar's Coup. It May Have Cost Him His Life
Description: "Khet Thi made cakes, ice cream and poetry. The latter may have cost him his life. He died in police custody in Myanmar early last month. The authorities say the cause was heart failure. His widow says he was beaten to death. A civil engineer by training, the 43-year-old quit his civil service job in the central Myanmar town of Shwebo in 2012 and opened a cake and ice cream shop to support his poetry. "Before the coup, he wrote poems about love, about life," says his friend Nyein Chan, another poet. "But after, all he wrote about was the revolution." The revolution is what Nyein Chan calls the resistance to Feb. 1 coup that abruptly ended Myanmar's decade-long experiment with civilian rule. Four months later, that resistance continues to grow. So does the list of civilians killed by security forces. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma, an advocacy group, puts the figure at more than 850 — including Khet Thi. Well known in the restive Sagaing region, he wrote perhaps his most famous poem after security forces killed a close friend — another poet — with a bullet to the head in March. "Khet Thi went to K Za Win's funeral and read his poem at the service," Nyein Chan says. "A lot of people posted the poem on social media afterwards. It went, 'They shoot in the head, but they don't know the revolution is in the heart.' " Nyein Chan says his friend's spirit and commitment to the resistance was strong. "For this revolution, I have decided to sacrifice my life," he recalls Khet Thi saying. "Those words showed us his commitment. Now, I feel sad when I recall what he said." Khet Thi's poetry and his highly visible social media presence may have made him a tempting target for a junta prone to hunting, jailing and killing artists and activists. His widow, Chaw Su, recalls the terrible night they came for him. "Around 10 p.m., soldiers and police surrounded the house, more than 100 of them," she says. "He attempted to escape, but they caught him. They took him, me and my brother-in-law to a police station and accused us of making bombs. Then we were separated for interrogation." Eleven hours later, police told her Khet Thi was in a hospital some 60 miles away, in Monywa. "If Khet Thi died, it depends on his karma," she says they told her. She learned her husband was dead after she reached the hospital. She had to beg them to release the body at the hospital, she says. "In the morning, I tried to comb his long hair and found his head was badly injured," she says, her voice cracking. "His ribs were badly damaged and his nose was broken, too. They said he died because of heart disease. But they just beat his head in." When she got her husband's body back, Chaw Su says, there was a long incision in his chest that had been crudely stitched back together. "There is no justice," she declares. "They arrest and kill people like animals, like a cow, or a buffalo. But at least I got his body back. Other families don't even know if their loved ones are still alive or not." Bo Kyi, secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, says at least 20 Myanmar families have had similar experiences. "Actually, they send back that body in order to create a climate of fear," he says. "They want people to know if you are really against them, you will be tortured to death." It's a tactic that's been honed by Myanmar's military during decades of fighting with ethnic minority militias, and more recently, in the majority heartland. Citizen journalists have posted grim photographs and videos on social media of soldiers or police dragging bodies into vehicles. Nick Cheesman, a fellow at the Australian National University, calls it "state terror and torture." "The manner in which the bodies are being used is part of a kind of spectacular violence," Cheesman says. "Spectacular violence which is characteristic of the way that state terror works in Myanmar under the military dictatorship." State terror, Cheesman writes, wears people down. The targets it does not eliminate, it exhausts. That includes Khet Thi's widow. "They're watching me," Chaw Su says. "At night, after curfew, they're here around my house. I'm scared. Not just me, but my family members, too." Still, resistance to the coup isn't abating. And Chaw Su's husband remained defiant until the end. He even suggested that poetry might no longer be sufficient. In his final poem, he wrote: I can't shoot a gun. I can only create a beautiful cake. Now my men are being shot. But I can only shoot back with poem. It is now sure only words from the mouth are not enough. We have to choose arms. I will shoot..."
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Source/publisher: National Public Radio (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Human Rights Watch Letter to the Heads of States and Governments ahead of the G7 Summit
Description: "Last week, in a public letter, Human Rights Watch called on the leaders of the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, France, Italy, Germany, and Japan to take concrete and decisive action facing the unprecedented challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic and global warming, as well as by worrying developments in China, Israel/Palestine, Belarus, Russia, and Myanmar, ahead of the G7 Summit on June 11-13. G7 members should use this Summit to collectively reaffirm and demonstrate their commitment to international human rights law and deliver on its promise to build back better. June 2, 2021 Dear G7 leaders, As the world undergoes profound changes, the forthcoming G7 Summit meeting to be held on 11-13 June should deliver on its promise to build back better. The respect and advancement of human rights are intrinsic to building back better, yet human rights are facing unprecedented challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic and global warming, as well as by worrying developments in China, Israel/Palestine, Belarus, Russia, and Myanmar. The G7 Summit should be an opportunity for the assembled Heads of State and Government to collectively reaffirm and demonstrate their commitment to international human rights law through concrete and decisive actions. In that regard, I am writing to draw your attention to recommendations made by Human Rights Watch that we urge the G7 to adopt at the Carbis Bay summit. Covid-19 The Covid-19 pandemic has precipitated human rights crises across the globe, with widespread and devastating social and economic consequences. While the scale and severity of the pandemic’s public health threat justified some restrictions on rights, many governments ignored public health guidance and even used the pandemic as a pretext to abusively strengthen their grip on power. Meanwhile, rich governments have made opaque deals and prebooked the vast majority of vaccine supplies, exacerbating inequalities and largely opposing measures that could ensure poorer countries’ quicker and more affordable access to vaccines. Human Rights Watch calls on G7 members to urgently change course and ensure a rights-respecting exit from this public health crisis by: Supporting India’s and South Africa’s proposal at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to temporarily waive certain intellectual property rights under the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). While we applaud the US government's decision to support a waiver and Japan's announcement that it would no longer obstruct text-based negotiations at the WTO’s TRIPS Council, we deeply regret that negotiations on the proposal remain stalled because other G7 members are still undecided or in opposition. Human Rights Watch is among the hundreds of civil society organizations around the world urging support for the TRIPS waiver to expand access to lifesaving vaccines and other health products. The measure has received increasing support ever since its initial proposal in October, including by 175 Nobel laureates and former Heads of State and Government, and the Director General of the World Health Organization (WHO); and Boosting manufacturing capacity in the developing world. While we welcome G7 leaders' attention to purchasing and distributing vaccine doses through the COVAX facility, which is worryingly underfunded, we urge the countries attending the G7 summit to go further by committing financial and logistical resources to develop a plan of action to scale up manufacturing and to use their regulatory powers and funding clout to enable technology transfers and sharing of data, know-how, and other intellectual property through open and non-exclusive licensing. Human Rights Watch also calls on G7 members to support all governments’ ability to provide urgent economic relief to people whose livelihoods have been devastated by the pandemic, including by: Exercising their outsize voting power on the boards of the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and regional development banks to enable robust investment in public health systems and bottom-up economic relief. Members should use all avenues available to them to promote transparent and accountable use of pandemic-related funding. At the same time, they should oppose conditionalities that harm rights, such as imposing fiscal targets that force governments to cut spending on health, education, housing, and social protection; Increasing and directing development assistance to scale up social protection systems. Such assistance could help co-finance social protection floors during the time of crisis, and provide financial and technical support to put in place more permanent structures; and Supporting debt relief where it interferes with governments' ability to provide economic relief essential to people's rights or to procure Covid-19 vaccines or other health products. Climate Change Since 2016, the G7 governments have all committed to phase out “inefficient” fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, a commitment reiterated last week by the G7 Climate and Environment Ministers. To fulfill this commitment, Human Rights Watch encourages the G7 to: Deliver time-bound and transparent action plans this year detailing how G7 members will meet stated commitment to phase out fossil fuel subsidies by 2025; and Immediately commit to no new international public finance for coal, oil, or natural gas projects, and to deliver time-bound and transparent action plans this year detailing how they will eliminate existing support for fossil fuels from international public finance institutions by 2025, including indirect support such as through related infrastructure, advisory services, technical assistance, or financial intermediaries. China The Chinese government is deepening repression in mainland China as well as Hong Kong, and is seeking to muzzle critics abroad. It is arbitrarily detaining human rights defenders and lawyers, tightening control over civil society, media, and the internet, and deploying invasive mass surveillance technology. The government imposes particularly heavy-handed control in the ethnic minority regions of Xinjiang and is responsible for serious, widespread and systemic violations against Uyghurs and other Muslims that amount to crimes against humanity. In this regard, Human Rights Watch urges the G7 to: Call on the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to proceed with an investigation into grave abuses in Xinjiang, -even absent access to China, noting Beijing’s intransigence with regard to access and cooperation; Pursue G7-wide coordinated targeted sanctions against officials responsible for abuses. An obvious target should be Chen Quanguo, the Chinese Communist Party Secretary of Xinjiang, and the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (only the US has sanctioned these two; other recent sanctions have focused on lower-level officials); Insist that those responsible for crimes against humanity in Xinjiang should be held accountable and face justice; and Support and commit to work for the establishment of a standing mandate at the UN Human Rights Council to monitor and report on human rights violations across China. Israel-Palestine Israel maintains entrenched discriminatory systems that methodically privilege Jewish Israelis and discriminate against Palestinians. To maintain Jewish Israeli control over demographics, political power, and land, Israeli authorities have dispossessed, confined, forcibly separated, and subjugated Palestinians by virtue of their identity to varying degrees of intensity. In certain areas, the deprivations perpetrated by the Israeli government against the Palestinian population are so severe that they amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution. Considering these crimes, Human Rights Watch calls on the G7 to: Urge the Israeli government to ensure without delay to Palestinians in the occupied territory protection of the civil rights that they are entitled to, using as a guide the protections it ensures for its own citizens; and to assess Israel’s conduct on this basis; Issue statements expressing concern about the Israeli government’s practice of apartheid and persecution; Vet agreements, cooperation schemes, and all forms of trade and dealing with Israel to screen for those directly contributing to the commission of the crimes of apartheid and persecution against Palestinians, mitigate the human rights impacts, and, where not possible, end the activities and funding found to facilitate these crimes; Support the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in its ongoing investigation into crimes committed in Palestine, including into individuals credibly implicated in the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution; and Urge Israel to reverse its policy of denying access to the Gaza Strip to human rights organizations seeking to investigate violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Russia Repression in Russia is the most severe than it has ever been in the post-Soviet era and targets political opposition, critical media, peaceful protesters, independent groups, foreign organizations, and internet traffic. Russia is also responsible for assassinations and assassination attempts of Russians abroad. Human Rights Watch, therefore, urges the G7 to: Jointly and publicly condemn the unprecedented crackdown on human rights defenders and civil society and restrictions on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, association and expression; Jointly call on Russia to repeal the “foreign agents” legislation and the law on “undesirable” organizations, to amend the vague and overly broad extremism legislation, to end politically motivated prosecutions, and to stop all forms of persecution and harassment of human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists, and other civil society activists; and Urge Russia to release Alexey Navalny, drop abusive charges against him, drop the extremism court case against his organization, ensure effective investigation of the credible allegations that Federal Security Service officers poisoned him with Novichok nerve agent in 2020, and stop harassing, intimidating, detaining, and persecuting his supporters and other peaceful civic activists. Belarus In Belarus, the political opposition, democracy activists, lawyers, human rights groups, and independent media face severe abuses, including arbitrary arrests, bogus charges and trials, enforced disappearances, torture, and dismissals by the authorities. A shocking illustration of this repression occurred on May 23, when the government forced a civilian plane traveling between two EU member state capitals to land in Minsk and arbitrarily arrested prominent activist and journalist Raman Pratasevich and his girlfriend, Sofya Sapega. In the face of such acts, Human Rights Watch calls on the G7 to: Continue to jointly and consistently condemn the widespread, brutal crackdown on rights and peaceful protesters in Belarus, the politically motivated arrests of key opposition figures, and efforts to intimidate and silence dissenters, workers, students, journalists, human rights activists, and others peacefully exercising their rights to free expression and assembly; Condemn in the strongest terms the actions that led to the arbitrary arrest and detention of Pratasevich and Sapega, and convey serious concerns that they are at grave risk of torture and face long prisons terms on spurious charges; Press the Belarusian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all prisoners held arbitrarily such as for political reasons, including all those arrested in relation to the protests against the August 2020 presidential elections, journalists, media workers, bloggers, and human rights defenders; Use all means possible, including further targeted sanctions against individuals and entities involved in the crackdown and continued impunity, to put pressure on the Belarusian authorities to put an end to gross and widespread human rights violations committed in the country since August 2020; Condemn the continued impunity for grave violations of international human rights law, including torture, ill-treatment, sexual violence, enforced disappearances, and killings by security forces, as well as the disproportionate and lethal use of weapons; and Insist that those responsible for serious violations of international law must face justice, and pledge G7 support for the UN Fact-finding mission established by the Human Rights Council, and for the Accountability Platform supported by a large group of states from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to gather, analyse, and preserve evidence of human rights violations in Belarus with a view to support justice for grave crimes. Myanmar In Myanmar, on top of the hundreds of killings and thousands of arrests since the 1 February coup, of increasing concern are attacks on the media, including the arrests of journalists who are citizens of G7 countries. The military has raided the offices of newspapers and online media and banned media outlets and satellite television. More than 70 journalists have been arrested since the coup, of whom at least 48 remain in detention. Meanwhile, the escalation of armed conflict in ethnic minority areas has forced almost 60,000 people to flee their homes. The country’s humanitarian situation is worsening across the board, with food and economic security plummeting. The United Nations Development Programme has warned that half of Myanmar’s population, about 25 million people, could be living below the national poverty line by early 2022. Despite the desperate situation, the people of Myanmar continue to protest and actively oppose the military. Civil society, protest leaders, and representatives of the democratically elected government are all continuing to call on the international community to impose economic sanctions on the companies that benefit the Myanmar military. They are calling on the G7 to act. Human Rights Watch consequently appeals to the G7 to: Adopt a tougher position on imposing economic sanctions and other economic measures to target the Myanmar military and its leaders. Sanctions imposed so far — on military leaders and companies, including MEC and MEHL and the gemstone and timber enterprises — are an important step forward. But governments now need to better target the massive foreign currency revenues that are bankrolling the military and giving it the capacity to purchase weapons and other items on the international market — transactions that are almost entirely conducted in currencies of G7 members. Every month, hundreds of millions of US dollars are paid to entities that are either already sanctioned by most G7 members or controlled by sanctioned entities. This flow of funds can and should be stopped. The G7 should announce new measures to target those revenues, focusing more on financial institutions that process payments that benefit sanctioned entities; Adopt a common position, or state unilaterally, that they support efforts to table a UN Security Council draft imposing a global arms embargo on Myanmar; and Signal that they will pursue all possible avenues for international justice, which include support for investigative efforts by UN bodies, referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, and, where applicable, investigation under domestic law under universal jurisdiction laws. It is essential that G7 governments demonstrate to the junta that its abuses — and unwillingness to engage meaningfully with the UN and outside actors about restoring democratic rule — is coming at a severe cost to its economic interests and standing on the international stage, and that engaging in atrocities with impunity will result in international efforts to hold its leadership criminally liable. Hoping for concrete and decisive action by the G7 at the Corbis Bay summit, I remain at your disposal should you require any further information. Yours sincerely, Kenneth Roth Executive Director Human Rights Watch..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Junta jails maimed protestor who may lose vision in his right eye without surgery
Sub-title: Hlyan Phyo Aung needs treatment at Yangon Eye Hospital but is now being held at Magway Prison
Description: "Hlyan Phyo Aung, who had been studying to be an engineer, was discharged from a military hospital in Magway on Monday more than two months after he lost his hand in a brutal attack by soldiers during a crackdown on a protest in the town. He lost part of his right hand when a stun grenade exploded next to him, and the rest of it when a soldier fired a bullet at it from close range. He was also shot numerous times with rubber bullets and badly beaten. His eyes were damaged by soldiers firing their weapons close to his face, according to a friend of his. The discharge certificate issued on Monday said he needed eye surgery and more physiotherapy. His family had wanted him to travel to Yangon Eye Hospital for treatment, but instead five police officers arrived after he was discharged to take him to Magway Prison. “He needs to get his cornea replaced. If this worsens he could lose his vision,” the relative told Myanmar Now on Tuesday. Hlyan Phyo Aung was arrested on March 27 and later charged with incitement. He has been receiving treatment at the 100-bed No. 16 military hospital under police supervision. While he was at the hospital, six court hearings went ahead at Magway Prison in his absence. His lawyers have been denied the official right to represent him, meaning there has been no opportunity to apply for bail on medical grounds. “When we requested bail, they said we could only do it at the prison court,” the relative told Myanmar Now. The next hearing is scheduled for June 17. Hlyan Phyo Aung faces up to three years in prison. According to a tally by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 857 civilians have been killed and over 5,800 have been detained by the military council as of Monday..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Rights of Women Violated in Myanmar Prisons
Topic: Women's Rights
Sub-title: Few Toilets, No Menstrual Hygiene Supplies
Topic: Women's Rights
Description: "When “Mi Mi” (a pseudonym) prepared for anti-coup demonstrations in Yangon in late February, she carefully chose to wear a pair of jeans and sneakers so she could run from the abusive security forces. The last thing on her mind was to carry menstrual pads in case she was detained. Myanmar’s police and military had begun to intensify crackdowns on protesters opposing the military’s February 1 power grab. As the security forces threw teargas onto the street and shot rubber bullets, she became disoriented, then trapped. Seven male police officers beat and kicked her when she fell on the ground. “Once I was down, one of them kept me down while the others kicked me with their boots,” Mi Mi said. “Then they hauled me over to a police truck…One of them held my head back and another guy punched me very hard in the face.” Mi Mi, 23, said the stress of the physical attack and arrest brought her menstrual period on early. Authorities eventually took her to Insein prison, the main detention facility, where she was held with more than 500 other women in facilities normally used for men. The women there had access to only two toilets with no water and no doors. Female prison guards repeatedly denied Mi Mi’s requests for sanitary pads until she bled heavily through her jeans. Finally, after 48 hours, they eventually gave her just one pad. Mi Mi said the experience was humiliating and left her with trauma causing nightmares even after her release. She said the stigma in Myanmar about menstruation and degrading treatment of women made it difficult for her to speak more openly. Female detainees have reported the “dehumanizing” experience of Myanmar prisons, explaining that they suffered during menstruation because prisons do not provide sanitary napkins. Since the coup, women have also reported sexual violence and other forms of gendered harassment and humiliation from police and military officials. The lack of adequate toilets with running water and privacy, and insufficient menstrual hygiene supplies can constitute degrading treatment in violation of international human rights law. The Myanmar authorities should respect the right of women and girls to manage menstruation with dignity..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Roughly 800 soldiers have fled the military since the coup, says defector
Sub-title: Most defectors now want to join the People’s Defence Force and fight against the regime, a former captain says
Description: "About 800 soldiers have left the military to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) since the February 1 coup, a former captain who is helping people to defect has told Myanmar Now. Lin Htet Aung, 29, defected in late March and has since teamed up with more defectors to assist others in leaving the military. He served in the 528th Infantry Battalion under the Triangle Region Command in eastern Shan state. About three quarters of those who have defected are ready to join the People’s Defense Force (PDF) to fight against the regime, he said. The rest would like to help the revolution in other ways but do not want to fight, he added. Around 100 of the defectors had been serving as officers with ranks including major, captain, and lieutenant. Some have travelled to border regions controlled by ethnic armed groups and are giving crash courses in combat to people who fled cities to take up arms against the junta. Most defectors are from the navy and air force; soldiers from infantry regiments have found it more difficult to flee due to the fear of repercussions against their families. “The main reason they can’t defect is because they’re performing frontline operations and are separated from their families,” said Lin Htet Aung. “They don’t have access to our statements either, so that doesn’t help,” he added, referring to public pleas by defectors for other soldiers to join CDM. Between 40 and 50 of those who have defected left their families behind in military housing, he said. “They don’t know what to do and they have no support. There’s no way for them to reach out to their families.” Most of the defectors are aged between 2o and 35 and no one above the rank of major has defected. “We don’t expect anything from those in higher ranks,” Lin Htet Aung said. “The higher up they are, the more scared they are of losing their positions.” “If they defected this fight would be over quickly,” he added. "We don’t expect anything from those in higher ranks. The higher up they are, the more scared they are of losing their positions.” Lieutenant Htet Nay Bala, 24, defected on March 7. He said he fled the 269th Infantry Battalion in Chin State after the regime ordered attacks against peaceful protesters across the country. “Instead of protecting the people after taking their taxes as salaries, this institution is committing all these atrocities. So I no longer want to be a part of it,” he said. “Everyone felt their future being taken away when the coup happened,” he added. “As a youth who loves my country, I’ll continue with the revolution. There’s no turning back.” ..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Soldiers in Sagaing shoot protest leader in the leg before arresting him
Sub-title: Marn Zar Myay Mon was riding on a motorcycle in a bid to escape a raid when the bullet hit him
Description: "Soldiers shot a local protest leader in the leg as he rode on the back of a motorcycle in Sagaing Region on Tuesday morning before arresting him and taking him to an interrogation center, a source close to the activist said. Marn Zar Myay Mon was trying to escape from the village of Shanhtu–where he had been hiding–after regime troops arrived and carried out a raid at around 6am. “The village school was set on fire at night, and the next morning the military showed up,” said a local source who is close to the activist and requested anonymity. “He was leaving the village to go into hiding again but met with the military’s troops. They shot him in the thigh and he fell off the bike,” the source added. The driver of the bike managed to escape, as did two others who were riding another motorcycle along with them. Marn Zar Myay Mon received treatment for his wound but was sent to the Monywa interrogation center in legcuffs, the source said. The 28-year-old has been wanted by the regime since April, when he was charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code after becoming a prominent leader of anti-coup protests in Chaung-U Township. His family learned of his arrest at 7am on Tuesday and they have been unable to talk to or meet with him since. He is the son of the writer Myay Mon and has previously worked as a freelance journalist..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Was Min Min tortured to death for banging pots?
Sub-title: The brutal murder of a motorcycle mechanic in Kalay has some suspecting that he was the victim of an irate pro-regime neighbour
Description: "Min Min, a 39-year-old motorcycle mechanic with his own repair shop in Kalay, Sagaing Region, called his wife at around 8pm on May 24 to tell her that everything was fine. Earlier that day, a group of about 50 soldiers and police had arrived at his house and began searching for something. When they couldn’t find whatever it was they were looking for, they told him he would have to come with them for questioning. “They told his wife to not worry. They said he just had to answer a few questions and would soon be released,” a family member recalled. When Min Min called that night, he told his wife that he was being questioned at a local interrogation camp about a recent explosion near Kalay’s Basic Education High School 6. “His wife asked him if he was being tortured. He said no. He said he would be released shortly and told her not to worry,” the relative said. The next morning, Min Min’s wife went to the camp with some food and clothing for her husband. A soldier in plainclothes accepted them. Then, about an hour after returning home, she received the news that he was dead. His death, she was told when she went to collect the body at the 100-bed hospital next to the camp, was caused by “an underlying lung issue.” Min Min suffered from peripheral neuropathy, a nerve condition most likely brought on by his diabetes, but was otherwise in good health. A military officer apologized for Min Min’s death and offered 500,000 kyat ($300) as compensation, but no further explanation was forthcoming. “We were angry when we went to get his body, but we couldn’t show it because we were worried that they would harm the family. So we just nodded our heads and left,” the relative said.....A battered body: When the family took Min Min’s body home and started cleaning it, they saw that it was covered with bruises and other signs of severe trauma. “We saw bruises on his chest and about three more on his forehead, which we assume came from a blow with a gunstock. That part of his forehead was very mushy,’” said the relative. There was also blood on his mouth and bruises from the back of his neck to his ankles. His hands looked like they had been cut with a knife and there were stab wounds made with some sort of pointed object, the relative added. All of these injuries were inflicted while Min Min was in military custody, but his family knew there was nothing they could do about holding his torturers legally accountable. Min Min was not the first person to die at the hands of the regime’s forces in Kalay, where brutal crackdowns on protests have prompted many civilians to arm themselves with traditional hunting rifles. But so far he is the first in the region to be tortured to death while undergoing interrogation. People in Myanmar hit pots and pans together producing noise (that sound is believed to drive the evils away in Burmese tradition) at 8:00 PM local time as a symbol of resistance to the recent military coup. It’s difficult to say why he was subjected to this ordeal. He was a supporter of the National League for Democracy, but not a member, and he was not involved in protests, according to his friends. It seems, at least in the opinion of those who knew him, that he had simply crossed the wrong person. “We assume that it was an informant. He didn’t get on well with his neighbour. Not for personal reasons, but because of politics. The neighbour is a well-known informant in the city,” one friend told Myanmar Now.....A letter of warning: Min Min had been making a living as a motorcycle mechanic for about 10 years. He moved his workshop to its current location near the Nan Kalein stream in Kalay’s Myothar ward a year or so ago. Although he didn’t take part in the town’s anti-coup protests, he did show his defiance of the dictatorship in another way—by banging pots and pans every night at 8pm. While this was a common practice in many parts of the country, it didn’t meet with everyone’s approval. In late March, Min Min’s neighbour sent him a letter complaining about the “distressing” sound and warning him that he would be reported to the authorities if he continued. It was unclear if the neighbour followed through on this threat, but it seems that Min Min took it seriously. Soon after receiving the letter, he closed his shop for about a month. It was just three weeks before his death that he decided to reopen it so he could provide for his family. Now that he is dead, his wife and two children will have to struggle to make ends meet. They have since moved to Tharsi, the village where he lies buried at the local cemetery. Around a thousand people attended his funeral, which was held on May 27. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), 21 people have died from torture while in detention over the past four months. The junta’s spokesperson could not be reached for comment on these deaths..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 7 June, (857) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (8) fallen heroes today. These (8) fallen heroes from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region, Shwepyitha Township in Yangon Region, Bago Township in Bago Region and Kyonpyaw Township in Ayeyarwady Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 7 June, a total of (4677) people are currently under detention; of them (162) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 6 June, two men were killed after being chased on motorbike and crashed into by a military vehicle in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. On the night of 6 June, Chit Ko, NLD treasurer of Bhamo Township, Kachin State, was arrested. In addition to this, yesterday evening, three civilians from Nat Myaung and Nat Chaung Village in Kale Township, Sagaing Region, were beaten and arrested unprovoked. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.18 MB 4.16 MB 987.01 KB
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Title: H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ ဂျပန်ပါလီမန်အမတ်များထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာ
Description: "H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ ဂျပန်ပါလီမန်အမတ်များထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာ - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Japanese language version of H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers
Description: "Japanese language version of H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: Judge limits length of Suu Kyi trial to 180 days
Sub-title: According to a timeline announced on Monday, verdicts in the cases against the state counsellor must be reached by mid-August
Description: "The ongoing trial against state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi must be completed within 180 days, a judge in Naypyitaw declared on Monday. Zabuthiri Township judge Maung Maung Lwin made the remark during Suu Kyi’s second in-person hearing since she and members of her cabinet were first charged on February 16. Suu Kyi, who is 75, faces a total of six charges—five in Naypyitaw and one in Yangon—and a prison sentence of up to 26 years. She has been in military custody since her government was ousted from power in a coup on February 1. The timeline announced on Monday applies to the cases being tried in Naypyitaw and means that the court there will have to issue its verdicts before the middle of August. Monday’s hearing was held at an “exclusive court” specially designed for the trials of Suu Kyi and two other detained cabinet members—president Win Myint and Myo Aung, the chair of the Naypyitaw Council. Starting next week, hearings will take place every Monday and Tuesday, with the court completing its questioning of the plaintiff by June 28, the judge said at the hearing. Suu Kyi has been accused of incitement and violating the Official Secrets Act and the Telecommunications Law. She has also been charged with illegally importing walkie-talkies and faces two charges of breaching Covid-19 protocols during last year’s election campaign. Hearings for the incitement case will take place every Monday together with Win Myint and Myo Aung, who are being tried for the same offence, according to lawyer Khin Maung Zaw, the head of her defence team. Suu Kyi learned for the first time on Monday that the Supreme Court in Naypyitaw had taken over the case filed against her under the Official Secrets Act, her lawyer said. That case, which also applies to three of her cabinet ministers and her economic advisor Sean Turnell, was originally filed at the Yangon Eastern District Court in late March. The Supreme Court announced on May 31 that the next hearing in the case would be held on June 23. It also stated that the defendants would be representing themselves. However, her lawyer said that these decisions were made without Suu Kyi’s consent. “She said she didn’t know about the changes. She also didn’t say she would represent herself. She wants her lawyers to represent her in all of her cases,” Khin Maung Zaw told Myanmar Now. Before the hour-long hearing, Suu Kyi met with her defence team for about 30 minutes, according to her lawyer. During the meeting, he said, Suu Kyi asked for help in finding a way to meet expenses that she has incurred during her detention. Suu Kyi has been detained at an undisclosed location together with eight other individuals and her pet dog Taichido, according to her defence team. “She’s spending her own money, without anyone’s support, month by month. So she asked us to see how we can help with this,” said Khin Maung Zaw. “The family living with her is running out of money. The military council has said they would provide her with the medicine she needs biweekly, but she doesn’t want that,” said Min Min Soe, another lawyer on her legal team. The lawyers said they need to negotiate with the junta to provide an emergency budget for the detained state counsellor and those living with her. Otherwise, they said, Suu Kyi seemed to be faring fairly well under the circumstances. “She’s generally healthy,” said Khin Maung Zaw..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration: Announcement No.1/2021 - ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကိုတရားစွဲနိုင်ရေးအတွက် တိုင်ကြားစာများတရားဝင်တိုင်ကြားနိုင်ကြောင်းကြေညာခြင်း ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁) ရက်စွဲ ၊ ၈ ရက် ဇွန်လ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁)ရက်နေ့ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်စွာဖြင့် အပြစ်မဲ့အရပ်သားများအား ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချခြင်း၊ ကျေးရွာများနှင့် မြို့များအတွင်းလက်နက်ကြီးလက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်သဖြင့် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများ အသက်အိုးအိမ်းစည်းစိမ်များဆုံးရှုံးပြီး အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရခြင်းတို့သည် သာမာန် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများမဟုတ်ပေ။ စစ်အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် စနစ်တကျရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် နိုင်ငံအနှံ့ရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံလူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုဖြစ်သည်။ ၅.၆.၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့က ဧရာဝတီတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ ကျုံပျော်မြို့နယ်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက အပြစ်မဲ့အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ ရက်စက်စွာ ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကို ကျူးလွန်သဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု ၂၀ ဦးထက်မနည်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရပြီး၊ ပျောက်ဆုံးနေသူများလည်း ရှိသည့်အပြင် လှေဆွဲကျေးရွာအပါအဝင် ရွာပေါင်း (၅) ရွာမှ ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသောဖြစ်စဉ်သည် လက်တလောသက်သေ သာဓကဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့်လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အတွက် တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို တရားမျတမှုအောက်သို့ခေါ်ဆောင်ပြီး ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာ ဇဝတ်ခုံရုံးများတွင် ကြီးလေးသောပြစ်ဒဏ်ပေးနိုင်ရန် လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန် နှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်မှုကာလ တရားမျတမှုကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ဆောင်ရွက်နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အထက်ပါလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို ပိုမိုထိရောက်စွာဖြင့် တရားရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့်အညီ တရားစွဲဆောင် ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အသက်အိုးအိမ်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသော မိသားစုများမှ သက်သေအထောက်အထားပြည့်စုံစွာဖြင့် ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့်လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဝက်ဆိုက် (https://mohai.nugmyanmar.org/) တွင် လုံခြုံစွာ တိုင်ကြားပေးကြပါရန် (တိုင်ကြားသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များလုံခြုံရေးကို တာဝန်ခံ ထိမ်းသိမ်းပါမည်) နှင့် မိမိတို့မြို့ရွာများတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ အကြမ်းဖတ်မှု မှတ်တမ်းများကို ပေးပို့ခြင်းဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖတ်စစ်ကောင်စီကို ထိရောက်စွာ အပြစ်ပေးဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး အတွက် ကျဆုံးခဲ့ကြသော နွေးဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသူရဲကောင်းများကိုယ်စား ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြပါရန် အနူးအညွတ်ပန်ကြားအပ်ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါတိုင်ကြားစာများနှင့်မှတ်တမ်းမှတ်ရာများကို အသုံးပြုပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွှတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တရားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းကာ သီးသန့်ပြည်တွင်းတရားရုံးများ ထူထောင်၍ဖြစ်စေ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံးသို့ဖြစ်စေ တင်ပို့တရားစွဲဆိုပြီး အပြစ်ရှိသူများအား ကြီးလေးထိုက်သင့်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်များကို ချမှတ်အပြစ်ပေးရန် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ ပုံ လွင်ကိုလတ် ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration via National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Jails Magwe Chief Minister in Incitement Case
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime on Monday sentenced the National League for Democracy (NLD)’s detained Magwe Region chief minister, Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, who is also the party’s secretary, to two years in prison on an incitement charge. He is the first head of a state or region to be sentenced to a prison term by the regime since the Feb. 1 coup. Dr. Aung Moe Nyo sits on the NLD’s secretariat board. He was charged under Article 505(b) of the Penal Code, accused of publishing statements declaring the junta’s State Administrative Council to be unlawful. A regime court on Monday handed down the maximum penalty to the deposed chief minister, who has been detained for more than four months, an NLD member in Magwe Region said. In addition to the case in which he was sentenced, Dr. Aung Moe Nyo faces an additional charge brought by the regime under the Natural Disaster Management Law, the party member said. If found guilty, he would likely face an additional three-year prison sentence. The chief minister was reelected in his constituency in Magwe Region in the 2020 general election. All 14 state and regional chief ministers appointed by the NLD were detained on Feb. 1 when the military staged a coup. Only the Chin State chief minister has been released; the 13 others are still in military custody or prison, or under house arrest. Four other chief ministers have also been charged with incitement under Article 505(b). The same charge was also brought by the regime against NLD chairwoman Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and vice chairs U Win Myint and Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, who were also arrested on Feb. 1..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: The mysterious deaths of the NLD party officials
Description: "The violence used by Myanmar's armed forces against unarmed opponents since the coup in February has shocked the world; more than 800 people have been killed, most by military gunfire. But the deaths in custody of two officials from the National League of Democracy - the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi - have cast an even grimmer light on the military's actions. On Saturday, 6 March, cities across Myanmar were on edge. Three days earlier they had experienced what had then been the most violent day since the coup in February - with the UN recording the deaths of 38 people. The army had seized power on 1 February, after claiming - without evidence - that a previous election which saw the NLD gain power was fraudulent. Ms Suu Kyi and senior leaders were put under house arrest - triggering waves of protest against the military. For the first three weeks the military had seemed unsure how to respond to the protests. But by the end of February they were using increasing levels of lethal force. By the first week of March, it was clear there would be no restraint. The historic downtown neighbourhood of Pabedan in central Yangon, with its narrow alleys between crumbling colonial buildings, had seen plenty of drama. That week, activists had built barricades in some streets to keep out the security forces, and there had been several clashes. Pabedan has a diverse population, with a large number of Muslim residents and eight mosques in the township. In last year's general election, Sithu Maung, one of only two Muslim candidates fielded by NLD won the parliamentary seat there. His campaign manager was Khin Maung Latt, a veteran NLD activist who had moved to Pabedan many years before and lived with the family of a Buddhist lawyer. He co-owned a tour company, had run a video rental shop, and had been active in the NLD since 1988, becoming the chairman of his local branch. He was a well-known and well-liked member of the community. "He was very religious and prayed five times a day," Sithu Muang told the BBC from where he is now hiding from the military. "But people from all faiths loved him. He did a lot for the community, like making new green spaces for children to play in. He was very important to the NLD.".....An unknown cause of death: Khin Maung Latt was at home with his adopted family when police and soldiers arrived shortly after 21:00 local time (14:30 GMT). The soldiers were identified by neighbours as members of the 77th Light Infantry Division, a unit notorious for human rights abuses. According to Ko Tun Kyi, a friend of Khin Maung Latt, the soldiers were actually looking for U Maung Maung, a lawyer who was more senior in the NLD and who had already gone into hiding. Instead, they broke into Khin Maung Latt's home, he says, and dragged him out, kicking and hitting him. Ko Tun Kyi believes Khin Maung Latt was then taken to Yangon City Hall, one of the first buildings to be commandeered after the coup. Early the next morning, Khin Maung Latt's family received a phone call from police telling them to come and collect his body from a military hospital in northern Yangon. They were told there that he had fainted, and that they should inform people he had suffered a heart attack. But the family insists that the 58-year-old was in good health and had no known illnesses. They say his body showed signs of multiple wounds on it, and was covered in a blood-soaked cloth. The body had been cut open and then sewn up in what may have been an autopsy, but the family has been given no official report on the cause of death. He was buried later that day in a Muslim ceremony. The US-based human rights organisation Physicians for Human Rights has examined the evidence, including photographs of Khin Maung Latt's body. While it is unable to make any definitive judgements, it has concluded that the cause of death given by the military authorities is implausible, and that he is most likely to have died from "homicidal violence" while in custody. Ko Tun Kyi believes he was deliberately killed. He was detained less than ten hours before his family was informed of his death; it was not the result of prolonged torture. "I was once jailed and interrogated, so I know how they get information out of you. Maybe they believed he was connected to the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) - the rival government supported by the opposition," he said. "Maybe they were trying to get information about what the NLD is planning, or where activists were hiding?".....'His intestines had come out': But the theory that the military was targeting Aung San Suu Kyi's party was given more weight two days later, by the death of another NLD official, Zaw Myat Lynn. He was far more prominent in the opposition movement than Khin Maung Latt - and his treatment appears to have been a lot more brutal. Zaw Myat Lynn was the 46-year-old director of a new vocational college in the industrial district of Shwe Pyi Thar - one of several opened under the NLD government. He was also a dedicated NLD activist, and right after the coup he was chosen to be the local representative of the CRPH. In the days before he was captured, he posted stirring messages on his Facebook page, calling on the residents to keep up their revolutionary struggle against the military, who he referred to as "dogs" and "terrorists". "Zaw Myat Lynn was a political powerhouse," an NLD official from the same township, who is now in hiding and cannot be named, told the BBC. "He was a superb speaker. He was the only person from our township who was able to unite people and lead the post-coup demonstrations. He was the one who persuaded employees from various government offices to join the civil disobedience movement." The official remembers joining him and his students at a protest on 8 March. "He didn't appear to be worried in the least," he says. "He even offered to have me stay with him at his school, claiming that it was too dangerous for me to be outside on the streets." That evening Zaw Myat Lynn returned to the college with some of his students. Shortly before 02:00, soldiers broke through the gate of the college. The students told their teacher to escape by climbing over the back wall. Seven of them were arrested; at the time no-one was sure what had happened to Zaw Myat Lynn. At 15:00, his wife, Daw Phyu Phyu Win, received a call from a local official in Shwe Pyi Thar telling her that her husband was dead, and that she could see his body - which was at the same military hospital where Khin Maung Latt's family had been. They found him badly bruised. His belly had been cut open by a long, horizontal incision, and she said his intestines had come out. She was shown a large wound in his back. The official state media reported that he had fallen backwards onto two inches of steel pipe while climbing out of the back of his school. It warned that severe action would be taken against anyone giving alternative accounts of his death. The Physicians for Human Rights doctor who examined photographs of the corpse concluded that the official explanation lacked credibility. The horizontal cut across the belly was inconsistent with any autopsy incision, he said. The torso had also been cut vertically for what may have been an autopsy. The massive bruising on both sides of Zaw Myat Lynn's torso was also inconsistent with the official account that he had fallen while escaping. These injuries were much more likely to have been inflicted on him by his captors. The PHR doctor could draw no definite conclusions from the hideous injuries to his head. Zaw Myat Lynn's face was badly disfigured by the time of his funeral. However, the PHR doctor believes this may be due to decomposition. The military authorities would not allow his wife to take the body until the day of his funeral, and it took her three days to arrange it. The body appears to have been left unrefrigerated. It is hard to know why these two officials were subjected to such terrible torture, which from all the evidence appears to be what killed them. The military junta has said little to justify its brutal treatment of those who oppose its coup. The BBC has asked the spokesman for the junta to respond to the PHR report, but at the time of publication had not received one....A brutal track record: The military has a track record of treating victims in Myanmar in ways that suggests that they were unlawfully killed. Bodies are dragged away from the scene in military trucks - usually no attempt is made to give first aid to those who might still be alive. Some families have been blocked from recovering the bodies of relatives, which are cremated by the military authorities with no sign of an investigation into how they died. Most bodies are returned with signs of torture and extensive autopsy work, but no credible or independent report provided to explain how they died. The Association to Assist Political Prisoners in Burma, which has for many years documented abuses by the security forces, identifies 75 people missing from the turmoil following the coup, with 23 of those confirmed as disappeared, presumed dead. Brutality and unaccountability have always been problems in the treatment of dissidents by the authorities in Myanmar; but they have become far worse since the coup. In this case, neither man was a significant figure in national politics. It is possible that the decision to treat them that way was made solely by the military units which detained them, perhaps inflamed by local or personal grievances, perhaps just in the heat of the moment. An instilled hatred of politicians might also have been a factor. Myanmar's security forces have been habitually violent in their treatment of detainees for decades, and very rarely held to account. But the NLD official believes Zaw Myat Lynn was killed in this way to send a message. "I believe they reasoned that by executing [him] in such a terrible manner, they would instil fear in the people, causing them to retreat."..."
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Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.4/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ www.nugmyanmar.org ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁) ၈ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် “ Non-CDM များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သဘောထားကြေညာချက်” အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တိုင်းပြည်ကို မတရားဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်အုပ်ချုပ်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအစိုးရအား တရားသောနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ်ချေမှုန်း တိုက်ထုတ်သွားရန် ပြည်သူထံသို့ သစ္စာအဓိဌာန် ချပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူတို့ မျှော်လင့်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူတို့နှင့်လက်တွဲကာ ကိုယ်စွမ်း ဉာဏ်စွမ်းရှိသရွေ့ အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယနေ့ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော ပြည်သူများ၏ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးသည် တိုင်းပြည်ကို အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်လက်အောက်မှ လွတ်မြောက်ရေး ဝိုင်းဝန်းကြိုးပမ်းနေကြသည့် ပြည်သူဦးဆောင်သော တိုက်ပွဲလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ အဓိကမဏ္ဍိုင်တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သော Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) - အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများသည် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ မတရားအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ယန္တရားကို လည်ပတ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိအောင် စွမ်းဆောင်ထားနိုင်ပြီး ကမ္ဘာကပါ ချီးကျူးဂုဏ်ပြုရသည့် လှုပ်ရှားမှုဖြစ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားပါသည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) - အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားနေကြသော တော်လှန်ရေးသူရဲကောင်းများအား ဤနေရာမှ လေးစားစွာ ဂုဏ်ပြု မှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ်ပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသော သူရဲကောင်းများကို လူမဆန်သောနည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ယုတ်မာရက်စက်၊ ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်၊ နှိပ်စက်၊ ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများကို နည်းမျိုးစုံသုံးကာ ဖြိုခွင်းလျက်ရှိသလို ၎င်းတို့၏ အလိုတော်ရိ အထက်အရာရှိ Non-CDM အချို့ကလဲ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်လျက်ရှိသည်ကိုတွေ့ရပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အရေး၊ ပြည်သူပြည်သားများ၏ အရေးကို ရှေးရှုကာ မြန်မာပြည်သား ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားအားလုံးက ဆက်လက်၍ စိတ်ဓာတ်ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာဖြင့် CDM လုပ်ငန်းများကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်းနှင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင် အလိုတော်ရိများအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် တရားဉပဒေနှင့်အညီ ထိုက်သင့်သော အပြစ်ဒဏ်များကို ပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်တိုင်က CDM ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းမရှိသည့်အပြင် CDM ပြုလုပ်သူများအား အနိုင့်အထက်ပြု ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကြပ်ကိုင်လျက်ရှိသော ဝန်ထမ်းဆိုးများကို စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိသလို၊ Non-CDM များ၊ CDM များ ၏ စာရင်းများကို CDM ပြုလုပ်သည့် အချိန်ကာလပေါ်မူတည်၍ အဆင့်များခွဲခြားကာ စနစ်တကျ စာရင်းပြုစုလျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်အာဏာရှင်ပြုတ်ကျပြီး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ထောင်သည့်အချိန်တွင် အဆိုပါ စာရင်းများအပေါ်မူတည်၍ တရားသော စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တိကျစွာဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် CDM ၏ အဓိပ္ပါယ်ကို ဖော်ဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများကိုသာ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် အားပေးထောက်ခံခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူများအား မတရားဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ချယ်၍ လက်နက်အားကိုး အနိုင်ကျင့်နှိပ်စက်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ၏တရားမဲ့ပြုကျင့်မှုများအတွက် မိမိကိုယ်ကို ကာကွယ်နိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည့် ဉပဒေကိုလည်း ပြဌာန်းပေးခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မသမာသူလူတစ်စုက ပြည်သူလူထုအား ထင်ရောင်ထင်မှားဖြစ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ပုံဖျက်၍ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများ လှုပ်ဆောင်နေသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိနေရပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ဉပဒေမဲ့ မည်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ဆောင်မှု မျိုးကိုမှ အားပေး အားမြှောက် ကူညီလှုံ့ဆော်ခြင်း ပြုလုပ်မည်မဟုတ်ပါ။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သည် ထိုလုပ်ရပ်များကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုံ့ချကန့်ကွက်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ခိုင်မာသော ရပ်တည်ချက် (၂) ခုဖြစ်သည့် တရားဉပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူများ၏ ရဲဝံ့သော အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းကိုသာ ဆက်လက်ထောက်ခံ သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Labour Announcement No. 1/2021 - အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁
Description: "ကြေငြာချက်အမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ကဆုန်လပြည့်ကျော် (၁၄)ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ၊ (၈)ရက် ၁။​၁-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာအား မတရားသိမ်းပိုက်ခဲ့သည့် လုပ်ရပ်အပေါ် အကြမ်းမဖက်အနုနည်းဖြင့်တုံ့ပြန်သည့်အနေဖြင့် အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ တာဝန် ထမ်းဆောင်လျက်ရှိကြသော နိုင်ငံ့ ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် ၈-၂-၂၀၂၁ မှစတင်၍ မတရားသော အမိန့်များအားနာခံခြင်းမပြုသည့် Civil Disobedience Movement - CDM တွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ၂။​CDM ပြုလုပ်၍ ရုံးတက်ပျက်ကွက်သည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ၁၅-၂-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ နိုင်ငံဝန်ထမ်းနည်းဥပဒေ ၁၇၁ အရ တာဝန်မှ ယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းကြောင်း အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအသီးသီး ကို လက်ရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန့်နာခံသည့် ဌာနတာဝန်ရှိသူများမှ မတရား ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၃။​တာဝန်မှယာယီရပ်ဆိုင်းထားသော အဆိုပါ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ(အရာထမ်း၊ အမှုထမ်းများ) အား ရာထူးမှ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း/ ထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း ပြစ်ဒဏ်များ ချမှတ်သည့် အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာများကို ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေလအတွင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီး ယခင်အစိုးက ထုတ်ချေးထားသော (၂) လစာချေးငွေနှင့် အချို့သောဝန်ထမ်းများအား အလုပ်ခန့်ထားစဉ်က ဝန်ထမ်းခန့်ထားရေးမူအရ ချုပ်ဆိုထားသော ကတိဝန်ခံချက်စာချုပ်သက်တမ်း မပြည့်သေးသည့်အကြောင်းပြချက်ဖြင့် စာချုပ်အရ လျော်ကြေး ငွေများကို (၂)ပတ်အတွင်း သို့မဟုတ် ၃၁-၅-၂၀၂၁ ရက်နေ့ နောက်ဆုံးထားပေးသွင်းရန်နှင့် ပျက်ကွက်ပါက တည်ဆဲဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ တရားစွဲဆိုသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဝန်ထမ်းအချို့အား စာဖြင့် ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေပါသည်။ ၄။​မိမိတို့ဒီမိုကရေစီအစိုးရက နိုင်ငံဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် Covid-19 ကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာနိုင် သည့် လူမှုရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုများကို ကုစားရာတွင် အထောက်အကူ ဖြစ်စေ ရန်အတွက် (၂) လစာချေးငွေကို ဆိုင်းငံ့ကာလ (၆) လ၊ ပြန်ဆပ်ကာလ (၁) နှစ်သတ်မှတ်၍ ပြည်သူ့ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ စားဝတ်နေရေး၊ တစ်စုံတစ်ရာ အခက်အခဲများပြေလည်စေရန် ၂၀၂၀ ပြည်နှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလတွင် ထုတ်ချေးပေးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ပြန်ဆပ်ကာလ (၁) နှစ် (ဝါ) ၁၂ လအတွင်း လစဉ် ကျသင့်ငွေပမာဏကိုသာ အရစ်ကျပေးသွင်းရန်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၅။​ထို့ပြင် စာချုပ်သက်တမ်းမပြည့်မီသေးသည့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား လျော်ကြေးငွေပေးသွင်း စေခြင်းမှာလည်း စာချုပ်နှင့်ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိပါ။ စာချုပ်အရ ဝန်ထမ်းဖြစ်သူသည် သတ်မှတ်လုပ်သက် မပြည့်မီ မိမိဆန္ဒအလျောက် အလုပ်မှနုတ်ထွက်ပါက စာချုပ်ပါ လျော်ကြေးငွေကို ပေးလျော်ရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများသည် အလုပ်မှနှုတ်ထွက်ခြင်းမဟုတ်ဘဲ တရားမဝင်စစ်ကောင်စီ အစိုးရ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုအား ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး လုပ်ငန်းခွင်အား ယာယီရပ်နားထားခြင်းသာ ဖြစ်သဖြင့် အဆိုပါလျော်ကြေးငွေအားလည်း ပေးလျော်ရန် မလိုအပ်ပါ။ ၆။ ထို့ပြင် စီမံကိန်းနှင့် ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနကလည်း ချေးငွေများအား ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ရန် မလိုအပ်သော ချေးငွေများအဖြစ် ၂ ကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင်ကြေငြာပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။ ၇။​သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ဝန်ထမ်းဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိသော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များအား ရှုတ်ချပါကြောင်းနှင့် CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် (၂) လစာ ချေးယူငွေများ နှင့် လုပ်သက်စာချုပ်လျော်ကြေးများအား ပေးလျော်ရန် မလိုအပ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာ လိုက်ပါသည်။ ပုံ နိုင်သုဝဏ္ဏ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Labour
Date of publication: 2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
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Title: Responding to the Myanmar Coup
Sub-title: Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°166
Description: "The Myanmar military took the world by surprise on 1 February, staging a coup d’état that abruptly curtailed the country’s democratic transition and has sparked mass protests that could lead to deadly violence. The generals say their move is con-stitutional, alleging fraud in November 2020 elections that saw the National League for Democracy (NLD) defeat the military-backed party. These claims lack substantiation. The detention of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as her anointed president, Win Myint, has generated immense popular anger. Foreign governments are now grappling with how to respond. Some (largely Western) governments threaten sanctions to punish democratic backsliding; the U.S. has already imposed some re- strictions. Asian powers that have expressed concern focus on the risk of instability. Governments that impose sanctions should adopt measures that target coup leaders and insulate Myanmar’s people and broader economy from their effects. Regional governments should consider such steps to protect regional stability. All external actors should cooperate to prevent violence. Complicating efforts by foreign governments to react is a dynamic situation on the ground. The new regime has tried to tamp down protests by issuing a curfew order that prohibits public gatherings of five or more people, rolling back some reforms that protected civil liberties and using heavy-handed crowd control devices such as water cannons and rubber bullets (compounded, some reports suggest, by live fire in some instances). Still, demonstrations show no sign of abating. Indeed, the junta’s sharp response, which resulted in the reported killing of at least one person, appears to have drawn even more people onto the streets, including in the capital city of Naypyitaw, suggesting significant support among government workers. The security forces’ approach could take an even darker turn fast. Soldiers and armoured vehicles have begun to reinforce the police lines and, should the generals become impatient with the status quo, could easily become the sharp end of a bloody crackdown, as has happened in the past. Responses around the world have varied. Many governments denounced the military takeover. The UN Security Council issued a press statement expressing “deep concern” about the “arbitrary detention” of members of the government, calling for the release of those detained and emphasising the need to “uphold democratic institutions and processes, refrain from violence, and fully respect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law”. For Western governments invested in Myanmar’s democratic transition, initial statements were only an opening salvo. U.S. President Joe Biden has already approved sanctions on coup leaders, their business interests and close kin, and redirected more than $40 million of aid from the Myanmar government to civil society. New Zealand rejected “the legitimacy of the militaryled government” and suspended high-level military and political contacts. Asian governments and commentators have been more muted; many expressed concern for regional stability, but prominent voices have cautioned against a severe international reaction unlikely, in their eyes, to sway the generals.Western leaders will have to thread a needle. Targeted sanctions and the like can serve as a signal to the generals in Myanmar and others similarly inclined elsewhere. Sanctions might impose costs that will not reverse the coup but could offer modest leverage or deterrence in the future. Some measures, such as cutting off weapons shipments, can also help ensure those governments previously supplying arms are not complicit should the military again use force against Myanmar’s people. Yet sanctions should be formulated with a clear grasp of their shortfalls. Prior to Myanmar’s transition that began in 2010, the U.S., EU and others imposed ferocious sanctions that, alongside the junta’s economic mismanagement, harmed the population. The sanctions alienated Myanmar’s neighbours, which saw them as disproportionate, creating an unhelpful West-versus-East dynamic that inhibited cooperation. Sanctions did not play a decisive role in Myanmar’s 2011 democratic opening. Steering a policy course today requires humility about and historical perspective on external actors’ limited sway over internal developments. Still, outside powers can take useful steps. Governments wanting to signal the importance of a return to democracy should – as the U.S. has done – adopt tailored measures that seek to punish those responsible for the 1 February actions but avoid penalising the country’s population who are the coup’s victims and, in many cases, are risking their lives protesting it. Such punitive measures could include sanctions on military-owned enterprises, provided they do not hurt the broader economy and the people. Myanmar’s neighbours should join these efforts – whether or not, given their own systems, they are concerned about democracy in Myanmar – to help push the generals onto to a more stable path. All governments should suspend delivery and sales of weapons and other defence and dual-use equipment during this volatile period and maintain this policy until genuine civilian government is restored..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication: 2021-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
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Title: China supports ASEAN’s engagement with Myanmar Junta
Description: "China supports the implementation of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) engagement with Myanmar and hopes for the restoration of peace and stability, said its ambassador to Myanmar during a meeting with the junta leader. Ambassador Chen Hai met Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on Saturday in Naypyitaw, before Sunday’s special China-ASEAN foreign ministers’ meeting to commemorate 30 years of relations between Beijing and the regional bloc. The meeting, which is co-chaired by Myanmar and China, is due to run until Tuesday in the Chinese city of Chongqing. The junta-appointed foreign minister U Wunna Maung Lwin reportedly attended Sunday’s meetings. The Chinese embassy posted on Facebook that Chen stressed, as Myanmar’s neighbor, China “will continue to play a constructive role”. Its statement said: “China sincerely hopes for the earlier restoration of peace and stability in Myanmar and supports the implementation of consensus by ASEAN and Myanmar.” A diplomatic source said the Chongqing meetings kicked off several days ago with SME (small- and medium-sized enterprises) and media forums. Myanmar attended both forums “in a low-profile way”, according to the source. On Friday, Asean’s Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi from Brunei and Brunei’s foreign affairs minister Erywan Yusof met the senior general in Naypyitaw to discuss the special summit held in late April in Jakarta. The non-democratic, oil-rich state currently chairs ASEAN. But Myanmar’s parallel civilian National Unity Government says it has lost faith in the regional bloc as it has failed to engage with both sides, ignoring the NUG’s approaches and only engaging with the junta. Following the ASEAN summit on April 24, which was attended by Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, China proposed this month’s meeting in China with working-level talks on the crisis. Chen has reportedly held several informal, secret meetings with junta leaders ahead of Saturday’s talks in Naypyitaw. Military-control newspapers said on Sunday that meetings focused on “bilateral cooperation” and “stability” along the border, which extends over 2,000 kilometers, and the presence of numerous powerful ethnic minority armed groups along the frontier. China’s state-controlled Global Times said Myanmar’s authorities are willing to maintain communications with China. The newspaper posted on Facebook: “Myanmar is willing to work with ASEAN to maintain the domestic stability and coordinate implementation of relevant consensus, said Myanmar leader Min Aung Hlaing.” The reference to “Myanmar leader” angered many social media users. One user said the military chief is not the country’s leader and does not represent the people. Another comment read: “We don’t believe in ASEAN. It is not working for Myanmar’s people but for the terrorist junta.” Anti-regime protesters have been calling on the international community not to recognize the junta and its governing body, State Administrative Council. However, China has not denounced the coup and prevented United Nations Security Council intervention while looking to influence ASEAN, according to observers..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Importance of Ethnic Minorities to Myanmar’s Future
Sub-title: Just as during the decades-long civil war and recent elections, Myanmar’s ethnic minorities will be pivotal in the post-coup status quo
Description: "The diverse ethnic minorities in Myanmar have a long and often troubled history with the Burmese military that seized power in Myanmar on February 1, 2021, spanning across the bloody civil war, as well as the country’s democratic reforms in the past decade. Ethnic relations and the delicate, changing balances of power between the Bamar majority, the Tatmadaw, the civilian government officials, and amongst themselves have long dictated the reality and prospects of Myanmar’s politics, peace, and prosperity. In this policy paper, Michael Martin, a long-time Myanmar expert, traces the history of ethnic minorities in the 2008 constitution, the three ensuing parliamentary elections, and now the fluid and contentious political environment after the February 1 coup. Martin outlines three potential outcomes for the future of Myanmar, either federal democracy, fragmentation, or military power consolidation—all of whose outcomes intrinsically depend on the complex political and security dynamics of the ethnic minorities dispersed across the country.....About this Series: This paper is part of Stimson’s Civil-Military Relations in Myanmar series, which seeks to analyze the complex relationship between the civilian and military sides of the Burmese government and the implications for the country’s future peace and development. Since the founding of the country, the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, has held a unique and privileged status across institutions of power. And despite movement toward democracy in the past decade, the relationship between the civilian and military sides remains deeply unsettled. This contest for power and the political, security, and constitutional crises it creates have had far-reaching effects on Myanmar’s political processes, its ongoing civil war, the Rohingya crisis, and regional peace and stability—a reality most recently and poignantly seen in the 2021 coup d’état staged by the Tatmadaw against the civilian government. The series brings together the expertise of leading experts on Myanmar, Southeast Asia, democratization, and policy to uncover the complex dynamics between the two sides. The series provides key insights and recommendations for disentangling the contentious relationship and charting a path forward for relevant stakeholders in Myanmar. More than three months have passed since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Tatmadaw staged their palace coup in Myanmar (Burma), setting up a new military junta entitled the State Administrative Council (SAC). The actions of the nation’s ethnic minorities1 and their associated ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) will be critical if Min Aung Hlaing and the SAC are to be defeated, either by political or military means. The failure to secure the support of the ethnic minorities and their EAOs could either doom the people of Myanmar to many more years of oppressive military rule or lead to the fragmentation of the nation into several smaller sovereign states. To properly appreciate the importance of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities and their EAOs to the nation’s future requires an examination of the country’s political developments since 2010, Min Aung Hlaing’s decision to depose the civilian side of the hybrid civilian-military Union Government, and the role of the ethnic minorities and their EAOs in determining Myanmar’s future. However, in order to understand why the ethnic minorities and the EAOs are so critical to Myanmar’s future, it is necessary to first examine the Tatmadaw’s original plan for the political transition of Myanmar into a “flourishing and disciplined democracy.”2.....The Tatmadaw’s Plan for Myanmar’s Political Transition: On August 30, 2003, Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt announced that Myanmar’s military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), would undertake a “seven-point roadmap for democracy.” 3 The roadmap called for the reconvening of a constitutional convention that was suspended in 1996, the drafting of a new constitution for the nation, the adoption of the constitution in a national referendum, the holding of nationwide parliamentary elections, and the transfer of power from the SPDC to the new government.4..."
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Source/publisher: The Stimson Center
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Opposition Wants U.S. Intervention. Here Are Some Options.
Sub-title: Washington has choices, from imposing no-fly zones to tightening sanctions.
Description: "While the U.S. Congress is considering modifications of the Biden administration’s modest sanctions on Myanmar’s military junta, some voices among the protesters have called on the United States and the international community to consider armed intervention. Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations for the pre-coup Union Government, Kyaw Moe Tun, who continues to oppose the junta from abroad, asked the U.N. Security Council to enforce a no-fly zone over the country and impose a global arms embargo. The United States has had a unilateral arms embargo on trade with Myanmar since 1988, and Congress has placed restrictions on U.S. relations with the country’s military since 2011. In addition, there are a range of options on the table for harder interventions, although some are more plausible than others. This article does not advocate or endorse any U.S. military action in Myanmar in response to the Feb. 1 coup; the goal is to provide a brief overview of the options and examine the merits of each option. Given the impending end to two decades of U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan, military options in Myanmar are unlikely to be popular with either the Biden administration or Congress. Yet, as opposition calls for aid grow, it’s worth examining what the scope of U.S. military action could be. The most dramatic—and unlikely—option would be a full-scale invasion of Myanmar, either unilaterally (like the U.S. invasion of Panama in December 1989) or multilaterally (like the 1990 war against Iraq). Such an invasion would probably focus on the nation’s central axis along the Irrawaddy River, including the key cities of Mandalay, Naypyidaw, and Yangon. Because of the presence of anti-junta ethnic armed organizations in the seven ethnic minority states of Myanmar (Chin, Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Mon, Rakhine, and Shan) that have long fought the central government, U.S. forces would probably see limited actions in those parts of Myanmar. Although Myanmar’s military has reportedly purchased some advanced military equipment and supplies from China, Israel, Russia, and Ukraine, advancing U.S. troops would be unlikely to face sustained resistance. Myanmar’s military has sustained serious casualties in the last two years in fighting against ethnic militias—such as the Arakan Army, the Kachin Independence Army, and the Karen National Liberation Army—which do not possess the resources of the U.S. military. Not surprisingly, morale among Myanmar’s security forces is reportedly low, with many soldiers wishing to resign or defect to the anti-junta opposition. While an actual invasion might be relatively simple, an occupation would be much more difficult. The recent unity in Myanmar in opposition to the Feb. 1 coup does not extend to any consensus on what form of government should be established after the removal of the military junta. For example, the proposed National Unity Government announced by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a small group of largely National League for Democracy politicians who were supposed to become members of the legislature before the coup overturned the election results, has received lukewarm support from the major ethnic armed groups and the civil society organizations behind the civil disobedience movement. Following an invasion, the Biden administration could find itself responsible for a politically fractious nation—and face a wary reaction from some of the ethnic armed organizations. A U.S. invasion of Myanmar also would likely be condemned by China, Russia, Thailand, and other nations. China would perceive the presence of U.S. forces in a neighboring country as a serious security threat and increase its military forces along the border. Thailand would certainly be concerned, given that its current government is the result of a similar military coup in 2014. Without the support of other nations, the United States could find itself isolated and subject to widespread international criticism. Another military option that has been suggested is for the United States to establish a no-fly zone over Myanmar to prevent the Myanmar military from using its fixed-wing aircraft and attack helicopters against the ethnic militias and the local groups known as civil defense forces that are springing up in various parts of the country. A no-fly zone would rebalance the fighting to the advantage of the civil and ethnic armed groups, possibly leading to the defeat of the Myanmar military. One of the main challenges of this proposal would be establishing and maintaining the logistical support to sustain the no-fly zone. An aircraft carrier off the coast of Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal could be sufficient to provide the air coverage, but some form of land-based supply system would also be necessary, especially if the no-fly zone became a sustained effort. It would be difficult to find a nearby nation willing to allow the United States to set up such a logistical support center. India is not a likely candidate; nor is Thailand. Australia and Japan are probably too far away to be practical alternatives. Also, while the elimination of air support for Myanmar’s troops would alter the situation on the battlefield, Myanmar’s military would still be able to deploy its artillery and other heavy land equipment. As such, it is unclear how significant a change the establishment of a no-fly zone would be in the balance of power in Myanmar’s ongoing and intensifying civil war. The creation of a blockade off of Myanmar’s coast is another military option. Such a blockade could include shutting down Myanmar’s natural gas and oil production, which is a major source of international revenue for the military junta. From a military perspective, the maintenance of a blockade would involve less resources than a no-fly zone. Myanmar does not have a blue-water navy of any size or capability to challenge a U.S. blockade. Yet most of Myanmar’s international trade is conducted by land, not by sea. Myanmar’s major trading partners are China and Thailand, and most of the goods are exchanged by land, thereby evading such a blockade. Both China and Thailand might be willing to assist Myanmar’s military junta by permitting blocked goods to enter Myanmar via their territory. The U.S. military could also conduct a limited number of airstrikes against key Myanmar military installations to undermine its ability to use its air force in the fighting against the ethnic armed groups and civil defense forces. It also could target Myanmar’s weapons and munitions factories. For many years, Myanmar’s military has been producing most of its light weapons and equipment in military-run factories. Airstrikes against Myanmar’s military air bases and/or its weapons factories could seriously compromise the junta’s ability to continue the civil war. An advantage of limited airstrikes over an invasion or the maintenance of a no-fly zone is it would involve a relatively discrete amount of time and resources, but it could seriously weaken the military. Also, U.S. casualties would be minimal, as the number of airstrikes necessary to seriously damage Myanmar’s air force and weapons production is fairly small given Myanmar’s minimal air defense capabilities. There would undoubtably be some international criticism of the airstrikes, most likely from China, Russia, and Thailand. It is unlikely that China would attempt to intercept the U.S. airstrikes, given the risk of direct confrontation. The airstrikes might also provide moral support for Myanmar’s opposition movement, as it would be a clear demonstration of U.S. opposition to the military junta. Yet there are downsides. First, the U.S. military would probably have to return periodically to attack the air bases and weapons factories again, after repairs had been made. Second, the damage caused by the airstrikes might not be sufficient to alter the military balance of power in favor of the opposition armed groups. Limited U.S. airstrikes in other nations, such as Libya and Syria, have not always proved to be as effective as hoped. A less discussed option is providing military assistance and training to the ethnic armed organizations and civil defense force in support of their war against the military junta. This could involve the provision of arms and military equipment to the major ethnic militias and the newly established civil ones, as well as combat training for their officers. Such a program would be a significant change in U.S. policy, which has denied such assistance and training to Myanmar’s military for more than 30 years. It would also clearly place the United States behind the opposition movement, which may not win the war against the Myanmar military. China, in contrast, has been a major provider of military assistance and training for both the Myanmar military and some of the major ethnic armed groups for decades. The provision of U.S. support to the ethnic militias would improve U.S. relations with those groups, but it may antagonize China in the process, unless there is an agreement between the two nations. Another important consideration is the long-term implications of U.S. military support for anti-government opposition forces. Recent U.S. experience with such endeavors has been rather mixed. In some cases, what were at one time allies became enemies, such as in Afghanistan. Given the history of disagreements between Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations, supplying them with weapons and military training may precipitate an outbreak of these groups fighting each other after the defeat of the Myanmar military. A final option to consider is the further international isolation of Myanmar’s military, especially its commissioned officers. This could involve an international arms embargo, the freezing of military financial assets overseas, a travel embargo on the Myanmar military’s commissioned officers, and/or the instigation of criminal charges against the heads of the junta. Bertil Lintner, a renowned expert on Myanmar, recently wrote an article advocating the extraterritorial prosecution of the junta’s leaders as an alternative to the types of sanctions being implemented by the Biden administration and other governments. Previous efforts in the U.N. Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar have been blocked by China and Russia. The U.N. General Assembly is supposed to consider a non-binding resolution calling for a global arms embargo on Myanmar; a proposal backed by the Biden administration. But in addition, the Biden administration could apply indirect pressure on nations to join the United States in isolating the Myanmar military. For example, it could make the continued provision of U.S. military assistance and training contingent on severing any ties to the Myanmar military. Alternatively, the U.S. Treasury could ban any American financial institution from providing financial services that involve the transfer of funds to accounts owned or controlled by the Myanmar military or its officers, as well as restrict financial services to foreign financial institutions that provide financial services to the Myanmar military. In its relative simplicity, and in following on from similar measures against Iran, this may be the most appealing option to the Biden administration and Congress—even if it doesn’t match the hopes of the opposition..."
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Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.3/2021
Description: "Announcement (3/2021) June 07, 2021 "Announcement on Counter Terrorism and Designation of Terrorist Organizations" The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (NUG) is committed to cooperating with the international community to prevent and combat terrorism occurring in the country. The NUG pledges to uphold Security Council Resolution 1373, its concomitant body of jurisprudence, which includes the agreed nineteen legal instruments, the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy (A/RES/60/288), and the newly established Office of Counter Terrorism that undertakes the mandate of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. In giving this commitment to the global community, the NUG designates the Tatmadaw and its affiliated organizations as terrorist organizations under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter-Terrorism Law. The legal criterion for an act of terrorism under Myanmar law includes commission of an offence with the aim of committing an act of terrorism, including "actions to severely damage the security or the life and property of the public." Generally, five crucial components of terrorism include an involvement of an act of violence, an audience, the creation of a mood of fear, innocent victims, and political goals or motives. In Myanmar, the Tatmadaw and affiliated organizations have perpetrated the following actions towards innocent civilians, creating public fear for their own political motives, i.e. for the Tatmadaw to control the region through acts of terrorism: • Killings of more than 800 civilians using lethal weapons • Arbitrary detentions of more than 5,000 people, many of whom have been tortured and sexually abused • Decimation of the economy with the near collapse of the banking system and the threatening of people’s savings and property • Disregard for a food security crisis, with the number affected set to increase from 1 to over 3 million people in the coming months • Abandonment of Myanmar’s COVID CERP program along with an overall collapse of the healthcare system • Massive money laundering operations The NUG also publicly refutes the spurious claims by the unlawful administration under General Min Aung Hlaing that the NUG is a terrorist group. The claim is absurd with neither legal nor substantive basis. There is no provision in Myanmar’s Counter-Terrorism Law that would sustain a charge of terrorism against the NUG, prima facie or in an impartial court. Unfortunately, the courts in Myanmar are under the complete command of the military terrorists, making objective application of rule of law impossible. The peaceful protests, engagement with the international community, and resistance movement of the NUG in response to the unlawful and unwarranted coup caused by General Min Aung Hlaing are all aimed at stopping the resultant chaos and murder of civilians. There is no credible evidence that the NUG’s actions would satisfy any of the above-mentioned five crucial components of terrorism. Likewise, when considering the 19 internationally agreed legal instruments designed to prevent and counter acts of terrorism, none of the actions taken by the NUG can be characterized as a terrorist act. The NUG is sincerely committed to cooperating with the global community to prevent and combat terrorism as instigated by the Tatmadaw and affiliated organizations..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.3/2021 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁) ၇ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနစ် “အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကြေညာခြင်း” ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားလျှက်ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရန်နှင့် တိုက်ဖျက်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိကဝတ်ထားရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရသည် လုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အမှတ် 1373 နှင့်တကွ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကိုအကောင်အထည် ဖော်ဆောင်ရေးအတွက် သဘောတူညီထားသော ဥပဒေထုတ်ပြန်ချက် ၁၉ ခု၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေး မဟာဗျူဟာ (A/RES/60/288) နှင့် ထိုမဟာဗျူဟာကြေညာ စာတမ်းက အပ်နှင်းထားသော လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အရ မကြာခင်က ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဌာန တို့နှင့်လည်း လိုက်နာဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကတိကဝတ်ထားရှိပါသည်။ ဤကတိကဝတ်နှင့်အညီ NUG သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်းနှင့်ဆက်စပ်လျက် ရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေပုဒ်မ (၃) အရ အကြမ်းဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဥပဒေတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် “အများပြည်သူ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကိုဖြစ်စေ၊ အသက် အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကိုဖြစ်စေ၊ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးစေရန် ပြုလုပ်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများ” ကို ကျူးလွန်လျှင် ဥပဒေအရ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြောက်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတွင် ယေဘုယျအားဖြင့် အဓိက အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၅) ခုပါဝင်သည်။ ၎င်းတို့မှာ အကြမ်းဖက်သည့် အပြုအမူကိုပြုလုပ်ခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကို အာရုံစိုက်လာအောင် ပစ်မှတ်ထားခံရသူများရှိခြင်း၊ ကြောက်ရွံ့ ထိတ်လန့်စိတ် ဝင်အောင် ဖန်တီးခြင်း၊ အပြစ်မဲ့အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရသူများရှိခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံရေးရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ နှင့် စေ့ဆော်မှု များရှိခြင်းတို့ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်း၏အပေါင်းပါ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် အောက်ပါတို့ကိုကျူးလွန်ပြီး ကြောက်ရွံ့ထိတ်လန့်စိတ်များဖြစ်ပေါ် စေကာ “တပ်မတော်ကအကြမ်းဖက်ပြပြီး ဒေသတွင်းကိုထိန်းချုပ်မည်” ဆိုသည့်နိုင်ငံရေး ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကျူးလွန်မှုများမှာ - • အရပ်သား ၈၀၀ ကျော်ကို သေစေနိုင်သောလက်နက်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း • လူပေါင်း ၅၀၀၀ ကျော်အား မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားပြီး၊ အများစုမှာ အနှိပ်စက် ခံရခြင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာစော်ကားခြင်း • ဘဏ်စနစ်ပြိုလဲလုနီးပါးအခြေအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်စီးပွားရေးကိုချွတ်ခြုံကျစေပြီး အများပြည်သူ၏ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှု စည်းစိမ်ဥစ္စာတို့အားပျက်စီးစေခြင်း • စားနပ်ရိက္ခာအကျပ်အတည်းကို လျစ်လျူရှုထားပြီး မကြာခင်ကာလများအတွင်း စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ အကျပ်အတည်း၏ ရိုက်ခတ်မှုကိုကြုံတွေ့ရမည့် လူပေါင်း (၁) သန်းမှ (၃) သန်းအထိ မြင့်မားသွားနိုင်ခြေရှိခြင်း • မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ COVID CERP အစီအစဉ်ကို ပစ်ပယ်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ ကျန်းမာရေးကဏ္ဍကျဆုံးသွားခြင်း။ • ငွေကြေးခဝါချမှု လုပ်ငန်းကြီးများပြုလုပ်ခြင်း တဆက်တည်းမှာပင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီးမင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအဖွဲ့က NUG အား အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဟု မဟုတ်မမှန်စွပ်စွဲထားချက်ကို NUG က ခိုင်မာစွာငြင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ထိုစွပ်စွဲချက်သည် ဥပဒေနှင့် မညီညွတ်နှင့်အပြင် အခြေအမြစ်မရှိ၊ ကျိုးကြောင်းဆီလျော်မှု မရှိသည့် စွပ်စွဲချက်သာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေအရ NUG ကို တရားမျှတပြီး လွတ်လပ်သော တရားရုံးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်ပုဒ်မနှင့် တရားစွဲဆိုနိုင်သည့် ပုဒ်မမျိုးမရှိပေ။ မြင်ယုံမျှဖြင့် ဥပဒေကြောင်းအရလုံလောက်စွာ (prima facie) စွဲတင်နိုင်သည့် အချက်လည်း မရှိပေ။ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေတွင်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏တရားရုံးများသည် စစ်တပ်မှအကြမ်းဖက်သမားများ၏ တသွေးတသံတမိန့်အောက်တွင် တရားစီရင်ရ သောကြောင့် တရားဥပဒေစိုးမိုးရေးကို ဓမ္မဓိဌာန်ကျကျ ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်မည်မဟုတ်ပေ။ NUG ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့်ဆက်ဆံခြင်းနှင့် အာဏာရှင် ဖီဆန်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီဥက္ကဌ ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီးမင်းအောင်လှိုင်က အစပြုလိုက်သော ဥပဒေမဲ့အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို တုန့်ပြန်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး၊ အာဏာသိမ်းမှု အကျိုးဆက်အားဖြင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော အရပ်သားများကိုဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများနှင့် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်ရည်ရွယ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် NUG ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတွင်ပါဝင်သော အဓိကအစိတ်အပိုင်း ၅ခု နှင့် မည်သို့မျှ ဆက်စပ်ခြင်းမရှိပေ။ အလားတူပင် NUG ၏ လုပ်ရပ်များသည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေး အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာကသဘောတူထုတ်ပြန်ထားသော ဥပဒေ၁၉ခုပါ အကြမ်းဖက်ပုဒ်မများ နှင့်လည်း အကျုံးမဝင်ပေ။ NUG သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏တပ်မတော်နှင့် ၎င်းနှင့်ဆက်စပ်သည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက ကျူးလွန် လျှက်ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများအား ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရေးနှင့် တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တည်ကြည်စွာဖြင့် ကတိကဝတ် ထားရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration: Appeal to the public - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ပြည်သူသို့ ပန်ကြားချက်
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပြည်ထဲရေးနှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ပြည်သူသို့ ပန်ကြားချက် ရက်စွဲ ၊ ၇ ရက် ဇွန်လ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပြည်ထဲရေး နှင့် လူဝင်မှုကြီးကြပ်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်အန္တရာယ်စက်ဝန်းမှ ပြည်သူလူထု လုံခြုံရေးကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရန် ဦးစားပေးဆောင်ရွက်လျက်၊ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင် ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးအတွက် မူဝါဒ (၈) ရပ် နှင့်အညီ ကြိုးပမ်းထမ်းဆောင်သွားပါမည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်၊ ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ၊ ဖမ်းဝရမ်းထုတ်မှုများ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် လုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိရာ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ လုံခြုံမှုကို နေ့စဉ်ခြိမ်းခြောက် လျက်ရှိသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ လုံခြုံမှုကို အကာအကွယ် ပေးရမည့် တာဝန်ရှိသော ပြည်သူ့ရဲနှင့် တပ်မတော်သားများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု လူတစ်စု၏ မတရားစေခိုင်းသည့် အမိန့်ကြောင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ကာကွယ်ရန် ပျက်ကွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ၃။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို နိုင်ငံတကာမျက်နှာစာအရောက် ထုတ်ဖော်၍ လိုအပ်သည့် တရားစီရင်မှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။ မှန်ကန်သည့် အချက်အလက်များ စုဆောင်းနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအနေဖြင့် မိမိကိုယ်တိုင် နှင့် မိမိ မိသားစုဝင် သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ မိမိအနီးပတ်ဝန်းကျင်မှာသော်လည်းကောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မတရား အနိုင်ကျင့်ဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်ခံရလျှင် (သို့မဟုတ်) အိုးအိမ်ပစ္စည်း ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးမှုများရှိလျှင် အထောက်အထား ခိုင်ခိုင်လုံလုံဖြင့် အမှုဖွင့် တိုင်ကြားနိုင်စေရန် စီမံထားရှိပါသည်။ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အမှုဖွင့်တိုင်ကြားချက်များသည် “အကူးအပြောင်းကာလ တရားမျှတရေး” ဖော်ဆောင်ရာတွင်လည်း အထောက်အပံ့ပြုရန်အတွက် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် အာဏာသိမ်းအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမိန့်အာဏာဟူသမျှကို ဖီဆန်လျက် CDM လှုပ်ရှား သပိတ်မှောက်နေကြသည့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဌာနများမှ ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ပံ့ပိုးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ လူ့စွမ်းအားအရင်းအမြစ်များဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်အကျိုးအတွက် ကြားကာလပြည်သူ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အစီအစဉ်တွင် အားဖြည့်ထမ်းဆောင်နိုင်စေရန် ထိရောက်သောနည်းလမ်းများ ချမှတ်‌ဖော်ဆောင်သွားပါမည်။ ၅။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ် တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်ပါ စံနှုန်းများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီပြီး၊ သဟဇာတဖြစ်ကာ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုများကင်းသည့် လူမှုပေါင်းစည်းရေးကို ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန် နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းလုံးရှိ ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားနိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များနှင့် တက်ကြွစွာ ချိတ်ဆက်ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ “ပြည်သူသာ အဓိက” ဆိုသည်နှင့်အညီ၊ ပြည်သူ့အင်အား မပါဘဲ နိုင်ငံတစ်ခုမှာ မည်သည့်စနစ်မျှ တည်ဆောက်၍ မရနိုင်ပေ။ သန့်ရှင်းကောင်းမွန်၍ ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာသော ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ် ပေါ်ထွန်းရေး နှင့် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ်ကို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးအတွက် ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ လုပ်ငန်းတာဝန်များ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရာတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုအနေဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်အားဖြည့် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံ ပန်ကြားအပ်ပါသည်။ ၇။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ဒီမိုကရေစီအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးတွင် ကျဆုံးသွားခဲ့ရသည့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအသက်သွေးချွေး များကို ဦးညွှတ်လျက် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ အန္တိမပန်းတိုင် မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အလုံးစုံ ပျက်သုဉ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်တည်ဆောက်ရေးကို နေ့စဉ်မပျက် အားသွန်ခွန်စိုက် အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည့်အကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာ ထပ်လောင်း ပြုလိုက်ရပါသည်။ အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်ရမည်။ အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်ရမည်။ အရေးတော်ပုံ အောင်ရမည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: On-The-Ground in Burma: Issue #4
Description: "This is the US campaign for Burma’s fourth monthly On-The-Ground in Burma briefer! This month’s briefer will focus on the ongoing situations between armed groups formed in ethnic states and the military, as well as how these conflicts affect the local civilians. It also includes discussions on ASEAN’s response, policies regarding arms embargo, and war crimes, but concentrates more on analyzing the increased number of IDPs and issues in ethnic states. This month’s briefer includes: An analysis on what’s in store for ethnic states, policy analysis, and critiques for ASEAN Six major policy recommendations A story by a Rohingya refugee An overview of IDP issues and rights abuses in each ethnic state As the conflict escalates in Myanmar between the militias, local armed groups, and the military, so has violence and rights deprivations of those in ethnic regions. The Tatmadaw feels comfortable attacking these areas because they are far from the prying eyes of the international media. This briefer intends to bring to attention the plight of these minorities at the hands of the military..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Campaign for Burma
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 2.51 MB
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Title: Press Leaders to Myanmar: Release Jailed American Journalists
Description: "WASHINGTON, D.C., June 2, 2021-The National Press Club and the National Press Club Journalism Institute urged the junta in Myanmar to promptly release from prison all journalists jailed there, including at least two Americans. Danny Fenster and Nathan Maung are the American journalists known to be detained in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, which has been wracked by unrest since a February coup. The National Press Club President Lisa Nicole Matthews and NPC Journalism Institute President Angela Greiling Keane issued the following statement: “We call on the government of Myanmar to release all wrongly imprisoned people, including journalists Danny Fenster and Nathan Maung, two Americans who have done nothing wrong. Journalism is not a crime.” Fenster, a native of the Detroit area, is the managing editor of Frontier Magazine in Myanmar. He was detained May 24 at Yangon International Airport just minutes before boarding a flight to Kuala Lumpur to start a planned trip back to the United States to surprise his parents, who had not seen him in three years. Fenster is being held at Yangon prison, a detention facility known for rampant human rights abuses. He has not been charged with any crime and has not been granted access to legal representation. Fenster’s family has since launched a social media campaign for his immediate release: #BringDannyHome. Maung and Myanmar national Hanthar Nyein, co-founders of the Myanmar news website Kamayut Media, were arrested on March 9, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Maung and Hanthar were physically abused during interrogations when they were first detained, CPJ said. Approximately 90 journalists have been arrested since the coup, according to Myanmar’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. More than half of those journalists are still in jail, and an estimated 33 are in hiding, the group says. The jailed journalists are among more than 4,400 people imprisoned since the coup, the association estimates. The association also calculates that more than 820 people have been killed in Myanmar amid the unrest, and some 5,400 others have been arrested. Founded in 1908, The National Press Club is the world’s leading professional organization for journalists. The Club has 3,000 members representing nearly every major news organization and is a leading voice for press freedom in the United States and around the world. The National Press Club Journalism Institute, the Club’s non-profit affiliate, promotes an engaged global citizenry through an independent and free press and equips journalists with skills and standards to inform the public in ways that inspire civic engagement. Contact: John Donnelly, NPC Press Freedom Team Chairman: [email protected] 202-650-6738..."
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Source/publisher: The National Press Club (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The revolution is ours
Sub-title: It is women—teachers, factory workers, nurses, lawyers—who are again guiding people out of the darkness of military rule, Esther Wah writes
Description: "Women across Myanmar have long taken leading roles protecting their villages, land, and forests. We continue to be marginalised, perceived as weak or incapable, but it is women who for generations have courageously led communities through periods of adversity. The military coup on February 1 crushed the hopes and futures of people throughout the country, and we began a descent back into the nightmare of complete army control. It is hard to find the words to describe the pain we continue to suffer under the military’s domination. But yet again we see women—teachers, garment factory workers, nurses, lawyers—leading the grassroots movement against the junta, standing at the forefront of demonstrations, organising communities, providing support and care for villages and neighbourhoods. It is women who are again guiding people out of the darkness. We have no choice. We know that authoritarian military patriarchal rule has grave implications for women throughout the country; the tyranny that the military imposes upon women’s bodies is unbearable. Rape and sexual assault have long been weaponised by Myanmar’s armed forces against populations in every ethnic state in the country. We have seen this pattern repeated since the coup, now in towns and cities where no one is safe travelling, sleeping or passing through checkpoints. Every act of daily life poses new dangers. This is why we must stand up, we must fight, and we must win. In their April briefing paper, the Women’s League of Burma reported that more than 800 women had been detained and more than 40 killed since the coup. From those who have been detained there have been reports of torture and grievous sexual violence by the regime’s troops. Airstrikes and artillery shellings in Kachin, Karen and Kayah states have collectively displaced well over 100,000 people. Among them are pregnant women, children, and the elderly, languishing in squalid camps, hiding the jungle like animals, or, in the case of Karen State, stuck on the banks of the Salween River, unable to cross the border to Thailand. “There is no more peace and security for women,” one human rights defender from Kachin State told me recently. She noted that the discrimination and gender-based violence of the past had worsened in the years prior to the coup, and that shootings and sexual assault perpetrated against women were common due to the civil war and Myanmar military occupation of Kachin lands. Since the coup, this “culture of male violence,” as she described it, has intensified. “It hurts a lot, and it is completely unacceptable. There is no rule of law, no protection—the law has been abolished by the military. The situation is hopeless,” she said. Even as the any guarantee for our safety deteriorates, women continue to be at the forefront of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which aims to unseat the junta. Its main tool of resistance is a general strike, where people from across all sectors have refused to return to work until democracy is restored. Much of the CDM campaign has been led by women-dominated industries, as workers sacrifice their wages and their physical safety for the future of the country. Participation in the CDM comes with the risk of arrest, torture and murder by the junta. It started early: in mid-February, two female teachers who had joined the CDM were beaten and arrested in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina. Even after the military forced schools to open on June 1, more than half of the country’s 400,000 teachers have refused to work while the junta is in power. Most of those on strike are believed to be women. Teachers in the CDM have been temporarily or permanently suspended from their jobs, and more than 100 are facing criminal charges by the regime. Many no longer dare to live in cities and towns and have fled to rural areas, with some even hiding in the jungle. One ethnic Karen teacher on strike in Tanintharyi told me she was not going back to work because she does not want to “live as a slave under the military dictatorship.” “I do not want to be involved in any administrative machinery that will prolong the new military dictatorship. I do not want to pass on this slave education system to the new generation,” she explained as to why she continues her strike. She is one of many women throughout the civil service who is sacrificing her own safety and livelihood for the benefit of future generations. Women have also been integral in leading protests against the military, using the power of their own womanhood to destroy the army’s control. The htamein campaign—in which women’s sarongs were used as flags or strung up above roads in urban areas—showed how women’s clothing instilled fear among soldiers, who feared they would lose their masculine power if they passed underneath the clothes. Images of Kachin nun Sister Rose Nu Tawng have been seen around the world, a symbol of compassion and courage. In the midst of a protest crackdown in Myitkyina in March, she was photographed on her knees with her arms outstretched, begging members of the junta’s armed forces to “shoot and kill [her]” instead of children. While the police paused the violence momentarily, they continued shooting at demonstrators only moments after the iconic photos were taken. In ethnic areas, women have long taken leadership positions through periods of war and hardship. In Karen State, for example, there are many villages where it is women who serve as village heads. Because of the civil war and ongoing military oppression, men have been worried that they would face torture or murder if they took on the role of village head, leaving women to do the job instead. Women throughout the region have had to protect their communities from violent attacks and negotiate with the military when they came to their villages. Being on the frontlines is not new for us. These leadership positions continued through periods of temporary ceasefire, as women in ethnic areas addressed ongoing persecution and led efforts to recover lands and forests that were confiscated by the military. Women-led organisations across the ethnic states have also played central roles in civil society movements, creating new platforms and spaces for women throughout the country to be heard. Despite the prominent roles of women within emergent civic spaces, there had been little space for women to participate in official roles within government or the peace process prior to the coup. In the newly formed anti-coup National Unity Government, women make up around one-third of cabinet positions, a presence we have not seen in previous national administrations. While Myanmar is a deeply conflicted society divided by ethnicity, gender, class, and generational differences, we see that the military’s power grab has united us: today we stand together against patriarchal and racist military control. Ethnic groups from the Karen to the Kachin to the Rohingya to the Burmese, from older generations to Gen Z, from women to men, from factory workers to doctors—we all stand against military oppression. This revolution is for all of us, and in a new Myanmar, women, ethnic minorities, youth and the working class will take a leading role in shaping it. There is no going back, only forwards. This revolution is ours, and we will defeat our common enemy. Esther Wah is an indigenous Karen woman. She works with ethnic communities across Myanmar on their right to protect the land and forests..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: At least 20 killed by Myanmar forces in Ayeyarwady delta, media reports
Description: "At least 20 people were killed by Myanmar's security forces in the Ayeyarwady river delta region on Saturday after villagers armed with catapults and crossbows fought back against troops searching for weapons, local media and residents said. That would make it the heaviest civilian death toll in nearly two months. Some 845 people had previously been killed by the army and police since the Feb. 1 coup, according to an activist group. The junta has disputed that figure. Reuters was unable to reach a junta spokesman on Saturday for comment on the violence at Hlayswe village in Kyonpyaw township in the Ayeyarwady Region. Reuters could not independently verify the reports. The army has struggled to impose control since it overthrew elected leader Aug San Suu Kyi after a decade of democratic reforms had opened up the once isolated Southeast Asian state. Clashes broke out before dawn on Saturday at Hlayswe, some 150 km (100 miles) northwest of the main city of Yangon, when soldiers said they had come to search for weapons, at least four local media outlets and a resident said. "The people in the village only have crossbows and there are a lot of casualties on the people's side," said the resident, who asked not to be identified for fear of retribution. Khit Thit Media and the Delta News Agency said 20 civilians had been killed and more wounded. They said villagers had tried to fight back with catapults after soldiers assaulted villagers in what they said was a search for arms. It was some of the worst violence since the coup in the Ayeyarwady region, an important rice growing area that has large populations of both the Bamar majority ethnic group, from which much of the army is drawn, and the Karen minority. ETHNIC ARMIES Saturday's civilian death toll appeared to be the highest since more than 80 people were reported killed in the town of Bago in early April. Since the coup, conflicts have flared in the borderlands where some two dozen ethnic armies have been waging insurgencies for decades. The junta has also been faced by daily protests and paralyzing strikes. The anti-junta Shwegu People's Defence Force said it had attacked a police station in northern Shwegu late on Friday together with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Reuters was unable to reach the KIA for comment. In eastern Myanmar, the MBPDF (Mobye People's Defence Force) said it had clashed with the army on Friday and four "terrorist soldiers" had been killed. Despite the turmoil, Myanmar's army has shown little sign of heeding calls from its opponents to restore democracy. This week the junta received its first high-profile foreign visitors - the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross and envoys from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing met on Friday with the two ASEAN envoys. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, a group of independent international experts, said it was crucial that the ASEAN envoys also meet protest leaders, members of a parallel opposition government, elected lawmakers and Suu Kyi's party. "Failure to meet with all relevant parties risks lending legitimacy to the junta and undermines the enormous effort and sacrifice made by the people of Myanmar to resist the junta's violent and unlawful attempt to seize power," it said. (Reporting by Reuters staff; Editing by Matthew Tostevin, William Mallard and Alexander Smith)..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Cartoonists use art to oppose TotalEnergies’ business with junta
Sub-title: The winning cartoon in a competition organised by a French campaign group shows blood dripping from a Total oil container and forming the shape of Myanmar
Description: "UK-based cartoonist Carol Isaacs, also known as The Surreal McCoy, has won the #TotalCartoonChallenge, a competition organised by French campaign group Info Birmanie to protest oil company TotalEnergies’ business with the Myanmar military junta. Carol’s winning cartoon shows blood dripping from a Total oil container and forming the shape of Myanmar. Carol has deep ties to Myanmar, as her family fled the country as refugees during the Second World War. She has visited several times and is currently working on a graphic novel on her family’s history. Info Birmanie launched the #TotalCartoonChallenge on social media 10 days before TotalEnergies’ May 28 annual shareholder meeting. The challenge aimed to increase TotalEnergies’ reputational risk because of their continued business with the military junta. The winning prize is publication in Myanmar Now. “We know the challenge is symbolic and does not carry much weight by itself, but we hope that the sum of actions, such as the letter co-signed by more than 40 elected members of parliament in France, will generate enough momentum and visibility to force Total to stop financing the junta,” Info Birmanie assistant coordinator Arjuna Lebaindre told Myanmar Now. The cartoon challenge is part of a series of creative actions to oppose the Myanmar coup. The Raise Three Fingers campaign, which Carol is part of, is a Myanmar initiative that calls on artists to create a three-fingered salute, the symbol of pro-democracy movements in Myanmar, Thailand and Hong Kong. Info Birmanie is continuing its campaign against TotalEnergies’ business with the junta. They are now running an online petition calling for TotalEnergies to “block any payment to the military junta until the country is ruled by the democratically elected civilian government,” receiving almost 3,800 signatures since its launch..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 6 June, (849) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Shwe Nyaung Township in Shan State were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 6 June, a total of (4674) people are currently under detention; of them (160) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 people to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 persons to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Around 8pm on 5 June, two men were shot dead, and one man was beaten and arrested near the intersection of Shwe Nyaung and Nyaung Shwe in Shan State when junta troops opened fire from their cars at the men riding a motorcycle. Khin Maung Shwe, Sagaing Region’s NLD Shwebo Township Chairman, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for alledgely inciting people to participate in the 22222 anti- coup movement, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on 4 June. In the afternoon of 5 June, Kyaw Ohn, village NLD Chairman of Man Ywet Village of Mogaung Township of Kachin State, was arrested at his home by the terrorist troops wearing plainclothes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.17 MB 4.16 MB 971.8 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 5 June, (847) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kyaukpadaung Township in Mandalay Region and Monywa Township in Sagaing Region were killed in previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 5 June, a total of (4642) people are currently under detention; of them (158) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 4 June, when Thaw Thaw a.k.a Thaw Zin who is LGBT, and two friends were on the way home riding a motorcycle, Thaw Thaw a.k.a Thaw Zin was shot with three bullets hit in their arm and rib by junta troops deployed at Township Education Office in Kyaukpadaung Town in Mandalay Region, and died from not receiving medical treatment in time. On the night of 3 June, Ka Lar was shot to death when he did not stop his motorcycle for inspection by junta troops in Monywa, Sagaing Region. On 4 June, Khant Zin Ko, who is a member of Monywa University Student Union, was arrested when the junta did not find his father at home at Monywa in Sagaing Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.17 MB 4.22 MB 975.94 KB
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Title: Letter from British MPs to the Government of United Kingdom: Military Offensives on Kayah State in Myanmar (Burma)
Description: "Dear Dominic, The situation in Myanmar is deteriorating rapidly. In recent days, the military regime has escalated their daily cycle of atrocities perpetrated against civilians across Myanmar, with airstrikes in Kayah (Karenni) State. On Monday afternoon (May 31st), the Myanmar military regime launched airstrikes in Kayah for the first time since the 1 February coup. Two helicopters opened fire in Demoso Township, this was followed by heavy artillery shelling, marking a rapid escalation of violence in the state. 70,000 civilians have already been displaced, fleeing to camps rapidly set up by local communities. The situation for these IDPs has been dire; they are in urgent need of food, medicine and other essentials. Hiding in the jungle they are also facing seasonal monsoons that are washing away camps. We welcome the UK Government' s imposition of sanctions against regime leaders; the decision to review aid programmes in Myanmar; the condemnation of the killing o f peaceful protestors, and the unlawful detention of political and civil society leaders. However, this is not enough. Airstrikes - also used to attack and besiege the Chin state town o f Mindat last month - accompanied by the use of heavy artillery weapons, represent a serious escalation of the violence. In addition to the estimated 70,000 people who have been displaced in Kayah state, tens of thousands of others in Shan, Chin, Karen and Rakhine States have been displaced and are also in desperate need of food, medicine and humanitarian aid. However, humanitarian access is being prevented by the blocking and destruction by the military of roads and bridges to besieged areas. Regime forces have also cut off access to entrances into Kayah State from Shan State to the north, and transport to Loikaw has now also been cut off, with bridges destroyed and roads blockaded, further hindering any transport of supplies. The lack of response by the international community is increasing the danger of civil war. The constant threat of military raids, arrests, torture and killings has pushed communities to take up arms. Dr. Sasa, Spokesperson and Minister for International Cooperation for the National Unity Government said yesterday. "The people of Myanmar have been left with no other choice. They just have no other option left. It is just the beginning . The situation will become out o f control................The whole country is on the road to civil war. It is time to take urgent action, not just for the people of Myanmar but for the stability of the region. We urge the British government: • to recognise the National Unity Government (NUG), who are the democratically elected leaders of Myanmar, and who have promised to enshrine the rights of the country’s ethnic communities. Last week, a NUG representative expressed acute disappointment at Britain’s failure to recognise the NUG: "The junta is dismantling an elected government by genocidal actions and policies. Not recognising the NUG is a rejection o f the will o f the people o f Myanmar. It is a betrayal o f democracy. When will the world stop the military generals before they commit another genocide?" • to provide emergency cross-border humanitarian aid. • to increase pressure for a global arms embargo to cut off the flow of weapons to this brutal regime. • to intensify diplomatic pressure at the United Nations Security Council to establish an accountability mechanism to bring the perpetrators of atrocities to justice. • to increase pressure on the military regime to stop its reign of terror. • to impose more targeted sanctions against military enterprises and a global arms embargo. Whilst the UK has taken some positive initial steps, we urge the Government to implement the above suggestions as a matter of great urgency. It is only thereby that stability can be restored; that civil war might be prevented; and that the best opportunity in 70 years for peace, justice, freedom and democracy for all the people of Myanmar might finally be achieved..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s post-coup cash crunch creates a shadow money trade
Sub-title: Mobile money agents and informal brokers have been meeting the demand for cash at a time when banks are severely limiting withdrawals, but some accuse them of profiteering by charging steep fees.
Description: "When U San Lwin arrived at his local KBZ bank at 7:30 one recent morning, he gazed despondently at the long line of customers already waiting at the ATM. Like so many others, lining up at ATMs has become a daily ritual for San Lwin. Since the February 1 coup he’s been desperately trying to withdraw money from his account because he fears that under a military regime he’ll end up losing everything. “It’s only getting worse,” he said of the difficulties accessing his own cash. “I’m so worried the banks will collapse before I can withdraw my savings. Everyone else is worried, too – that’s why we’re here every day.” To prevent banks running out of cash, the Central Bank of Myanmar introduced withdrawal limits of K2 million a week for individuals, including a maximum of K500,000 a day from ATMs. But with the Central Bank unwilling to provide private banks with adequate liquidity, the banks have been forced to ration their reserves even further by putting daily caps on the number of customers and setting lower withdrawal limits. This has only increased the panic, however, and the length of the queues. At first San Lwin lined up to withdraw money from branches, but when that became too time-consuming – he had to line up one day for a token, and then another to withdraw money – he instead turned to ATMs. Now he queues up most of the day just to withdraw K200,000 – if he can find an ATM that still has cash in it. For those without the time or patience to line up, or who need larger amounts of cash, there are other options. But these come at a price, ranging from the equivalent of a few dollars to possibly thousands on larger transactions. Inside the cash hustle For many like San Lwin, queuing for hours outside a bank or ATM at the height of the hot season is a hardship. But for those with time on their hands – and a willingness to rise early – it’s an opportunity to make some money. Ma Pyae from Yangon’s Thingangyun Township quit her job at a bank late last year. In March she began offering a unique service, one that didn’t exist prior to the coup: she would line up for you at an ATM for a fee of K10,000. Ma Pyae would head out into the early morning darkness – in violation of the nightly curfew – to get a spot at the front of an ATM queue. By the time curfew ended, there would usually be anywhere from 70 to 100 people behind her. Once Ma Pyae was in line, a friend would post in several Facebook groups offering her help to withdraw cash. If the client trusted her, they would transfer the money directly to Ma Pyae’s account and she would withdraw it using her own card; otherwise, they would come to the ATM and transfer the money to her after she had already withdrawn the cash. But she described this enterprise as a “lottery”, because the banks do not usually announce which ATMs they will fill until 9am. “If this ATM doesn’t work, is there another one we can go to? We would ask our friends and get there as soon as possible,” she said. Ma Pyae preferred to line up at CB Bank ATMs, because the bank has higher withdrawal limits – K300,000 a day, compared to K200,000 a day for rivals banks KBZ and AYA – and she knew from experience that if she wasn’t among the first 100 people then she was probably wasting her time. Ma Pyae is far from alone. On Facebook, there are hundreds of people offering to line up at ATMs in exchange for a K5,000 to K10,000 fee – or 1.66 percent to 5pc of the total withdrawal amount, depending on the bank. Ma Thet, from South Okkalapa Township in Yangon, also prefers to line up at CB Bank ATMs. Like Ma Pyae, she rises before dawn each day, sometimes lining up together with friends so they can all exchange their spots for K10,000. “It’s about trust,” she said. “Some people trust us and just transfer the money and then wait somewhere else. Once we take out the money, we just have to go and give it to them. Others who don’t trust us, they come and wait [by the ATM] until the cash is out.” Recently, Ma Pyae decided to stop lining up ATMs. The final straw was an argument with a woman who took her spot when she went for lunch. “The bank staff didn’t help at all – they just said it wasn’t their responsibility,” she said. “That’s kind of true, but this mess is partly because they’re making it hard for us to withdraw cash.” Instead, she now sells the tokens needed to get inside a branch to withdraw cash, charging K3,000 to K5,000 for each token. The fee is lower, she said, because she doesn’t have to get up early and queue for many hours. Instead, Ma Pyae calls one branch after another, from 9am to 3pm, to try and secure a token for an appointment. When she gets one, she advertises it in Facebook groups. “Often the buyers are mobile money agents – those who work with Wave Money want appointments with Yoma Bank, while KPay agents buy tokens for KBZ,” she said.....Money in a hurry: These mobile money agents are another potential source of quick cash for those wanting to avoid queuing at ATMs or bank branches, but there’s a catch. “The fees are rising all the time,” complained San Lwin. “At the end of March, it was 2 percent. A month later it was 3pc. Then it was 4pc or 5pc. You have to pay money just to get your own money.” The two largest mobile money providers, Wave Money and KBZPay (often referred to as KPay), allow their agents to charge cash withdrawal fees ranging from 3pc for K10,000 to 0.8pc for K500,000. But since cash shortages began to bite, agents have started charging additional or higher fees. These started only slightly above the official rates but have gradually risen, in some cases hitting 15pc or more. Agents told Frontier they were facing the same difficulties as bank customers, and the higher fees reflect the time and money they spend trying to get cash to give to customers. “I’m an agent for Wave Money and KBZPay. They give us a small commission, which works well during normal times when there is money flowing in and out,” said agent Daw Nyunt Nyunt Than. “But since the coup, customers only want to withdraw money. That means your account at the bank fills up, but you have no cash in hand. You have to wait days to get it out of the bank and you can never get enough.” Ko Hein Thwin Soe, a Wave Money agent from Yangon’s Sanchaung Township, said he’s charging a 10pc withdrawal fee because, similar to Nyunt Nyunt Than, it has been difficult for him to get cash out of his account at Yoma Bank. “Most agents are doing the same,” he said. “We’re all facing the same problem.” A KBZ employee, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the bank had opened a “KPay Centre” at its MICT Park branch in Yangon on April 9 to make it easier for customers to access their cash. They are able to withdraw up to K500,000 a week at the centre and are charged K4,000, or 0.8pc. However, the withdrawal limit has since been cut to K300,000 and access to the KPay Centre is also limited through a token system, with the bank issuing 250 digital tokens a day through the KPay app. “Last week I was charging 10pc but now I’ve increased it to 12pc, like most agents,” Daw Myint Myint Khin, a KPay agent in Sanchaung, told Frontier on May 20, adding that this hadn’t hurt demand. “Even though the fee has gone up, there are still many people who want to withdraw money.” Because money is only going one way – out of customers’ accounts – she’s only serving 20 customers a day, allowing them to withdraw up to K150,000 each. “No one transfers or puts cash into their account anymore, so I’m always running out of money,” she said. Even Wave Money customers willing to pay the extra commission have found it harder to withdraw cash from their mobile wallets in recent weeks, because of attempts by the company to rein in the fees. On May 21, it issued a statement saying it was aware some agents were “overcharging” customers and was “investigating”. “[A]ppropriate actions will be taken against those proven to have engaged in corrupt practices,” it said. Since then, many Wave Money agents have simply stopped offering services, because they are unwilling to let customers cash out at the fee level set by the company. Mr Brad Jones, chief executive officer of Wave Money, said the company had seen a significant drop in over-the-counter transactions – either cash transfers or withdrawals – but the company would stick to a “zero tolerance approach” to agents overcharging customers. “We are aware that many of our agents are facing challenges including [a] cash shortage. However, we don’t authorise any agent surcharge, condone overcharging in any way or other dishonest behaviour,” Jones said, adding that complaints had decreased since the company gave official warnings to some agents and suspended others. But some are refusing to comply. Nyunt Nyunt Than said while she was aware of the announcement, she would only stop charging extra fees when access to cash returns to normal. As of June 4, she was still charging 10pc for Wave Money and KPay withdrawals. Because of her limited cash reserves, she’s only serving 10 customers a day and limiting each withdrawal to K100,000. “I don’t want to charge extra,” she said. “But if we want to withdraw our money, we have to go to the bank and line up with everyone else, so we have to charge a small fee. “I think 10pc is still cheap for [customers] – I’ve heard that some agents take 20pc, while others won’t let you withdraw money at all. So I don’t feel guilty about it; I’m helping people as much as I can.” A spokesperson for KBZ did not respond to a request for comment. The big money game There are other options for those wanting to access larger sums from a bank account. A market for deposits has emerged under which customers use internet banking to transfer their balance to a third party, who then gives them cash – again, for a fee. Similarly, some dealers will buy cheques at below face value, pocketing a percentage of the total. Although some of these transactions are handled through existing money exchange and informal remittance networks, many seemingly ordinary people with cash in hand have been advertising their services on new Facebook groups created to link buyers and sellers. Back in March these dealers and agents were charging as little as 1pc, but the fee has risen steadily and hit around 13pc in early May. As online discussion of deposit transfers hit fever pitch, the Central Bank warned on April 15 that such dealings were “illegal” under section 99(b) of the Central Bank of Myanmar Law, which prohibits the trading of currency notes or coins for a profit without the permission of the CBM. It accused some businesses of piling up cash instead of depositing it in the banks so they could profit from these money transfers. Anyone involved could be sentenced to two years in prison, it warned. This threat did little to stop the practice, but the rising fees eventually sparked a backlash, with some users expressing their frustration on the Facebook groups. “Unless you need money for a life-saving situation, don’t take out money [from a broker]. The charges are far too high. 3pc is still reasonable, but most are just trying to take advantage of the situation … I am fed up with those engaged in profiteering,” wrote one user on May 14. Many users flocked to the comment section of the post to discourage others from transferring their deposits. Some alleged that “most of the brokers are bank staffers”, something that has not been proven. Others claimed that they’d been cheated by brokers who failed to give the cash after they had transferred their deposits. Ma Pyae said those buying deposits in large quantities were using them to buy gold with electronic transactions, and then selling the gold for cash. “Gold shops demand cash from small buyers, but they were letting some buyers use electronic transactions for large amounts,” she said. After gold hit a record local price on May 12, the authorities tried to tame the market. On May 17, the Yangon Gold Entrepreneurs Association said it was working with the Bureau of Special Investigation, the government’s economic crime-fighting force, “to stabilise the gold price”. The association added that it had instructed members to only accept cash for gold sales, and at a meeting at the end of the month, members decided to stop selling gold to those “who purposely manipulate the market”. On May 20, meanwhile, police arrested a woman from Yangon’s North Okkalapa Township for allegedly offering illegal “door to door” remittance and withdrawal services. The arrest was only announced on May 31, with state media reporting that the woman, who also runs an online shop, had charged from 4pc to 8pc. Vowing to crack down on brokers offering to buy deposits for cash, the police said the woman had been “taking advantage” of the “cash withdrawal situation” – a euphemistic reference to the banking crisis. News of the arrest seemed to have an immediate effect, with many of the once-active Facebook groups now scrubbed of all their earlier posts in which users advertised their services and rates.....Entrepreneurs or profiteers?: While those buying deposits for cash have been castigated as unscrupulous profiteers, they have played an undeniably important role in providing businesses with the cash they need to pay staff, suppliers and other expenses. Edmund Malesky, a professor of political science at Duke University in the United States who has studied Myanmar’s economy, said those willing to provide cash could be seen as “entrepreneurs taking risks to provide a valuable service that is keeping economic transactions moving forward”. “They did not create the banking crisis, but they are finding ways to make cash available to those who believe they can best use it. The fees they are charging compensate them for their risks and the prices are likely driven upward by those who most need cash for their operations, and who believe they can still make profits at those higher prices,” he said. He said he doubted that any “top-down regulation or punitive measure” would stop the practice of charging for cash amid the current scarcity. “A critical part of the banking crisis has to do with the fact that financial markets do not function well in climates of low trust and political uncertainty,” he said. Malesky said the cash shortage was likely hurting not only customers unable to access their savings, but also the economy more broadly. When people have trouble accessing cash, it limits the number of transactions that are possible and reduces the “velocity of money”, which is an indicator of the health of an economy. “When velocity is high, it means that people are making and selling goods and services, earning returns, which they use to buy other goods and services,” he said. “Artificial cash shortages interrupt this process and raise the cost of daily transactions, slowing economic activity and impeding growth.” But for San Lwin, the fees are hard to stomach. “I’ve heard some KPay agents are charging as much as 20pc … I think they are just taking advantage of the bad political situation,” he said. “A handful of capitalists are working with a lot of money and making a big profit from the fees,” San Lwin said, suggesting the public should follow his example by shunning the brokers and joining ATM queues. “I want to encourage other people to line up to withdraw money rather than support the capitalists by paying these exorbitant fees.”
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Pressure grows for sanctions against junta’s oil and gas interests
Description: "Pressure is growing on foreign governments as elected parliamentarians and campaign groups push for sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) and state banks, which are now under junta control. On Tuesday, 40 French parliamentarians called on their government to advocate for EU sanctions against MOGE, describing it as a “significant financial windfall for the junta”. The parliamentarians also demanded official recognition for the National Unity Government and Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. In April, six US senators wrote to US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and Secretary of State Anthony Blinken urging for sanctions on MOGE. “History shows that when the junta was previously in place in the 1990s, gas revenues from Total and Chevron/Unocal helped them to withstand international sanctions as their reserves dwindled. This time, we believe that the Tatmadaw must be entirely prevented from accessing a steady stream of international resources,” the senators wrote. In the same month, the Washington Post published an editorial advocating for action on oil and gas revenue flows to the junta. “The Biden administration can break this impasse by enacting sanctions on MOGE. These could be tailored to allow Total and Chevron to continue gas production — provided they do not transfer profits. Alternatively, the Treasury department could sanction the bank accounts in Thailand and Singapore that MOGE uses to collect royalties,” the paper proposed. Civil society pressure Campaign groups have stepped up efforts in recent weeks. On May 25, Daniel Eriksson, CEO of global anti-corruption organisation Transparency International sent a letter to European Commission Vice-President Josep Borrell Fontelles calling for EU action on oil and gas revenue flowing to Myanmar’s military junta. “The junta will likely use [oil and gas] revenues to sustain its control of the government apparatus, finance atrocities against the local population, purchase arms and seize portions for private gain,” Daniel wrote. The letter called for EU sanctions on MOGE, Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and Myanmar Investment and Commercial Bank, the intermediary banks that collect oil and gas revenue. Campaigners intensified calls for sanctions in response to an announcement by TotalEnergies and Chevron to suspend dividend payments from the Yadana pipeline project, costing the junta tens of millions of dollars. On Friday, 408 civil society organisations issued a statement demanding that TotalEnergies and Chevron “support targeted sanctions rather than lobbying for exemptions as you have in the past.” TotalEnergies Chairperson Patrick Pouyanné told its shareholder meeting last week that the company would comply with any further sanctions. Human Rights Watch responded to TotalEnergies and Chevron announcement, stating that a suspension of pipeline profits is not enough without targeted sanctions. “Chevron and Total’s recent decision is a step in the right direction, but it affects less than 5 percent of the natural gas revenue the Myanmar junta receives,” said John Sifton of Human Rights Watch. “To have real impact, governments and companies need to go further to stop the junta from receiving funds or accessing bank accounts that receive payments.” Human Rights Watch has also drawn attention to the role played by Thai oil company PTT and called ongovernments that have sanctioned military conglomerates to push Japan, Singapore and Thailand to adopt similar measures. Global Witness called for targeted sanctions and for oil and gas funds to be kept in a protected account, echoing an earlier demand from the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. “In order to capture the remainder of these revenues the international community must place targeted economic sanctions on the military’s economic interests in the oil and gas industry. This will ensure that all payments related to the sale of Myanmar’s natural gas are held for the benefit of a future, legitimate government rather than funding the military regime,” said Keel Dietz of Global Witness. Myanmar was forecast to earn 2,305 billion kyat (about US$1.4 billion) from oil and gas in the year to March 2022, according to a Myanmar budget document drawn up before the coup. The sector is expected to contribute just over 10% of total government revenues this year..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Thailand concerned at Myanmar violence
Description: "Thailand is concerned at the violence in many parts of Myanmar and wants to see the implementation of steps agreed by Southeast Asian leaders with the military junta to help end the turmoil since the Feb. 1 coup, the foreign ministry said on Sunday. Myanmar's junta has shown little sign of heeding the five point 'consensus' agreed among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in April - which calls for an end to violence, political talks and the naming of a regional special envoy. "We have been following developments in Myanmar closely with much concern, especially incidents of violence in many parts of the country," foreign ministry spokesperson Tanee Sangrat said in a statement. He reiterated a call for an end to the violence, the release of all detainees and the "concrete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus" as soon as possible. The junta has failed to impose control since seizing power from elected leader Aug San Suu Kyi, who is among more than 4,500 people detained since the coup. At least 847 have been killed, a rights group says. The army disputes that figure. Meanwhile, daily protests against the military have evolved in parts of Myanmar into armed insurrections while decade old ethnic conflicts have flared anew. Opponents of the junta have voiced frustration at the lack of tough action by ASEAN and say the meeting of two representatives of the group with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on Friday gave him greater legitimacy but brought no benefit. Thailand has a longer border with Myanmar than any other country and fears the conflict could bring a flood of refugees. Its government is itself led by a former army chief who seized power in a coup before holding elections. "Much of what Thailand has done may not have been made public as we believe that quiet and discreet diplomacy between neighbours would be more effective and in line with traditional Thai diplomacy," Tanee said..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ASEAN Delegation must meet with ALL Relevant Parties in Myanmar
Description: "The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) says that the delegation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) currently in Myanmar must uphold its mandate to meet with ALL relevant parties, including the National Unity Government and the democracy movement. On 3 June 2021, an ASEAN delegation – including ASEAN Chair Dato Erywan Pehin Yosuf, Minister of Foreign Affairs II of Brunei Darussalam, and ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi – arrived in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, to engage in dialogue with the military junta. SAC-M reminds the delegation that it has a mandate from the United Nations Security Council, as well as from ASEAN itself, to engage in dialogue with all relevant parties in Myanmar. The relevant parties include the National Unity Government, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the National League for Democracy and ethnic political parties, the Civil Disobedience Movement and the General Strike Committees, as well as the junta. Failure to meet with all relevant parties risks lending legitimacy to the junta and undermines the enormous effort and sacrifice made by the people of Myanmar to resist the junta’s violent and unlawful attempt to seize power. For its part, the junta has repeatedly demonstrated that its sole aim is to ensure and perpetuate its primacy as an undisputed, militarized, dictatorial force. For months it has led a concerted process of killings and terror on a scale deemed necessary to forcibly maintain the most undemocratic form of social political order, but which has only hardened the people’s resolve not to submit to military rule. Despite having taken the lead role amongst the international community in responding to the crisis in Myanmar, ASEAN has so far failed to meaningfully address the situation. By dismissing the consensus reached at April’s ASEAN Leaders Meeting, the junta has treated ASEAN’s previous attempt to engage with contempt. ASEAN’s wavering amounts to it being possibly an accessory to perpetrating the coup d’etat. Together, ASEAN’s vacillation and the junta’s intransigence put the lives of the people of Myanmar in further acute jeopardy, foreseeing the risk of many more deaths to come, which both ASEAN and the junta will be morally, politically and legally accountable for..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Crimes Against Humanity Committed by Myanmar Junta in Last Three Months
Description: "Amid condemnation by the international community, the Myanmar military regime has intensified its violent suppression of anti-regime protests since the Feb. 1 coup, frequently committing crimes against humanity. In the three months from Feb. 1 to April 30, nearly 760 people were killed during crackdowns, raids, arrests, interrogations and random shootings. Those killed include anti-regime protesters, bystanders, pedestrians and residents. More than 3,400 people have been detained, including elected leaders, National League for Democracy members, election commissioners, doctors, journalists, protesters, activists, writers, artists, teachers and civilians. Facing huge daily protests nationwide, the regime has used lethal weapons including live ammunition, hand grenades and heavy explosives to attack peaceful anti-regime protesters, labeling them as “rioters”. During their raids and crackdowns, the military regime’s forces have committed crimes, destroying civilians’ belongings including vehicles, motorbikes and houses, and looting property including motorbikes, phones, money, foods, chickens and pigs. The Irrawaddy has collected 29 photos containing evidence of the junta forces’ brutality, among thousands of such cases committed against civilians.....Feb 10, 2021: Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, a 19-year-old high school student is on life support at a hospital after being shot in the head by police at an anti-regime protest in Naypyitaw on Feb. 10. During the crackdowns, at least four others were injured as police used live bullets. Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Kine, who had been brain dead, was pronounced dead on Feb. 19. Her death was the first protest related death at the hands of the junta’s force in Myanmar. However, the military junta has denied responsibility for her death claiming she died when protesters shot at each other.....Feb 20, 2021: A medic from a charity treats Ko Yarzar Aung who was shot in the leg in a police vehicle before he was taken away on Feb. 20. Ko Yarzar Aung was injured during the crackdown on hundreds of people who appeared in the street to protest government staff taking part in the civil disobedience movement (CDM) at a dock, in a raid by police and military troops in Mandalay on Feb. 20. In the crackdown, a total of six people were killed and nearly 30 people were injured. More than 80 people, including some seriously injured protesters, were arrested. Medics were not allowed to provide proper treatment to the injured arrested during the crackdown. Four days later, Ko Yarzar Aung died at a military hospital without being provided proper treatment, a witness told The Irrawaddy. The military regime announced he died of COVID-19.....Feb 27,2021: A riot police officer in Myanmar intimidates a pregnant woman by pointing at her face with his fist in Yangon’s Myaynigon during a crackdown on anti-regime protesters on Feb. 27. During the crackdowns, the junta’s forces arrested bystanders and intimidated medical teams by pointing at social worker with guns.....March 3, 2021: Ko Min Thura lost is eyesight in a crackdown by the junta’s forces in Yangon on March 3. He was seriously wounded in the eyes by rubber bullets on March 3 when the junta’s forces conducted a crackdown on anti-regime protests in Yangon’s North Oakkalapa Township. He was shot in the face with rubber bullets when he tried to carry the body of one of his friends out of the line of fire. His right cheek and ear are paralyzed and he can open his mouth only slightly due to the injuries. In the crackdown, around eight anti-regime protesters were killed and several injured. Ko Min Thura lost two close friends killed by the junta’s forces during the crackdown.....March 3, 2021: The 19-year-old Kyal Sin during an anti-regime protest in Mandalay (left). She died after being shot in the head (right). Kyal Sin, also known as Angel or by her Chinese name, Deng Jia Xi, was shot in the head during a heavy-handed police crackdown on anti-regime protesters in downtown Mandalay on March 3. Before she left for the protest, she wrote on Facebok that her wish was to donate her organs if something happened to her. One day after her burial, the regime’s solders forcibly exhumed her body and conducted an autopsy. Later, the regime denied responsibility for killing the girl, reasoning that the girl died when protesters shot at each other.....March 6, 2021: The dead body of NLD ward chairman U Khin Maung Latt, who was tortured to death by the military regime’s forces. During a house raid, the 58-year-old Muslim, a National League for Democracy (NLD) ward chairman, was violently beaten and kicked before being taken from his home at Yangon’s Pabedan Township on the night of March 6. He was tortured to death by the regime’s forces, hours after he was arrested. Since the Feb. 1 coup, three NLD members were tortured to death by the military regime......March 14, 2021: A mortuary with dead bodies of anti-regime protesters in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township. Around 80 civilians were killed across the country when the military regime’s forces conducted crackdowns on anti-regime protesters on March 14. Around 50 protesters were killed and several dozen were injured in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township alone when the regime’s forces opened fire on not only protesters but also bystanders and pedestrians.....March 14, 2021: Two police drag a medical student wounded by live bullets along on the street during deadly crackdowns on anti-regime protests in Yangon’s Tamwe Township on March 14. The 18-year-old, Khant Nyar Hein, a first-year medical student, was shot on the street by the regime’s troops in Tamwe while he was taking part in a protest. Another protester tried to save him, but the police dragged his body away. The protester who attempted to save him was arrested. The body of the teenager was returned to the family later. The boy was shot three times.....March 19, 2021: The mirror widow of a Yangon private hospital is damaged by a gunshot by the junta’s forces. The regimes’ soldiers and police fired shots at SSC Hospital’s women’s center in Yangon on the evening of March 19. No casualties were reported at the center, which provides maternity and newborn care. Pregnant women and women who had just delivered babies were present on two floors the hospital, which were hit by the gunfire. After the gunfire, those in the hospital laid low. At least four other private hospitals were shot at and raided by the junta’s forces in Yangon.....March 19, 2021: Soldiers and police torture an arrested civilian during a crackdown on anti-regime protesters in Yangon Region’s North Oakkalapa Township on March 19. Some said police rode on his shoulders and strangled the man neck with a rope until he was unconscious.....March 19, 2021: The inhumane treatment of citizens by the military regime’s forces was caught in this video screenshot showing officers forcing a man to crawl along a street in Tamwe Township, Yangon Region on March 19. The man, who was being used as forced labor to carry sandbags, was forced to crawl after he could not carry any more. Many residents were also used as forced labor to remove the sandbags, which are used as roadblocks by anti-regime protesters to protect themselves against the crackdowns of the junta’s forces.....March 20, 2021: A funeral is held secretly for 21-year-old Ko Chan Thar Htwe by his family in Mandalay. Neither protesting nor gathering in the street, Mandalay resident Ko Chan Thar Htwe was deliberately shot in the head by the junta forces from long range while he was in front of his house in Chanmyathazi Township in the morning on March 21. On that afternoon, family urgently held a funeral for the victim secretly after changing two locations as the troops searched for them in the ward. On the next day, the whole family fled their home as the junta’s troops searched for them in the ward again, according to a family member..... March 21, 2021: The funeral is held for 16-year-old teashop waiter Zaw Myo Htet, who was shot dead by the junta’s forces in Mandalay during a night raid on March 21. The high school student was shot dead on the night of March 21 by the junta’s forces when he was looking around outside a tea shop where he worked in Chanayethazan Township of Mandalay region. The native of Bago Region came to work as a waiter at the tea shop just two days before his death. During the shooting, seven other residents were also killed. The next day, security forces, claiming they needed to conduct an autopsy, interrupted the funeral of the boy and forcibly took the dead body.....March 23, 2021: The dead body of Ma Khin Myo Chit, who was shot dead in her father’s arms during a house raid in Mandalay. The 6-year-old Muslim girl was shot to death at close-range during a house raid at Aung Pine Lae in Chanmyathazi Township of Mandalay. The frightened girl was slain while being hugged by her father. During the raid, a 19-old-man, the girl’s brother, was also beaten and taken away by the security forces. The family fled their house and held a funeral for the girl secretly since the junta’s forces came to seize the dead body of the girl that night. The military regime’s forces conducted a series of raids in several wards in Chanmyathazi including Aung Pin Lae, Aung Tharyar and Mya Yi Nandar over three days after a confrontation between them and peaceful anti-regime protesters on March 21. In the raids, at least 20 people were killed and about a hundred were injured.....March 26, 2021: Two people are arrested while their hands are tied behind their backs during a crackdown against an anti-regime protest in Tanintharyi Region’s Myeik Township on March 26. The junta’s forces also used two seized ambulances from which to shoot at protesters and bystanders in the town. During the deadly crackdown, four people were killed and at least two dozen were injured. Several protesters were arrested.....March 27, 2021: Soldiers drag away an anti-regime protester hit by bullets after a deadly crackdown against protesters in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan Township on March 27. At least two civilians were seriously injured as large numbers of junta forces dispersed anti-regime protesters in the Yuzana Garden Housing Complex in the township in the morning on March 27 by using live ammunition and stun grenades.....March 27, 2021: A video screenshot shows military troops in vehicles open fire on three boys on motorbikes passing by near them in Tanintharyi Region’s capital Dawei on March 30. One of the three youths on the bike, 17-year-old Kyaw Min Latt, was shot and dragged away by the troops. He was pronounced dead on March 30 by the military hospital, saying the teenager died of a brain injury due to falling from the motorbike.....March 27, 2021: The remains of neighborhood watch member U Aye Ko, who was burned alive by the regime’s troops in Mandalay’s Aungmyethazan Township on March 27. During soldiers’ night raid on Mintae Ekin ward, U Aye Ko, 40, was left behind after being shot. He was dragged away and set on fire at a roadblock by the junta’s forces, witnesses told the media. Residents said they were unable to rescue the volunteer as soldiers were deploying in the area, threatening to shoot anyone who appeared at the windows of houses. On that day, the Myanmar military regime marked its Armed Forces Day by slaughtering around 110 people across the country, making it the bloodiest single day since the Feb. 1 coup.....March 28, 2021: A video screenshot shows two junta forces in partial uniforms using a motorcycle to shoot anti-regime protesters in Myinchan Twonship, Mandalay Region on March 28. A young female anti-regime protester and a male protester were shot dead when the junta’s forces using civilian vehicles and motorcycles randomly opened fire on protesters and residents in Myinchan in the morning on March 28. In the afternoon, the junta’s forces also opened fire on a vehicle carrying children and women passing through the town. In the shooting, a man in the vehicle died after being hit with a live bullet.....March 28, 2021: A man carries the body of a nursing student who was shot dead while assisting the injured during shooting by police and soldiers against anti-regime protests in Sagaing Region’s Monywa on March 28. The 20-year-old nursing student Ma Thinzar Hein was shot dead as she was assisting the injured when the junta’s forces opened fire on anti-regime protesters. In the shooting by junta forces, at least five people were killed.....April 4, 2021: The 19-year-old fell to the ground after being shot while returning home with her husband on a motorbike in Mandalay at night on April 4. The girl died after suffering a head injury, presumably after falling off the bike. Her husband managed to reach medics with his serious injury after being hit in the abdomen by a live bullet fired by junta forces. The rescue workers took 20 minutes to reach her and to drive her home as the team had to hide from the junta’s forces.....April 4, 2021: Photos of Ko Aung Paing Htwe, who was tortured to death at the hands of junta forces. Ko Aung Paing Htwe, 30, was arrested by junta forces while he was extinguishing a fire at a ward administration office in Shan State’s capital, Taunggyi on April 4. His dead body was returned by the military two days later, saying he died of a brain hemorrhage and lung injuries caused by a crash with a fire engine. However, signs of severe torture were obvious on his body, said fellow ward residents. His head was cracked open, his face was covered in bruises, one of his ears had almost been cut off, and there was a knife wound in his back. Wounds in his chest had been stitched back together.....April 9, 2021: The funeral of Ko Thiha, who was killed by the junta’s forces in Bago on April 9 (left). Explosives used by junta’s forces remain unexploded in the attack (right). The social worker was among more than 80 people who were killed by the regime’s troops in a massacre in Bago on April 9. The regime’s forces used automatic weapons and many rifle grenades in attacking the defense team members and night watchman guarding the protest assembly areas during their deadly crackdown on four anti-regime stronghold wards in Bago.....April 17, 2021: Police carry two bodies of protesters hit by bullet in a cart after a deadly crackdown on anti-regime protesters in Mogok, Mandalay Region on April 17. Two were killed and two others were injured in Mogok, a ruby town in Mandalay Region, when the military cracked down on anti-regime protesters. In a video recorded by a local, a soldier is heard issuing the command “I want five people (to be arrested) and I want them dead”.....April 20, 2021: Dead bodies of villagers who were killed during shootouts with the regime’s forces in Yinmabin Township of Sagaing Region on April 20. Hundreds of villagers from Kapaing, Thigone and Thityarpin villages conducted a defensive action against hundreds of military troops approaching the villages for a raid. In the shootouts, the military troops used a drone to search the locations of villagers and used heavy explosives in attacking the villagers taking up homemade percussion lock firearms and slingshots. In the fight, more than 10 villagers were killed and several dozen detained. Troops were based in Kapaing after raiding the village. A villager said the troops looted all food, chickens, pigs, motorcycles and money from the village. They even stole women’s clothing.....April 24, 2021: Portraits of Ma Khin Nyein Thu who was sexually assaulted and tortured in detention. After being accused of involvement in a series of bombing, the detainee, Ma Khin Nyein Thu, 31, was sexually assaulted and tortured by junta forces at an interrogation center in Yangon, a former cellmate released from the junta’s interrogation center revealed on social media and in regular media. She had been tortured and beaten since being arrested by the junta’s forces along with five other people at a house in Yankin Township on April 17. After learning that her boyfriend is a foreigner, officers at the police station in Yakin forced Ma Khin Nyein Thu to open her legs, kicked her in the genitals and beat her on the genitals with a stick. She is still detained.....April 25, 2021: A photo shows regime forces forcing two women to dance for banging pots and pans in Mayangone Township of Yangon on the night of April 25. Myanmar regime forces dragged around 10 residents from their home in Thamine ward in Mayangone Township for banging pots and pans as a night-time anti-regime protest. The junta’s forces forced them to continue to hit their pots and made two women in nightwear dance for them for two hours in the street. Some male civilians were also beaten.....April 26, 2021: The dead body of a street vendor who was killed by the random shooting of junta forces in Mandalay on the evening on April 26. Ko Zaw Shein, 37, was shot dead by the junta’s forces while he appeared on the road near his shop in Sein Pann Ward in Mandalay Region’s Mahar Aung Myay Township at around 7 pm on April 26. In Mandalay, the junta’s forces frequently open fire on pedestrians and bystanders.....April 27, 2021: The dead body of a villager who died after being shot in the abdomen during shooting by the junta’s forces in Kayah State’s Demoso Township on April 27. During the raid to remove roadblocks in Six Mile Village in Demoso, military regime forces opened fire on bystanders and villagers opposing them...."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 4 June, (845) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 4 June, a total of (4565) people are currently under detention; of them (156) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. By 1am on 4 June, Khun Aung Sann was beaten and arrested at his home at Taunggyi Town in Shan State by the junta. The youth’s phone was confiscated and people downstairs in his home were also assaulted. On the 3 June afternoon, Lwin Ko Chit a.k.a Phoe Chit, who is a leader of Sanay Charity Group, Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested by junta troops. Ni Ni Nyunt, headmistress of B.E.M.S (3) of Taungdwingyi Town in Magway Region, was charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code in the morning of 3 June for her involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). She was arrested in March. Thet Tun Aung a.k.a Maung Htoo San, a professional photographer, who was charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on 3 June. He was arrested in April after being accused of joining armed training in an ethnic area. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Diary of a Myanmar medic: 'I learned to treat gunshot wounds on YouTube'
Description: "A doctor who provides treatment to protesters injured by the military describes the daily violence and trauma of post-coup Myanmar Rebecca Ratcliffe A medic in Myanmar, as told to Rebecca Ratcliffe Fri 26 Mar 2021 11.40 EDT A doctor who provides treatment to protesters wounded by the army and police has described a week in the turmoil of the post-coup Myanmar. When the military coup happened, I joined a group of medics providing treatment to protesters. Every day is a risky day for us. I may be captured, I may be shot dead. We don’t have bullet-proof vests. We have only a waistcoat and a stethoscope. Our ambulance has been shot at twice before; we just had to get out and run. If we weren’t providing medical cover, there would be nowhere for people to get proper care. Many doctors and nurses are refusing to work in the government hospitals, because they are protesting against the junta. The only other place for the wounded is the military hospital. I am doing this for my country’s people, and because I want my children to have a bright future.....Saturday: Every morning I say a prayer. I write my blood group, my emergency contact number, my weight and other credentials on my forearm. I tell my wife: if I don’t come back, you must live yourself and take care of the children. My wife is also very active in resisting the military coup. She tells me: do what you have to do, and if you die, I will be proud of you. Today there was a protest by students. The military tried to capture them, but they ran away and hid in the local people’s houses. Residents refused to hand them over, so the military started shooting at them. We waited in hiding around the local houses, trying to get the students home safely. We managed to get about 50 students out. It took half a day. Some of them were very afraid to move. They were so young, only 17 or 18. The students had just bruises, but residents were shot for protecting them. One of the victims, who I cared for, had been shot in the back, near the kidney area. We couldn’t go into his house because all the lanes were blocked off by the military. The other residents managed to carry him to us. They moved him slowly from one house to another house. Eventually he reached our ambulance. At this point, he was barely breathing. There was a lot of blood. We tried to resuscitate but we were not successful. Four people were killed in the area.....Sunday: My team heard from our network that there had been another shooting in a nearby downtown area. There was no protest at the time, but the military was shooting while patrolling the streets. Four people were injured, including a 13-year-old boy. A woman was shot dead. Her body was lying on the road, but we had to wait nearly two hours to treat her because the military was spraying bullets nearby. The fatal wound was on the back of her head. There are some patients we see, lying down on the street, who we cannot reach. The military takes them. They may die, they may not be treated. I think the official death toll is an underestimate. I think I have almost got PTSD. I laugh sometimes, I cry sometimes, I feel depressed sometimes. Sometimes I cannot sleep well. I had not treated gunshot wounds before the coup. I learned from watching YouTube and from reading my medical and surgical books.....Monday: Usually, we connect with our peer-to-peer network on apps, but now the junta has cut everyone’s mobile data. Three people were killed locally today. One of the victims, whose death I certified, was just 20. The military was taking down barricades that residents had put up to protect their neighbourhoods, and the people, who were afraid, were making new barricades further down the road. The military started shooting at them. We treated the patients in nearby homes. There was a gunshot wound to the shoulder, buttocks, as well as rubber bullet wounds, and one patient had cuts to the thigh. We stitched them up to control the bleeding, but without local anaesthesia. We don’t have lots of equipment with us, only our backpacks. We made an IV drip for them, and for the pain relief we gave only diclofenac (Voltaren). We need morphine sometimes but it is a controlled drug so we cannot get it easily. We had to move locations three times as we treated the patients, because the military was coming. It’s like a war. The people living in the houses are very passionate towards us. As medical cover, we are the only help they can find. If the patient’s condition is bad and there’s not much we can do, then they have to be moved to the surgeon, who performs operations in a safe place.....Tuesday: Today was quiet. Patients who were stitched yesterday were given wound dressings. We also went and gave money to the victims’ families. We give to wounded patients who have had to have limbs amputated as well. They are just poor people. Sometimes they have a wife and kids. In one case, a man who was killed had a wife who was three months pregnant. At night time we could not sleep very well because the military was going around patrolling, shooting, and setting off stun grenades. I no longer sleep at my home. I stay in a different place every night. I’ve done this for a month. I am afraid of being arrested in night raids. When the military comes, we turn the lights off in the house, and turn on the street lights, so that we can see what they are doing outside.....Wednesday: Mobile data is still down. We trained other volunteers who are not medics, teaching them how to check patients, how to do the tourniquet, how to stop the bleeding. I am afraid for tomorrow; often one or two days of quiet are followed by violence.....Thursday: The military came again tonight, patrolling the area where I am staying and yelling at us not to go outside. The people on my street were OK, but in another nearby area one man was shot dead. He was a resident who had volunteered to stay out on night patrol, to alert others in case the military approached. My daughter is afraid of the loud bangs and cursing. She asks me: why don’t the police come [to stop the shootings]? She has seen, in the movies, how the police are the good guys who take the bad guys out. It is a very hard question for me to answer. How can I tell her that those who are shooting the people are police and soldiers? Whenever I go outside, she asks me when I will come back. She tells me: daddy, don’t go out they will shoot you. It is traumatic for children. Due to Covid, the schools have already been closed for around one and a half years. My daughter asks me when she can go out on a trip, but it is too dangerous for children to go outside. Luckily we have wifi and so she can watch YouTube. I logged out of my Facebook a few days ago, so that I can concentrate on my work. There is too much rumour, fake news, psychological warfare by the junta, and graphic imagery on social media. There are live videos of people being slaughtered or captured and beaten. It’s hard to cope with that stimulus all the time. Sometimes, if I can’t sleep at night, I take antidepressants. After the revolution is successful, I want to apply to open a clinic specialising in trauma and stress. We need it a lot. We feel insecure all the time. We feel the danger and violence. We are fearful all the time..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-03-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Hostages under the military coup
Description: "Hostages under the military coup Date : 4 June 2021 Since 1 February 2021, when the junta arrested Burma’s elected state leaders and unlawfully seized power, junta forces have carried out relentless and dailyarbitrary arrests. The junta uses brutal force to arrest these civilians, on thestreet, in their homes, and even in hospitals receiving medical treatment. The junta employs brutality to arrest those not easily detained, like ramming with cars. When wanted individuals aren’t found, family members are taken hostage. This junta takes whoever they can find, including children, employing worsening methods to apprehend the detainees. According to AAPP’s documentation, at least 76 people have been taken hostage since the coup. 28 have been released and 45 remain in custody. Twowere placed under house arrest and one has been sentenced to prison. The 45 who remain in custody include National League for Democracy’s Hluttaw representatives, party leaders, protestors, CDM strikers, those issued warrants under Penal Code 505-a, and those suspected to have links to EAO’s. Two people currently held hostage have been placed under house arrest. On 22 May, in Pantanaw Township, Irrawaddy Division, the junta came to arrest NLD party leader U Mya Nyein at his house. They did not find him, instead taking his wife Daw Nyein Nyine (75 years-old) and his cousin Daw Wine Tine (65 years-old). At first held in Pantanaw Police Station, they were later placed under house arrest. At present, they have not been allowed to return to their home in Mimma Pye Village, instead held at the house of U Mya Nyein. One person who was taken as hostage has been sentenced to prison. On 2 May, in Rangoon Division, the home of political activist Ko Tin Hute Paing, in North Okklapa, was raided. The junta could not find him, instead detaining and beating his mother. On 28 May, at a North Okkalapa military court, she was sentenced to three years under Penal Code 505-a. Of the 76 hostages, 36 of them are women, aged from 2 to 75 years old.Hostage taking is a serious crime, committed by terrorist organizations. Yetsuccessive dictators in Burma have carried out abductions. Preceding drafted constitutions have given impunity for these past crimes and present crimes.In 1979 the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages was first introduced, Myanmar became a state party to the convention on 4 June 2004. Partied states pledged that hostage taking is a threat to international peace and security. Hostage-taking is a violation of the basic values upheld by the United Nations, namely the fundamental rights enjoyed by every individual, including life, liberty, and security, laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights(ICCPR). The terrorist actions by this junta clearly defy international humanitarian law in Burma. We, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP),condemn this brutality, call for the immediate release of all hostages, and for the international community to take stern and meaningful action..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
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Title: Hunting Traditions, ‘Spirit of Resistance’ Give Myanmar’s 'Tumee' Rifle Militias Edge Over Military
Sub-title: CDF fighters claim to have killed some 100 junta soldiers with handmade guns since late April.
Description: "The volunteer militiamen of Myanmar’s Chin state have outgunned their better-equipped antagonists in the military in recent weeks of fighting with little more than decades-old rifles and say their hunting traditions and natural “spirit of resistance” will lead them to victory over the junta. Members of the Chinland Defense Force (CDF), based in the poorest of Myanmar’s 14 states and regions, have squared off with troops loyal to the regime since late April in response to brutal military repression of peaceful protests that erupted soon after the Feb. 1 coup d’état that toppled national leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government. The network of ragtag fighters has reported killing some 100 junta soldiers and torching at least 10 military vehicles since then, shocking observers with their record of success against Southeast Asia’s second largest army using only slingshots and the same crude flintlock “Tumee” rifles their forefathers used to fight off British colonizers in the 1880s. And while the military in mid-May occupied the CDF stronghold of Mindat with a force of some 1,000 soldiers reportedly using local residents as human shields, bringing an end to daily fighting in the region, militiamen recently told RFA’s Myanmar Service that they have what it takes to protect their homeland and help remove the junta from power. A CDF member from Mindat, speaking on condition of anonymity out of fear of reprisal, said that the militia’s comparatively crude equipment is more than capable of matching the military’s heavy artillery and air strikes, citing the number of casualties the group has inflicted. “We Chin are born with a spirit of resistance and a natural hatred of the military regime,” he said of the junta, which he condemned for overthrowing civilian rule after free and fair elections during the coronavirus pandemic. “Our people became outraged and now they have exploded. We began gathering guns as soon as we heard about the shooting and killing of protesters in lower Myanmar ... and we intend to fight back if they start doing the same in Chin state,” he added. “I have seen the people in lower Myanmar fighting back using catapults and other small guns. We will not remain quiet as we have Tumee rifles in almost every household in Chin state.”.....Rifle traditions: The British empire granted the Chin the right to use Tumee rifles for hunting bears, wild boars, deer, tigers and other wildlife during its 1824-1948 colonial rule of Myanmar, then called Burma. The rifles, which traditionally used gunpowder produced from animal dung and the leaves of toxic plants, were meticulously maintained and duplicated through the years, and eventually used to resist British rule during the First and Second World Wars. While Tumee rifles are found in most Chin households, few are registered with the government. The more modern versions are powered with ammunition produced with materials easily found in the marketplace. With a range of between 50 and 100 feet, the weapons are reloaded by filling the barrel with gunpowder—a process that can take around three minutes. Another CDF member in Mindat, who also declined to be named, said that after clashes erupted with the military in April, “at least 20 or so people from between 40 and 60 villages” grabbed their weapons to join the fight. “All of them are hunters, so they don’t need any military training,” he said. “They know these mountains and jungles. They can navigate well. They go straight to where the gunfire comes from and can easily shoot everyone who is wearing a uniform.” He compared firing at troops to shooting “animals running in the forest,” adding that a lack of a formal strategy had helped the CDF to outwit its military opponents. “There is no centralized organizing through which we gather and march toward the battle, but no one in our ranks will retreat,” he said. “We march forward as we shoot … and we fire one gunshot at a time. We have to refill our ammunition to shoot again, and that’s why we have to aim very carefully. We cannot afford to waste bullets.” Inspiring rebellion The success of the CDF has inspired resistance against the military in neighboring Sagaing region’s Kalay township as well as other townships in northern Chin state, where ethnic Chin communities are seeing similar results with their own Tumee rifle rebellions. “In our Chin mountains, there are traditional laws that have been applied since ancient times,” a resident told RFA when asked about the odds of overcoming a military campaign conducted by well-supplied and trained soldiers. “We have traditional rules and regulations applied to the local people. These lands are ours. We have our own culture. So, we will not allow to the military regime to invade us.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s National Unity Govt ‘No Longer Has Faith’ in ASEAN
Topic: Asean, confidence, expectation, meeting, NUG, press conference
Topic: Asean, confidence, expectation, meeting, NUG, press conference
Description: "Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG) said it no longer has any expectation that ASEAN can help Myanmar, as the regional bloc has only engaged with the regime while neglecting it. The comment came on Friday as two regional envoys visited the country as part of a five-point consensus agreed at the Jakarta meeting in late April, and met the junta leader, Min Aung Hlaing. To help resolve the crisis caused by the military coup in February, the regional bloc has led the main international diplomatic effort. Four months on, the country is still reeling from the resulting chaos, such as the regime troops’ deadly crackdowns on protesters, economic stalemate and instability issues. The junta has been facing deadly resistance from ethnic armed groups as well as guerrilla-style civilian resistance forces across the country. In April, the ASEAN leaders reached a five-point consensus, including urging Myanmar to accept the appointment of a special envoy to engage with all the parties and to grant access to humanitarian assistance from ASEAN. After the Jakarta meeting, the Myanmar coup leader said the agreements will be carried out only when stability has returned to Myanmar. During an online press conference on Friday, the NUG’s Deputy Foreign Minister U Moe Zaw Oo said the NUG had asked the ASEAN secretariat “many times” what ASEAN would do if the coup leader, who had consented to the bloc’s five-points consensus, does not comply with the agreement. The NUG was not invited to the April meeting despite its request. “But there has been no response yet,” he said. The deputy minister said ASEAN must engage with both sides, saying ASEAN at the moment is not engaging with the NUG, but only with the junta leaders. “Frankly speaking, we no longer have any faith in ASEAN’s efforts, and we have no expectation,” he said, adding that it looks like “ASEAN does not have a solid plan for their credibility.” On the same day in Naypyitaw, ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Yusof, Brunei’s foreign affairs minister, met with Myanmar coup leader Min Aung Hlaing. They discussed cooperating with Myanmar on humanitarian issues, according to the military’s mouthpiece Myawady TV. The junta also raised the issue of violence in the country and blamed the NUG and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) (CRPH), both of which it has declared treasonous. During the press conference, the NUG stressed that it had nothing to do with ongoing explosions at schools or the killing of junta-appointed general administrative officials in urban areas. U Moe Zaw Oo said, “We disagree with violent acts, and we don’t commit such terror acts against civilians. The NUG is not related to such violence.” The NUG’s deputy minister of defense, Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo, said the NUG and CRPH are being accused of destructive acts that are believed to have been committed by military thugs..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: SAC-M: Tracking the Three Cuts: SAC-M Launches Live Record of Cuts to Junta’s Cash
Description: "The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) is launching a live record of actions taken since the attempted coup in Myanmar by States, businesses, and other entities – including sanctions, operation suspensions and divestments – that contribute to cutting the junta’s finances. SAC-M is calling for a global ‘Three Cuts’ strategy against the junta in Myanmar: cut the weapons, cut the cash, cut the impunity. The live record can be found here: https://specialadvisorycouncil.org/cut-the-cash/ The junta in Myanmar – once the Myanmar military – is infamous for having a long-established and complex web of commercial interests composed of military-linked companies and subsidiaries, State-owned enterprises, and private crony companies. The wealth generated through this corrupt system that spans Myanmar’s economy creates immense personal wealth for the junta’s leadership and enables its forces to carry out massive human rights violations across the country. “The junta relies heavily on revenues from domestic and foreign business deals to support its operations and insulate its leaders from the extreme economic hardship they are forcing on the rest of the country” says Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Cutting off the junta’s multi-million-dollar income is essential to support the people’s Civil Disobedience Movement, halt the junta’s massive human rights violations and hold the perpetrators accountable. This live record is intended to highlight who has taken action and who has not.” Since launching a coup on 1 February 2021, the junta’s forces have murdered at least 840 people – including dozens of children – abducted and detained thousands, and committed brazen acts of torture, sexual and gender-based violence and other forms of extreme brutality. The junta has launched airstrikes and fired heavy artillery into towns and villages in rural areas. Tens, or even hundreds, of thousands of people are newly displaced from their homes both in the cities and towns and along Myanmar’s western and eastern borders. Responding to the many calls from Myanmar civil society organizations, States, businesses and other entities have begun taking action against the junta such as with targeted sanctions, operation suspensions and divestments. SAC-M acknowledges and welcomes the efforts and actions taken so far and will continue to track future actions as well as their implementation. “States and business enterprises have international legal obligations to respect human rights and must do the utmost to avoid that their activities and businesses cause adverse human rights impacts,” says Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “In view of these obligations, as part of the UN Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, we called in 2019 for complete economic disengagement from the Myanmar military, military leaders and their families, and corporations and businesses owned or controlled by the military. Those calls remain critical today.” SAC-M maintains that economic sanctions will work in Myanmar insofar as they are targeted at cutting the junta’s finances. Besides economic disengagement from the Myanmar military, the Fact-Finding Mission also called for the promotion of economic ties and engagement with non-military companies in Myanmar as a means of building the non-military sector of the economy. The inescapable fact is that at the moment it is impossible to do business in Myanmar. Under the current circumstances, businesses should be supporting the anti-coup resistance by suspending all operations in Myanmar apart from essential humanitarian operations. However, in time the removal of the junta from the economy will create the legal and economic environment where corruption can be addressed seriously for the first time. It will open up greatly expanded opportunities for non-military businesses, local and foreign. Private business will be needed for the long-delayed economic development of Myanmar. With the live record, SAC-M intends to provide an overview of actions taken so far by States, businesses and other financial entities since 1 February 2021 towards cutting all direct or indirect financial support to the junta. The record is intended as a living document that SAC-M will continue to maintain and update as necessary. SAC-M encourages business enterprises, including those that may not be mentioned in this record, to inform SAC-M of any relevant action undertaken with regard to their economic activities in Myanmar. The record lists business enterprises that have proactively taken actions against the junta as a result of the coup and the ensuing human rights violations committed against civilians, who have resisted the unlawful attempted takeover of power. It does not include companies that had to suspend their business activities because of actions of the Civil Disobedience Movement. “There are already signs that these collective cuts to the junta’s finances are starting to bite,” says Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “It is essential that we continue to build the pressure. A priority is coordinated international sanctions on the junta’s extractive industry so-called State-owned enterprises – including Myanmar Timber Enterprise, Myanmar Gems Enterprise, and of course, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. I first raised my concerns over these entities as UN Special Rapporteur in 2019. They are central to the junta’s finances, and it will use them to exploit every last inch of Myanmar’s natural wealth while oppressing the people and driving the country to ruin.” Cutting the junta’s finances is part of a global ‘Three Cuts’ strategy that SAC-M is calling for: cut the junta’s arms supply through comprehensive arms embargos, cut the cash flow through targeted economic sanctions, and cut the junta’s impunity through referral to the International Criminal Court and other accountability mechanisms. The progress of all ‘Three Cuts’ will be tracked on SAC-M’s website..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ‘I just want to cry’: Non-striking civil servants in a moral bind
Description: "Daw May Thu is not proud to serve under the military regime. Quite the opposite: she despises it and fervently prays it will fall. Yet while she seethes with resentment and shame, she continues to serve in her position at the Ministry of Home Affairs in Nay Pyi Taw. “It’s not wrong to think of me as a coward, because many people are so determined and made bold decisions to join [the Civil Disobedience Movement],” said May Thu. Along with others interviewed for this report, she is given a pseudonym to avoid reprisals. “Sometimes when I see [social media] posts that criticise non-CDM people, I start to sweat. My whole body becomes warm and I feel so ashamed,” she said. Since the February coup, hundreds of thousands of civil servants have gone on strike throughout the country. The strike is one element of the CDM, which includes boycotts of military-linked companies and their products, and other activities aimed at disrupting the junta’s efforts to consolidate control over the country. The CDM has caused serious disruption to healthcare, education, banking and transport services, and cracks are also showing in the police, local administration and other sectors. As the regime suspends contracts, issues arrest warrants, evicts the families of public servants and hunts down those refusing to report to work, CDM participants have earned strong support domestically and internationally. Underground funding networks have raised hundreds of thousands of dollars to support striking workers, and in March, the CDM was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, comprised of lawmakers ousted by the coup, endorsed the movement within weeks of the first strikes, and in March said it would guarantee that people who joined the CDM could return to their posts under a future civilian government. The following month, the CRPH-appointed interim National Unity Government, which is serving in parallel to the regime, announced that it would use funds donated to the CRPH to pay the salaries of striking civil servants. Meanwhile, those who have stayed in their posts have faced social punishment, a strategy of naming and shaming people connected with the military or supporting the regime. As the military’s acts of terror have increased in frequency and violence, hostility towards those who are not participating in the CDM has only grown. At times, anger towards these individuals has turned violent. On May 4, Myanmar Now reported a series of explosions at a court, education office, and public hospital compound in Magway Region’s Myaing Township, with residents attributing the blasts to CDM supporters, and on June 2, Democratic Voice of Burma reported that a bomb exploded at the house of a non-CDM teacher in the town of Mogok in Mandalay Region. Frontier interviewed five civil servants who chose not to join the CDM. All said they had opposed the coup and contemplated joining the movement, but had decided to stay at their posts for reasons ranging from concern for their families, fears for their safety and loyalty to like-minded colleagues. Some also thought they could do more to help the people by continuing to work rather than going on strike or resigning. May Thu said that if, as she expects, the junta eventually falls, she and other non-striking colleagues will be prepared to accept any censure or punishment for their choice. “When the [civilian] government wins, if CDM people point their fingers and laugh, we will happily leave our office,” she said. “All I want is for the coup to fail and the CRPH to win.” “If they ask us to leave in humiliation … we will not hesitate to do so.” ‘Becoming like Pyongyang’ On the day of the coup, May Thu and her colleagues were called to a meeting and told that as civil servants they must continue to do their duties regardless of who was in power. “The majority of my colleagues, maybe two-thirds, were disappointed to learn about the coup. On that day, we weren’t motivated to work anymore,” said May Thu. For a few weeks, however, some hope lingered that the protests would succeed and military rule would be short-lived. May Thu and like-minded colleagues joined the nationwide evening ritual of banging pots and pans to symbolically “drive out evil”. They also watched with excitement and admiration as others left their posts. Most did this by resigning rather than going on strike, due to fear of arrest, although May Thu said this has become less common in recent weeks because the regime has started denying resignation requests. “Many of my colleagues couldn’t stand it anymore and decided to resign not long after the coup … We just watched them and respected them for their decisions,” she said. But as the days passed, her optimism faded. Shots were fired at an apartment where people were banging pots and pans, and the practice gradually stopped in her compound. May Thu watched as the CDM’s momentum in her office also fizzled out. “At first, it seemed like the CDM was going to succeed, and many people were planning to leave, but for so many reasons, some of us changed our minds,” she said. Life for civil servants in Nay Pyi Taw has also grown increasingly regimented. “They started to order us to do things that we didn’t want to do,” May Thu said. She and her colleagues are required to inform the authorities about visitors to their dormitories, for example, and now have to sign in twice a day at the office. They have even been ordered to buy “low quality” cloth for their uniforms at a “high price” from a military-run enterprise and sew them according to detailed specifications. “It starts from how many buttons we can sew and if we change it a bit, it can cause problems,” May Thu said. “We must follow their instructions exactly.” “We joke among ourselves that our place is becoming like Pyongyang,” she added, referring to the capital of North Korea, a totalitarian dictatorship. Camaraderie with her colleagues has helped her cope with the situation, but despondency often overwhelms May Thu. “We don’t feel like doing anything at the office. Every day, we have to sit and read [the regime’s] orders. We know they will bring nothing good for the country … We just want to cry.” May Thu reached a breaking point during the Thingyan holiday in mid-April, when she and her colleagues were required to participate in traditional Myanmar dancing on a stage at a military-run event. Some feigned stomach aches, but the ruse was unsuccessful because they were unable to present a doctor’s certificate. “You could count with one hand those who really enjoyed celebrating Thingyan,” said May Thu, who broke into tears when describing the experience. “We had to dance, despite our sadness.” After Thingyan, she called her parents and told them she was coming home, but changed her mind after speaking with female colleagues. “We all live together as a family,” she said. “I don’t want to break our relationship.” May Thu also believes that leaving her post could do more harm than good. “If we joined the CDM and left the office, military staff would surely replace us,” she said. “I know that there are many people who will say, ‘You decided to stay, so why are you complaining?’ … If I were them, I might say the same thing to non-CDM people. Nonetheless, I still hope there’s some people who’ll understand our choice and sympathise with us.” Safeguarding families Family considerations are a powerful reason why some civil servants have not joined the CDM. “[My mother] worked really hard so I could become a doctor,” said Dr Paing Htoo, who works at a public hospital in Kayin State. He supports his single mother and a younger sibling, who would have no income if he were detained. More than 150 health workers have so far been arrested for joining the CDM, and the junta has issued arrest warrants for 400 striking doctors, according to the Humanitarian Data Exchange. “I consider my family more than myself,” said Paing Htoo. “I’m worried that if I join the CDM, I might get arrested and it would break my mother’s heart.” Paing Htoo also believes he can help his community by continuing to serve patients, especially the elderly and poor. “I completely agree that the coup is an injustice,” he said, “but most people here depend on the services [my hospital] provides. By continuing to work here, I can give a little help to those in need.” Although he worries about facing harassment or threats for his decision not to join the CDM, he hopes his integrity will protect him. “According to my [Buddhist] religion, if you do good things, merit can save you from danger,” he said. High CDM participation in the education sector prompted the regime to suspend more than 125,000 CDM teachers throughout the country in May, but some in the profession have felt unable to join the mass strike. Although Roi Ja, a primary school teacher and single mother in Kachin State, was upset about the coup, she decided not to join the CDM because of her family responsibilities. “Of course, I would prefer to work under the previous government than the military,” she said. “I really wish the coup would fail. I would definitely join the CDM if I had another secure job and received enough to support my children.” With arrest warrants out for more than 200 teachers, fear of arrest also deterred Roi Ja from going on strike. “I would have to be alert all the time,” she said, adding, “I couldn’t easily relocate [and go into hiding], since I have a big family and other responsibilities.” Fearing social punishment, however, she has hidden her decision from her colleagues who are in the CDM . “I feel guilty and ashamed,” she said. U Kaung Myat, an election official who asked that his location not be revealed, became the sole income-earner for his family of four after his wife joined the CDM. He worries about being dismissed from his post should he also join the CDM, but also fears being promoted should he stay in his role. “If I am offered [a promotion], it will be the hardest decision … I will hesitate because many people have given their lives,” he said. Like many Union Election Commission staff across the country, he was detained shortly after the coup when the junta pressured election officials to back its unsubstantiated voting fraud claims, in an effort to discredit the National League for Democracy’s victory in November’s election. Having spent more than a month in custody, Kaung Myat fears being arrested again. “I was abducted once. I don’t want to experience it twice,” he said.. “If I was single, I could run and hide somewhere, but I have two children and my wife is pregnant.” Fighting from inside U Kyaw Kyaw, a police officer in Chin State, said his work had become more dangerous since the coup but he had resolved to remain in his job. “I don’t feel safe, because people’s reactions to us before and after the coup have changed,” he said. “I am especially worried about being attacked or shot when I go outside.” Civilians in cities and towns across the country have been arming themselves since late March to defend their communities from regime forces, and recently, unknown assailants fired tumi hunting rifles at the police station where Kyaw Kyaw works. Although Kyaw Kyaw initially contemplated joining the CDM, the news that one of his colleagues who had joined the movement was arrested while trying to cross the border to India has deterred him, as has a sense of obligation to the oath he took when joining the police force. “Personally, I don’t like the military dictatorship, but this is politics and I [have to] step aside from politics,” he said. “We took an oath to the country under Myanmar’s flag when we started working in the police force … We are just civil servants and we have to carry out our duties.” Ko Thu Rain, a CDM organiser who focuses on police defectors, said he had had to try new tactics when seeking to support holdouts like Kyaw Kyaw in resisting the regime The CRPH declared March 31 as the deadline for civil servants to join the CDM, and whether or not this was decisive, Thu Rain acknowledged that the rate of people joining from within the police force was slowing. Although he estimated that 95 percent of police officers were opposed to the coup, he said many of those left felt too fearful to leave their post. “All the risk-takers have already become CDM,” Thu Rain said. “ Now I cannot convince people to join the CDM.” Instead, his support network is focusing on encouraging police who remained at their posts to fight the system from within, by using their authority to help people through acts of leniency. “[Previously], people got involved in the CDM by running away from the office. Now, non-CDM people will get involved in a different way,” he said. Thu Rain hopes that this covert strategy need only be temporary, until ethnic armed groups and newly-formed People’s Defence Forces take control of cities and towns that could serve as safe havens for defecting police and other civil servants. Once this begins, he predicts that a domino effect will follow. “If one very strong police station [or force] goes against the military, then every police force in Myanmar will [rise up],” he said. “They are waiting for that time, but they don’t know who is going to do that … They cannot take the risk if it is not a good time. They only have one [chance]” Thu Rain said that every move from now on will need to be weighed carefully, and that past practises in the movement must be re-thought. “The CDM people did their best [but] it is time to change the strategy,” he said. “We have to approach it in a clever way; [only] then we can win this fight.” ..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-06-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.18/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၁၈/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၁၈/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ(၂) ရက် သင်ကြားရေးဝန်ထမ်းများ ခန့်ထားခြင်းနှင့် စေတနာ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ ဖိတ်ခေါ်ခြင်း..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: COVID-19 outbreak builds in Myanmar near Indian border
Description: " A new outbreak of COVID-19 is growing near Myanmar’s northwestern border with India, bringing the sharpest increase in cases since the military coup in February led to a collapse in health services and the testing programme. Official figures released late on Thursday showed 122 cases across the country for the second time in three days - a low number compared with many Asian neighbours, but the highest in nearly four months. Many of the cases are from Chin State, bordering India, raising concerns that the more transmissible variant first found there is now spreading in Myanmar. “Three people died yesterday alone. Many got scared,” Lang Khan Khai from the Zomi Care and Development aid group told Reuters from the town of Tonzang, just over 20 km (13 miles) from the border with India. “People rarely go out.” Reuters was unable to reach the health ministry for comment. Medics are concerned that few cases are being detected. The rate of confirmed infections to tests of over 8% on Thursday was the highest since late November, when the last wave of infections peaked. Coronavirus testing collapsed after the coup as many health workers joined a civil disobedience movement to protest against the coup that ousted elected ruler Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government had brought two waves of infection under control. Tests averaged just over 1,400 a day in the seven days to Thursday compared with well over 17,000 in the week before the coup..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: CRPH Announcement No.29/2021: ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် ( ၂၉/၂၀၂၁ )
Description: "ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် ( ၂၉/၂၀၂၁ ) ၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ကဆုန်လပြည့်ကျော် ၉ ရက် ဇွန်လ (၃)ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်။ ---------------------------------------- ၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ပြည်သူတို့အပ်နှင်းထားသော တာဝန်နှင့် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အရ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေး၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ လိုလားချက်ဖြစ် သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော် တည်ထောင်ရေးအတွက် တစ်စိုက်မတ်မတ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီသည် ပြည်သူတို့၏ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ လုံခြုံရေးကို ထိခိုက်စေသည့် မည်သည့်အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်မျိုးကိုမျှ လက်ခံခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း အတိအလင်း ကြေညာသည်။ ၃။ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ လက်ပါးစေများ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်နှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် မိမိကိုယ်ကို ကာကွယ်ခုခံပိုင်ခွင့်၊ အခြားသူကို ကာကွယ်ခုခံပိုင်ခွင့်အား ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ် တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီက အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၏ ရပ်တည်ချက်နှင့် ပြည်သူတို့၏ကာကွယ်ခုခံပိုင်ခွင့်အပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် ပုံပျက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ မသမာသူများမှ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ပစ်မှတ် ထားသော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ ဖန်တီးလုပ်ဆောင်လာကြသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိလာရပါသည်။ ၅။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ယင်းကဲ့သို့သော မသမာသူများ၏ ဖန်တီးလုပ် ဆောင်မှုများကို ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ပူးပေါင်းရပ်တည်ကာကွယ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ (၃-၆-၂၀၂၁ ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်သောစုံညီအစည်းအဝေးဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အရ) ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 3 June, (845) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Launglon Township in Tanintharyi Region and Pekon Township in Southern Shan State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 3 June, a total of (4509) people are currently under detention; of them (138) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour (who are evading arrest). We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 2 June, a 19 year-old youth was shot dead to the forehead and another civilian was seriously injured after being shot in the mouth when junta forces opened sniper fire in Mobye Town, Pekon Township in Southern Shan State. Two women, who were arrested with gunshot injuries later died after they ran away in fear when junta troops entered Chaung Wa Pyin village, Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region on the night of 29 May. Both women were cremated and photos of their bodies were sent to the families by the junta in the evening of 31 May. In the early morning of 3 June, two NLD members were beaten and arrested at their home in Sein Pan Ward, Mahaaungmyay Township in Mandalay Region after an anti-dictatorship protest in Sein Pann ward. Lawyer Thet Tun Oo, who is representing pro-bono, people arrested for staging anti-dictatorship protests in Myitkyina, Kachin State, was arrested on 2 June. This happened after he testified in a case at the court in Myitkyina Prison. He is currently detained at Myitkyina Myoma Police Station. A lawsuit was filed against him under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by the Myitkyina Myoma Police Station Officer. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.16 MB 4.06 MB 976.54 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 2 June, (842) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Loikaw Township in Kayah State was killed on 30 May and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 2 June, a total of (4468) people are currently under detention; of them (133) are sentenced. 1909 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 17 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of May 30, a man was shot dead in an unprovoked shooting by junta troops while riding a motorbike when he returned to Law Pi Ta Village from Kyauk Taung Village at Loikaw Township in Kayah State. On 2 June morning, former village administrator of Pan Lin Village of Pyaung Khaung Village Tract of Mogok Township of Mandalay Region, was arrested by the junta with two military vehicles. In addition to this, after a bomb blast at a car workshop in Ohn Shit Pin town, Pandaung Township, Bago Region on the night of 1 June, a 62 year-old mother and wife of a man who the junta was searching for, were arbitrarily arrested in the morning of 2 June when the junta did not find the man at his home. A grandfather was also arrested on the night of 31 May in Taungdwingyi town, Magway Region when the junta did not find his grandson Pyae Phyo Paing in a search, a political activist. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.09 MB 4.12 MB 978.36 KB
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Title: EU to impose new sanctions on Myanmar junta, companies -top envoy
Description: "The European Union will impose a new round of sanctions on Myanmar's military junta and its economic interests in the coming days, EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell told Reuters on Thursday. In an interview in Jakarta after meetings with Southeast Asian diplomats, Borrell said the fresh sanctions from the EU would be the third batch introduced since the military ousted Myanmar's democratically-elected government on Feb. 1. "There is a third row of sanctions in preparation that will be approved (in) the coming days (targeting) personnel of the military junta and also the entity that represents the economic interests of the military," he said. Since the coup, EU sanctions have frozen assets or applied travel bans on 21 military and civilian members of Myanmar's junta. European citizens and companies are also forbidden from making funds available to those sanctioned. The bloc's last round of sanctions in April targeted military-owned conglomerates Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), barring EU investors and banks from doing business with them. The EU sanctions, along with those of other Western powers, have yet to persuade the junta to cede to their demands to restore democracy, release political detainees or begin dialogue with members of the ousted government, many of whom are imprisoned. The coup plunged Myanmar into crisis after 10 years of tentative steps toward democracy. Mass demonstrations have met with a deadly crackdown by security forces and the economy has collapsed. A refugee crisis is growing and some of Myanmar's many ethnic armed groups are taking up arms against the junta. While in Jakarta, Borrell met with envoys from countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on Thursday. The headquarters of ASEAN, which includes Myanmar as one of its 10 members, is based in the Indonesian capital. Borrell said he told the Myanmar representative to ASEAN: to "end repression and go back to normal political behaviour through free and fair elections". He said he wanted ASEAN to continue to lead the global diplomatic effort to restore stability and democracy to Myanmar, even though the group has been criticised by human rights groups, opponents of the junta and experts for being too slow and too meek in responding to the coup. "They are doing the best possible job," said Borrell. As first reported by Reuters, two senior ASEAN officials are heading to Myanmar this week to meet with the junta, the first visit by the bloc's representatives since the coup was launched. ASEAN has also said it opposed a non-binding United Nations resolution for an arms embargo on Myanmar. The EU already has a freeze on the sale and transfer of weapons to the country. A further 14 high-ranking Myanmar military officials were sanctioned by the EU for serious human rights abuses against the Rohingya minority after some 700,000 of the Muslim ethnic group were violently expelled from Buddhist-majority Myanmar by security forces in 2017..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Lawyer for Myanmar's Suu Kyi worried over representation for secrets case
Description: "The top lawyer for Myanmar's deposed leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, voiced concern on Friday that she had no legal representative listed in the case against her brought by the military junta for breaking the Official Secrets Act. Khing Maung Zaw said the Supreme Court had announced cases to be heard on June 23 against Suu Kyi and four others, including her Australian economic adviser, Sean Turnell, but had listed all of them as representing themselves. "We have concerns that they won't have any legal representatives and there won't be any transparency with hearing," Khin Maung Zaw told Reuters. "Normally, they should contact the defendants and need to give the opportunity to the defendants to contact their lawyers before they announce the case." Reuters was unable to reach the Supreme Court or a junta spokesman for comment. The secrets charges are the most serious ones facing Suu Kyi, 75, and could mean a 14-year jail sentence. She appeared in court for the first time since the coup this month on lesser charges, which include breaking COVID-19 protocols. No explanation has been given for taking the secrets case directly to the Supreme Court, whose verdict cannot be appealed. The army overthrew Suu Kyi on Feb. 1, cutting short a decade of democratic reforms that resulted from a long campaign for democracy that made her a national heroine and won her the Nobel peace prize. The army accused Suu Kyi's party of fraud in its massive victory in a November 2020 election, accusations dismissed by monitors and the then electoral commission. Suu Kyi is among more than 4,500 people who have been detained since the coup, which has plunged Myanmar into chaos - with daily protests, paralysing strikes and a resurgence of ethnic conflicts..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
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Title: Myanmar's Spring Revolution
Description: "After Myanmar’s grabbed power on February 1, they immediately faced strong resistance from citizens seeking to restore civilian rule. This resistance grew into a nationwide movement that attracted global support. The three-month anniversary of the coup was in fact marked by protests across the world which came to be known as “Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Day”. Myanmar’s “Spring Revolution” aims to unite the country’s citizens in strong rejection of the coup and a call for the return of democratic rule. It encompasses all forms of resistance, including the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), community actions, social media protests, and even the use of guerilla tactics and armed resistance against attacks by security forces. The Spring Revolution follows the tradition of previous anti-junta movements such as the “’88 Pro-Democracy Uprising” in 1988, and the “Saffron Revolution” led by Buddhist monks in 2007. Today’s Spring Revolution has maximized the creative use of digital tools in coordinating protests and promoting the goals of the democracy movement. It has also striven to be more inclusive, challenging gender and racial prejudices and seeking to build solidarity across Myanmar’s many ethnic communities. Since day one of the coup, Global Voices has documented the resistance movement in Myanmar, partnering with independent media groups and relying on reports by local researchers and citizen journalists highlighting the situation across Myanmar’s communities. This special coverage section continues our special coverage, focusing on the coup’s social impact and the ongoing defiance of Myanmar’s citizens as they challenge the actions and legitimacy of the military regime.. We were deeply inspired by the words a citizen journalist shared with us during a webinar we hosted in April about the situation in Myanmar: The military junta could only terrorize our country, but they can’t rule. They could shoot, kill and arrest our young heroes called “Spring flowers” but they can’t avoid Burma’s Spring..."
Source/publisher: "Global Voices"
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ousted Myanmar politicians call for Rohingya to join fight against junta
Sub-title: NUG says it will scrap law denying citizenship, in ‘notable step forward’ for rights of Rohingya people
Description: "Myanmar’s parallel government has urged Rohingya to join with them in fighting the military junta, promising to offer justice and citizenship to the persecuted minority. The statement has been welcomed by rights experts as “an important and notable step forward” in the movement for full rights for the Rohingya, who have faced decades of discrimination and violence in Myanmar. Despite roots that go back for centuries, Rohingya are widely seen as foreigners in the country and have been denied citizenship under successive governments, including that of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). Her government avoided even using the term Rohingya, instead referring to the minority ethnic group as “Muslims in Rakhine state”. In 2019 Aung San Suu Kyi appalled international observers when she traveled to The Hague to defend the military against allegations of a genocide. In a statement on Thursday, Myanmar’s national unity government, which includes many NLD politicians, said attitudes were changing. “The entire people of Burma is sympathetic to the plight of the Rohingya as all now experience atrocities and violence perpetrated by the military,” it said. “The solidarity of the entire people is now at its best. We are confident that we can build a union that meets the needs of all those in the country who have a stake in its future.” The statement said the NUG would scrap a 1982 citizenship law that denies Rohingya citizenship, and which has effectively rendered them one of the largest stateless populations in the world. Citizenship would instead be based on birth in Myanmar, or birth anywhere to a Myanmar citizen, the NUG said. The NUG, which was set up after the military coup, also said it was committed to the safe repatriation of Rohingya who have been forced to flee military violence, and promised to “actively seek justice and accountability for all crimes committed by the military against the Rohingya”. Nearly 900,000 Rohingya refugees remain stuck in squalid, crowded conditions in refugee camps in neighbouring Bangladesh. This includes about 750,000 people who were forced to flee over the border in 2017, when the military launched a genocidal campaign of violence, rape, murder and torching homes. The NUG, which is seeking international recognition, has faced questions, including from the US, over whether it will recognise the citizenship and rights of Rohingya. Tun Khin, president of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, said the NUG’s statement was a welcome announcement, but that further clarity was needed, including on how the NUG would commit to seeking international justice. “The NUG must, crucially, recognise that a genocide is taking place against the Rohingya,” he said. “If we can’t face the reality of the past, there is no way that we can build a common future.” Tom Andrews, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said the NUG’s announcement was “an important and notable step forwards”. “I am hopeful that today’s policy statement marks an initial, long-deserved though long-denied movement towards peace, justice and security for the Rohingya,” he said in a statement. International governments should increase pressure on the junta, Andrews added, so that such commitments could be transformed by Myanmar’s legitimate representatives into law. At least 845 people have been killed by the military since it seized power on 1 February, while thousands remain in detention, including Myanmar’s elected politicians..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: DVB reporter Aung Kyaw convicted for 2 years
Sub-title: DVB reporter Aung Kyaw in Myeik was sentenced for 2 years imprisonment under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, on 2 June 2021 by a military court.
Description: "On March 1, Aung Kyaw (32), also known as Kaung Myat Hlaing, was violently arrested by the military at his home in Myeik, where his wife and young daughter were also present. He streamed his arrest live on Facebook, which has been watched millions of times since. He was arrested for reporting about the demonstrations against the military junta in Myeik. As his lawyer was under threat by the junta, he has decided not to hire another lawyer and defended himself in the court during the last 2 court hearings. He argued to charge him under the media law, which would have found him not guilty, as he was arrested for doing his work as a journalist, but the judge refused to accept his argumentation. “I have no confidence in the judiciary under the military council, so I will not appeal”, Aung Kyaw said after the verdict, his wife Mane Chi Moe told DVB. Another DVB’s reporter, Min Nyo was also sentenced to 3 years imprisonment by the court in Pyi on 12th May. The military junta is illegally detaining Aung Kyaw and Min Nyo and there is not a single reason to keep them in prison. The junta has currently 57 journalists detained for doing their work. This is a clear violation of both national and international laws by the Burmese junta. DVB calls for their freedom, together with several international press freedom organizations..."
Source/publisher: Democratic Voice of Burma (Oslo)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar military court sentences 2 journalists to jail for incitement
Description: "The Committee to Protect Journalists today condemned Myanmar authorities’ sentencing of two journalists to prison on charges of incitement, and called for them to be released immediately. Today, a military court in the southern city of Myeik convicted Aung Kyaw, a reporter with the Democratic Voice of Burma, and Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter with Mizzima News, under Article 505(a) of the penal code, which criminalizes the dissemination of information that could agitate or cause security forces or state officials to mutiny, according to news reports. The court sentenced each journalist to two years in jail, according to those reports and a statement from the Democratic Voice of Burma, which CPJ reviewed. The journalists do not plan to appeal their sentences, according to those sources. “Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalists Aung Kyaw and Zaw Zaw,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Reporting the news is not a crime. Myanmar’s junta must stop jailing and sentencing journalists on fabricated charges, and should allow the press to work freely.” Aung Kyaw represented himself during two hearings after his lawyer came under threat by the military, the DVB statement said. Military authorities banned both independent news outlets on March 9 for covering anti-coup protests, as CPJ documented at the time. Authorities first arrested Aung Kyaw at his home in Myiek on March 1, and arrested Zaw Zaw in the same city on April 7; both journalists had covered anti-coup protests in Myiek, those news reports and the DVB statement said. Previously, on May 12, a military court sentenced DVB reporter Min Nyo to three years in prison under Article 505(a). Two other DVB reporters are being held without charge, according to the outlet’s editor-in-chief, Aye Chan Naing, who communicated with CPJ by email, and said that the outlet preferred not to identify those reporters by name. Myanmar’s military regime currently holds dozens of members of the press behind bars, according to preliminary data compiled by CPJ based on independent reporting, news reports, and research by the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, a local rights group. The majority have been detained during newsroom raids or while covering anti-coup street protests, and over half face charges under Article 505(a), according to that data. On April 6, CPJ addressed a public letter to junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing calling on his regime to release all journalists detained in the wake of the February 1 coup. CPJ emailed the Ministry of Information for comment on today’s sentencing, but did not immediately receive any reply..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar risks state failure without significant increase in international pressure, The Elders warn
Description: "The Elders today called on the international community to intensify pressure on the military leadership in Myanmar to prevent the country descending into endemic violence and state failure. The UN, ASEAN and other regional and international actors must urgently step up their level of engagement to prevent consolidation of the coup, and give their full backing to a return to democratic, civilian rule. The Elders warned that the cost of inaction is high, as can be seen from other protracted conflicts worldwide and their humanitarian consequences. Although international media attention on Myanmar is receding, state violence, repression and coercion continue to be systematically deployed against civilians who stand up against the coup. More than 800 people have been killed by security forces since 1 February, and violence is escalating in many parts of the country. The impact of the crisis on health, education and other basic services has been devastating, and the economy is on the verge of collapse. Teachers who have been striking as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement have reportedly faced suspensions and threats by the military ahead of today’s deadline for public schools to reopen, risking further tensions and violence. Mary Robinson, Chair of The Elders and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said: “Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure. The international community must stand firm in opposition to the military coup. Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends. Regional states and international organisations, notably the UN, should use all the tools at their disposal to convince the military of the urgent need for constructive dialogue between all relevant parties, as the only way out of the crisis." The Elders noted that divisions within the UN Security Council continue to impede concerted action, and they urged its Permanent Members to enable the Council to fulfil its obligation under the United Nations Charter to maintain global peace and security. Within the region, more than a month has passed since the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on 24 April, without visible progress on implementation of the commitments in the five-point plan. ASEAN must hold Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, accountable for his adherence to the commitments agreed in Jakarta, without preconditions. Ban Ki-moon, Deputy Chair of The Elders and former UN Secretary-General, said: "Unfortunately, ASEAN is failing to live up to its mandate and responsibilities. It must now step up and play the crucial role expected of it by countries around the world in the resolution of this crisis. A visit by a high-level ASEAN delegation, to initiate dialogue with all parties, is long overdue. Myanmar’s regional neighbours have the levers in their hands to change the trajectory of this crisis. Now is the time to use them." The Elders warned that the State Administrative Council established following the coup does not have the legitimacy or authority to govern Myanmar. The threat by the military-appointed Union Election Commission to dissolve the National League for Democracy, which won an overwhelming majority in elections last November, only diminishes the junta’s legitimacy even further and exposes their fear of Myanmar’s people. The Elders reaffirmed their solidarity with the people of Myanmar, including those living outside its borders, in their quest for a better future based on democratic freedom, inclusion and prosperity..."
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Source/publisher: The Elders
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No.3/2021
Description: "1. The National Unity Government has adopted the seals, policies, and programmes of the 13 ministries. 2. The official website of the National Unity Government https://nugmyanmar.org is now launched. It has web pages for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of International Cooperation, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Human Rights. The web pages for other ministries will be available soon. 3. The National Unity Government is releasing today a statement1 regarding the Rohingya. The statement sets out that they will be referred by NUG as 'Rohingya' and that the 1982 Citizenship Law will be repealed and replaced with a new law based on proper citizenship criteria. It also states that the government will continue working with the international legal system to hold the military accountable for the crimes committed against the people, including Rohingyas, over many decades. 4. The NUG wishes to tell the world that the number of forcibly displaced people in the Kayin State, Shan State, Kachin State, Chin State, and Magway Region from the attempted coup of 1 February 2021 up to 27 May 2021 is 83,900. The number of displaced people up to 29 May 2021 at the IDP camps in the Karenni State is more than 80,000. The Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management has already delivered humanitarian assistance worth around 300 million Kyat to the IDPs in Kayin State, Karenni State, Yangon Region, Shan State, Kachin State, Mon State, Chin State, Mandalay Region, and Tanintharyi Region. 5. The Ministry of Defence has released Basic Principles of the People’s Defence Force 2 (PDF) and the Military Code of Conduct for the People’s Defence Force 3 (PDF). The Code of Conduct sets out Rules for soldiers, for prisoners of war (POWs) on the relations with civilians, including women and children. The Ministry has also released a statement 4 on the members of the Tatmadaw. 6. The National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the Chin National Front (CNF) signed an agreement on 29 May 2021 to fight together against the dictatorship and to bring about a shared democratic federal system.1 7. Under the guidance of Ministry of Health, Myanmar doctors in the UK have started delivering weekly online lectures via Zoom from 29 May 2021 and 30 May 2021 for medical students in Final Part II. The lessons are delivered on Saturdays and Sundays. There were more than 2,000 participants. The lectures are being based on the curriculums of medical schools in Myanmar and those in the UK (Leeds, Nottingham, Manchester etc.) and reflect the context of the present situation in Myanmar, so the lessons will first and foremost focus on emergency care. The schedules for weekly lectures will be announced in time on the Facebook page of the Ministry of Health 5. The lecturers will work with doctors in the US and Australia to add more lessons. 8. The Ministry of Health's motto is people-centred approach and that we recognise and honour all healthcare professionals caring patients by giving up their lives. A protocol has been set up for the early detection and prevention of COVID 19 third wave in Myanmar. It includes strict guidelines for the individuals and the families, instructions for the suspects and mild cases, step by step guidelines for how to deal with seriously ill patients. These guidelines and protocols will be available on the Ministry Facebook and website for public information. There will be more updates on telemedicine centers which will be set up and be opened 24 hours for advice and treatment for the suspects. The preventative measures must be distributed, and the guidelines must be followed diligently as prevention is far more effective than the cure. 9. The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment welcomes Total’s suspension of their cash dividends, payable to the military junta. This cash dividend suspended by Total is however a small amount compared with the full revenue flows from Total to the regime. Therefore, the regime will continue receiving substantial amounts of revenue, risking that more money is spent enabling violence. We urge the oil and gas companies to block and cease all payments generated from oil and gas industry as soon as possible. These payments are crucial for the continuation of the military council, an organization of state terrorists..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No.3/2021 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ က သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အမှတ် (၃/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ www.nugmyanmar.org သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၃/၂၀၂၁) ၃ ဇွန် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန (၁၃) ခု၏ အမှတ်တံဆိပ်များ နှင့် မူဝါဒများ၊ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အတည်ပြုခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ တရားဝင်အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ(Website)ဖြစ်သော https://nugmyanmar.org ကို ထုတ်လွှင့်လိုက်ပြီဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ကျန်းမာရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့၏ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ(Website) များလဲ ပါဝင်ပါသည်။ ကျန်ရှိနေသေးသော ဝန်ကြီးဌာနများ၏ အင်တာနက်စာမျက်နှာ(Website) များကိုလဲ မကြာမီအချိန်အတွင်း ဆက်လက်ထုတ်လွှင့်ပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ထားရှိသည့် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက် ၁ ကို ယနေ့ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။ ယခုထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် ရိုဟင်ဂျာပြည်သူအား “ရိုဟင်ဂျာ” ဟူသော အမည်ဖြင့်သုံးစွဲသွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ ၁၉၈၂ နိုင်ငံသားဥပဒေကို ပယ်ဖျက်၍ နိုင်ငံသားစံနှုန်းများကို အခြေခံရေးဆွဲသော ဥပဒေသစ်ဖြင့် အစားထိုးဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများနှင့် အခြားပြည်သူတို့အပေါ် ဆယ်စုနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အပြစ်ရှိသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ တာဝန်ခံမှုများကိုဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံးနှင့် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း များပါရှိသည်။ ၄။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို မတရားသိမ်းယူခဲ့သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်၊ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ချင်းပြည်နယ်နှင့်မကွေးတိုင်းတို့မှ အိမ်ယာစွန့်ခွာရွှေ့ပြောင်းရသူများမှာ မေလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့အထိ ၈၃၉၀၀ အထိရှိနေပြီဖြစ်ပြီး ကရင်နီပြည်နယ် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းများတွင် မေလ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့အထိစာရင်းအရ ၈၀၀၀၀ ကျော်ရှိသွားပြီဖြစ်ပါသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ် ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် ကရင်၊ ကရင်နီ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ရှမ်း၊ ကချင်၊ မွန်၊ ချင်း၊ မန္တလေး၊ တနင်္သာရီ ဒေသများမှ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးနေရသူ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအတွက် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ အနေနှင့် သိန်း ၃၀၀၀ ခန့်တန်ဖိုးရှိ အကူအညီများပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော်(PDF)၏ အခြေခံမူဝါဒ ၂ , စစ်သည်တော် ကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းမျဉ်းများ၊ စစ်သုံ့ပန်းများအပေါ် ပြုကျင့်ရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနှင့် ဆက်ဆံရာတွင် လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် ကလေးငယ်များအပေါ် လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်များပါဝင်သည့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်မတော် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ကျင့်ဝတ်များ ၃ ၊ တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သည့် မူဝါဒသဘောထားကြေညာချက် ၄ များကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ ၆။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး (CNF) တို့အကြား အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ဖော်ဆောင်ကျင့်သုံးရေးအတွက် နှစ်ဖက်သဘောတူညီချက်ကို ယနေ့ မေလ ၂၉ ရက်တွင် အောင်မြင်စွာ လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၅ ၇။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ သဘောထားမှာ ပြည်သူသည်သာအဓိက၊ ပြည်သူ့ ကျန်းမာရေးသည် ပထမဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကိုယ်ကျိုးစွန့်လျက်၊ အသက်ပေးလျက် ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေးကို စောင့်ရှောက်ပေး နေကြသော ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ထမ်းများအား ကျေးဇူးတင်ဂုဏ်ပြုပါသည်။ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါ တတိယလှိုင်းကို ကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် ရောဂါဖြစ်ပွားမှုကို စောစီးစွာသိရှိနိုင်ရန် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ဆောင်ရွက်ထားရှိပါသည်။ လူတစ်ဦးချင်းစီနှင့် မိသားစုတစ်စုချင်းစီက ရောဂါကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းများ တိကျစွာလိုက်နာရန်၊ ရောဂါသံသယလက္ခဏာရှိသူများနှင့် မပြင်းထန်သော လူနာများ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လုပ်ငန်းများ၊ ပြင်းထန်သော လက္ခဏာရှိသည့် လူနာများအတွက် လုပ်ငန်းအဆင့်ဆင့်ကို ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ဖေစ့်ဘွတ်ခ် စာမျက်နှာတွင် ဖော်ပြထားပြီး ပြည်သူများ သိရှိသင့်သည့်အချက်များကို အချိန်နှင့် တပြေးညီ ဖော်ပြသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ သံသယလူနာများ (၂၄)နာရီ ပြသနိုင်ရန် တယ်လီကျန်းမာစင်တာများကို ဖွင့်လှစ်၍ ကုသအကြံပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ရာ သတင်းထပ်မံထုတ်ပြန်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကာကွယ်ခြင်းက ကုသခြင်းထက် အဆပေါင်းများစွာ ကောင်းမွန်သဖြင့် ရောဂါကာကွယ်ရေး နည်းလမ်းများကို တစ်ဦးကိုတစ်ဦး အသိပေး၊ သတိပေး၍ သတိမလစ် ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် လိုပါသည်။ ၈။ ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်နောက်ဆုံးနှစ် အပိုင်း (ခ) ကျောင်းသားများအတွက် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီး၏ လမ်းညွှန်မှုနှင့်အညီ UK ရောက်မြန်မာဆရာဝန်များမှ အပတ်စဉ် စနေနှင့် တနင်္ဂနွေနေ့ online zoom lecture များကို၂၉-၃၀ မေလ weekend မှစတင်ပို့ချပေးလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်ရှိ CDM လုပ်နေသောဆရာများ၊ US နှင့် Australia ရောက်မြန်မာဆရာဝန်များနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ သင်ခန်းစာ အချိန်များကို တိုးချဲ့သွားပါမည်။ ပထမနေ့တွင် zoom သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ၁၀၀၀ ပြည့်သွားသောကြောင့် ဒုတိယနေ့တွင် zoom live အပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန Facebook page မှ live လွှင့်ရာ ကျောင်းသား ၂၀၀၀ ကျော်တက်ရောက်ပါသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်များ ၏ သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းနှင့် UK ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်များ (Leeds, Nottingham, Manchester, etc.) သင်ရိုးညွှန်းတမ်းအပေါ်အခြေခံ၍ ယနေ့မြန်မာပြည်အခြေအနေပေါ်မူတည်၍ သင်ကြားပြီး Emergency အခြေအနေ များကို ရှေးဦးစွာ ဦးစားပေးသင်ကြားပါမည်။ အပတ်စဉ် သင်ကြားမည့် အစီအစဉ်များကို ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန Facebook page ၅ မှ အချိန်နှင့် တပြေးညီ အသိပေးကြေညာပေးသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၉။ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန အနေဖြင့် Total ကုမ္ပဏီမှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသို့ စီးဝင်နေသော ဝင်ငွေတစ်စိတ်တစ်ပိုင်းဖြစ်သည့် အမြတ်ငွေခွဲဝေမှုအား ရပ်ဆိုင်းလိုက်သည့်အတွက် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ အဆိုပါအမြတ်ငွေများသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် အဓိကအထောက်အပံ့ပြုနေသော ဝင်ငွေများ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုရပ်ဆိုင်းလိုက်သည့် အမြတ်ငွေသည် TOTAL ကုမ္ပဏီမှ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီထံသို့ စီးဝင်နေသော စုစုပေါင်းဝင်ငွေနှင့် နှိုင်းစာလျှင် မပြောပလောက်သည့် ပမာဏသာဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ရရှိမြဲဝင်ငွေအများအပြားကို ဆက်လက်ရရှိနေမည်သာဖြစ်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက်ယန္တရားအား ဆက်လက်လည်ပတ် နေမည်သာဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓါတ်ငွေ့ထုတ်လုပ် ရောင်းချသည့် ကုမ္ပဏီများအား အထူးတိုက်တွန်းလိုသည်မှာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ သက်ဆိုးရှည်ရေးအတွက် အဓိက ကျသည့် ရေနံနှင့်သဘာဝဓါတ်ငွေ့ရောင်းချရသည့်ဝင်ငွေများအား ထိရောက်စွာ အမြန်ဆုံးဟန့်တားပိတ်ဆို့ဖြတ်တောက် အရေးယူကြရန် ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ahead of expected visit, ASEAN must hold Myanmar military accountable
Topic: Myanmar coup | Refugees
Topic: Myanmar coup | Refugees
Description: "As the ASEAN Secretary-General and a representative of the ASEAN Chair, Brunei, are expected to visit Myanmar this week, parliamentarians across Southeast Asia urge them to hold the military accountable for its blatant disregard of the five-point consensus, and to meet with all major stakeholders in Myanmar, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) said today. “More than one month since the ASEAN leaders’ meeting on Myanmar, the military has merely carried on with its brutal crackdown against the people,” said Charles Santiago, a Malaysian Member of Parliament (MP) and Chair of APHR. “How many more innocent lives must be lost before ASEAN decides to move beyond words and actually put in place binding measures and lay out consequences for the military’s brutality?” This visit must also be the occasion for ASEAN to meet with State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, who have been in detention since the military coup on 1 February, APHR said. “If ASEAN only meets with the military it risks, once again, playing into the junta’s public relations exercise and granting them legitimacy, when all they deserve is admonition,” Santiago added. To have a genuine and inclusive dialogue with all parties, ASEAN’s delegation must also meet with representatives of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). “The delegation must make it clear to Min Aung Hlaing that constructive dialogue cannot be possible while political prisoners remain behind bars. It must demand to see them and urge their release. Otherwise, this trip to Myanmar may be completely worthless,” said Kasit Piromya, a former MP of Thailand and APHR Board Member. The visit comes more than one month after an ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting was held, at which a Five-Point Consensus was agreed to by all who attended, including Myanmar Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. As the Myanmar army continues its attacks and airstrikes, APHR also urges ASEAN Member States to help address the immediate needs of displaced persons inside the country and protect all persons seeking asylum. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates that 61,000 persons have been internally displaced and over 12,000 refugees have fled Myanmar since 1 February. “Not only is the military committing serious human rights violations, but they are causing a humanitarian and refugee crisis. ASEAN must urge the military to grant all humanitarian organizations and agencies inside Myanmar and across borders immediate, unfettered and unimpeded access to to all those in need,” Piromya said..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Delivering results for children 2020
Description: "Highlights: In 2020, the situation in Myanmar was overshadowed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The main focus of all UNICEF’s work was adapting programmes to COVID-19-safe engagement modalities and ensuring critical activities continued. UNICEF Myanmar rapidly repurposed its operations to support a massive coordinated national COVID-19 response, to ensure that children in Myanmar, including the most vulnerable, stayed healthy, able to access critical services, and supported by strengthened systems to mitigate the secondary impacts of the crisis. As we prepare this annual report, the context in Myanmar has significantly changed as a result of the military takeover on 1 February 2021. However, it is worth noting the results achieved last year, and reflecting on how to continue our critical work for children..."
Source/publisher: UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 3.16 MB (38 pages)
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Title: Demonstrations, defiance as Myanmar marks 4 months since coup
Description: "Pro-democracy demonstrators took to the streets in towns around Myanmar on Tuesday to denounce the country's military, marking four months since it ousted an elected government and unleashed a wave of nationwide anger. Despite a bloody crackdown by security forces, Myanmar's military is still struggling to impose order amid protests and strikes, and fighting on multiple fronts in border regions as civilians take up arms against the junta. Protests took place in the south in Luang Lone, several areas of the Sagaing division including Kale and Monywa, and the commercial hub Yangon, according to images carried by mainstream and social media. "This is not over yet. We still have our turn," read a sign carried by one protester. Schools officially reopened across Myanmar for the first time since the Feb. 1 coup, but turnout was low due to security concerns and a boycott over the junta's suspension of tens of thousands of teachers opposed to its rule. Some students held demonstrations with blood-splattered white uniforms. Security forces have killed 840 people since the coup, according to figures from activists cited by the United Nations. The junta says about 300 people have died. The military, known as the Tatmadaw, says it seized power because of fraud in a November election won by Aung San Suu Kyi's ruling party. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper carried a quote from junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on Tuesday saying the current crisis was caused by "dishonesty of democracy" in the election, under a large headline that said "Tatmadaw values democracy". The military's use of lethal force against its own people has caused outrage among western countries, and concern among its neighbours. In April, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) announced a five-point consensus towards resolving the crisis, though no timeframe was agreed. But four diplomatic sources have told Reuters that the chair and secretary-general of ASEAN are planning to visit Myanmar this week, to meet junta leaders, among other stakeholders. read more It was not clear if they would meet detainees or members of a shadow unity government formed to challenge the junta and undercut its efforts to gain international recognition....HEAVY TOLL: The unrest has taken a heavy toll in the countryside, where clashes between Myanmar's well-equipped military and ethnic minority armies or newly formed People's Defence Forces have displaced tens of thousands of people. On Tuesday, a local aid group said 8,000 people were in camps having fled the town of Mindat in Chin State, which the army took control of last month after days of clashes with militias armed mostly with hunting rifles. The people's militias have stepped up ambushes in recent weeks on troops in Kayah state bordering Thailand, where witnesses said fierce fighting and retaliatory shelling and air strikes had taken place late on Monday in the town of Demoso. A resident shared video and images with Reuters of soldiers he said were killed in Demoso late on Monday. He said he saw six bodies and residents had counted 20. The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force said on its Facebook page that 80 army soldiers had been killed on Monday, while one of its fighters and a civilian were also casualties. Reuters could not verify the information and a spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. Myanmar state television made no mention of the Demoso unrest in its nightly news bulletin. Fighting in Kayah has displaced about 37,000 people in recent weeks, according to the United Nations. Many have fled into jungles and are in need of food and medicine. The Elders, a group of former national leaders founded by the late Nelson Mandela, on Tuesday called on the international community, including ASEAN, to turn up pressure on the junta. "Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure," its chair, Mary Robinson, said in a statement. "Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends."..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ex-Myanmar police officers reveal how they were told to shoot protesters - and why they defected
Sub-title: Myanmar's security forces have been accused by Amnesty International of "premeditated" attacks on peaceful protesters.
Description: "In a safe house in Myanmar, resistance is growing. Quietly, in the gloomy light, a group of men raise their hands in a three-finger salute. Traditionally a sign of defiance and support for pro-democracy protesters, for these men it symbolises so much more. Once police or soldiers, they now plan to fight the forces they used to serve. Just talking to us is a huge risk; if caught the defectors could be killed. So in hiding, faces and voices disguised for protection, they explain why they decided to defy the junta. "We were told that we could shoot the protesters if they gathered in more than five. We could arrest them and shoot them," Officer A, a former police officer says. "We were ordered to shoot but we couldn't do it." The allegation echoes the claims of both protesters and human rights groups after February's military coup. Myanmar's security forces have been accused by Amnesty International of "premeditated" attacks on peaceful protesters - including "extrajudicial executions" and indiscriminately spraying bullets in urban areas. While a shoot-to-kill policy has never been officially confirmed by the junta, the defectors claim they were encouraged to open fire. "My friends said if they shot the protesters, they would get a promotion as a reward and be praised for being brave and following the junta's order," another former police officer, Officer B, tells Sky News. "They were promoted from police second lieutenant to police lieutenant, from corporal to sergeant. As far as I know, those who shot the protesters got promoted." A former soldier in the group tells a similar story. According to him, challenging an order wasn't an option. "The soldiers and police are now abusing the people at the order of Min Aung Hlaing (Myanmar's junta chief)," he says. "'Shoot. Just shoot. This is my order,' this is how they order the troops. If we did not follow the order, we would be punished." As well as the shootings, the military is accused of other abuses: of power, of people, and of their duty to protect. Some female protesters have publicly accused members of the security forces of physical and sexual violence following their arrests. The soldier isn't surprised. He says he heard reports of sex assaults during his service, in particular during military operations to ethnic minority areas in Myanmar. "People are calling soldiers 'military dogs' [and] also accusing them of rape. Let me tell you, yes, we have seen those scenes at the frontline. I wasn't involved in it. "The officers were calling the women here and there and abusing them. Rape as well. It's happening," he says, At least 840 people have been killed since the coup, many shot by junta forces according to figures from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). We put the allegations made by the defectors to the junta, but on publication Sky News still hadn't received a response. The men say the command to use violence against civilians is the reason they fled and joined the protest movement. Their choice means the institutions they swore an oath to are the enemy they must defeat and the decision to defect has come at great personal sacrifice. They have lost their freedom. They cannot see their families. They cannot return to their hometowns or tell friends where they are. They now live their lives in hiding and on the run, waiting in dark, cramped and basic accommodation fearing they may be discovered. Yet still they remain defiant - determined to fight for the democracy lost when the military seized power. Since the coup, some protesters have travelled to border areas in Myanmar for resistance training and now some of the defectors are planning to use their own skills to help them. "Those [protesters] who are not familiar with the military training, they need to learn how to use the weapons, to fix them, and set them up. "I want to teach them. I will join with those organisations that are in the revolution to fight the junta. "I will fight those power-hungry thugs," the soldier says. "I will join this revolution until the end. I will give my life. I will kill them wherever I see them." So in secret they plan, they train, they get strong; preparing to strike back against the generals they followed for so long..."
Source/publisher: Sky News (London)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar junta leader casts doubt on return of Rohingya
Description: "Myanmar's junta leader Min Aung Hlaing cast doubt on the return of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslim refugees who fled to Bangladesh in comments made in his first interview since taking power in a Feb. 1 coup. Min Aung Hlaing was asked by Chinese-language Phoenix television whether the Muslims could be allowed back to Rakhine State - from where most fled an army crackdown in 2017 that U.N. investigators said had "genocidal intent". "If it doesn't comply with Myanmar's laws, what else is there to consider? I don't believe there is any country in the world that would go beyond their own country's refugee laws to accept refugees," Min Aung Hlaing responded, according to a transcript of the interview. When asked whether that meant vocal international appeals on behalf of the Rohingya were to no avail, he nodded. Min Aung Hlaing, who headed the army in 2017 when some 700,000 Rohingya fled from advancing troops, reiterated the view of nationalists in Buddhist-majority Myanmar that the Rohingya are not one of its ethnic groups. He said the term Rohingya had only emerged since independence from Britain in 1948. "After we gained our independence, the census also registered the words 'Bengali', 'Pakistani' and 'Chittagong', but never the word 'Rohingya', thus we never accepted it," Min Aung Hlaing said. Rohingya have been widely referred to as Bengali by Myanmar authorities - implying that they are outsiders from Bangladesh, although some can trace their roots in Myanmar back for centuries. Myanmar's elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was overthrown by Min Aung Hlaing on Feb. 1, had also come under international criticism for defending the army against charges of genocide relating to the Rohingya. She and the military rejected accusations of genocide saying the security forces were engaged in legitimate operations against Rohingya insurgents when the refugees fled to Bangladesh. Not long after the coup, Min Aung Hlaing said efforts to repatriate refugees from Bangladesh would continue, but there has been no sign of progress while the junta has struggled to impose control in Myanmar. Bangladesh is keen to see the Rohingya go back to Myanmar from the huge camps in which most of them are living in southeastern Bangladeshi border districts. Bangladesh's Dhaka Tribune journal reported on Monday that efforts were underway to restart talks on the repatriation between Bangladesh and Myanmar with the help of China..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar turmoil forces healthcare system to collapse | COVID-19 Special
Description: "Officially, Myanmar says there are only a few dozen new COVID infections a day. Observers say that can't be true. There's hardly any testing going on. There are reports of a lack of staff in testing centers. Hospitals have the same problem, with doctors and nurses joining strikes against the military, which seized power four months ago. There've been attacks on health-care workers. As schools reopen, teachers and students are also making a stand, defying the junta's calls for full classrooms, which would only help the virus spread. Hundreds of thousands of people across Myanmar have been calling for an end to the military takeover. The country is in turmoil. And the health-care system is one of the worst-affected sectors. Doctors and nurses were the first to go on strike, thousands refusing to work under a military regime. But that also poses a problem for COVID patients..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: 'We were ordered to shoot but we couldn't do it.'
Description: "Myanmar's security forces have been accused by Amnesty International of 'premeditated' attacks on peaceful protesters. Former police and military figures explained what they were asked to do, and why they are now rebelling in secret against the military junta..."
Source/publisher: "Sky News"
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s football in crisis as pull-outs and suspension threat follow coup
Sub-title: National team lost 10-0 in Japan after mainstays including an experienced goalkeeper refused the head coach’s call
Description: "Second-division games in Malaysia don’t make many international headlines but that changed in March when the Myanmar under-23 winger Hein Htet Aung gave a three-fingered salute after scoring for Selangor II. Popularised by The Hunger Games film franchise, this gesture of resistance was adopted by pro-democracy protesters in Thailand and Hong Kong in 2014 and then by Myanmar, after the military took back power in a coup on 1 February. Before Myanmar’s 2022 World Cup qualifier against Japan last Friday, the goalkeeper Kyaw Zin Htet had called for players to copy Hein’s handiwork. “It would be good if some of them came out and gave the three-fingered salute to an international audience,” the 31-year-old told AFP. There weren’t many opportunities for the national team to follow in Hein’s footsteps during the game as a ruthless Japan won 10-0 to inflict Myanmar’s biggest defeat. The only protests seen and heard came outside the stadium from a few dozen Myanmar residents in Tokyo. There are, though, more chances to grab headlines in Japan (where all the group’s games are being held to reduce travel) against Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on 11 and 15 June respectively. There were mitigating circumstances regarding the size of Friday’s loss. Kyaw, an experienced goalkeeper, did not go to Japan, one of many mainstays who refused the call from the head coach, Antoine Hey, a development that delayed the team’s departure by a week. Kyaw made clear on 13 February during a protest with other footballers in Yangon that he was not going to represent the nation under the regime headed by Gen Min Aung Hlaing. “If the entire group of players had opted out, it would have had an impact,” said Kyaw. “Younger players are also being threatened on their future if they choose not to play the game, so they might be worried about it.” The Myanmar Football Federation said on its website that players who refused could be suspended. Prominent figures have been put under pressure. In April, the junta stepped up a campaign against celebrity protest supporters – some of whom have been imprisoned – by publishing a list of their names in state media and warning broadcasters and agencies against working with them. According to the human rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, as of 1 June 841 people had been “confirmed killed by this junta coup”. Chit Bo Bo Nyein, the Paul Pogba-loving captain of the under-21 team of Hantharwady United, one of Myanmar’s leading clubs, was shot and killed on 27 March, a day when 150 were reported to have died in protests. Hey, the German is in his second spell as head coach, is trying not to get drawn into the issue. He told the Guardian that he respected the players’ decisions but that football owed it to future generations to continue. After the heavy defeat by Japan he said: “We are concentrating on our job, on our team, on our players; we are not taking any political stand or side,” Hey said. “We just do what we are here for – playing football as good as we possibly can.” Club football has ground to a halt in Myanmar, which rarely features in the south-east Asian summer itineraries of European club giants. Hantharwady and Shan United recently withdrew from Asian club competitions and federation officials say many players have returned to their home provinces and some are undergoing military training to learn how to fight back. The 2022 World Cup would be out of the question even if Myanmar had all their players available but with the road to Qatar doubling as the route to the 2023 Asian Cup in China, there is a chance of making it to the continental tournament for the first time since 1968. It has been a while since Myanmar were a force even in south-east Asia, with Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia and, these days, Vietnam leading the way. There had been promising signs. The talent that has always been there has started to move overseas in increasing numbers and when the Under-20 team qualified for the 2015 World Cup, the people took to the streets to celebrate. It feels like a long time ago now..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s National Unity Govt Vows to Work With World Court on Rohingya Genocide Case
Topic: cooperate, Coup, Gambia, Genocide case, ICC, ICJ, junta, Military, National Unity Government, NUG, proceedings, provisional measures, regime, Rohingya, World Court
Topic: cooperate, Coup, Gambia, Genocide case, ICC, ICJ, junta, Military, National Unity Government, NUG, proceedings, provisional measures, regime, Rohingya, World Court
Description: "Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG) said that as the country’s lawful government it is taking all steps necessary to cooperate with the world’s highest court, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), on proceedings in a case in which Myanmar is accused of committing genocide against the Rohingya. After a brutal military crackdown in the western state of Rakhine in 2017 that forced more than 700,000 Rohingya to flee across the border to neighboring Bangladesh, Gambia in November 2019 brought a case at the ICJ—which is an organ of the UN and is also known as the World Court—accusing Myanmar of committing genocide against the Rohingya. State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi defended the country against the charge in December 2019. Gambia’s legal team listed the Myanmar military’s atrocities against the minority Muslim group in northern Rakhine state, including mass rapes, the burning of families in their homes and the killing of dozens of Rohingya children. As the case could take years, the African nation asked the ICJ to order “provisional measures” to prevent more violations. Going further than the measures requested by Gambia, the ICJ ordered Myanmar on Jan. 23 to report on its compliance with the provisional measures in four months and then every six months thereafter. The Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led civilian government submitted two reports prior to its ouster by the military in a coup on Feb. 1. In a statement released on Sunday, the NUG said it is very concerned about the difficult situation facing the Rohingya, especially those who fled to Bangladesh in 2016-17. As the lawful government, ensuring continuity of representation before the court and being mindful of the timetable established by the court are among its duties, the NUG said. It added that it is also considering accepting the exercise of jurisdiction by a separate international court, the International Criminal Court, over the killings, torture and other crimes against civilians committed by the Myanmar junta since the coup on Feb. 1. The Myanmar military seized power from the democratically elected National League for Democracy government, detained civilian leaders and abolished the new Parliament on the day it was scheduled to convene. Since the coup, the Myanmar regime has killed at least 840 people and arrested more than 5,500, of whom 4,409 remain in detention, according to advocacy group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Thai Court Hands Jail Sentences to Myanmar Journalists Fleeing Junta
Description: "A Thai court has sentenced three Myanmar journalists for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and their two associates to seven months imprisonment and a 4,000 baht fine each for entering Thailand illegally. They were arrested in Chiang Mai in northern Thailand in early May, after fleeing Myanmar following the junta’s order to close DVB’s news-gathering operations in the country. Press freedom advocacy groups and the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand had urged the Thai authorities not to deport them back to Myanmar. Thai media reported that a public prosecutor filed a case against them at a Chiang Mai court and on the same day the court approved the indictment and sentenced them. In March, the military regime revoked DVB’s license to operate in Myanmar in response to their coverage of the junta’s atrocities against anti-coup protesters. Four other media organizations also lost their licenses, making reporting for them an illegal act. The lawyers for the journalists and their associates said that they had confessed and been taken into custody by Thai immigration in Bangkok. Their lawyers are negotiating for them to be released on bail. Over 80 journalists are among the more than 5,500 people arrested by security forces in Myanmar since the junta’s Feb. 1 coup. The vast majority remain in detention amid widespread reports of torture and extrajudicial killings..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: China rubs its hands amid international divide over Myanmar
Sub-title: Punitive sanctions policies should be recalibrated
Description: "International calls for the restoration of democracy in strategically located Myanmar obscure an important divide between that country's neighbors and the West. The sanctions-centered approach of the United States and the European Union has sought to punitively isolate Myanmar, while neighboring countries favor a policy of constructive engagement with the military junta. After a gradual, decadelong democratization process, Myanmar's military, or Tatmadaw, seized power on Feb. 1 and began cracking down on those peacefully protesting the coup. The continuing unrest has carried important international implications, including the flight of political dissidents and ordinary refugees to neighboring countries. The cross-border impacts explain why neighbors view engagement as essential, including urging Myanmar's military rulers to address the domestic unrest through political reconciliation. Myanmar's land frontiers are porous, with cross-border ethnic linkages with communities in India and Thailand making the transboundary movement of people common. Trade, investment and counterinsurgency cooperation also link Myanmar with the countries that surround it. Can anyone imagine the U.S. seeking to isolate and squeeze its southern neighbor Mexico? U.S. President Joe Biden, in fact, is relying on the Mexican government to address the present border crisis precipitated by the tide of mainly Central American refugees trying to enter the U.S. since he took office. Likewise, it is inconceivable that Myanmar's immediate neighbors, saddled with a refugee influx since the coup, would embrace the punitive approach adopted by the U.S. and the EU. Yet, the Biden administration initiated a sanctions campaign against Myanmar without consultations with neighboring countries. There is truth in the common diplomatic view that the farther a country is from Myanmar, the more likely it will favor a punitive approach, while those nearby will keep the channels of communication open through calibrated engagement. The history of sanctions shows that punitive actions have rarely worked without some form of engagement. In this light, the presence of junta leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing at the Apr. 24 in-person Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit in Jakarta -- and the carefully nuanced summit statement on Myanmar that emphasized the "ASEAN family" -- represented a rebuff to the U.S.-led approach to isolate Myanmar. According to the five-point consensus that emerged from the summit, ASEAN will mediate to help resolve the crisis. This is, however, easier said than done. ASEAN, for example, has failed to resolve the crisis in Thailand, where the leader of the 2014 coup remains ensconced in power -- in civilian garb -- by cracking down on pro-democracy protesters, including using a feared lese-majeste law to imprison those who insult the royal family. More broadly, the retreat of the Myanmar spring exemplifies how democracy is under siege around the world. The wave of rollback of democracies highlights the growing threat from a fusion of autocratic politics and crony, state-guided capitalism. Today, all the countries of continental Southeast Asia -- Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam -- are under authoritarian rule, like their giant northern neighbor, China. In fact, only two of ASEAN's 10 members are true democracies with judicial independence and free media. Still, Myanmar's generals are discovering the hard way that rolling back democratic freedoms once people take them as their right carries enduring challenges. Although Myanmar had been under military rule for 50 of its 73 years since independence, the continuing protests show that many of its citizens are unwilling to accept a return to military rule. Only the military can return Myanmar to the path of democratization. After all, it was the military that voluntarily ushered in the country's democratic transition that began in 2011. It is thus critical for outside states, including in the West, to maintain lines of communication with Myanmar's top generals. One of the world's most ethnically diverse countries, Myanmar has long been an easy sanctions target because it has remained a weak, divided state torn by ethnic insurgencies. Its failure to construct an inclusive national identity has allowed old ethnic rivalries to fester, stifling the resource-rich country's potential. As past experience has shown, however, an uncompromisingly harsh approach toward Myanmar has had the perverse effect of weakening America's hand while strengthening China's. China values Myanmar as a strategic gateway to the Indian Ocean. Like India, Myanmar has long complained about the flow of Chinese arms to guerrilla groups, accusing Beijing of backing several of them as levers against it. The nationalistic military is wary of reliance on China. But international isolation could leave it with no choice. As Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen told Nikkei's Future of Asia 2021 conference earlier this month: "If I don't rely on China, who will I rely on? If I don't ask China, who am I to ask?" Cambodia is a cautionary tale of how international isolation pushes an economically vulnerable nation into China's arms. Myanmar could be next, unless the U.S. recalibrates its sanctions policy. The international divide over how to deal with Myanmar also represents a division between Western and Asian values. In contrast to the West's interventionist impulse and democratic evangelism, the Asian way of standing up for one's principles and beliefs does not extend to imposing them on others through coercive activism. Today, with little prospect that the West could engineer a color revolution in Myanmar, friendly conversations with that country's generals to persuade them to halt their crackdown and release political prisoners are likely to make more headway toward influencing future events than the current heavy-handed approach..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Nikkei Asian Review" (Japan)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 1 June, (841) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Tamu Township in Sagaing Region was killed on 28 May and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 1 June, a total of (4443) people are currently under detention; of them (110) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 28 May at Tamu Town in Sagaing Region, a youth who came back from his friend’s birthday, was shot dead in his left rib in an ambush by junta forces. On the night of 31 May, Khin Hmway Lwin, a member of Sagaing Region National League for Democracy (NLD) and elected regional parliamentary representative for Minkin Township constituency, was arrested at Shwe Taung Oo Myothit in Yinmarbin Township, Sagaing Region where she was in-hiding. Also on the night of 31 May, Gatone a.k.a Hein Win Latt, NLD executive member of Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested at his home. Yesterday evening at Ocean Center in Monywa City in Sagaing Region, Phue Theint Theint Tone, former member of All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) of Monywa District, who is currently assisting IDPs, was arrested at gunpoint by eight soldiers wearing civilian clothes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.09 MB 4.03 MB 964.86 KB
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Title: Frontier Myanmar statement on the detention of Danny Fenster
Description: "One week ago, on May 24, Frontier Myanmar’s managing editor Danny Fenster, a 37-year-old American citizen, was detained at Yangon International Airport shortly before boarding a flight to Kuala Lumpur. We understand that he is now in Insein Prison in Yangon. Despite multiple attempts, Frontier has still not been able to confirm with the authorities why Danny has been detained. We have not been told what charges he is facing, if any, and have not been able to contact him. We have received no information whatsoever from the authorities about his detention. Danny joined Frontier in August 2020 and is a much-loved colleague. He is thoughtful and compassionate and cares deeply about Myanmar, its people and and his work as an editor at Frontier. We are shocked and frustrated that Danny has been detained for no apparent reason. We know that Danny has done nothing wrong and we demand his immediate and unconditional release. Our thoughts are with his family and friends at this difficult time, and we will continue to do whatever we can to support him..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ministry of Defense: Statement on Military Personnel Policy - တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့်သက်ဆိုင်သည့် မူဝါဒသဘောထားကြေညာချက်
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့်သက်ဆိုင်သည့် မူဝါဒသဘောထားကြေညာချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန [email protected] အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့်သက်ဆိုင်သည့် မူဝါဒသဘောထားကြေညာချက် ရက်စွဲ။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁ ရက်။ ၁။ ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြမ်းဖက် ညှဉ်းပမ်းသတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော လုပ်ရပ်များသည် စက်ဆုပ်ဖွယ်ဖြစ်ရုံမက ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်မည်ဟု သစ္စာဓိဌာန်ပြုထားသော တပ်မတော်သားတို့၏ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ညှိုးနွမ်းစေပြီး သစ္စာစူးမည့်လုပ်ရပ်ဟု နားလည်သဘောပေါက်ကြသော အရာရှိ၊ အရာခံ၊ အကြပ်၊ စစ်သည်များသည် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ဓမ္မဘက်မှ ရပ်တည် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရန် ပြင်ဆင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တပ်တွင်းပိတ်ဆို့ဟန့်တားမှုများကြောင့် စစ်ကောင်စီအား စွန့်ခွာ တော်လှန်ရန် အခြေအနေမပေး သေးသူများသည်လည်း လက်ရှိအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးကို တစ်ဖက်တစ်လမ်းက အထောက်အပံ့ပေး၊ ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်နေကြပြီး မကြာမီအချိန်အတွင်း ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ ပူးပေါင်းရပ်တည် လာကြမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ အမျိုးသားခေါင်းဆောင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်အောင်ဆန်းသည် တပ်မတော်ကို နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် ကင်းကင်းနေ လျက် နိုင်ငံ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတာဝန်ကိုသာ ကျေပွန်အောင်ထမ်းဆောင်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် တည်ထောင်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သော်လည်း ယခုအခါ တပ်မတော်သည် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်အောင်ဆန်း၏လမ်းစဉ်နှင့် သွေဖီ နေခဲ့သည်မှာ နှစ်ပေါင်း (၆၀) ရှိခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ် သည်။ ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီးနေဝင်းမှ အစပြုသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်သည် တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူတို့၏ ဖက်ဒရယ်အရေးကြိုးပမ်းမှုကို ပြည်ထောင်စုပြိုကွဲစေရန် ကြံရွယ်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု ပုံဖျက်ခဲ့ရုံမက တပ်မတော်သည်သာ နိုင်ငံ၏ကယ်တင်ရှင်ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် နိုင်ငံရေးအာဏာကို လက်မလွတ်စတမ်း ဆုတ်ကိုင်ထားရမည်ဟူသော အယူအဆမှားကို တပ်မတော်အတွင်း ရိုက်သွင်း ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည် ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ ဖြင့် ရယူထားသော နိုင်ငံရေးတွင် စစ်တပ်၏ဗိုလ်ကျစိုးမိုးပိုင်ခွင့်မျှဖြင့် ရောင့်ရဲတင်းတိမ်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိတော့ဘဲ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် သားစဉ်မြေးဆက် စစ်ကျွန်ပြုရန် ရည်ရွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်မှာ ထင်ရှားသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူစိတ်ကင်းမဲ့သော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များကြောင့် ၎င်း၏လက်အောက်ခံ လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များသည်လည်း ပြည်သူက အော့နှလုံးနာသော အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုများ အဆင့်သို့ လျော့ကျခဲ့ရပြီလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏မိသားစုများသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဘဏ္ဍာကို အညွန့်ခူးလျက် အဆုံးစွန်သော ကြွယ်ဝချမ်းသာမှုဖြင့် ဆွေစဉ်မျိုးဆက် ကိုယ်ကျိုးရှာ အခွင့်ထူးခံနေချိန်တွင် အောက် ခြေတပ်မတော်သားများမှာမူ စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်အဆင့်ဆင့်၏ အနှိမ်ခံ၊ အခိုင်းခံဘဝဖြင့် မိသားစုလိုက် နစ်မွန်းလျက်ရှိသည်ကို တွေ့ရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကတည်းက တပ်မတော်အတွင်း လွဲမှားသည့် စီမံ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုပေါင်းများစွာလည်း ပေါ်ပေါက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ဥပမာအားဖြင့် - (က) ဥပဒေအရ ရပိုင်ခွင့်ဖြစ်သော “တပ်မတော်” မှ နှုတ်ထွက်လိုသူများအား မူလ သဘောတူညီချက် များကို ချိုးဖောက်ကာ ထွက်ခွာခွင့်မပေးခြင်း၊ (ခ) “တပ်မတော်သားများ” ကိုသာမက ၎င်းတို့၏ အိမ်ထောင်ဖက်နှင့် မိသားစုဝင်များ ကိုပါ ဖိအားပေး ကာ မဖြစ်မနေ တပ်ဝင်းအိမ်ယာများအတွင်း၌သာ အတူနေထိုင်စေခြင်း၊ တပ်တွင်းလုပ်ငန်းများကို လစာမရဘဲ ဝင်ရောက်လုပ်ကိုင်ပေးနေရခြင်း၊ (ဂ) တပ်မတော်သားများအတွက် လစာနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့မှုဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်များတွင် လိုအပ်ချက်များ၊ လွဲမှားမှုနှင့် ခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်မှုများ ရှိနေခြင်း၊ (ဃ) ကြည်း၊ ရေ၊ လေ တပ်များ၊ စစ်လက်ရုံးတပ်များအကြားတွင် ရာထူးခန့်အပ်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးတိုးခြင်း၊ အဆင့်အတန်းနှင့် ခံစားခွင့်များ ညီတူညီမျှ မရှိခြင်း၊ ဘက်လိုက်မှုများ ရှိနေခြင်း၊ ၄။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော လုပ်ရပ်များတွင် အလိုတူ အလိုပါအဖြစ်မခံနိုင်သည့်အတွက် စွန့်စားထွက်ခွာလာကြသော တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ ဝင်များအားလုံးကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက “ပြည်သူ့ဘက်တော်သား သူရဲကောင်းစစ်သည် များ” အဖြစ် မှတ်ယူ၍ နွေးထွေးစွာ လက်ကမ်းကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်လမ်းခွဲပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် ဓမ္မဘက်တွင် ရဲရဲရပ်တည် ရှေ့ဆက်မည့် တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုဝင်များ၊ သားသမီးများအား နွေးထွေးလုံခြုံမှုနှင့် ဘဝ အာမခံချက်ပေးနိုင်ရန် စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက် လျက်ရှိသကဲ့သို့ တပ်မတော်အတွင်းရှိ လွဲမှားနေသည့် စီမံအုပ်ချုပ်မှုများကို လေ့လာသုံးသပ်ကာ၊ သတ်မှတ်စံချိန်စံညွှန်းကောင်းများနှင့် ကိုက်ညီမှန်ကန်သည့် “တပ်မတော်ဆိုင်ရာ” မူဝါဒများ၊ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများနှင့် စနစ်များကို ပြင်ဆင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ၅။ ယခုအချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးအာဏာ လောဘဇောကြောင့် အဖက်ဖက် က ယိုယွင်းကျဆင်း၊ ပျက်စီးလာနေသော “တပ်မတော်” ၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို အမြန်ဆုံး ကယ်ဆယ် စောင့်ရှောက်နိုင်သူများမှာ “တပ်မတော်သား” များ ကိုယ်တိုင်သာဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ဖြင့်ရာ တပ်မတော် ကို အလွဲသုံးစားပြုနေသော လက်တစ်ဆုတ်စာ စစ်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်တစ်စု၏ “လက်ကိုင်တုတ်”၊ “ခါးပိုက်ဆောင်တပ်” အဖြစ်မှ ရုန်းထွက်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့ရင်ခွင်သို့ အမြန်ဆုံး ခိုဝင်ကြရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက ပြည်သူလူထုကိုယ်စား နှိုးဆော်တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်သည်။ ၆။ ယနေ့ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ တစ်ရပ်လုံး ပါဝင်ဆင်နွှဲနေသော အရေးတော်ပုံကြီးသည် “တပ်မတော်သားများ” အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားအားလုံး၏ မူလရပိုင်ခွင့်များအတွက် တောင်းဆို တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ဖြင့်ရာ “တပ်မတော်သားများ” အနေဖြင့်လည်း အရေးတော်ပုံကြီးတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည်၍ အစွမ်းကုန် ပါဝင်ဆင်နွှဲကြခြင်းဖြင့် သမိုင်းမော်ကွန်းထိုးကြပါရန် လေးနက်စွာ တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ၇။ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံကြီးအတွင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် ပြစ်မှုများ၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ရှိသော၊ ပြည်သူ့သွေးစွန်းထင်းနေသည့် အဆင့်ဆင့်သော လက်နက်ကိုင်များမှာမူ အဆိုပါလုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် အပြည့်အဝ တာဝန်ယူ၊ တာဝန်ခံကာ ထိုက်တန်သော အရေးယူမှုများ မလွဲမသွေ ခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း အသိပေး ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ ကာကွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
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Title: Myanmar Coup Leader Renames Controversial Mon State Bridge
Description: "Myanmar’s coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has renamed a controversial bridge in Mon State whose naming caused friction between the National League for Democracy (NLD) government and local residents four years ago. Originally named the General Aung San Bridge (Belu Island), the bridge was retitled the Thanlwin Bridge (Chaungzon) by the junta on Tuesday. The bridge spans the Salween River linking Mawlamyine and Chaungzon Townships. Local residents in Mon State strongly opposed the NLD government’s 2017 decision to name the bridge after independence hero Gen Aung San, preferring names like Chaungzon Bridge or Yarmanya, which means ‘Mon State’ in the Mon language spoken in the region. Snr. Gen Min Aung Hlaing attended the renaming ceremony on Tuesday morning, along with his wife Daw Kyu Kyu Hla, two military council members: Mahn Nyein Maung and Dr. Banyar Aung Moe, who is also a central executive committee member of the Mon Unity Party (MUP). The MUP had requested that the bridge be renamed Yarmanya but the junta chose Thanlwin Bridge (Chaungzon), likely for political reasons as it tries to gain support in Mon State. The regime also changed the background color of the bridge’s nameplate from red to green. However, local residents said that they do not have any strong feelings over the bridge’s name since they were only concerned with ending military rule, which is the enemy of the people. Dr. Aung Naing Oo, a former leading member of the central executive committee of the MUP and a former deputy speaker of the Mon State Parliament said on his Facebook page on Monday that the goal of the Mon people was not the renaming of the bridge. “In building a country, there needs to emerge a reliable and good political system for all ethnic people that shows respect and understanding for each other” he said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
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Title: Myanmar military fails to quell protests four months after coup
Description: "Myanmar pro-democracy supporters took to the streets on Tuesday in several districts, as fighting between the army and anti-junta militias raged in border areas, four months after the military ousted an elected government in a coup. Despite a ferocious crackdown by security forces, Myanmar's military is still struggling to impose order after arresting Aung San Suu Kyi and senior leaders of her party, sparking nationwide protests and paralysing strikes. In the far south of Myanmar, anti-military protesters staged a march in Laung Lone, a photograph posted by the Irrawaddy newspaper on social media showed. Meanwhile, in the commercial hub of Yangon a group of mainly young protesters rallied in the district of Kamayut, photographs posted by the Myanmar Now news portal showed. "This is not over yet. We still have our turn," read a sign written on a sheet carried by one protester. Demonstrators in urban areas have had to become more nimble to avoid security forces, often using flash mobs or staging small unnannounced protests, after larger rallies in the first months after the coup were often met with security forces firing live rounds. Decades-old conflicts between the military and ethnic minority armies in border areas have also reignited since the coup. Ethnic militias allied with a shadow civilian government have stepped up attacks on the army, which has responded with heavy weapons and air strikes, forcing thousands to flee. Mobile phone footage obtained from a resident in Kayah state bordering Thailand showed what appeared to be artillery being fired from inside the state capital Loikaw into Demoso, about 14.5 km (9 miles) away, where a People's Defence Force said it had attacked troops and was coming under heavy fire. Residents in Loikaw said that about 50 rounds had been fired on Monday and six on Tuesday morning. "The sound of artillery is deafening us," a resident told Reuters on Monday, requesting anonymity due to safety concerns. The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force, a militia active in Kayah state, said in a post on its Facebook page that 80 army soldiers had been killed on Monday, while one of its fighters and a civilian were also casualties. Reuters could not verify the claim and a spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. Fighting in Kayah has displaced about 37,000 people in recent weeks, according to the United Nations. Many have fled into jungles and are in need of food and medicine. Civilian forces, often armed with rudimentary rifles and limited training, have been formed in towns and regions across Myanmar to challenge the military, in support of a National Unity Government that the junta says is treasonous. read more Security forces have killed 840 people since the coup, according to figures provided by an activist group. Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has said the toll was nearer 300, and has said it is unlikely there will be a civil war in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
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Title: Myanmar military launches airstrikes against Karenni resistance
Description: "Regime forces used helicopters to attack civilian resistance fighters in Kayah (Karenni) State’s Demoso Township from the air on Monday afternoon, according to a member of the Karenni People’s Defence Force (KPDF). The KPDF was formed by Karenni youth fighters mostly armed with traditional weapons—such as handmade rifles—to defend their region against the junta’s offensives. The KPDF member told Myanmar Now that the military’s troops opened fire on them from a helicopter and also dropped bombs in their vicinity, starting from around 5pm. “Do you hear the sound of airplanes? They were shooting at us from a helicopter, bombing and opening fire. We have to crouch down low now,” he said over the phone. At the time of reporting, at least five bombs had been dropped from above, he added. Clashes broke out when KPDF members ambushed regime soldiers at Dawh Ngan Kha ward in Demoso at around noon, he said. Following the attack, the military launched some 20 rounds of heavy artillery—such as 120mm shells—from the base of Artillery Battalion 356 in the neighbouring town of Loikaw, he added. “We attacked with light weapons but they responded with artillery shells. They are still firing now and we can’t go outside yet,” said the KPDF member from Demoso. Clashes were still ongoing at 6:30pm and the regime reportedly used long-range weapons including howitzers, according to the KPDF. Myanmar Now was unable to verify which arms were used in the battle. At the time of reporting, there was no information available regarding casualties. The KPDF claimed that 106 regime soldiers had been killed in clashes in Demoso and Loikaw, as well as in Moebye in southern Shan State, where fighting broke out on May 21. Around 26 civilians, including multiple KPDF members, were also killed in those battles. The regime authorities have blocked entrances into Kayah State from Shan State to the north, and transportation routes to Loikaw have also been cut off. Tens of thousands of locals in Kayah State fled their homes following the recent intensified fighting and are in urgent need of food and access to medical treatment, locals have reported..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar risks state failure without significant increase in international pressure, The Elders warn
Description: "The Elders today called on the international community to intensify pressure on the military leadership in Myanmar to prevent the country descending into endemic violence and state failure. The UN, ASEAN and other regional and international actors must urgently step up their level of engagement to prevent consolidation of the coup, and give their full backing to a return to democratic, civilian rule. The Elders warned that the cost of inaction is high, as can be seen from other protracted conflicts worldwide and their humanitarian consequences. Although international media attention on Myanmar is receding, state violence, repression and coercion continue to be systematically deployed against civilians who stand up against the coup. More than 800 people have been killed by security forces since 1 February, and violence is escalating in many parts of the country. The impact of the crisis on health, education and other basic services has been devastating, and the economy is on the verge of collapse. Teachers who have been striking as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement have reportedly faced suspensions and threats by the military ahead of today’s deadline for public schools to reopen, risking further tensions and violence. Mary Robinson, Chair of The Elders and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said: “Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure. The international community must stand firm in opposition to the military coup. Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends. Regional states and international organisations, notably the UN, should use all the tools at their disposal to convince the military of the urgent need for constructive dialogue between all relevant parties, as the only way out of the crisis." The Elders noted that divisions within the UN Security Council continue to impede concerted action, and they urged its Permanent Members to enable the Council to fulfil its obligation under the United Nations Charter to maintain global peace and security. Within the region, more than a month has passed since the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on 24 April, without visible progress on implementation of the commitments in the five-point plan. ASEAN must hold Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, accountable for his adherence to the commitments agreed in Jakarta, without preconditions. Ban Ki-moon, Deputy Chair of The Elders and former UN Secretary-General, said: "Unfortunately, ASEAN is failing to live up to its mandate and responsibilities. It must now step up and play the crucial role expected of it by countries around the world in the resolution of this crisis. A visit by a high-level ASEAN delegation, to initiate dialogue with all parties, is long overdue. Myanmar’s regional neighbours have the levers in their hands to change the trajectory of this crisis. Now is the time to use them." The Elders warned that the State Administrative Council established following the coup does not have the legitimacy or authority to govern Myanmar. The threat by the military-appointed Union Election Commission to dissolve the National League for Democracy, which won an overwhelming majority in elections last November, only diminishes the junta’s legitimacy even further and exposes their fear of Myanmar’s people. The Elders reaffirmed their solidarity with the people of Myanmar, including those living outside its borders, in their quest for a better future based on democratic freedom, inclusion and prosperity..."
Source/publisher: Elders via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
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Title: Regime detains volunteers involved in relief efforts for displaced Karenni villagers
Sub-title: One of the three arrested volunteers was a National League for Democracy candidate in last year’s election
Description: "Three volunteers, including a former National League for Democracy (NLD) candidate, were arrested last week while helping villagers displaced by recent clashes in Kayah (Karenni) State, according to close friends of the trio. Sai Lin Lin Oo, a 29-year-old former NLD candidate, was arrested along with Nandar Oo Khin, 19, and May Zin Htoo, 20, near Loikaw while they were returning from a trip to deliver aid to Htee Poe Ka Loe, a village in Demoso Township, on May 26. “We only found out on the morning of May 27. A policeman told us that Sai Lin Lin Oo had been held at the Demoso police station the night before. We were able to confirm this after asking around,” one of the friends told Myanmar Now. “We heard they’re pressing charges against them, but we don’t know what for,” she added. The three are in good health and are being kept at a military compound in Loikaw, she said, citing information received from sources familiar with the situation. According to the Progressive Karenni People’s Force, a local youth organization, three other civilians were also arrested the same day. However, no further details were available. Sai Lin Lin Oo contested a seat in Karenni State’s Bawlakhe constituency in last year’s election but lost to former President’s Office Minister Soe Thein, who ran as a candidate for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Sai Lin Lin Oo’s father, Sai Gyi, is the chair of the NLD’s branch in Bawlakhe. He was arrested on the morning of February 1 when the military staged the coup, but was later released. Around 50,000 people have been forced to flee their homes since clashes between the military and the Karenni People’s Defence Force (KPDF), a civilian defence force formed in the wake of brutal crackdowns on anti-coup protesters, began on May 21. The KPDF claims that it has killed 106 soldiers in Kayah State’s Demoso and Loikaw townships and neighbouring Moebye Township in southern Shan State since the fighting started. About 26 civilians, including KPDF members, have also been killed in those clashes. Civilians sheltering in the jungle to escape reprisals from the military are in urgent need of assistance, according to local volunteer groups..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Rise of armed civilian groups in Myanmar fuels fears of full-scale civil war
Sub-title: Dozens of grassroots people’s defence forces have emerged to take on brutal military
Description: "Myanmar is on the verge of a new civil war, a spokesperson for the country’s parallel government has warned, as communities increasingly take up arms to protect themselves from a relentless campaign of military violence. Conflict has raged for decades in Myanmar’s borderlands, where myriad ethnic armed groups are fighting with the military for greater autonomy. Since February’s coup, however, dozens of new, grassroots people’s defence forces have emerged to oppose the junta, with battles occurring in areas of the country that were previously peaceful. “The people of Myanmar have been left with no other choice. They just have no other option left,” said Dr Sasa, spokesperson for Myanmar’s national unity government (NUG), which was set up by pro-democracy politicians. The constant threat of military raids, arrests, torture and killings had pushed communities to take up arms, he said. “It is just the beginning. The situation will become out of control. Even if it is one man in a village, they will not just bow in front of these murderers. It is the whole country on the road to civil war,” Sasa said. Over the past week, tens of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern Kayah state by intense fighting between the military, the newly formed Karenni People’s Defence Force and the Karenni Army, an established ethnic armed group. On Monday evening, the military used helicopters to bomb and fire at civilian fighters, the Karenni People’s Defence Force told local media. “We attacked with light weapons but they responded with artillery shells,” a the KPDF member told the independent outlet Myanmar Now. At least 58 defence forces have formed across the country, of which 12 are active, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (Acled), a non-profit that tracks conflict. These groups are formed at a local level and are not necessarily officially linked to the NUG. Groups have revealed little about the nature of their training, but their resources and intensity vary. In the town of Mindat in Chin state, one of the poorest areas of the country, volunteers armed with little more than traditional hunting guns rose up against the military in May. Elsewhere, young city dwellers have fled to the jungle to learn how to make homemade explosives. Celebrities are among those who have announced that they are joining training – from a former beauty queen who represented Myanmar in the Miss Grand International contest, Htar Htet Htet, to Han Htoo Lwin, known as Kyar Pauk, the lead singer of punk rock band Big Bag. In Myanmar’s biggest city, Yangon, members of the security forces have been targeted in a wave of attacks over the past week, including shootings and explosions. A wedding party was also targeted, reportedly because the groom was suspected of being a military informant. Four people were killed – including the bride – after a bomb was disguised as a gift, according to local media. No one has claimed responsibility for the blasts. Schools across the country, some of which have been occupied by the military, have been bombed or set alight by unknown perpetrators, in what may be an attempt to reinforce the shutdown of the education system by anti-coup protesters. The junta has ordered parents to register their children to return to school, but the vast majority have not done so. More than half of the teachers working in state schools are on strike, according to local media. Such attacks, including the targeting of individuals suspected of colluding with the military, were a worrying trend, said Richard Horsey, senior Myanmar adviser to Crisis Group. “It will be difficult to contain once this kind of violence becomes the norm. It’s hard to shut these dynamics down again later.” The NUG, which has spoken of plans to build a new federal army, has urged anti-coup groups to follow ethical guidelines and not target schools or hospitals. It released a video on Saturday showing the first batch of defence force troops who have finished training. Some ethnic armed groups have offered support to anti-coup forces, though others are ambivalent. Groups could seek to exploit the coup for their own territorial gains, further complicating the crisis. Advertisement Anti-coup defence forces face an infamously brutal military that has an estimated 400,000 armed personnel, making it the second largest in south-east Asia after Vietnam’s. It is supplied primarily by China and Russia, drawing on generous state funding as well as its lucrative business networks – which campaigners are trying to weaken by placing pressure on international companies. Sasa is calling for the international community to recognise the NUG as the official leaders of Myanmar. Doing so, he said, would help the body to demand that oil and gas companies, such as Total and Chevron, hand over payments to democratic officials rather than army generals. “It is an insult to us that the gas that is from the land of Myanmar is being used by these military generals, and being paid for by Total company or [other] western companies, to buy weapons from Russia and China to kill the people of Myanmar,” he said. Nine neighbouring south-east Asian countries have reportedly proposed that a draft UN resolution be weakened by removing a call for an arms embargo. Sasa called for like-minded countries to push for the measure, and to introduce tougher, targeted sanctions. The more the international community delayed, he added, “the more bloody it will become, the closer we get to civil war and genocide”. More battles are already reported to have taken place in Myanmar in the first half of 2021 than in the entirety of last year, according to Acled. It has also tracked sharp increases in reports of attacks on civilians, and reports of explosions and other forms of remote violence, which include the deployment of artillery, shelling, grenades or IEDs. Previously, conflict was concentrated in Rakhine state and northern Shan state, but it has now spread more widely across the country. This is likely to place pressure on local commanders, said Horsey, but it is hard to know what impact it will have on the military as a whole. “They are quite large, they have a lot of military resources and they are not concerned at all about civilian casualties. In fact, their whole approach to internal conflict over the decades has been to deliberately target civilians as part of a quite brutal counter-insurgency strategy,” Horsey said. Salai Za Uk Ling, deputy executive director of the Chin Human Rights Organization, said people from Mindat reported the military had used civilians as human shields during recent clashes. Thousands of people from the town remain stranded just as the rainy season was beginning, he said. “They say they are getting very, very desperate. There has been some delivery of food aid and basic medical aid from volunteers, but there has been no large-scale delivery,” he added, warning of an impending humanitarian crisis. Covid-19 is also spreading along the Indian border. At least 833 people have been killed by the military since it seized power in February, according to estimates by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma. Thousands have been detained, often in unknown locations where they are at risk of torture. An activist who has met young people who are training to fight the military, and who asked to remain anonymous, said volunteers believed violence was the only language the military understood. “They want to scare the soldiers coming into their communities making arrests, beating and torturing,” she said. “Some people are hoteliers, some have their own restaurants, bars – and they have now left all their businesses.” One young medical student had fled alone to train, the activist said. “She was so passionate because her friends got killed. Her place was terrorised under martial law. She saw people burning alive in front of her. That experience pushed her to pick up the gun.”..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Anxiety, bribes and bullies: A journey through post-coup Myanmar
Sub-title: This is not a good time to travel without a Citizenship Scrutiny Card. Those who do are advised to carry extra cash to pay off soldiers and police at checkpoints… and to scrub their phones before their journey.
Description: "When my purse was stolen in Yangon last December, I lost many of my most important documents: my Citizenship Scrutiny Card, driver’s licence, student card and ATM cards. I put off replacing my CSC (often referred to as a National Registration Card, or NRC) because it would require a trip to my hometown, the Mon State capital, Mawlamyine. But after the February 1 coup d’etat, it felt dangerous to not have a national ID card. I also realised that I needed a CSC so I could replace the other lost cards. Up until four months ago, this wouldn’t have been a problem. To get to Mawlamyine, I would have just told the express bus line my CSC number – that would have been enough. There were no checkpoints or inspections at which security forces asked to see the real thing. Unfortunately, travel in Myanmar has become more difficult since the coup. There are now many checkpoints, and sometimes soldiers and police even search passengers’ luggage and mobile phones. If they find anything suspicious, such as indications of support for protests or the Civil Disobedience Movement, they don’t hesitate to make an arrest. I was anxious about the trip, and for good reason – when you arrive at a checkpoint, the first document they ask for is your CSC. In the past, if we needed to travel without our ID, we could take a letter of recommendation from our ward administration office or the nearest police station. However, the administrator of my ward had joined the CDM and the ward administration office was the target of a bombing in early April. I didn’t want to go to the police station because I was worried about being arrested. I didn’t have any good options. In the end, I decided to risk it and travel with a photocopy of my CSC. I departed Yangon for Mawlamyine on an express bus and the first checkpoint was at the entrance to Bago Region. We didn’t have to disembark; heavily armed police and soldiers boarded the bus. I showed the police a photocopy of my CSC, and explained that the original had been lost and I was travelling to Mawlamyine to be issued with a replacement. The police warned me that I could be arrested for travelling without an ID card or a recommendation letter, but after checking my luggage, they allowed me to continue my journey. Although the police at the second and third checkpoints were intimidating and threatening, they also let me go. At the final checkpoint we had to disembark and present our CSCs. When I showed the photocopy of my CSC, a soldier said I could be fined for travelling without the original. They started asking lots of questions: Where was my CSC? Why hadn’t I brought it? What was I planning to do in Mawlamyine? The soldier said that their questioning might take so long that my bus would have to leave me behind. Wouldn’t it be better, he said, to pay an “understanding fee” instead? I gave him K10,000 and quickly reboarded the bus, eventually arriving at my destination. After the nerve-wracking journey, I was pleasantly surprised at how easy it was to replace my CSC in Mawlamyine. At the Immigration Department office, I handed over the necessary documents, paid what was euphemistically described as a “service fee” of K50,000, and collected a new CSC the next day. The official fee for replacing a CSC is around K2,000. To make my previous card in 2014, I had to spend two days at the Immigration Department and then wait another 10 days before I could collect the card. That time, though, they didn’t ask for any extra money. Security during the return journey to Yangon was noticeably tighter, apparently because soldiers and police were trying to intercept people returning to Yangon from training in Karen National Union-controlled territory. At the first checkpoint, about three hours from Mawlamyine, police and soldiers inspected the luggage of every passenger on the express bus, as well as checking their ID cards. Any passenger with a CSC that was not issued in Mon State was closely questioned about the purpose of their journey. At the next checkpoint, named Mokepalin, on the Mon State side of the Sittaung River that divides Mon State and Bago Region, a boy seated in front of me was taken off the bus. I heard a soldier say the boy’s CSC was issued in Ayeyarwady Region and he needed to be checked more closely. When the bus pulled away, I noticed about 60 young men sitting at the checkpoint, who seemed to have been detained for further questioning. There were even a few people in handcuffs, but when I asked a soldier who they were, he shouted at me not to ask questions or I would be arrested. I kept my mouth shut. At the third checkpoint, I encountered a new problem. I no longer had to explain why I was travelling with a photocopy of my ID card – I now had a brand new one. But now a policeman wanted to know why my CSC was so new. When I explained, he responded by asking for “tea money”. I gave him K10,000. At the fourth checkpoint, near the town of Payagyi in Bago Region, both our ID cards and mobile phones were checked. I didn’t have a problem because I had already deleted social media posts, data and contacts from my phone, but some of the other passengers hadn’t been so smart. When the police found social media posts or images about the protest movement on their phones, they were arrested or threatened with arrest. Three people paid bribes to avoid being detained: one passenger had to pay K50,000 and the others K100,000 each. We speculated as to why the size of the bribe varied; was it because of the nature of their social media posts, or just how much money the police figured they might be carrying? The woman sitting next to me was a frequent traveller between Mawlamyine and Yangon, and I asked her if our experience had been unusual. “Before, we could travel everywhere without having to worry too much,” she responded. “Now it feels like we are totally in the darkness … they are bullying the people with their weapons.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Call for Action - လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ထောက်ပံ့ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်ခြင်း
Description: "လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် လူသားခြင်းစာနာကူညီမှု လုပ်ငန်းအဖွဲ့များနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနဲ့ နှီးနွယ်ပတ်သက်နေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အားလုံးကို လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်ချက်များကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေး တိုက်တွန်းနှိုးဆော်ခြင်း..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 334.73 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 31 May, (840) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 31 May, a total of (4424) people are currently under detention; of them (109) are sentenced. 1881 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of May 30, two women and a five year old girl were shot and arrested when the junta opened fire when villagers guarding the village ran away after seeing the junta patrol by on motorbikes in Pyingyi Village, Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region. Last night, Min Min, a photography enthusiast from Kyaukme Township in Shan State, was arrested at gunpoint unprovoked. A teacher from B.E.M.S (4) in Thingangyun Township, Yangon Region, who was involved in CDM but later changed, was arrested yesterday for encouraging students not to enroll at school. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.09 MB 3.98 MB 961.77 KB
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Title: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management: Call for Action
Description: "The Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management of the National Unity Government of the Republic of Union of Myanmar expresses its sincere gratitude to the United Nations agencies, Development partners, international non-governmental organizations, Red Cross Movement components and civil society and volunteer organizations across Myanmar and respective regions for their continuous efforts to respond to the humanitarian needs of the people of Myanmar. Since the military staged an illegal coup on 1 February, repression of peaceful protesters by the security forces, including killings, arbitrary arrests and direct attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, have caused a widespread human rights and humanitarian crisis. The security forces continue to use live ammunitions, and in some areas with heavy artillery and airstrikes. The recent use of violence by the security forces against the people in and around the town of Mindat in Chin and in Demoso, Loikaw and Mese townships in Kayah states, is the latest example of the campaign of terror and repression that has relentlessly targeted the people of Myanmar who, despite the threats to their lives and the lives of their loved ones, continue to stand firm in support of democracy. These senseless acts of horror have caused hundreds of civilian deaths, thousands of injuries and displaced tens of thousands of people, forcing them to seek safety away from their homes. In conflict-affected areas, the humanitarian needs of the most vulnerable, such as those living in situations of internal displacement and in host communities, were already significant before the coup. Around one million people in these areas are highly dependent on humanitarian assistance. The escalation of conflict in a number of these areas to levels unseen in years and the indiscriminate attacks by the military against civilians and civilian areas have worsened existing vulnerabilities or generated new needs. In areas where people used to live peacefully, many now require emergency medical, food, and essential assistance because of the immediate impact of the violence. In many of these areas, income-generating opportunities have been destroyed and access to healthcare and other services has been severely curtailed. Children, women and the elderly frequently bear the brunt of the violence and many are in urgent need of food, water, medical, shelter, sanitation and hygiene assistance, as well as COVID-19-related support. For many years, international and national humanitarian organizations in Myanmar have cooperated with the democratically elected government of Myanmar and responded tirelessly to people's humanitarian needs. Their assistance and commitment have been greatly appreciated. Today, the people of Myanmar are in need of even more humanitarian assistance. We welcome United Nations Agencies, Development partners, international non-governmental organizations, the Red Cross Movement components and civil society and volunteer organizations across Myanmar and respective regions to continue their efforts to provide assistance to the most vulnerable people Myanmar guided by the essential humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, operational independence and neutrality. In this context: ^ We appreciate the commitments by the United Nations in Myanmar made on 12 February and 21 May to continue standing with the people of Myanmar in these difficult times. > We welcome the statement made by the United Nations in Myanmar on 21 May and join the call for the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure and the facilitation of humanitarian relief through ensuring safe and unimpeded humanitarian access. ^ We call on all humanitarian assistance taskforces and relevant parties, ethnic armed organizations and all relevant parties to facilitate timely, unimpeded and safe access of humanitarian organizations to all those in need of assistance, without discrimination and regardless of political considerations, acknowledging that gaining access to the population in need might require interaction between the providers of assistance and all parties. ^ We thank member states and donors for their financial support to humanitarian operations to date and call on them to strengthen this support to address both, people's existing exacerbating and emerging humanitarian needs. ^ We express the support of the National Unity Government and renew our commitment to continue cooperation to address the people's humanitarian needs..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 63.3 KB 100.27 KB
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Title: Myanmar Junta Forces and KIA in Fresh Fighting in Northern Myanmar
Description: "Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and regime forces intensified on Sunday across five locations in Kachin State and Sagaing Region. One of the clashes involved a People’s Defense Force (PDF) formed by civilian resistance fighters against the military dictatorship. The KIA joined the fierce fighting between the PDF and junta troops in Katha Township, Sagaing Region on Sunday, civilian resistance fighters in Katha said. “The regime has been reinforcing their troops in our areas recently, restricting our movements, so we had to launch an attack,” a PDF spokesperson in Katha said. “The fighting was very intense, so the KIA joined with us,” he said. Eight regime soldiers were killed and 13 seriously injured, while five civilian resistance fighters were killed and one was captured by the military during the fighting, according to the Katha PDF. In response, the military fired several artillery rounds, including 60 mm shells, in residential areas, local residents claimed. Earlier, Moe Ta Lay village police station in Katha Township was set on fire by unknown attackers. Moreover, the KIA also stormed a military outpost in Nant Mon village, near Indawgyi Lake in Kachin State’s Mohnyin Township, in the early morning of May 30. The outpost was jointly manned by regime troops and a local militia. A KIA officer on the ground told The Irrawaddy that they had to attack first because the military has recently reinforced its troops in the area. Fighting was also continuing in Kachin State’s Putao Township between the KIA and junta soldiers on Sunday, following a KIA attack on May 29 on a military convoy of around 50 soldiers heading to Lung Sha Yang and Sum Pyi Yang villages in Putao Township. Local residents said that the fighting began around 11.30am near Tangja village. There were also renewed clashes near the Alaw Bum base in Kachin State’s Momauk Township on Sunday, with junta forces attacking the KIA. The military regime has made several attempts to retake control of the strategic outpost near the border with China, after the KIA seized the base on March 25. A local resident said that fighting had also intensified in Hpakant Township, Kachin State on May 30 between the KIA and regime forces. “We heard gun fire for nearly two hours in the morning. The military also launched artillery strikes on the KIA,” said the local resident. “We cannot go to our fields due to the fighting. Artillery shells fell in our villages as well,” he said. On May 29, a local school was burned down after being hit by regime airstrikes in Kachin State’s Tanai Township. The airstrikes followed the KIA’s capture of a military outpost in Talu village. Clashes across Kachin State and northern Shan State have been taking place since March 11, following the KIA’s refusal to recognize the military regime. The KIA has attacked military and police outposts and has threatened to step up its attacks if the junta continues to kill peaceful protesters across the country..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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