Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations

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Title: They are hunted and in hiding but Myanmar's journalists continue to report the truth
Description: "Journalist Ye Wint Thu was already on the run when his name and photo appeared on a wanted list broadcast by Myanmar's military junta. For weeks, he had been documenting protests in Yangon against the military coup. But in early March, after a colleague was violently arrested in the south of the country, and the junta revoked the licenses of five prominent media organizations, his included, he got word that he should go into hiding. "I got a call from my source saying I should run right now because they are going to arrest you tonight," said Ye Wint Thu, who is in his late 30s. He stuffed what he could into bags — his laptops, work projects and important documents — and fled with his wife. Since then, they have stayed with friends, family and colleagues, moving each night to evade the security forces who regularly conduct nighttime raids of suspected safe houses. Ye Wint Thu's story is not a one-off. Journalists across Myanmar are being attacked by the military junta merely for doing their jobs. More than 80 journalists have been arrested since the coup on February 1, with more than half of those still in detention, according to a statement from Western embassies in Myanmar. Offices of newspapers and online media have been raided. A nightly news bulletin on state TV broadcasts the names and images of those sought by the junta. Many of them, like Ye Wint Thu, are journalists. Some have been hauled off to secretive military interrogation centers and charged with crimes under section 505a — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison for publishing or circulating comments that "cause fear" or spread "false news." Braving bullets and potential torture if they are captured, Myanmar's reporters are continuing to expose alleged atrocities by the junta against its own people. And alongside the muzzled media, citizen journalists are taking great risks to gather information, while activists secretly publish and distribute revolutionary newsletters and pamphlets. "What's happening in Myanmar is a humanitarian crisis of the press," said Shawn Crispin, senior Southeast Asia representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists. "As global condemnation of the coup rose, it's becoming clear that the [military junta] want to suppress the news and to suppress coverage on what they're doing to the pro democracy demonstrators. And so they're going after the press." 'I could die on the street': Before the coup on February 1, Ye Wint Thu traveled around Myanmar producing and anchoring a current affairs TV program for independent media outlet Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). Now, he said, most journalists and editors he knows have gone underground as it's too dangerous to be on the streets......"I could die on the street.: Someone could shoot at me or I could get arrested. On the streets, there's a lot of informants and a lot of people who I don't know, so I might get killed," he said. During one crackdown in Yangon's Hledan, a district which had become a flashpoint for protests, Ye Wint Thu described running from security forces who were shooting at protesters. He sought shelter in a migrant hostel. "I had to hide in a small bedroom because the soldiers and police were shooting and were trying to catch people on the streets," he said. Despite knowing that he's wanted by the junta, Ye Wint Thu said he won't stop working. "Most of the journalists are on the run, like me. They can't do their jobs freely," he said. "All I can do now is conduct interviews here and make phone calls ... We can't stop, it's really important for the people of Burma," he said, using another name for Myanmar. In downtown Yangon, DVB's office has been sealed shut. The staff managed to recover essential broadcast equipment but the once buzzing newsroom, like most media offices in the city, remains empty. Police regularly check the premises to make sure they aren't broadcasting. The morning of the coup, DVB was taken off the air along with all other independent TV channels. The news organization switched to broadcasting via satellite but the junta issued an order for citizens to remove the PSI satellite dishes that carried their channel. Now, while they look for another satellite to broadcast from, DVB is relying on getting information out via its website and YouTube pages, as well through Facebook where it has 14 million followers. "We never stopped, not even for a single day," said Toe Zaw Latt, DVB's operations director who recently fled the city......A network of safe houses: Upon seizing power, the military cut all access to mobile data and wireless broadband, and until last week completely shut down the internet each night. Toe Zaw Latt said the junta's attempt to control all media and communication has created an "information vacuum" in the country, which it attempts to fill with military propaganda. Journalists move carefully through a network of safe houses, plotting their routes before they go out to avoid military checkpoints. If they're stopped, security forces search their phones and cameras — any images of protests or the ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi can be cause for arrest. "Every day, once you decide to leave, you know that you may never make it back to your room or your safe house. But it is your decision," Toe Zaw Latt said. Toe Zaw Latt tells his reporters: "Don't stay long on the ground, get the story, get out. Shoot and run. Cover your identity. Don't risk your life. There will be stories all the time. If it is too risky, don't take that risk." They operate in small networks for their safety, and there are no bylines on news articles. Even uploading footage is dangerous, as the journalists often have to find someone willing to allow them to use their network. "You have to make the file size very small, you have to upload to a particular network to get it out of Myanmar. Then people outside will access the cloud and upload," Toe Zaw Latt said. "I had to take risk on a daily basis to get internet access. You have to share [network connection] and you cannot let them know you are uploading files, as it is very scary." Toe Zaw Latt is part of an old guard of exiled Myanmar media workers. For half a century, Myanmar was ruled by successive military dictators until economic and political reforms began in 2011. For years, DVB relied on a clandestine network of video journalists who would bravely sneak footage out of the country so independent news could be broadcast into Myanmar. Following the abolishment of pre-publication censorship in 2012, exiled media organizations that operated in Thailand or Europe began slowly moving back. Once blacklisted, journalists could now interview government ministers and report openly in the country. In 2013, daily independent newspapers were allowed to publish for the first time since military rule. From 2015, under Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian National League for Democracy government, TV news channels like DVB were granted licenses, but journalists were still targeted with colonial era laws and defamation. Press freedom was not great, journalists said, but it was better. And there was hope it would continue to improve. Myanmar ranks 140 out of 180 in the 2021 World Press Freedom Index, dropping one place from the year before. Now, they have been forced to go back underground. Toe Zaw Latt said four DVB journalists have been arrested since the coup. The former exiled journalists pass down their knowledge and experience to the younger generation who have suddenly found themselves the public enemy of a murderous regime intent on wiping out the truth and replacing it with its own. As it's too dangerous for many to be out on the streets, media workers both inside and outside the country are relying on the bravery of citizen journalists. These are normal people filming or photographing, posting on social media and sending information to reporters. Their videos, often shot from behind windows or walls, provide evidence of the military's shootings, beatings and other human rights abuses and counter the official narrative that security forces are using "minimum force" or independent media is "fake news." "Lots of citizen journalists know that these kind of records are really important," said Toe Zaw Latt. "The [junta has been] accused of crimes against humanity. The more remote, the more abuses because no one is watching," he said. He described one instance where a man walked for 24 hours to reach a place with network connectivity so he could send a few photos about a conflict in this home state. "They want to take a risk to tell the stories," he said.....Sacrificing freedom to report: For some that mental and emotional toll is great. Journalists say they wrestle with guilt and grief at leaving family and partners behind, or being the reason they have to flee, potentially putting them in danger. "The painful part is, I said I'm sorry a thousand times to my partner. If not because of me, he didn't need to go [into hiding]," said Tin, a journalist for independent online news outlet Myanmar Now, who is using a pseudonym for her safety. "When I go to sleep I just wish I could see a different morning, another day," said Tin. "The coup happened around 3 a.m. or 4 a.m. We woke up to the coup and woke up to the news. So whenever I go to sleep I wish that tomorrow morning I can see something different." Tin said she feels guilty thinking about her hardships when others are going through so much worse. She draws strength when she thinks of the 760 people killed by the military since the coup. "I keep reminding myself these are not just numbers, these are lives and families behind those numbers," she said. Known for its investigations and hard-hitting features, Myanmar Now has been a loud and critical voice publishing in Burmese and English. International media, including CNN, often rely on its reporting, which has included reports on military's finances and business dealings with cronies and foreign ventures. That has drawn the ire of the military. In mid-March, Myanmar Now's office was raided by security forces. Along with DVB, Myanmar Now was one of five to have their publishing license revoked. But Tin said they have adapted to the challenging environment in ways they never thought they'd have to. "A lot of time phone calls don't work. Or in areas where security forces are shooting, you can hear loud bangs or running or shooting. It has been difficult to get information so we keep calling around midnight or 11 p.m. when we think there should no longer be shooting," she said. Tin said journalists are now faced with two choices: "If you want to keep reporting, you have to be exiled or in a place where they can't find you," she said. "You have to sacrifice freedom to report.".....Military courts: That lack of freedom is something Brang Mai struggles with daily. Brang Mai founded Myitkyina News Journal, an independent weekly, in 2012 with 30 employees covering the northern state of Kachin. On April 29, the military revoked the journal's publishing license. "Everything is online. It's very dangerous to print, and we cannot find a place to work," he said. Since the coup, three of his journalists have been arrested, and it has been a struggle to find out where they are, Brang Mai said. Once charged, trials are held, not in civilian courts, but within the prison walls, in secretive, military-run hearings. The CPJ's Crispin said Myanmar's jails and prisons are like a "black box." "Many just disappear inside prison, they're not given access to their families, they're not given access to lawyers, the news organizations are not allowed to contact them, so it's becoming a real black box as to what's happening to many journalists that are that are in jail," he said. Brang Mai spends his days frantically organizing lawyers for his detained reporters, arranging security for their families and his other staff, hiring trustworthy drivers, and seeking out safe houses. He moved back to his home town of Myitkyina to report on the country's opening up, but now fears being forced back into exile. "We never thought that this would happen again. What we facing here is unbelievable," Brang Mai said. "All of a sudden everything vanished within a day or two. If we move out to another country, maybe we get asylum, we just have to restart from basics again.".....Rise of alternative media: While some face the prospect of going into exile, others are creating new forms of media. Subverting the junta's internet cuts and suppression of information, Myanmar's young people are printing underground newsletters and pamphlets and secretly distributing them in the streets. Some have revolutionary names like Molotov. Others, thrown from bridges or stuck to lampposts, feature news of the coup, arrests, military abuses, and even poems. Activists have now launched a short wave radio station to reach the public and each other. Federal FM, formed in April by a group of activist volunteers, broadcasts news and updates on the political situation. "Radio is one of most important things for public information because we know military is cutting internet and phones and news agencies their satellite has been taken away. So I know radio is the only way to inform the public about what's going on," said Nway Oo, presenter for Federal FM who uses a pseudonym for safety. Federal FM is broadcast on 90.2 MHz on Thursdays and Sundays in Yangon and Mandalay, and aims to expand all over the country. Set up by members of the ethnic protest group General Strike Committee of Nationalities, their mission is to educate listeners about federalism — and hold the newly formed National Unity Government to account. "From radio we are able to criticize and express our aims or goals for a federal union," Nway Oo said. Their purpose, she said is to "support the revolution by giving people the news and the peoples' voice.".....Myanmar's journalists say they won't abandon the people: DVB's Toe Zaw Latt last month made the difficult decision to leave Yangon. The security situation there was untenable, he said. The military had re-imposed household registrations, a hangover from military rule where all house guests have to be registered so the military can keep tabs on who is staying where. "They make it harder to hide. They know student leaders and celebrities are on the run, so it's to chase them down," he said. Toe Zaw Latt, an Australian citizen, managed to make it to the airport and fly out last month. He is now in Australian quarantine. "This is not over. There is a coup, there is a huge army with guns, but we are not going to give up. For journalists, of course, there is danger, we are facing huge difficulties, but we are not going to give up," he said. For Ye Wint Thu, what's happening to his country is not new. He was four years old when his father was imprisoned for 10 years for being a democracy activist following the 1988 failed uprising against the then-military regime. This time, he believes the younger generation will not give up. "They will keep protesting. Generation Z, they are the hope of the country of Burma," he said. Like many journalists in Myanmar, Ye Wint Thu is determined to keep reporting. "I can't plan at all because things are changing every day," he said. "[But] I'll stick as long as I can inside Burma, and do my job as best as I can."..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 2 May, (765) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. (2) from Hsipaw Town and Nawngcho Town in Shan State, (1) from Hpakant Town in Kachin State and (2) from Wetlet Town in Sagaing Region died on 2 May. (1) from Kutkai Town in Shan State was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 2, a total of (3555) people are currently under detention; of them (82) are sentenced. 1396 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On 2 May, across the world and inside Burma, people powerfully protested the coup regime on the Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Day. Since the ASEAN leaders meeting, junta forces continue to perpetrate violence, today was the bloodiest day since the ASEAN meeting, at least five civilians were killed in one day. This is alongside increasing arrests. Two people were killed, and three others injured during a violent crackdown at an anti-dictatorship protest today in Hsipaw Town and Naungcho Town, Shan State. The Hpakant strike was repressed with live ammunition, mines, and hand grenades. One protester was shot dead in Hpakant, Kachin State. More than 20 people were injured and chased forcing the protestors to hide. There is great concern for these injured protesters’ access to medical treatment. Terrorists also arrested more than 10 civilians by breaking and destroying house doors in Hpakant. The junta also opened fire whilst people were gathering to begin a protest in Wetlet Town, Sagaing Region. Two men were shot dead, and eight others injured. The terrorist troops are now wearing plain clothes, carrying combat weapons, and arresting protestors so it is less easy to be recognized by civilians. Junta forces are also hiding to ambush and shoot. Two civilians were killed and at least five others were arrested today by this way in Mandalay City. AAPP is consolidating further information to verify this. Junta forces went to the Eain Phyu Taw spare auto parts store to allegedly buy car tires in Kutkai Town, Shan State on 1 May. The victim’s mother said the store was closed and they had stopped selling because of the ending of the fasting period. The victim’s mother was dragged into a car by the junta forces and an argument between the son and the terrorists broke out, he was then shot twice in the chest and died. Aside from all this, today the terrorist group crackdown on protests and arrested civilians in Mogaung Town, Kachin State, Mawlamyine City, Mon State, Mandalay and Pyugyidagun Townships, Mandalay Region, Monywa City, Sagaing Region, and Hlaing, Insein, and North Okkalapa Townships, Yangon Region. Some civilians across the country were injured. Arrests are made in plain clothes and the terrorist group has consistently used private vehicles, military trucks, and motorbikes to oppress civilians. Today, strikes were attacked using military trucks and private vehicles in Naungcho Town, Shan State, Shwebo Town, Sagaing Region and Eaindu Town, Karen State. More than 50 motorbikes were confiscated from youth protesters during the Eaindu protest. The junta stormed a school for the blind based in the Khawel Chan, Yangon Region last April and raided a girl orphanage house on Byaing Yay Oe Zin Street on 1 May nighttime in Tamwe Township, Yangon Region. During the raid, the door of the shelter was stormed and destroyed, the young women living in the shelter were taken out one by one. As of now, it has not been confirmed regarding arrests. Although Myanmar ratified to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), these rights have been dismantled by the dictatorship, women are suffering from both mental and physical insecurity. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: Myanmar Coup Highlights in 90 Days
Description: "Myanmar has now been under military rule for three months. Here is a timeline of the major events since Feb 1. Feb 1: Myanmar’s military seizes power in a coup claiming the 2020 November general election that brought a landslide victory to the National League for Democracy (NLD) was marred by fraud. It arrests the leaders of the democratically elected government, including President U Win Myint, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and region and state ministers. The military announces a yearlong state of emergency and says a new election will be held and power transferred to the winner. Feb 2: Myanmar’s people bang pots and pans to protest against the coup. This form of protest has been taking place at 8 pm daily across the country ever since. Myanmar’s military forms the State Administrative Council (SAC) with military officers and selected civilians replacing NLD ministers. Feb 3: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is charged under the Export and Import Law and Natural Disaster Management Law and remanded in custody. Additional charges are later filed against her under the Telecommunications Law, sedition law and Natural Disaster Management Law in Naypyitaw. She also faces a charge under the Official Secrets Act in Yangon Eastern District. She faces a total of six charges and has not been allowed to meet her lawyers in person. The military blocks access to Facebook, the primary means of access to the internet for the overwhelming majority in Myanmar. It is later followed by overnight internet shutdowns, which have since been lifted. Feb 4: Led by 32-year-old Dr. Tayzar San, around 20 people took to the streets against the military regime in Mandalay. The street protests from Mandalay then spread across the country. Feb 5: The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a body representing the elected NLD lawmakers from the 2020 November election, is formed. Feb 6: Anti-regime protests begin in Yangon and other cities, followed by a total internet blackout which is lifted the following day. Feb 8: Many civil servants come out on strike and join the civil disobedience movement (CDM). Mass protests with hundreds of thousands of protesters take place in Yangon, Mandalay, Naypyitaw and other cities. Some private banks have to close as their employees join the CDM. Myanmar’s military imposes a ban on gatherings of more than five people in Yangon and other areas. Feb 9: Ma Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, 19, is shot in the head as police open fire on anti-regime protesters in Naypyitaw. She later dies of brain injuries. Feb 11: People, including celebrities, stage a protest outside the Chinese Embassy in Yangon in response to alleged Chinese support for Myanmar’s military. Protests continue daily outside the embassy until Feb 20. Feb 13: People protest outside the offices of United Nations agencies and the US Embassy in Yangon, calling on the international community to take action against the SAC. Feb 15: In an interview with Myanmar’s media, Chinese ambassador Chen Hai says the political situation in Myanmar is “absolutely not what China wants to see” and dismisses social media rumors of Chinese involvement in the Feb. 1 coup as “complete nonsense”. Feb 19: Ma Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, who was shot in the head in the first shooting of junta forces, dies at a 1,000-bed public hospital in Naypyitaw, becoming the first victim to be shot dead since the coup. The SAC says she was shot by fellow protesters. Feb 22: In what the biggest day so far of defiance since the coup, large crowds of protesters joined a general strike against the junta, closing businesses and flooding on to streets across the country. The protests are referred to as the “five twos revolution”, a reference to the date 22.2.2021. Feb 24: Facebook and Instagram ban Myanmar’s military and military-controlled state media, citing “exceptionally severe human rights abuses and the clear risk of future military-initiated violence in Myanmar”. Feb 26: The military-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) meets political parties in Naypyitaw during which UCE chairman U Thein Soe says the results of the 2020 general election are invalid. Leaders of some political parties that did not win a single seat in the November poll ask the UEC to abolish the NLD. Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, U Kyaw Moe Tun, in his speech to the General Assembly’s informal meeting on Myanmar, called on the international community to “use any means necessary” to reverse the coup and protect the country’s people. He flashes a three-finger salute, a sign of protest, while addressing the meeting. Feb 27: The junta announces the dismissal of U Kyaw Moe Tun, saying the envoy “betrayed the country and had spoken for an unofficial organization which doesn’t represent the country and had abused the power and responsibilities of an ambassador”. U Kyaw Moe Tun later sends a letter to the president of the UN General Assembly to say that he still holds the post. March 3: More than 30 are killed in at least four cities in one of the bloodiest days since the coup as soldiers and police fire live rounds into crowds of protesters. March 6: Junta forces detain ward-level NLD chairman U Khin Maung Latt in Yangon’s Pabedan Township. His dead body is returned the following day. Dozens of similar cases follow as activists and protest leaders die overnight in military custody. March 8: The SAC revoked the licenses of five media outlets, Mizzima, DVB, 7 Days, Myanmar Now and Khit Thit Media. Junta forces abduct U Zaw Myat Lin, manager of a vocational institute run by the NLD in Yangon’s Shwepyithar Township. His dead body is returned the following day. March 11: Myanmar’s military regime sues The Irrawaddy for its Feb. 20 video showing the police asking for 13 million kyats (US$9,200) from relatives to release striking doctors detained at an anti-regime protest. March 14: In another of the deadliest days since the coup, more than 50 people die in Yangon’s Hlaingtharyar Township as the security forces carry out a murderous crackdown on anti-regime protesters. Some Chinese-owned factories were set on fire in Hlaing Tharyar and Shwepyithar. The Chinese Embassy urges Myanmar’s authorities to take measures to ensure the safety of Chinese citizens, projects and businesses. The military council declares martial law in Hlaing Tharyar and Shwepyithar. March 15: Martial law is declared in North Dagon, South Dagon, Dagon Seikkan and North Okkalapa townships in Yangon and five townships in Mandalay. The junta blocks mobile internet access, the primary source of internet for the majority in Myanmar. Mobile internet access remains unavailable until May 1. March 21: The Home Affairs Ministry declares the CRPH and its related organizations to be unlawful associations. March 27: The military regime holds Armed Forces Day in Naypyitaw. More than 100 protesters are killed across the country on the bloodiest day of the protests to date as people fill the streets, defying a military warning that they could be shot “in the head and back”. The UN human rights high commissioner’s office said it had received reports of “scores killed”, adding that “this violence is compounding the illegitimacy of the coup and the culpability of its leaders”. March 31: The CRPH says it will abolish the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. April 1: A striking policeman leads civilians to attack a police outpost in Tamu, Sagaing Region. The policeman dies in the attack that sees the four junta police officers killed. The military regime blocks wireless internet access, making fiber internet the only means to get online in the country. April 4: The European Union announces the suspension of all the development projects in Myanmar. Apr 8: Eleven people die and dozens are injured as junta forces impose a violent crackdown in Taze, Sagaing Region, where anti-regime protests are gaining momentum. April 9: At least 82 people are killed as junta security forces raid a protest camp in Bago where anti-regime protesters have rallied each day against the coup for 68 consecutive days. Many people are detained during the raid that forces more than 1,000 people from their homes. April 10: At least eight police officers are killed as the tripartite Brotherhood Alliance of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and Arakan Army attacks a police outpost in Lashio, northern Shan State. April 15: Prominent protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing in Monywa is detained after his motorbike is rammed by junta forces in a private car. The 26-year-old activist faces 10 charges, including high treason. April 16: The CRPH forms the National Unity Government (NUG), with President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi taking their original positions, and ethnic leaders and activists appointed as ministers. The Home Affairs Ministry later declares the NUG to be an unlawful association. The junta also says it will blacklist striking doctors which it has sued for incitement. April 24: In his first foreign trip since the coup, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attends the ASEAN summit on Myanmar in Jakarta. A five-point consensus is reached on ending violence, facilitating a constructive dialogue between all parties, a special ASEAN envoy to facilitate the dialogue, acceptance of aid and a visit by an envoy to Myanmar. Myanmar’s people express their disappointment as the leaders fail to mention the release of political prisoners. ​ April 26: Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing says he will carefully consider ASEAN leaders’ recommended steps for solving the crisis after the situation stabilizes. A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman says: “China will maintain close communication with ASEAN and support its mediation efforts while reaching out to all parties in Myanmar in its own way, so as to secure an early ‘soft landing’ for the situation in Myanmar.” April 29: Airbases in Magwe and Meiktila are attacked with rockets. April 30: The Assistance Association of Political Prisoners said 759 people have been killed, 3,485 are in detention out of 4,537 detained while 1,316 warrants have been issued by the regime since the February coup..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: Myanmar journalists granted sanctuary in India
Sub-title: Junta forces Burmese media underground and into exile again
Description: "An Indian court has granted sanctuary to two Burmese journalists, a colleague and some relatives a month after they fled across the border from Myanmar into Manipur state. They had been lying low in Tengnoupal district. On April 20, the Manipur High Court granted the group safe passage to Imphal, the state capital, and protection from Indian authorities until further notice. They left for Imphal the following day. At first glance, the two men could easily be mistaken for locals in Moreh, a bustling trading hub on the northeastern state's border with Myanmar. The town is an ethnic melting pot with cross-border familial relations that go back centuries. India has always been a friendly neighbor in peace and an ally in crisis to these people. 'Thin,' 44, is a video journalist and 'Lau,' 38, is a webmaster. Both work for Mizzima News, a Burmese media organization that was among the first to lose its operating license after Senior General Min Aung Hlaing staged his coup on Feb. 1. Thin told Nikkei Asia that an arrest warrant had been issued against him under Article 505 (a) of Myanmar's penal code, which criminalizes the publishing or circulation of any "statement, rumor or report, with intent to cause, or which is likely to cause, any officer, soldier, sailor or airman, in the army, navy or air force to mutiny or otherwise disregard or fail in his duty as such." Thin immediately hopped on a bus in Yangon along with a 22-year-old female staff member and Lau, Lau's wife and their three kids. The journey to the Indian border took two nights and three days. They slipped across and joined hundreds of other refugees who fled after the junta, the State Administration Council, embarked on a brutal crackdown on the nationwide civil disobedience movement. Thin and Lau declined to go into detail about their entry route into India. They said they were sheltered for a month by a network of civil society organizations representing local ethnic groups on both sides of the border. Before fleeing, Thin was covering the street protests in Yangon. He barely slept in February, and witnessed some terrible incidents. "I saw a military armored vehicle crush a group of protesters on bicycles," he said. With the loss of Mizzima's satellite channel and reduced access to the internet, Thin said it was becoming increasingly hard to report what was happening on the ground -- and also much more dangerous. "The military junta indiscriminately fired at protesters and jouralists," he said. "I got used to running past dead bodies lying on the ground." According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 759 people had been killed by heavily armed troops and police and 4,537 arrested as of April 30. At least, 71 of those in detention are journalists, according to the United Nations. The porous India-Myanmar border is 1,624 km long and touches the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram and Manipur. In March, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi directed that illegal immigrants found in these four northeastern states should be deported. The Manipur state government duly issued an order to the deputy commissioner of five border districts, including Tengnoupal, to "politely turn away" people seeking refuge. This prompted such a severe backlash that the order was retracted on March 30. Despite the restrictions and border patrols, at least five hundred refugees are believed unofficially to have crossed over into Moreh and other parts of Tengnoupal. Nikkei reached out to district authorities to confirm this, but they declined and said they were not authorized to speak. The Manipur court noted that India is not a signatory to the Geneva Refugee Convention of 1951 or the New York Protocol of 1967. It instead based its ruling on India being signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights, both declared by the U.N. in 1948 and 1966, respectively. Thin told Nikkei that there has been no news about six Mizzima colleagues who were arrested, and their whereabouts are not known. On April 8, Mizzima's co-founder, journalist Thin Thin Aung, was arrested with two colleagues. Soe Myint, Mizzima's editor in chief and co-founder, is still at large. He told Nikkei by email that nothing more has been heard of his colleagues. He confirmed that three of the six Mizzima staffers have been charged under Article 505 (a). "At least one of them, we have confirmed, faced torture," Soe Myint told Nikkei. "The rest, we do not have any contact or trace of them -- we don't know whether they are being tortured or are even alive." For Thin and Lau there is a strong element of deja vu. Both took refuge in India during a shorter prodemocracy uprising in Myanmar in 2007. Lau was 24 at that time. It took him four days to get from Moreh to Delhi, where he obtained a refugee card from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Some of his brethren from Chin state made the same journey, and ended up taking asylum in the West. Lau returned to Myanmar in 2012 and joined Mizzima. "I'm not a journalist but with my background in computer studies, I took the webmaster job because I wanted to fight for democracy in my country," he said. Thin started working at Mizzima in 2008, ten years after Soe Myint and Thin Thin Aung started the news service in Delhi where they were living in exile. They shifted operations to Yangon in 2013 after the government of President Thein Sein, a retired general, allowed private news organizations to operate for the first time in 50 years. Mizzima maintained a good relationship with India throughout, and in 2018 signed a content sharing agreement with Prasar Bharati, India's public service broadcaster. Thin and Lau want to continue reporting the Myanmar crisis from Delhi, and are seeking permission to go there. News of their presence first appeared on April 15, when the All Manipur Working Journalists' Union issued a statement asking the state government to give them "safe passage" to the UNHCR. Acording to Soe Myint, 42 Mizzima journalists are in hiding but still working inside Myanmar, with another 34 in Australia, Canada, India. Norway, Singapore, Thailand and the U.S. "We will be back to where we were in 2011, working in exile, Soe Myint told Nikkei. "We need to work with offices set up in India and our units working underground inside the country." Although the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw recently announced the parallel National Unity Government, there seems to be little chance of the exiled journalists being able to go home any time soon. Thin and Lau are keeping in touch with their network of sources and citizen journalists, many of whom belong to Generation Z -- born between 1995 and 2012 -- and play vital roles reporting developments on social media platforms. "We continue to provide news and information," said Thin. "We don't know where all our colleagues are but each one of us is still working." Soe Myint said that India's support has always been crucial in the fight for democracy and human rights in Myanmar. "We are confident that we will win this battle," he said signing off. "But we need your support and solidarity."..."
Source/publisher: "Nikkei Asian Review" (Japan)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: Myanmar protesters march three months after coup; U.N. warns of ‘standstill’
Description: "Protesters against military rule marched in Myanmar on Saturday three months after a coup ended a democratic transition, with several small blasts compounding a sense of crisis that a U.N. envoy warned could bring state administration to a halt. The military has tried to end dissent and impose its authority on a people largely opposed to the return of rule by the generals after 10 years of democratic reforms that included a government led by democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite a relentless crackdown in which at least 759 protesters have been killed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) advocacy group, crowds come out day after day to reject the junta. "Our cause, democracy, our cause, a federal union. Free arrested leaders," protesters chanted at one of two rallies in the main city of Yangon. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup the along with many other members of her party. The AAPP says more than 3,400 people have been detained for opposing the military. People also rallied in the second city of Mandalay and the southern town of Dawei, media reported. There were no immediate reports of violence. Media reported several small blasts in different places including Yangon late on Friday and on Saturday. There were no immediate reports of casualties and no claims of responsibility. A spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. The military has accused pro-democracy activists of planting bombs. The U.N. special envoy on Myanmar told the Security Council on Friday that in the absence of a collective international response to the coup, violence was worsening and the running of the state risked coming to a standstill, according to diplomats who attended the private meeting. read more Christine Schraner Burgener briefed the 15-member council from Thailand, where she has been meeting regional leaders. She hopes to travel to Myanmar but the military has yet to approve a visit. "The general administration of the state could risk coming to a standstill as the pro-democracy movement continues in spite of the ongoing use of lethal force, arbitrary arrests and torture as part of the military's repression," Schraner Burgener said, according to diplomats. She told diplomats that reports of a continuing crackdown risked undermining momentum toward ending the crisis following a meeting of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on April 25 with the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. Schraner Burgener, expressing concern about rising violence, cited reports of bomb attacks and of civilians, mostly students from the urban areas, getting weapons training from ethnic minority insurgents. U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said Min Aung Hlaing had used the summit as a "propaganda ploy". "Indeed, he tried to appear to be what he is not - a legitimate leader," Andrews said in a post on Twitter. "The good news: Those who ARE legitimate are ready to engage: the National Unity Government." Ousted members of parliament from Suu Kyi's party, politicians representing ethnic minorities and democracy activists set up the unity government but it has yet to win the international recognition it says it is due. The U.N. Security Council reiterated its “deep concern” at the situation and its support for Myanmar’s democratic transition. The council has issued several statements since the coup but diplomats say Russia and China are likely to prevent any stronger council action against Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: Religion, hate speech and social media in Myanmar: Analysing methods of intervention
Description: "This thesis has been written as a response to the worrying rise of hate speech online and focuses primarily on Myanmar. It aims to analyse hate speech as a factor of Myanmar’s internal conflicts and, through my own field research and an examination of existing literature, it attempts to suggest effective, long term methods to counter hate and build peace. Building peace and resolving conflict requires commitment to constructing a foundation of activities and actors, across all levels of society, which aim to achieve sustainable reconciliation.1 As Wallensteen suggests, conflict resolution is far more than the absence of violence: it is the agreement of parties to respect each other and live together in peace.2 Therefore, the core focus of this research is to discuss how Smile Education and Development Foundation can equip young people with the tools to challenge online hate speech and bring communities together. This research is specifically focused on Buddhist hate speech, though this is not to suggest that there is no negative rhetoric or actions from Muslims or other minority groups. However, this study would suggest that by transforming negative attitudes towards Muslims and the religious/ethnic/cultural ‘Other’, the chance of future violence from either party decreases significantly. Myanmar has a history of intrastate conflict which is largely down to the marginalization of minority groups; the Burman (Bamar) ethnic group constitutes two thirds of the country but controls the government and military, often failing to protect the rights of the ethnically diverse remainder of the country. To further understand the complex situation, a conflict assessment of Myanmar will be conducted in chapter one, using Mathew Levinger’s four step assessment framework. The assessment will draw upon the marginalization of ethnic and religious groups as a driver of conflict and Buddhist/Muslim tensions, in addition to economic struggles and the oppressive military junta. It is important to address the key components of the conflict in Myanmar to understand how existing tensions can be exploited to spread hatred and mistrust against Muslims, who, as a consequence, are often blamed for problems within society. One of the most common manifestations of religious intolerance, both in Myanmar and other contexts, is online hate speech. The internet has provided tools to enrich society, connect the world, and create educational information available to those who would not have had access to this before. However, these same tools have paradoxically become a platform to spread lies, prejudice and hatred that will often target religious or ethnic minority groups. Chapter two aims to deconstruct online hate speech and the consequences for Myanmar’s Muslim community, focusing primarily on Facebook – the most used social media platform in the country. While such hate speech can be brushed off by some as bigoted ranting or merely painful words, many, including Foxman and Wolf (2013), and Waldron (2012), whose work is discussed in chapter two, believe it could serve as a warning sign for more severe consequences. Worryingly for targeted minority groups such as the Muslim community in Myanmar, hate speech’s widespread appearance makes it seem increasingly acceptable. Once the youth become actively involved in these hate sites, they will be exposed to value sets and ideologies that soon become the norm. With a large percentage of internet users consisting of younger people, the focus of this report, the impact of this hate and the distorted truths that circulate online can affect many generations to come. It is what Waldron describes as a ‘slow poison’ threatening social peace. Chapter three draws on the conclusions made in the conflict assessment of chapter one, and of chapter two’s analysis of the harm of online hate speech in Myanmar, to evaluate the best possible methods of countering hate speech for this context. Through addressing religious peacebuilding ideas from Gopin, examining existing counter hate speech campaigns in Myanmar and from around the world, and bringing in points discussed in both focus groups, I will draw conclusions about methods of prevention, regulation, and counter narratives that may be useful in bringing together Myanmar’s Buddhist and Muslim communities..."
Source/publisher: University of Winchester (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: Seven reported killed as Myanmar protests aim to ‘shake the world’
Description: "Myanmar security forces opened fire on some of the biggest protests against military rule in days on Sunday killing seven people, media reported, three months after a coup plunged the country into crisis. The protests, after a spell of dwindling crowds and what appeared to be more restraint by the security forces, were coordinated with demonstrations in Myanmar communities around the world to mark what organisers called "the global Myanmar spring revolution". "Shake the world with the voice of Myanmar people's unity," the organisers said in a statement. Streams of demonstrators, some led by Buddhist monks, made their way through cities and towns across the country, including the commercial hub of Yangon and the second city of Mandalay, where two people were shot and killed, the Mizzima news agency reported. The Irrawaddy news site earlier posted a photograph of a man it said was a security officer in plain clothes taking aim with a rifle in Mandalay. Two people were killed in the central town of Wetlet, the Myanmar Now news agency said, and two were killed in different towns in Shan State in the northeast, two media outlets reported. One person was also killed in the northern jade-mining town of Hpakant, the Kachin News Group reported. Reuters could not verify the reports and a spokesman for the ruling junta did not answer calls seeking comment. The protests are only one of the problems the generals have brought on with their Feb. 1 ouster of the elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Wars with ethnic minority insurgents in remote frontier regions in the north and east have intensified significantly since the coup, displacing tens of thousands of civilians, according to United Nations estimates. In some places civilians with crude weapons have battled security forces, while in central areas military and government facilities that have been secure for generations have been hit by rocket attacks and a wave of small, unexplained blasts. There have been no claims of responsibility for the explosions. 'HANDMADE BOMBS' Khit Thit media reported a blast outside a police barracks in Yangon early on Sunday. Vehicles were ablaze it said, but it gave no information on any casualties. Later, it reported another blast in the city. A news portal in Shan State reported a blast outside the home of a prominent businessman. The state-run broadcaster in its main evening news bulletin on Saturday gave details of at least 11 explosions over the previous 36 hours, mostly in Yangon. It reported some damage but no casualties. "Some rioters who do not want stability of the state have been throwing and planting handmade bombs at government buildings and on public roads," the broadcaster said. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says security forces have killed at least 759 protesters since the coup. Reuters is unable to confirm the toll. The military, which ruled for almost 50 years until launching a tentative reform process a decade ago, acknowledged in mid-April the death of 248 protesters, saying they were killed after they initiated violence. The protests and a civil disobedience campaign of strikes have crippled the economy and raised the prospect of 25 million people sliding into poverty, the U.N. Development Programme has warned. read more The military said it had to seize power because its complaints of fraud in a November election won by Suu Kyi's party were not addressed by an election commission that deemed the vote fair. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup along with many other members of her party..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: This revolution is about more than who governs Myanmar
Sub-title: While the anti-coup movement is ostensibly about who rules – the military or the people – embedded in it are four tendencies that, with the world’s help, will radically remake Myanmar society for the better.
Description: "Myanmar is in the throes of a profound political crisis, but the solution must extend beyond the question of who’s in charge of government. The resistance to the Tatmadaw’s takeover has been spearheaded by the youth. Members of so-called Generation Z have learned from their elders in the 1988 pro-democracy movement, but this “Spring Revolution” is not like their parents’ failed revolution. The battle is lopsided – the military has more guns and more money than the people right now – but, with action from the international community, it is entirely winnable. The prize will not only be democratic government, but a far more just, inclusive and united society, thanks to four progressive tendencies embedded in the youth-led movement.....Genuine democracy: The first of these tendencies is a demand for genuine democracy that moves beyond past compromises. The events of the past three months mean the masses are no longer willing to settle for a return to the pre-coup status quo. This revolution aims to complete, once and for all, a process stalled since 1962: the creation of a federal union and the removal of the Tatmadaw from politics. Many people reluctantly accepted the military-drafted 2008 Constitution because they believed it would help move the country towards democracy. The National League for Democracy’s 2015 victory under that charter gave them hope for a better future. The military unequivocally dashed those hopes on February 1. Those that weren’t already convinced now know that a “partial democracy” is a contradiction of terms, and that a power sharing agreement with the Tatmadaw is a road to nowhere. To that end, people are striking, peacefully protesting, boycotting and performing acts of civil disobedience, hoping to paralyse the military’s ability to govern, even if it means deep personal and economic pain. They are now considering any means necessary to finally remove the military from politics. They’ve called on the international community and the United Nations to invoke the principle of the Responsibility to Protect and, despite the slim-to-zero chance that this call will be heeded, they continue collecting evidence of the Tatmadaw’s crimes against humanity, hoping to hold the coup makers accountable under global bodies of justice, such as the International Criminal Court. Even the idea of armed revolution has become popular, with the National Unity Government declaring its ambition to establish a People’s Defence Army that would later be integrated into a “federal army” alongside ethnic armed groups already fighting for autonomy in their own states. Young people are reportedly flocking to areas under the control of ethnic armies to receive weapons training. But the idea of an armed offensive against the Tatmadaw, however emotionally gratifying now, may be ill advised in the longer term. For one, the military has superior weapons and greater resources than all of its challengers combined, and it has survived countless armed insurrections since its founding. Additionally, the technical and practical challenges of unifying many geographically dispersed armed groups with varying political goals into a single force may prove overwhelming. Still, the growing popularity of the idea among young and old alike – many of whom are getting a first-hand experience of the depths of the Tatmadaw’s brutality and inhumanity for the first time – is a testament to the desperate desire, shared by almost everyone, to rid the country of this notorious institution, which has impoverished its citizenry and tarnished the national image for more than half a century.....Across ethnic lines: The second critical tendency of the Spring Revolution is a desire to shatter pernicious national mythologies. Generations of Myanmar people have been conditioned to believe a distorted version of history – something this movement is helping to right. For more than 70 years, minority ethnic groups have felt betrayed by the majority Bamar, who, instead of bringing about the democratic federal union promised in the 1947 Panglong Agreement, have continued to maintain their political and social dominance while marginalising minority voices. The military has systematically reinforced these divisions since General Ne Win seized power in 1962 through divide-and-conquer tactics. In propaganda spread through the schoolroom and state-controlled media, successive military regimes portrayed ethnic insurgent groups as bandits led by warlords who posed a threat to the nation. Most Bamar live in regions untouched by conflict and did not understand that ethnic armed groups had taken up arms as political actors with the universal ambition of autonomy. They had little knowledge of the suffering and abuse – the abductions and arbitrary killings, the use of systemic rape as a weapon of war and subjugation – that ethnic groups have endured at the Tatmadaw’s hands. Perhaps the most significant result of the Spring Revolution is the unprecedented unity that has developed between the Bamar and other ethnic nationalities. The use of lethal force by security forces – their indiscriminate shooting into homes and apartments, their targeting of aid workers, their looting and wanton vandalism – have helped lowland Bamar understand what their ethnic compatriots have endured for decades. Moving displays of Bamar sympathy have sprung up, and people – largely the youth – are publicly apologising for not speaking out in the past.....Toppling taboos: A third tendency of the Spring Revolution lies in its critique of religious orthodoxy and antiquated social norms. This is particularly noticeable in attitudes towards women and girls, who have been central to the protest movement, displaying just as much commitment, creativity and courage as their male counterparts – both on the frontlines and in the rooms where strategy is made. Women have harnessed traditional beliefs to challenge misogyny and the military in creative ways, notably using the fear among many men – particularly those within the Tatmadaw – of losing their male essence, known as hpone, by passing below women’s garments. As security forces moved in to quash protests around the country, female-led groups of demonstrators hung women’s htamein (longyi) from clotheslines strung over streets and roads, knowing that superstitious, conservative soldiers would be reluctant to pass beneath them. In many cases, they were right. Junta forces often stopped to burn the garments before passing beneath them. The demands for gender equity have permeated aspirations for new government leadership as well: about half of the National Unity Government members announced on April 16 are women. And despite the enormous respect accorded to senior Buddhist monks, young protesters have been quick to criticise monks who express support for the coup makers. After Wazipeik Sayadaw, a Shan State monk with close ties to junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, reportedly advised the senior general to “shoot protesters in the head”, portraits of the monk turned up strung alongside htamein at protests in Yangon’s Sanchaung Township. This was a challenge to the monk directly, but also to a misogynist belief that even representations of monks are too sacred to be displayed near “lowly” women’s clothing. When Sitagu Sayadaw, a highly influential senior monk in Sagaing Region well known for his philanthropic work and Buddhist scholarship, publicly supported the coup, scores of Buddhist social media users were quick to post scathing criticisms of him online. Western readers, accustomed to open critiques of the clergy, may find this nothing to write home about. But these moves – which even parents, senior relatives and religious leaders that do support the movement likely found deeply uncomfortable – are unprecedented, given the hierarchical relationship between laypeople and the Sangha. This revolution is changing mindsets: formerly untouchable elders are being revaluated with a critical eye, often facing social punishment campaigns from young people willing to judge them on their actions rather than their venerated status.....The Rohingya divide: The final tendency of the Spring Revolution may also be its most complex. This movement has, like nothing before it, forced a reckoning with longstanding prejudices against the Rohingya – though there are gradations to how much progress has been made in this realm. Undoubtedly, there has been a much-needed growth in acceptance of the persecuted minority, and an overdue recognition of their plight. Social media users have tweeted what seemed like heartfelt apologies to the former United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Ms Yanghee Lee, for their past hate speech against the Rohingya “and against me personally because I used the name ‘Rohingya’ while speaking about their plight”, Lee recently wrote in Nikkei Asia. Such apologies were “unthinkable just a few months ago”, she added. Early on in the protests, multiple demonstrators posted photos of themselves holding signs expressing support for the Rohingya, and remorse for ignoring or denying their suffering in the past. But while unity has emerged on abolishing military dictatorship, standing with ethnic nationalities, and building a more progressive, open society, divisions remain over the Rohingya, with opinion roughly divided into four groups. The first still regards the Rohingya as illegal immigrants with no real right to a dignified life in Myanmar, insisting on calling them “Bengali” no matter how they self-identify, or how many generations have lived here before them. People of this mind may never be convinced. The second acknowledges that the Tatmadaw committed crimes against humanity and possibly even genocide against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, but still holds that most Rohingya are foreign interlopers who are not entitled to live in Myanmar. Most among this tribe also refuse to recognise “Rohingya” as a legitimate ethnic designation. The third recognises the atrocities the Rohingya have suffered at the hands of the Tatmadaw and also accepts that many have lived in Myanmar for generations, entitling them to some form of citizenship, but only a second-class, “Bengali” citizenship, since they are not among the 135 indigenous “races” who automatically receive citizenship under the racist, military-drafted 1982 Citizenship Law. The final group is, sadly, likely to be the smallest in size. This group accepts the Rohingya’s right to citizenship and to self-identification as “Rohingya”. These thinkers reject the arbitrary distinctions between “officially recognised” groups and others – ideas pushed on the populace by the xenophobic Ne Win, the country’s first coup maker and military dictator. They insist that Myanmar should have only one category of citizenship, free of racial distinctions. Until this last understanding is more widely shared, we’re doomed to spawn a crippled form of democracy.....Towards a more just future: This revolution is truly unprecedented, in its demands and its sophistication, and it has the potential to transform society and deliver a new nation of more just structures, values and norms. We are confident of victory, but it will take perseverance. More than 750 people have been killed by junta forces, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. Despite the rising death toll, people remain undaunted. When soldiers crack down in the daytime, they hold candlelight vigils at night. Instead of confronting security forces head on, people are finding new ways to resist, such as with sticker campaigns and quickly dispersing flash mobs. Civil servants and critical private-sector workers are refusing to return to their jobs, shuttering banking and payment services, hospitals, rail travel and cargo movement. Military-made products like Myanmar Beer and Red Ruby cigarettes have been targeted for consumer boycotts, tanking these brands and draining the Tatmadaw of revenue. The forms of resistance keep multiplying. Just how long it will take may depend on the international community. Each day that justice is deferred, more will die. The movement’s goals are deeply aligned with the values and prerogatives that most Western nations espouse. If these nations can replace empty admonishments with serious moves against the Tatmadaw’s funding – more robust sanctions on extractive industries, for a start – we may be able to realise the more just future we all strive for sooner rather than later..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 1 May, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 1, a total of (3508) people are currently under detention; of them (82) are sentenced. 1356 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. 1 May 2021 marked International Labor Day. AAPP honors the active participation of the entire labor movement, who have been on the front lines of this Spring Revolution. People across Burma continue to fight against injustice and dictatorship. Today, seven civilians, who did not even take part in the protest were arrested after the junta forces arrived in vehicles and attacked the strike in Insein Township, Yangon Region. Two civilians were ordered to stop while riding a motorcycle near 38×39, 78th Street, Mandalay City, Mandalay Region and were shot in the abdomen and knees when they did not stop, last night The terrorist group is now repressing charities. In Myitkyina this morning a group of 11 youth involved in a free food campaign and around 30 people were arrested by junta troops in soldiers and police uniforms at gunpoint. In Mandalay Region, Mogok Town, Kyat Pyin Ward, the Ruby Yadanar clinic was looted and all medical supplies worth around 1,500,000 kyats (US$965) were taken by the junta group. Yesterday evening in Bago Region, Pyay town, two funeral vehicles belonging to the Moe Metta Funeral Service were seized. The junta does not even exempt charity and philanthropy from its violent acts. The terrorist group is systematically targeting those who they want to arrest, and is now targeting the ward administrators and former administrators across the country. In Dawei Township, Tanintharyi Region, more than 20 former ward administrators have been detained since April 29 and some administrators from Myeik and Kawthaung have also been arrested. On April 29, Ngaputaw Township the ward administrator of Ngup Kaung was kidnapped, On April 30, the administrator for Ward 11, Mandalay Region, Pyin Oo Lwin Township was also arrested. The terrorists are arresting and detaining influential people in society, the junta are trying to establish their administrative power in incendiary ways. It has been 90 days since the coup and the situation inside Burma remains extremely unstable. Administration, the judiciary, legislature collapsed, media attacked. A so-called agreement at ASEAN leader meeting on Burma has not had a significant impact on the coup. A closed-door meeting was also held by the UN Security Council yesterday but likewise no specific agreement was made. People across Burma are facing brutal junta perpetrated violence on a daily basis. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
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Title: Myanmar: ASEAN meeting outcomes ignores assault on rights and civil society
Description: "Global civil society alliance CIVICUS is disappointed that the outcomes of the regional ASEAN summit held in Jakarta fell short of what is necessary to address Myanmar’s human rights crisis, including by failing to call for the immediate release of human rights activists, journalists and others arbitrarily detained. This failure undermines any chance of ensuring a genuine dialogue and transition back to democratic civilian rule. A statement released after the summit said the leaders and foreign ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had reached a consensus on five points. They included asking for an immediate stop to the violence and opening a dialogue between the military and civilian leaders, with that process overseen by a special ASEAN envoy who would also visit with a delegation. The group also offered humanitarian assistance. The statement offered no timeline for these actions to be taken or an implementing mechanism. No mention was made of the nearly 4,000 people who have been arbitrarily detained by the military, including activists, peaceful protesters, and journalists, some in unknown locations and denied access to lawyers or family members. Many are facing serious and baseless charges, including treason. “Millions of people in Myanmar were hoping that ASEAN would, for once, uphold the principles enshrined in the ASEAN Charter including the rule of law and respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and were once again tremendously disappointed. ASEAN has failed the thousands of political prisoners including activists and journalists by not calling for their immediate and unconditional release, which should be an integral part of any successful efforts to restore democracy,” said David Kode, CIVICUS’s Advocacy and Campaigns Lead. The summit also failed to acknowledge the National Unity Government (NUG) that was formed on 16 April 2021 representing elected members of the Union Parliament. It also ignored the serious violations that have occurred in Myanmar since the coup which left around 750 dead, including children and thousands injured due to the use of lethal force by the security forces to crack down on protests, the ill-treatment by the security forces during night-time raids and the internet shutdowns. No mention was made of UN resolutions on the crisis adopted by consensus at the Human Rights Council since the coup. Nor was there any acknowledgment of or offering of support to the UN mechanisms mandated to monitor and report on human rights violations relating to the coup. “The failure to acknowledge and engage with the legitimately elected representatives of the people of Myanmar shows that ASEAN leaders’ talk of democracy is only lip service. We call for ASEAN to put their words into action by demanding an end to the state of emergency and for the elected civilian government to be restored,” said David Kode. Since the meeting, the junta already seem to be backtracking from their already minimal promises. Myanmar military junta leader Min Aung Hlaing said he will consider proposals by ASEAN to solve the ongoing crisis in Myanmar only after peace and stability are restored in his country. CIVICUS reiterates calls for an immediate end to the escalating violence by the military, the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained, and for steps to be taken by the international community, including ASEAN, to hold those responsible for the serious human rights violations to account..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
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Title: Myanmar: Civil servants face junta pressure to return to work
Description: "Workers associated with the civil disobedience movement have been thrown out of public housing and issued legal notices. Meanwhile, many banks are also grappling with a lack of working employees. As the civil disobedience movement (CDM) grows in popularity in Myanmar, the military has started ramping up pressure on government employees to return to work, while businesses struggle under the weight of missing employees and internet blackouts. Civil servants started refusing to carry out their duties, just days after the February 1, 2021, coup, when the country's military seized power. The movement has been expanding since then, with widespread support from both in and outside the country, and a 2022 Nobel Peace Prize nomination. However, the junta has been pushing government workers participating in the movement to go back to work, using forceful tactics. In one case, government hospitals in cities began issuing letters to medical workers to come back to work. In another instance, a CDM-affiliated railway worker was forced to leave his government apartment. Doctors pressured to return to hospitals One doctor working at a government hospital said the junta is afraid of the CDM's power. "The CDM is one of the most important things to stop the government mechanism," a 25-year-old assistant surgeon, who asked for his name not to be published, told DW. "That's why they try to push CDM participants back to work in various ways, like forcing railway staff to leave their government apartment if they don't come back to work." A military spokesperson last week accused CDM-affiliated medical workers of being responsible for the deaths of people in hospitals, who could not receive proper treatment. The surgeon, who is working at Myanmar's largest hospital — the Yangon General Hospital — disagrees with that accusation. "They want to open public hospitals again as soon as possible, and mislead people into thinking that the country is stable, and that they can get back to their normal lives. That's why they are still pushing healthcare workers to return to their jobs, by accusing them of committing genocides in the newspaper." On Tuesday, the junta issued arrest warrants for 20 doctors who had joined the CDM against the military dictatorship, charging them with defamation. The surgeon told DW that doctors are preparing for the worst. "I am not afraid of them. It doesn't matter, even if they revoke my medical license. I will be a part of the CDM until the end of the junta," he said. Cash flow comes to a halt "Businesses were hurting because of the pandemic, even before the coup. Any business would be lucky to break even, and many have closed," said political analyst Dr Khin Zaw Win, who runs an independent think-tank in Myanmar called the Tampadipa Institute. "The movement aims to disrupt the government machinery and does not force essential services to stop operating," he told DW. Cash flow within the country has also come to a halt, since banks have not been opening due to a shortage in staff. Many people are lining up at ATMs, mainly in the big cities like Yangon and Mandalay. "Banks are a good example — many staff have joined the CDM, and the junta is affected. But some banks are providing services to customers with a skeleton staff," said Khin Zaw Win. However, the Central Bank of Myanmar last week said that the private bank sector is still strong, and that customers can trust them. "All of our work has stopped because customers don't want to spend on extra things. We can't receive payments from our customers because the banks are closed," said 36-year old businessman Hla Win, who declined to use his real name, and who runs a mobile accessories company in Myanmar. The internet has been shut down in the country by the military in order to control the growing anti-coup movement, and mobile data has been inaccessible since March. "No banks are open and there is no internet for people living in small cities who want to use internet banking," he told DW. "We were still able to run virtual sales before, but this coup stopped everything." A solemn New Year According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), at least 737 people have been killed by the junta as of April 19. As the people of Myanmar mourn the civilian deaths, many decided not to celebrate the New Year festival, also known as the Thingyan Water Festival, which took place from April 13-17. However, social media videos showed junta members celebrating with joy, and spraying water in the capital Naypyitaw on April 14. Elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested on February 1, triggering a wave of anti-coup protests. She is facing six charges set by the military. In addition to several deaths, over 3,200 people have been arrested, charged or sentenced for their role in the protests..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
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Title: Myanmar: End Threats Against Rights Group
Sub-title: Respect Rights to Freedom of Association, Expression
Description: " Myanmar’s military junta should immediately stop threatening the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a leading human rights monitoring group, Human Rights Watch said today. The group has documented security force abuses since the February 1, 2021 coup, including killings of protesters, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforced disappearances, and unjust court convictions. On April 26, the Home Affairs Ministry of the ruling State Administration Council (SAC) accused the AAPP of operating illegally because it was not registered as an organization. The junta’s announcement threatened “severe action” against the group for causing “State service personnel and public panic” that will “incite the occurrence of more riots” and “harm State stability, rule of law and restoration of law and order.” “While the world’s media and diplomats regularly cite the AAPP’s daily updates on the military crackdown, Myanmar’s generals are desperately trying to silence the group to keep the truth from getting out,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The threats are part of the junta’s shroud of silence and censorship, targeting frontline groups like AAPP, arresting journalists, and shutting down the internet.” The junta’s efforts to target the AAPP are illustrated in the 115-page briefing paper, obtained by Human Rights Watch, that the junta leader, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, presented to leaders at the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on April 24. Min Aung Hlaing claimed, without providing evidence, that the AAPP uses “data” that “appeared in fake and hoax news.” He added that the junta was “very upset” that “world media and international organizations restated” that information. Responding to the allegations, AAPP Secretary-General Bo Kyi, a recipient of the Human Rights Watch Alison des Forges Defender Award in 2009, told The Irrawaddy magazine that: “I think it is just a political move as international governments, media and UN are referencing our data … The key issue is the violence they have committed, their killing and arrests. Instead of solving those problems, they are targeting a group like ours which is revealing the true events.” The AAPP told Human Rights Watch that the military’s threats have forced them to close their office in Yangon and compelled their staff to go into hiding and work from undisclosed locations. The junta has also arbitrarily arrested journalists to prevent reporting on the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement’s broad-based resistance to the coup and the security force abuses. UNESCO reported that the junta has arrested at least 71 journalists since the coup. The AAPP says that 48 journalists are currently known to be in detention, most in undisclosed locations without access to their families or legal counsel. Many other journalists have fled to border regions controlled by ethnic groups, or to neighboring countries. The junta has brought charges against numerous journalists and activists under revised penal code provisions adopted on February 14. The State Administration Council inserted a new provision, section 505A, that could be used to punish comments regarding the illegitimacy of the coup or the military government, among others. The new section would criminalize comments that “cause fear,” spread “false news, [or] agitates directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a Government employee.” Violation of the section is punishable with up to three years in prison. The law arbitrarily interferes with the exercise of rights protected under international law, including freedom of expression. The junta has also increased pressure on independent media outlets by revoking their operating licenses. On March 8, the State Administration Council announced that it had cancelled the licenses of Mizzima, Myanmar Now, 7Day News, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), and Khit Thit Media. While these media groups have continued to report on events, they do so at great risk since journalists working for these outlets face immediate arrest if they are discovered doing their jobs as reporters. “Groups like the AAPP and the independent media are playing a critical role holding Myanmar’s junta accountable, and they need to be able to continue their work,” Robertson said. “Governments concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar should be offering public support for these organizations and their brave staff members.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
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Title: Survivors of Bago’s devastating crackdown vow to retake their city
Sub-title: Despite suffering the worst single-day death toll since the coup, Bago’s defenders say they are not ready to give up yet
Description: "Nyein Maung, a native of Yangon who didn’t move to Bago until late February of this year, was still not very familiar with the city when he became a protest leader at its main defence site. As a sailor who had spent many years at sea, he had finally decided to settle down in his wife’s hometown with her and their four-year-old son. By the time he arrived, however, Bago was already experiencing its first wave of brutal crackdowns. It was not long before he saw for himself what the junta that had seized power on February 1 was prepared to do to crush resistance to its rule.....Nyein Maung, a native of Yangon who didn’t move to Bago until late February of this year, was still not very familiar with the city when he became a protest leader at its main defence site. As a sailor who had spent many years at sea, he had finally decided to settle down in his wife’s hometown with her and their four-year-old son. By the time he arrived, however, Bago was already experiencing its first wave of brutal crackdowns. It was not long before he saw for himself what the junta that had seized power on February 1 was prepared to do to crush resistance to its rule. On February 28, just days after he moved to Bago, he watched in horror as a young man who had been shot in the stomach by regime forces was viciously beaten by five armed policemen. After they left him for dead, Nyein Maung went to see if might have survived the attack. When he found that the man was still breathing, he put him into his car to take him to the hospital. At that point, the police started shooting at him. Nyein Maung managed to escape with just a bullet hole in his car, but decided then and there that he had to do something to protect protesters from the junta’s relentless violence, even if it meant putting his own life on the line. “I left my family that day and started staying somewhere else. My friends and I built a stronghold. We didn’t really have a system, but we were determined to defend ourselves with anything we had,” he said. The 31-year-old former sailor let his wife and father know that he had joined the revolution and then left home with just 100,000 kyat in his pocket. “I told them, ‘If a federal army is formed, I will be a part of it. If I die, just sell the car and our other possessions so you can continue living.’ Our group is made up entirely of people who aren’t afraid of losing their lives,” he said. But it wasn’t just his life that Nyein Maung was prepared to lose. He told his father, who serves in the navy, that he had to take a clear stance on the protests. “I said, ‘If you’re going to kill people and be involved in the crackdowns, we’re finished.’ But he told me he had nothing to do with that,” he said, adding that his father has since joined the Civil Disobedience Movement.....The main barricade: The protests in Bago started near the famed Shwemawdaw pagoda in the city centre, but spread to other areas as the military moved in to violently suppress large gatherings. Around 140 young protesters, including Nyein Maung, formed a security team in early March. Using sandbags, they built barricades at major protest sites, such as the ones in Bago’s Ma Ga Dit, Hmor Kan and Socialist wards, where Nyein Maung was a frontline defence team leader. The main stronghold was at Ma Ga Dit, where protests were held daily from 9am. All three of these sites were targeted for major offensives by the military. The defence team manned the barricades in shifts. As a team leader, Nyein Maung was serious about maintaining discipline, instructing team members to refrain from consuming alcohol while on duty. “This is no time to be joking around. One mistake and you lose your life. I told them they need to be able to make clear decisions,” he explained. Meetings were held every day at 4pm to divide the team into groups and assign them to different wards. They also discussed the security situation as it evolved from day to day. On March 14, team members defending the Ma Ga Dit barricade with air guns, Molotov cocktails and handmade weapons killed two police officers, marking a turning point in the conflict between Bago’s residents and the regime’s forces. The stronghold was subsequently destroyed several times in the ensuing weeks, but was rebuilt each time. To ensure that it was never left undefended, the security team set up a camp so they could stay there around the clock. By early April, when troops from Light Infantry Division 77, stationed nearby, started shouting threats at them, it became clear that they were heading for decisive clash that would likely end badly for them. “They always gave us warnings at night, telling us that they would come down harder on us than they did on Hlaing Tharyar,” said Nyein Maung, referring to the massive assault on Yangon’s industrial outskirts in late March. “They warned us to drop our weapons, and were listing charges we’d be given and all that,” he added. But at this stage, they had no intention of giving up. Armed with improvised explosives, fireworks, and Molotov cocktails, as well as non-lethal gas-powered guns, they dug in and braced for what was to come. “We told the people who had been feeding us that we would protect them and hold on for as long as we can,” said Nyein Maung, recalling the tense days before the final onslaught.....‘Driven by cruelty’: By this time, there were actually four barricades set up in Ma Ga Dit ward, each one numbered according to the lane off of the main road where it was located. On the morning of April 9, when the military finally launched its attack, barricades 1, 4, 7, and 13 were all surrounded by heavily armed troops. Barricade 1 was the first to come under fire. In an effort to hold off the forces storming barricade 1, Nyein Maung and about 30 others started firing gas guns and fireworks from barricade 4. They also lobbed explosives, which proved to be their most powerful weapon. “We had two homemade explosives. It got four of them. I can confirm that because I threw them myself. I think we held on for about ten minutes,” Nyein Maung recalled. But they soon found that they were no match for soldiers with weapons of war. “At 5:10am, the military threw a grenade, and then opened fire with RPGs. That’s when stronghold 1 fell. We led another defence attack and they used two more RPGs. One fell next to me, and a lot of us were killed,” said Nyein Maung. When they tried to retreat to barricade 4, they found that it had also been destroyed. Still coming under heavy fire from artillery, grenades, and machine guns, they fled to barricade 7 and then to 13. “We retreated to stronghold 7. By the time we got to 13, we had to give up. Only 24 of us made it out alive,” he said. At least 82 civilians were confirmed dead after the April 9 crackdown, although the actual number was likely much higher, as many of the wounded did not receive medical treatment, according to local residents. “The injured and the dead were put in the compound of the Zeyar Muni pagoda. A monk there asked the military to return the bodies to their families, but they wouldn’t hand them over,” said Thurein, a local volunteer. Those who survived escaped to the countryside, where they were pursued by troops who continued shooting in villages that were not part of the protests. For the next two days, the regime carried out intense clearance operations in Bago and the surrounding area, rounding up anyone suspected of involvement in the resistance movement. Now in a safe place with several other members of his team, Nyein Maung denounced the junta’s ruthless use of military might against a far smaller defensive force. “Their rate of killing isn’t normal. They wouldn’t even kill this many in a battle. They are just driven by cruelty,” he said. Despite this defeat, however, he remained convinced that he would be able to avenge his fallen comrades and repay those who supported their efforts. “We apologize to the families from Ma Ga Dit and Socialist wards that fed us. We didn’t back down. We will reclaim our city of Bago,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 30 April, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 30, a total of (3485) people are currently under detention; of them (80) are sentenced. 1316 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people across the country, including Yangon, took to the streets to protest dictatorship, a dawn protest was suppressed by the terrorists in Kale Town, Sagaing Region. However, the protesters were able to get away and no one was arrested. This morning, the terrorist group used a Mark-2 car to crash into a protest and beat and arrest 4 civilians in South Dagon Township, Yangon Region. Ethnic media outlets are now being targeted as the junta focuses its oppression on arresting, prosecuting, and revoking publishing rights in main cities across the country. Family members of journalists are also being taken as hostages. Terrorists went searching for the editor-in-chief of the Hakha based Chinland Post media in his house last night in Chin State but could not find him. So instead, his brother in law was taken as a hostage. This is now a policy of the junta. Up until April 29, at least 49 people have been taken as hostages at one point since the coup. Hostage-taking is a serious human rights violation and is a proven method of terrorism. According to the Chapter (3) of Media Law; Article (4-c) states that News Media workers shall have the right to reveal issues relating to rights and privileges lost by the citizen” and Article (7-a) declared that “he/she shall be exempt from being detained by a certain security related authority”. Yet in Burma the rule of law is disregarded by the terrorists. The junta forces use the law as they unjustly please. Conflict between junta coup forces and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) are intensifying in the ethnic states. Conflict has been raging in Momauk Township, Kachin State since April 10. A man was killed and a woman seriously injured in a military plane attack on April 29. In addition to this, clashes in Kachin State have forced around 10,000 villagers to flee their homes. As a consequence of a three-day bombing campaign by coup forces, more than 2,000 locals fled from Papun District to Thailand on April 28. These locals are now reportedly living in the forest without shelter. They are being granted temporary residential permission by Thai authorities. Over ten thousand people have been displaced by airstrikes in Karen State. Burma was developing peace and national reconciliation to bring an end to the over-70 year civil war. It is ethnic people who suffer most from the atrocities, happening now again because of this military coup. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 29 April, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Pyapon Township in Ayeyarwady Region died on 29 April. (2) from Mandalay and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 29, a total of (3461) people are currently under detention; of them (80) are sentenced. 1276 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today people across Burma continued to protest in different ways against the military coup despite the brutal crackdowns and repressions. This morning, plain clothes junta forces in private cars armed with guns in ShweBo Town, Sagaing Region, crashed into the main protest group. Junta forces threatened, swearing, at the protesters. Thereafter, one woman from the strike was arrested. Arrests are being made in private cars, not military trucks or police cars. This is because the terrorists are attempting to cover up their acts of violence, and make it more difficult for civilians to report on the junta’s actions because they are using private vehicles. Last night, a night protest was cracked down on and one civilian got shot on his thigh in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. Terrorists are committing unlawful shootings and killings day after day. Last night, a young man was shot in the abdomen and died on the spot near Zegyo Clock Tower on 84 road, Mandalay City. He was trying to run away after the military stopped him for a motorcycle check. A local man was shot and wounded in the abdomen and arm by the terrorists in Auk Kwin Village, Pyapone Township, Ayeyarwady Region last night and died this morning. In addition to this, two civilians were arrested and detained last night, one of whom died. The junta forces are becoming more violent each day. Civilians are being treated like enemies. The junta forces were using slingshots and throwing stones at an apartment because they did not turn the lights off after 10 pm, destroying the windows in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township, Yangon Region. Daily lives of the civilians are being threatened by the junta through these relentless actions. A group of 50 junta troops in plain clothes and police uniform stormed the house of Ko Zin Maung Phyo’s yesterday in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei District. The Dawei District Students Union member is evading a Penal Code 505(a) warrant. They broke into the house at night, smashing the doors and destroying everything in the house. The junta troops also seized the farm and land registration papers and all the other documents. The junta are also targeting arrestees and brutally torturing civilians into confession. Two villagers from a village in Kani township, Sagaing Region, were arrested on April 27. One of them was told to pick up the dead body next day. The body of the fallen villager was found with wounds consistent with torture. As long as the dictatorship does not end, the security and dignity of civilians will continue to deteriorate. Protest leaders, politicians, and activists are being prosecuted by the junta forces under several laws. Wai Moe Naing, the leader of the Monywa strike, has been charged under seven sections, including the Penal Code Section 505-a, and three more sections, including Penal Code Section 124. The junta has tried to imprison dissidents for as long as possible under various sections of the law. This is the practice of successive dictatorships. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Despite ASEAN consensus, military abuses continue around the country
Sub-title: Myanmar’s junta has effectively ignored the terms of a five-point agreement reached in Jakarta last weekend
Description: "Nearly a week after Myanmar’s chief coup maker met with leaders of the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) last Saturday to discuss the crisis in the country, reports of abuses by the military continue. The ASEAN meeting, held in the Indonesian capital Jakarta, reached a five-point consensus that aimed to end the ongoing violence, which has already claimed more than 750 civilian lives in less than three months. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who made his first trip outside of Myanmar since seizing power on February 1 to attend the emergency summit, appears to have backed away from the terms of the agreement since returning to the country. The day after the meeting, coverage of the summit in state-run newspaper The Mirror made no mention of the five points, which included plans to allow representatives of the regional grouping into the country to observe the situation on the ground. On Tuesday, however, the regime announced that it would only move forward with this and other points in the agreement once the country had become “stable”. Meanwhile, it continues its efforts to restore stability through brute force, killing at least seven people during and in the days immediately after the Jakarta summit, in direct violation of its commitment to end violence against civilians.....Ongoing abuses: The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which has documented the regime’s arrests and killings of protesters and other civilians, said that the ASEAN meeting had failed to achieve the desired results. “On the night after the meeting, the junta’s armed forces continued to commit atrocities against civilians, including women, in plain sight,” it noted in a statement released earlier this week. On the day of the summit, a young man was shot dead by plainclothes policemen in Mandalay, while a woman arrested in Myaung Mya, a town in Sagaing Region, died shortly after being taken into custody on the same day, according to AAPP. There was also one other civilian death reported in Yezagyo, Magway Region, on Saturday, followed by two more the next day—one in Kawthaung, in Tanintharyi Region, and another in Yangon’s Insein Township, AAPP records show. Since then, there have been at least two more fatal shootings of civilians, including one of a fried-rice vendor in Mandalay on Monday and another in Kayah State’s Demoso Township on Tuesday. In another attack, a woman in Kayin State’s Phaya Thone Su Township sustained serious injuries last Saturday after she was shot by the military and hit with a car while she was taking part in an anti-coup motorbike rally. Besides using lethal force, soldiers and police have kept up a steady campaign of harassment against civilians in an effort to break their resistance to military rule. Residents of Yangon report that regime forces come into their neighbourhoods every night after curfew to prevent people from banging pots in protest against the coup. “They came onto our street last night and started threatening anyone who dared to bang a pot. They used very vulgar language and fired at people’s houses with slingshots. It happens every night now,” said one Yangon resident who asked not to be identified. On Sunday, a group of women in Yangon’s Mayangone Township were forced to bang their pots and dance in the street while soldiers watched and laughed. If they stopped dancing, the soldiers hurled insults at them and threw stones at their houses, AAPP said in a statement that recounted a number of similar incidents involving attempts to humiliate civilians. “Forcing women to hurt their dignity in public, and treating civilians as if they were enemies, are cruel acts that the military continues to lawlessly commit,” the group said in its statement. In another incident that took place in Yangon’s Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township last Saturday, a transgender woman was forced to wear a man’s longyi and mocked by regime forces. Many remain undeterred by this behaviour, however, as ordinary citizens continue to register their rejection of the military’s overthrow of the elected civilian government. A resident of Yangon’s Tamwe Township who complained about the junta’s persistent efforts to disrupt the lives of civilians said that he and most of his neighbours refused to be intimidated. “They curse at passersby, interrogate them for a while, and then let them go. When they came to my door, I closed it and they threw stones. But we will continue to demonstrate against them. We won’t be ruled by these people,” he told Myanmar Now.....Intensifying pressure: While ordinary citizens do their best to cope with the heavy military presence, those taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are coming under growing pressure to end their efforts to deny the regime control of the state. Among those most under threat from the junta are healthcare workers, who spearheaded the CDM in the early days after the coup. In the months since, the movement has been joined by many other public employees and emerged as a major stumbling block to Min Aung Hlaing’s ambitions. Frustrated by its inability to break the CDM, the junta has in recent weeks stepped up its efforts to arrest the movement’s leaders and put them behind bars on trumped-up charges. Since April 13, military-controlled television has broadcast the names of at least 20 health professionals who have been charged with incitement and issued with arrest warrants. At least 300 medical workers are now on the regime’s wanted list. On Tuesday, a failed attempt to apprehend a doctor in Yangon’s South Okkalapa Township resulted in the arrest of her father and younger sister, according to a relative. The doctor, Yu Sandar Moe, has since gone into hiding, the relative told Myanmar Now. According to a statement released by the University of Medicine (1) Students Union on Saturday, a total of 46 medical workers and students, including 29 striking doctors, have been arrested since the coup. The junta has also threatened to revoke doctors’ passports and medical licenses if they join the CDM. Private hospitals and charity clinics that accept CDM doctors will also have their licenses taken away, the junta said. Other prominent figures in the anti-coup movement have also been targeted for arrest. On Saturday, regime forces carried out a raid on a monastery in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin Township in an attempt to arrest a monk who has led protests in the area. It was the second time this month that the junta had failed to catch the monk. On April 2, soldiers surrounded the village of Thabyay Aye to arrest him, but locals fought back with homemade rifles. Four villagers were killed in that clash, which also reportedly resulted in military casualties. At least six people were killed earlier this week during clashes elsewhere in Yinmabin. The recent efforts to crack down on protests have also forced tens of thousands of people from 30 villages to flee as soldiers set up camp in the area. Meanwhile, civilians armed with hunting rifles in southern Chin State’s Mindat Township claim to have killed 30 regime soldiers during four days of fierce clashes that began last Saturday. Amid concerns that the situation in Myanmar still threatens to spin out of control, Mann Win Khaing Than, the chief union minister of the recently formed National Unity Government, called on ASEAN to ensure that the regime abides by its agreement to deescalate its use of violence..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Frontline doctors risk persecution, careers – and their lives
Sub-title: A frontline medic describes the dangers of trying to save lives at a time when the regime regards many health workers as criminals for serving at protests and participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Description: "On the evening of April 9, reports began emerging that security forces had killed scores of people in Bago, after they unleashed heavy weapons and grenades to disperse protesters manning barricades. Before launching the operation in the city about 80 kilometres northeast of Yangon, the armed forces had blocked roads in Bago. This prevented ambulances from collecting the wounded, many of whom were eventually dumped in a monastery compound. At least 80 people were killed in Bago that day, but a final death toll will probably never be known. Something else we’ll likely never know is how many of the wounded died because they did not receive treatment. I arrived in Bago three days later to help treat the wounded. It was a difficult task –many of them were in hiding, for fear they would be arrested if they sought treatment. Witnesses also said volunteer medical workers had been detained by the security forces, following a pattern reported elsewhere in the country. As a frontline medical volunteer, I’ve regularly witnessed the brutality of the junta’s dispersal tactics. The first time was during a protest near Thanlyin Technological University in southeastern Yangon Region on March 9. Troops had occupied the campus, and students were protesting peacefully to demand that they leave. The soldiers suddenly opened fire with live rounds, leaving several people injured. We began treating some of the injured in a safe house not far from the site of the protest, but we had to quickly evacuate the patients when soldiers arrived nearby. Thankfully, we managed to get them to another safe house and continue treating them. Compounding the suffering Not every injured protester manages to escape. Some are seized by the police and army and denied first aid, often dying as a result of loss of blood. Even when the injured manage to evade security forces, they are far from safe. As the Bago example illustrates, accessing healthcare and medical assistance is itself a dangerous challenge for protesters, and for the medical volunteers who come to their assistance. The best-case scenario for an injured protester is to be quickly evacuated from the scene by frontline medical volunteers and treated. But there is always a risk that the armed forces will stop the ambulance in which they travel or raid the clinic they are taken to. As a result, they are often forced to wait hours for proper treatment, or denied it altogether. Because the regime has made state hospitals unsafe places for injured protesters, medical volunteers refer them to private hospitals or clinics run by charities. The military is notified about all admissions to government hospitals and patients can be arrested before they are discharged. Patients wanted by the authorities are also often shackled to their beds. My team encountered one man who had suffered facial injuries after being hit with shrapnel from a rocket-propelled grenade. The man had been hiding at home for three days without seeking treatment because he feared arrest if spotted by soldiers. We were eventually able to take him to a safe private medical facility for treatment. He is recovering, but has suffered damage to one of his eyes. The World Health Organization has said that from February 1 to April 30, there were at least 158 attacks on healthcare facilities, vehicles, staff and supplies, as well as patients in Myanmar, resulting in 11 deaths and 51 injuries. Because of these incidents, volunteer teams are often forced to park ambulances some distance from protest sites to avoid attracting the attention of soldiers and police. Equally disturbing are raids on medical treatment centres and charity rescue service offices. Raids were conducted on the intensive care unit at Yangon’s privately run Grand Hantha International Hospital on March 14, on a clinic in Mandalay on March 27 that resulted in the arrest of 26 people, including doctors and volunteers, and on a clinic at Kalay on April 7, as well as on a medical facility in Yangon’s Sanchaung Township on April 5, during which nine people were detained, including doctors and volunteers. Medics need protection It is a distressing time to be a medical professional in Myanmar. Last year, we were honoured as national heroes for our role in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. But since the February 1 coup, the military has turned on government health workers due to their role in instigating the Civil Disobedience Movement. The regime now regards us as criminals rather than heroes – all doctors who are providing care to anti-coup protesters are at risk of arrest for incitement under section 505A of the Penal Code, for which the maximum penalty is three years’ imprisonment. Tatmadaw spokesperson Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun has even accused government doctors who’ve left state hospitals to join the CDM of committing murder. In reality, CDM doctors are helping the public in many ways, including by providing free treatment at private hospitals and charity clinics, making home visits, and providing telephone counselling. Doctors and other healthcare professionals at state hospitals are accustomed to high workloads and low pay, but prior to February 1 they had not gone on strike to demand better working conditions. By refusing government work in solidarity with the people of Myanmar, they have sacrificed their lives, positions and prospects of a bright future. In a cruel move, the military council said on April 20 that doctors supporting the CDM would be blacklisted and their passports cancelled. Even private and charity-run clinics have been ordered not to accept the services of CDM doctors or admit wounded protesters for treatment. Clinic owners that violate the order risk being jailed. The cumulative effect of all this has been to deny timely and effective care to those who need it. These are dark days for medical workers and their patients. The international community must condemn the reprehensible actions of the military regime, including its targeting of medical workers and its efforts to deny life-saving treatment to injured protesters..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Myanmar Humanitarian Update No. 6 | 30 April 2021
Summary: "This regular update, covering humanitarian developments in conflict-affected areas from 26 March to 23 April, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group...
Description: "This regular update, covering humanitarian developments in conflict-affected areas from 26 March to 23 April, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UNHCR. The next update will be issued towards the end of May 2021.....HIGHLIGHTS: In south-eastern Myanmar, an estimated 40,000 people have been displaced due to insecurity, armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), and indiscriminate attacks by the MAF on civilian areas. In Kachin State, around 5,800 people have been displaced since armed confrontation between the MAF and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) resurged in early March; about 5,000 remain displaced. In northern Shan, the volatile security situation and clashes, mostly involving Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), have caused the displacement of about 11,000 people since January. In Rakhine and Chin states, casualties due to landmines and Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) are on the rise, with 11 civilians, including 9 children killed or injured in April. Humanitarian assistance and protection services in conflict-affected areas continue despite the impact of the political crisis on operations and pre-existing access challenges. The escalation of violence in parts of Myanmar increases threats to the safety of humanitarian operations and compounds existing access challenges. The 2021 Humanitarian Response Plan, which seeks US$276.5 million to assist around 1 million people in conflict-affected areas, remains severely underfunded, with only 12 per cent of requirements covered so far – FTS.....KEY FIGURES: 40K people displaced in the South-east since December 2020 11K people displaced in northern Shan since January 2021 5.8K people displaced in Kachin State since mid-March 2021 11 civilian casualties due to explosive hazards in Rakhine and Chin states in April.....SITUATION OVERVIEW SURGE IN DISPLACEMENT IN THE SOUTH-EAST: Armed conflict in the south-eastern parts of Myanmar continues to intensify between the MAF and the KNLA, an armed wing of the Karen National Union, resulting in further internal displacement and civilian casualties, mostly in Kayin State and Bago Region. The clashes, which erupted in early December 2020, had internally displaced around 7,100 people by mid-March, mostly in Hpapun Township in Kayin State, where the displaced families were hiding in the jungles with limited access to services and humanitarian assistance. The humanitarian situation in the area has worsened since late March, with thousands of people having reportedly fled from their homes in Kayin State after the MAF launched airstrikes, including in civilian areas. The continued hostilities, shelling of civilian areas by the MAF, and increased insecurity reportedly led to the displacement of an estimated 40,000 people throughout south-eastern Myanmar by 20 April, according to data gathered from various sources by UNHCR. Prior to developments on 1 February 2021, Kayin State and Bago Region had hosted about 12,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in four locations, both in camp-like and out-of-camp settlements, since 2006. The hostilities in Kayin and Bago between 27 March and 8 April have killed at least 20 civilians and injured more than 25, according to public sources. There have also been reports of a local school destroyed in Dwe Lo Township in Hpapun District of Kayin State, in addition to damage to other civilian property. The details of civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure could not be verified at the time of reporting. Humanitarian interventions remain constrained due to severe and longstanding access challenges, compounded by growing insecurity in the area. Nevertheless, operational partners are doing their best to deliver assistance to the newly displaced and those otherwise affected by hostilities. Humanitarian partners are planning to roll out a displacement tracking system and carrying out a stocktaking exercise to assess the capacities of partners in Kayin State. This is to facilitate the efficient prepositioning of emergency supplies among partners to ensure a coordinated response. NEW DISPLACEMENT IN KACHIN DUE TO RESURGENCE OF CONFLICT: The security situation in Kachin State, which began to deteriorate following the eruption of clashes between the MAF and the KIA in early March, remains volatile. Armed confrontations between the MAF and the KIA were reported in at least 12 townships, including Bhamo, Hpakant, Injayang, Kamaing, Mogaung, Momauk, Myitkyina, Putao, Shwegu, Sumprabum, Tanai and Waingmaw, ranging from local skirmishes, to attacks on convoys, airstrikes, artillery and mortar shelling. Hardly any clashes had not been reported in Kachin State since September 2018. The conflict led to the displacement of over 5,800 people since early March 2021. Around 800 people returned to their places of origin within a few days, while about 5,000 remain displaced across several townships. Some 4,800 people are currently hosted in churches, monasteries and displacement sites in Injanyang, Momauk and Shwegu townships. The remaining IDPs are dispersed in small numbers across Dawthponeyan and Hpakant townships. Attempts are being made to reach the affected communities with assistance; however, insecurity and other access constraints make it difficult for partners to scale up the efforts to address needs, which include emergency shelter, food, basic household items and healthcare. The new displacement comes on top of protracted internal displacement in Kachin State, where about 95,000 people have been living in IDP camps established in 2011. In addition to increased humanitarian needs and population movement, the ongoing insecurity is raising serious protection concerns, with reports of increased conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) perpetrated against women and girls. Reported incidents included brutal and systematic CRSV committed by multiple perpetrators and most of these violations were perpetrated against women and girls of ethnic minority groups. POPULATION MOVEMENT IN NORTHERN SHAN: Clashes between the MAF and EAOs or between EAOs in northern Shan continued unabated in the first quarter of 2021 and escalated in March. The Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) and the allied forces of the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) engaged in armed confrontations in Hsipaw, Kyaukme, Monghsu and Namtu townships. There were also clashes, albeit with less intensity and frequency between the MAF and the KIA in Lashio, Kutkai and Muse townships, between the MAF and the TNLA in Kutkai and Namhkan townships, and between the MAF and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in Hseni and Kutkai townships. Clashes between January and April displaced close to 11,000 people in Hsipaw, Kyaukme, Lashio, Namtu, Namhkan, Monghsu and Muse townships. Displacement generally remains temporary; over 6,000 people returned to their places of origin within a few days. The remaining 4,770 people are currently hosted in churches, monasteries and displacement sites, with Kyaukme and Namtu townships hosting around 1,650 and 1,340 IDPs respectively. Local humanitarian partners and host communities are providing life-saving assistance and protection services, although as with other states and regions, operational challenges, including due to pre-existing access constraints and insecurity, continue to hinder their abilities to scale up. The conflict dynamics and their humanitarian impact in northern Shan so far in 2021 demonstrate an upward trend compared to the same period in 2020, when there were only a few brief armed skirmishes between the EAOs that temporary displaced some 720 people. In addition to the most recent displacements, about 9,800 IDPs continue to reside in protracted displacement camps in northern Shan established since 2011. EXPLOSIVE HAZARDS A THREAT IN RAKHINE AND CHIN: Despite the absence of hostilities in Rakhine and southern areas of Chin states since November 2020, the physical wellbeing of civilians remains threatened by the presence of landmines and ERWs. In April, a total of 11 civilians were killed or injured by landmines and ERWs, mostly in Rakhine. In Kyauktaw Township in Rakhine State on 4 April, the explosion of an ERW killed a mother and her two children and injured another child. Another explosion reportedly injured six children under 16 years old near Taung Ywar Village in Buthidaung Township on 8 April. A landmine incident was also reported in Paletwa Township in Chin State on 15 April, in which one civilian sustained injuries. Meanwhile, there are reports that the MAF is demining villages and roads across several townships in Rakhine, tied with efforts to encourage people displaced by the MAF-Arakan Army (AA) conflict to return to their places of origin. However, many IDPs remain unwilling to return due to the continued presence of armed personnel around their villages, concerns about landmines, and the lack of livelihood opportunities. As of 21 April, more than 78,000 people displaced by the MAF-AA conflict were hosted in 146 sites and 5,038 people in 28 host communities in Rakhine State. Another 9,841 IDPs remained in 27 sites in Chin State, as of 21 January. This is in addition to around 126,000 IDPs, mostly stateless persons, who are hosted in protracted camps established in 2012..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: The Myanmar Junta’s Assault on the Truth
Summary: "Myanmar security forces have launched a full-scale attack on the country’s media, targeting journalists for arrest, raiding the offices of newspapers and online media, and banning five outspoken...
Sub-title: Crackdown on Media Aimed at Hiding Security Force Abuses
Description: "Myanmar security forces have launched a full-scale attack on the country’s media, targeting journalists for arrest, raiding the offices of newspapers and online media, and banning five outspoken media outlets. At least 71 journalists, including a Japanese freelancer, have been arrested, of whom 48 remain in detention. In the latest escalation, the junta is including journalists in the nightly broadcast of individuals “wanted” by the authorities. Every day brings new reports of additional journalists being detained. The authorities have charged many of those detained with violating a new provision in the penal code, adopted by the junta after the February 1 coup, that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” Those convicted face up to three years in prison. It is clear that in today’s Myanmar, “false news” is any news the junta doesn’t want the public – or the world at large – to hear. The crackdown on journalists is part of the junta’s larger effort to suppress coverage and deny the reality of serious rights abuses the military is committing across the country. Facing international outrage over the killing of more than 750 people by security forces, authorities have accused the media, which it says “does not want peace and stability in the country,” of “plotting to mislead the international community and the public.” The junta has also threatened “severe action” against a local group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, that has been tracking arrests and deaths, accusing the group of releasing “incorrect data” and harming “state stability.” The authorities have imposed severe restrictions on the internet, making it very difficult for people to access or to share information. Mobile internet data and wireless broadband have been turned off for more than six weeks, and Facebook and other social media platforms popular in Myanmar have been blocked since the coup. Despite the challenges and risks, Myanmar’s journalists and ordinary citizens continue to document atrocities and share information with the world. For daring to share what is happening in Myanmar, they are in the military’s crosshairs. They urgently need and deserve the international community’s attention and support..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Rural migrants return to Hlaing Tharyar – and an uncertain future
Sub-title: A brutal crackdown in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township in mid-March triggered an exodus of migrant workers. As protests subside, many are heading back to the big city but are finding that work is scarce.
Description: "On April 18, the second day of the traditional Myanmar year, Yangon Region’s outer western Hlaing Tharyar Township was busier than it had been in a month. With the Thingyan holiday over, large numbers of people were entering the heavily industrialised township on motorbikes, in taxis and aboard light trucks loaded with their belongings. They were returning to the scene of a massacre. Pitched battles on March 14 between well-armed security forces and protesters wielding home-made weapons left at least 58 protesters dead, according to a local network of volunteer medical groups, and several factories were burned down. That same day, the junta declared martial law in the township and in neighbouring Shwepyithar – a draconian new security regime, where civilians can be hauled directly before military tribunals and handed death sentences, that was later extended to four other outlying, industrialised townships in Yangon. Fearing a wider crackdown, and with many having already lost their factory jobs amid the near-collapse of the garment sector, tens – possibly hundreds – of thousands of migrant workers fled to their home towns and villages. Hlaing Tharyar, whose population had swelled to close to a million thanks to a decade of steady migration from the countryside, suddenly resembled a ghost town. But after more than a month away, and with protests in decline because of brutal suppression by soldiers and police, many of those who fled have begun making their way back to the commercial capital. They were largely driven to return by a lack of jobs in the countryside, but with increased factory closures and reduced output, and a steep decline in the wider economy, many are struggling to find new work and to meet the expenses of living in the city, raising the prospect of hunger and further waves of displacement. Ma Nwet Yi Win, a former workplace union leader at a shoe factory in Hlaing Tharyar, joined the mid-March exodus and left for her home village in Ayeyarwady Region’s Ngapudaw Township, but is now back in Yangon. Returning to the city to find work was the only way for the migrant workers to survive because there are no jobs for them in the villages, she told Frontier. “If Yangon is stable and it’s safe to live there, the people will return. They have to return if they want a job or the opportunity of going abroad to work,” said Nwet Yi Win, who lost her job at the shoe factory after it closed permanently on March 24. Nwet Yi Win said ultimatums from factory managers to resume work or be fired had prompted some workers to return to their jobs in early April. She said many had been afraid of returning to Yangon because of the military’s “inhumane oppression”, including regular raids on homes to arrest political opponents, but were worried about losing their jobs. However, according to Hlaing Tharyar residents, even those who still had jobs in the township’s dwindling number of operational factories largely chose not to return until after the mid-April Thingyan holiday. Ko Aung Ye Min, who works at a noodle factory in the township, had ignored a less severe order from his bosses for employees to resume their jobs on April 1 or forfeit their Thingyan holiday pay. “I don’t care about the money – I have to take care of my life and if I had returned to work on April 1, I might have been risking death,” he said, referring to the threat of Tatmadaw crackdowns. Aung Ye Min said that, like him, most of the factory’s employees did not return to work until April 20, by which time a sense of stability seemed to be returning to Hlaing Tharyar. Ko Min Min Soe, a taxi driver in Hlaing Tharyar, said migrant workers who returned to their rural homes after the violence in mid-March had to rely on motorbikes because taxis were unavailable. Taxi drivers did not want to risk their vehicles being damaged in a fresh bout of unrest, he said. However, the reduction in protests and return of migrant workers since Thingyan is keeping him and other taxi drivers busy. “I already have three orders for trips to bring back migrant workers from Kyaiklat [Township, Ayeyarwady Region], Ahpyauk [town in Yangon Region’s Taikkyi Township] and Kawhmu [Township, Yangon Region],” he said. “Each trip is worth about K50,000. Three or four workers are pooling their money and hiring my car together,” he said. But even if some of the township’s bustle has returned, the landlords of dormitory blocks – where much of the migrant workforce is housed – say Hlaing Tharyar’s population is still well below pre-coup levels. U Aung Hlaing Win, 55, who owns four hostels in Shan Kyaung ward in eastern Hlaing Tharyar, said about half his rooms were vacant. “Before Thingyan, some of my hostels had no tenants. I have begun receiving tenants since April 18, but the situation is totally different to before the coup. My hostels used to be full and I had to turn people away,” he told Frontier. Aung Hlaing Win added that the ward was still quiet with many shops closed because their owners were yet to return to Yangon. “Most of the migrant workers in our ward are from Rakhine State and Ayeyarwady Region. They come here to work in factories or run small businesses like shops. It seems that some are still wary about returning to Yangon because they think it is not safe yet, but they might return by the end of April,” he said. Labour activist Nwet Yi Win also expects many more workers to return to the township because they will need jobs to support themselves and their families. But most will likely be disappointed, she believes, and will find themselves no better off than in their rural homes. “After the military coup, many [garment] factories closed permanently because of a lack of orders from abroad, so I don’t know how those people will find another job,” she said. “Because of the COVID-19 situation, we also cannot go to neighbouring countries to find work.” Despite losing her job at the shoe factory, Nwet Yi Win still makes some money from reporting labour issues to non-government organisations, but she mainly relies on financial support from her family. Jobs are harder to find because even factories that have continued operations have downsized their staff, as orders and income have plummeted. Ma Su Myat Nwe has been looking for work since she was laid off from a Hlaing Tharyar garment factory in February. After more than two months, she is thinking of giving up the search and leaving Yangon for good. “I might go to Lashio where my parents work at a restaurant,” she said. “Although I don’t have to pay for accommodation because I’m staying at my brother’s home [in Hlaing Tharyar], it’s not going to work in the long term.” Those lucky enough to keep factory jobs have meanwhile seen their earnings reduced thanks to the 7pm curfew imposed under martial law. Although only an hour earlier than a nationwide curfew that has been in place since February, it deprives factory workers of the opportunity to earn overtime pay in the evenings. This supplementary income enabled them to not only meet the expenses of living in Yangon but also send money to their families and maybe save some for the future. “If we don’t work overtime, we will receive only K150,000 a month, but if we work overtime our salaries rise to about K220,000. Every factory worker wants to find a job that includes overtime,” said garment factory worker Ma Thida. Her workplace now closes at 4:30pm each day, she said, to ensure workers have time to return home before curfew. However, labour activist Nwet Yi Win said that, even without a curfew, there would likely be few opportunities to work overtime. Orders have plummeted because the garment sector, which dominates Hlaing Tharyar’s industrial zones and was already severely weakened by the economic fallout from the pandemic, relies heavily on demand from European countries that have strongly condemned the coup, she explained. Some companies, such as H&M and Benetton, have already stopped sourcing from Myanmar. Factory worker Ma Thida said she was relieved to still have a job, despite not being able to earn overtime, but was no longer able to support her family in her home village. She had been sending her family K100,000 a month before the coup, she said. Meanwhile, creeping inflation is making it harder to even support herself. “My income is lower than before, but the prices for basic commodities have risen. It’s harder to make ends meet,” she said. “I don’t expect the situation to be good, but I hope it won’t get worse.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Fighting erupts in Myanmar; junta to ‘consider’ ASEAN plan
Description: "Ethnic minority Karen insurgents attacked a Myanmar army outpost near the Thai border on Tuesday in some of the most intense clashes since a military coup nearly three months ago threw the country into crisis. The Karen National Union (KNU), Myanmar's oldest rebel force, said it had captured the army camp on the west bank of the Salween river, which forms the border with Thailand. The Myanmar military later hit back against the insurgents with air strikes, the KNU and Thai authorities said. The fighting took place as the junta, in a setback for diplomatic efforts by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), said it would "positively" consider the bloc's suggestions to end the turmoil in Myanmar but only when stability was restored. The ASEAN leaders said after meeting on the weekend with the junta chief that they had reached a consensus on steps to end violence and promote dialogue between the rival Myanmar sides. The outbreak of hostilities near the border shifted the focus of opposition to the junta away from the pro-democracy protests that have taken place in cities and towns across the country since the coup on Feb. 1. The military overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, detained her and other civilian politicians, then cracked down with lethal force on anti-coup protesters. Security forces have killed more than 750 civilians in the demonstrations, an activist group says. The Karen and other ethnic minority forces based in frontier regions have supported the largely urban-based pro-democracy opponents of the junta......PRE-DAWN ATTACK: In Tuesday's fighting, villagers on the Thai side of the river said heavy gunfire started before dawn. Video posted on social media showed flames and smoke on the forested hillside and KNU forces had captured the outpost, the group's head of foreign affairs, Saw Taw Nee, told Reuters. The Myanmar military later mounted air strikes, Saw Taw Nee said. There was no word on casualties and 450 Thai villagers were moved away from the border to safety, the Thai military said. The Myanmar army made no comment. It has historically portrayed itself as the one institution that can keep together the ethnically diverse country of more than 53 million people. The KNU agreed to a ceasefire in 2012, ending its struggle for autonomy that began shortly after Myanmar’s independence from Britain in 1948. But its forces have clashed with the army since it seized power, ending a decade of democratic reforms that had also brought relative peace to Myanmar's borderlands. Fighting has also flared in the north and west, where the Irrawaddy news site reported 13 government soldiers were killed in clashes in Chin State over the past few days. About 24,000 people are sheltering in the jungle after being displaced in recent weeks by violence near the Thai border, including military air strikes, Karen groups say.....'CAREFUL CONSIDERATION': Elsewhere in Myanmar, there have been few reports of bloodshed since the weekend meeting between the junta chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and Southeast Asian leaders to try to find a way out of the crisis. The junta, in its first official comment on the meeting, said it would give "careful consideration to constructive suggestions ... when the situation returns to stability". The suggestions would be "positively considered" if they facilitated the junta's own "roadmap", and "serves the interests of the country", it said in a statement. The junta did not refer to what ASEAN called a five-point consensus, issued at the end of the meeting, to end the violence and initiate talks. ASEAN's points included appointing an envoy to visit Myanmar for talks with all sides. But Min Aung Hlaing, in comments reported in state media, said: "The visits to Myanmar proposed by ASEAN will be considered after stabilising the country." U.N. Special Rapporteur Thomas Andrews called on Min Aung Hlaing to make a commitment to live up to the ASEAN plan. "The people of Myanmar...need and deserve to know if it is your intention to honour this commitment," Andrews said in an open letter. Activists have criticised the plan, saying it helped to legitimise the junta and fell far short of their demands. In particular, it did not call for the release of Suu Kyi, 75, and other political prisoners. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says more than 3,400 people have been detained for opposing the coup. Suu Kyi's party won a second term in November. The election commission said the vote was fair but the military said fraud at the polls had forced it to seize power. Protesters against the junta were out in several places on Tuesday including the main city of Yangon, where hundreds surged down a street in a “flash mob” march, images on social media showed..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Military In Politics: Myanmar | Insight | Full Episode
Description: "In the early hours of February 1st, 2021, the Myanmar military known as the Tatmadaw seized power of the country. The coup led to the ousting of democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi and brought Myanmar's decade long experiment with democracy to a crashing halt. A mass uprising soon broke out across the country. The security forces responded by launching a brutal crackdown against the protesters, turning some areas of the capital, Yangon into battle zones. But why did the army stage a coup and shatter the hopes and dreams of many of its citizens? Will the violence and protests in the streets help restore democracy in Myanmar?..."
Source/publisher: "CNA Insider" (Singapore)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Myanmar coup: Unity government tells ASEAN no talks until prisoners freed
Description: "The pro democracy unity government in Myanmar which includes members of Aung San #Su​ Kyi's party, says it will not enter talks until the junta releases all political prisoners. Souteast Asias regional bloc has been holding talks with the leaders of the miltiary who seized power on February 1st. Since then massive protests have been held against the coup, hundreds of civilians have been killed and many more arrested. Wai Hnin Pwint Thon campaigns officer at #Burma​ Campaign UK, and the daughter of a man currently serving a 65-year jail sentence in Myanmar for his part in the 2007 protests gave us her talke on the current situation. She says negotiations will have to happen but that talking with the #Myanmar​ military is futile..."
Source/publisher: "France24" ( Paris)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Myanmar Parallel Government Rejects Talks With Junta Before Political Prisoners Are Freed
Description: "Myanmar’s parallel government on Wednesday rejected holding talks with the junta that seized power in early February until the military regime releases more than 3,000 political prisoners, rebuffing a plan by the country’s Southeast Asian neighbors. Leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) met last Saturday and signed a “five-point consensus” on resolving the crisis by halting army violence against civilian protesters and holding talks. Members of the pro-democracy National Unity Government (NUG), formed on Apr. 16, said they will not engage in dialogue until detained leaders from the previous civilian-led government, including deposed State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, are freed. They also want ASEAN members and other nations to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar. “In order to have a meaningful dialogue, it is very clear that it is only possible if our leaders who are being detained are freed,” Kyaw Moe Tun, Myanmar’s permanent representative to the United Nations, told RFA, speaking for the NUG. “We believe that only when they are freed will the talks be fair and meaningful,” he said. Many leaders, other officials, and lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) were arrested by the military during and after the Feb. 1 coup, while those who evaded arrest have formed the NUG. Political leaders and analysts in Myanmar said ASEAN’s stance on the crisis was unfair to pro-democratic forces and would prolong the current military dictatorship. They also said that the release of the more than 3,400 people who are being detained by junta forces is a key condition for resolving the crisis. Security forces, including police, have conducted violent crackdowns on anti-coup protesters in cities and towns nationwide, at times using deadly force. More than 750 people have been killed since the coup began, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a Thailand-based human rights group.....Proposal deserves support: Nandar Hla Myint, spokesman for the military-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said ASEAN’s proposal deserves support. “I believe ASEAN is serious about the situation of individual countries in the region, and at the same time it adheres to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of another country, so it came up with something acceptable to both sides,” he said. The five-point agreement calls for an ASEAN envoy and delegation to visit Myanmar to meet with concerned parties, but junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has said that the visit would be considered only if there was internal stability. A political analyst who declined to be named said the regime leader’s comment could mean that the crackdowns will continue and that the visit will be put off. “None of the five demands in the agreement calls for the release of detained leaders,” he said. “Min Aung Hlaing has no intention of releasing them. Who are they going to negotiate with, then, if the unlawfully arrested leaders are not released? There is no need to hold discussions with anyone.” Myint Oo, an NLD lawmaker from Bago region who won a seat in the November 2020 elections, said the political crisis could not be solved by ASEAN’s recommendations and that the grouping’s suggestions were an insult to people protesting peacefully for democracy. “Look at the way ASEAN said that both sides should cease violence, as if it was the peaceful protesters who were using violence. This fact alone is offensive to the gentle and peaceful citizens who are staging this Spring Revolution,” he told RFA. Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the pro-military think tank the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, said he believed the military council would comply with ASEAN’s points if the demands were in line with a law enacted in the national interest. “We believe we can do everything we can in the national interest within a legal framework.” he said. “We certainly see it will move forward step by step. It might not move as speedily as they would expect, but each of the five demands could be implemented at appropriate times.”.....Junta outlaws AAPP: Continuing its drive to cut off the flow of information about killings and arrests in the crackdown, the junta outlawed the AAPP after accusing the group of producing biased information and incorrect data that hurt the stability and rule of law in Myanmar. The Ministry for Home Affairs under the State Administration Council, as the junta government is known, announced on Monday that it would take action against the AAPP for releasing what it said was inaccurate data to intimidate and cause anxiety among civil servants and the public, which could be interpreted as inciting violence. The AAPP publishes daily updates on the numbers of people killed, arrested, and released by the military and police in connection with anti-junta. The statements have been cited frequently by foreign governments, media, and other international organizations. Pro-army pundit Thein Tun Oo agreed with the junta’s move, saying AAPP reports are “weak in background checks or references, and the numbers get inflated.” The AAPP, however, said it has compiled lists of detainees since the day of the military coup along with the names of the dead, places where the attacks occurred, dates of deaths, and causes of death. “Everything is recorded with photos and video recordings and the data published daily,” the organization said in response to an RFA query. The military regime is attacking the AAPP because it is recognized by the U.N., foreign governments, and rights groups as a credible source of information about political prisoners in Myanmar, said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “They are trying to silence a very important organization that is doing a very difficult job. It is an attempt to keep the outside world from hearing what is happening in Burma,” he said.....More protests, arrests: Sporadic demonstration in support of the NUG and anti-junta protests continued to be held in townships in Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago, and Tanintharyi regions as well as in Shan and Kachin states. The AAPP said the death toll as of Wednesday was 756 and that 3,449 people were arrested, while another 1,237 people were in hiding while facing charges. At least two people were killed and 15 were arrested amid protests and clashes between demonstrators and security forces on Wednesday, witnesses said. In Sagaing region, a military corporal was killed during a brief clash between the Tamu People’s Defense Force and Myanmar soldiers Tuesday evening near the Indian border, residents said. Soldiers took away the body of Corporal Aung Aung, a local soldier who had joined the Civil Disobedience Movement of striking workers in March, they said. In the Sagaing town of Monywa, where residents have been holding daily anti-junta protests, soldiers took away nine people from three neighborhoods Tuesday night, locals said. “Nine got arrested,” said a resident who declined to be named. “They were accused of communicating with underground forces. There had been a series of explosions in the area recently, so their arrests could be connected to that.” An explosion on a bridge in Kachin state Tuesday night caused the structure’s foundation to crack and some rafters on nearby railroad tracks connecting the towns of Myitkyina and Mandalay to catch fire, said a resident of Hopin where the blast occurred. It is not clear who was behind the bombings..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia (RFA)" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Two Myanmar air bases come under attack - reports
Description: "Unidentified attackers launched assaults on two Myanmar air bases on Thursday, with blasts reported at one base and rocket fire seen at another, media and a witness said. The attacks come after three months of turmoil in Myanmar triggered by a Feb. 1 military coup. There was no claim of responsibility or any confirmation of any casualties in the attacks. A military spokesman did not answer calls seeking comment. In the first attack on Thursday, three blasts went off at an air base near the central town of Magway in the early hours, the Delta News Agency reported in a post on Facebook. Security checks were stepped up on roads outside the base after the blasts, the news portal said. Later, five rockets were fired at one of the country's main air bases, at Meiktila, to the northeast of Magway, reporter Than Win Hlaing, who was near the base at the time, said in a post. He also posted a video clip that included the sound of what appeared to be a rocket flying overhead followed by a blast. Reuters could not verify the clip. Since the ouster of an elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, pro-democracy protests have rocked cities and towns, and the military has cracked down with lethal force, killing 756 people, according to an activist group. Reuters is unable to confirm the casualty toll. Fighting between the military and ethnic minority insurgents has also flared since the coup with the military launching numerous air strikes in border lands in the north and east. While the armed forces have been battling insurgents in frontier regions for decades, attacks on such high-profile military facilities in central areas have been rare. HOPE FADES: The growing insecurity comes as hope fades for a bid by Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbours to find a path out of the crisis. The 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) held a meeting on Saturday in the Indonesian capital with the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and later said they had reached a "five-point consensus" on steps to end violence and promote dialogue between the generals and their civilian rivals. But the junta has declined to accept the proposals, saying it would consider them "when the situation returns to stability" and provided the recommendations facilitated the military's own roadmap. Myanmar's pro-democracy unity government, formed to oppose the junta, ruled out talks on the crisis until all political prisoners are released. In an indication of the military's determination to crush dissent, state television announced late on Wednesday that authorities were seeking to charge one of the main leaders of the pro-democracy protests with murder and treason. Wai Moe Naing, 25, was arrested on April 15 when security men rammed him with a car as he led a motorbike protest rally in the central town of Monywa. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported that Wai Moe Naing's group was linked to several explosions of "homemade grenades" in Monywa. "In addition, they also tortured and brutally killed two police officers ... on March 26," the newspaper said. It is unclear if Wai Moe Naing has a lawyer...."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Violence continues to erupt in Myanmar
Description: "Just under six months ago, the people of Myanmar delivered a landslide victory to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy Party. It was the 75-year old's second election win, and it made the military so furious that it seized power in a coup on the first day the new parliament was due to sit. Since then hundreds of people opposing the military regime have been shot dead and thousands have been arrested. South-East Asia correspondent Mazoe Ford reports, and a warning, her story contains some distressing images..."
Source/publisher: ABC News (Australia)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: ‘We wanted to scare them’: the brothers who fought back against Myanmar’s army
Description: "Three months after the coup, four brothers tell how they joined protesters fighting the junta before fleeing for the border. The young men only had a moment to study the river before rushing into the waist-deep water. The brothers – ranging in age from 15 to 21 – were unfamiliar with the border area and afraid of being seen. On the run from Myanmar’s military, they pushed on into the Thaunggin River. After just a few minutes of wading, they stumbled into no man’s land. Moments after crossing the river, three smugglers dressed in military fatigues met them. After handing over 6,000 Thai baht (US$200) and exchanging a few words, the smugglers led them deeper into the woods and then to safety in Thailand. Three months after the military coup on 1 February, four Burmese brothers have told the Guardian of how they were inspired to join the fight against the military – and how their involvement in protests in Yangon that turned violent eventually forced them to flee at the end of March. Safely outside the country, the brothers have given an account of brutal military repression and their decision to take the fight to the military in a bid to prevent further violence. Their journey would take them from peaceful protest in Yangon to petrol bombing police stations and running for their lives. Lin*, 21,the eldest of the four brothers, said he had watched the coup unfold from his home in western Thailand, close to the border. Seeing the death toll mount amid growing military brutality he felt compelled to join the resistance movement, and soon his three younger brothers and two cousins from different parts of Myanmar followed him to Yangon. At 15, Za* is the youngest of the brothers. He said he took part in the resistance because he wanted to stop the violence on the streets. “Look at how many people they have killed in the past two months. If we don’t do anything and just let it happen so many more innocent people will die,” Za said. Joining the protests: The men met up in Yangon and for the first few days joined the peaceful protests. Soon, they became part of a nightwatch team protecting residential neighbourhoods from night-time raids by security forces. Armed with sticks and swords they say they helped women, children and the elderly move around safely. As they continued to demonstrate, some teams of frontline protesters began discussing the possibility of hitting back, Lin says. “People started saying we need to fight back. But they didn’t know how, and they were scared.” Lin says he was concerned it was just what Myanmar’s military, also known as the Tatmadaw, was hoping for. They told how they joined a small minority of protesters on the frontlines squaring off against security forces, using molotov cocktails and slingshots in what they said they believed was a legitimate form of self-defence against the military’s automatic weapons. But it was not without cost. During one attack on a police station, Lin says one of the team died after being hit in the head by a rubber bullet. He was in his 50s. “I don’t want my children to grow up in the situation that my generation and the older generations did,” says Moe*, 18, another of the brothers. The first attack: It was about 11pm when the group carried out its first attack on a police station. Lin describes how they moved towards the building, with more people joining the group as they got closer. Some were carrying molotov cocktails, others were armed with slingshots and swords, he says. But when the men edged near to the police station, the group hesitated. Lin says: “At that time I was aggressive, I was mad, no one was willing to throw the cocktail bomb. “I came back [to Yangon] thinking I was going to be a peaceful protester … but if I needed to be another thing, then I will be that, too,” Lin said. “So I took the molotov and went up to the [overpass] bridge.” The bottle landed right on top of a pile of rubbish leaning against the building. Flames started to shoot upwards towards the roof, Lin says. “We wanted to scare them,” he says of the Tatmadaw. “You make us feel unsafe, then we want you to feel unsafe too.” Lin says a truck full of Tatmadaw soldiers arrived, and the group started retreating. Footage seen by the Guardian shows teargas rounds whizzing past them as they fled. The group could hear the sound of people celebrating in their homes as they sprinted past. “It was like we were coming back from war.” Over the next few days, the brothers, along with a handful of other teams, targeted multiple police stations. Lin says he doesn’t believe they injured anyone in the attacks. They were unsuccessful in burning down the buildings. He says the attacks were psychological warfare and the men felt they had to show some degree of force to counter the military.....‘We had to run’:The campaign continued until the day Lin says they heard one of their friends had been abducted by security forces. “They contacted us and said he died. They tortured and killed him,” he recalls. “We all had to run at that point. They said, ‘One of our guys is gone. We are on the run now. You should too.’” They agreed it was time to leave. The brothers woke up early to begin their trip east to Hpa-An, the capital city in Karen state, close to the border with Thailand. The day after they left their apartment in Yangon, a neighbour told them police had searched it. After laying low in Hpa-An for a few days, they finally got the call to leave. They would have to make the cross near Myawaddy, a town known for its casinos and entertainment venues. After just a few minutes of wading through the river, they stumbled into no man’s land. Moments after crossing the river, three smugglers dressed in military fatigues met them. The smugglers demanded their payment upfront before they moved the brothers to a secret location. After paying the troops, the group hiked for another 20 minutes in the dark to a bunker where they were told to wait. “We were afraid of them because they were strangers with guns and we were in their place,” says Htet*, 18, another of the four brothers. “If they wanted to do something they could’ve and we didn’t have anything to stop that.” At around 3pm they were told it was finally time to go. They walked along a dirt path that would lead to a paved road, their guide told them. After more trekking on their own, they found their way out of the woods. They had made it. The group crossed the border at a time when Myanmar’s military had killed more than 550 people and detained nearly 3,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. “It was a hard decision to make to come here. Even though we are safe and comfortable, we want to be back there. But it was just too dangerous,” Lin says. “But the good thing was I had my brothers. I wouldn’t have been able to handle it alone.” *Names have been changed to protect identities..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 28 April, (756) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Tedim Township in Chin State was killed last night and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 28, a total of (3449) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1237 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Since the ASEAN leaders meeting on 24 April at least 6 people have been killed by the junta. The junta’s pledge to “refrain from violence” should never have been believed by ASEAN. There is only “one party” exercising violence in Burma. Despite the junta’s ongoing violence on a daily basis, the Spring Revolution intensified across the country, including in Yangon and Mandalay. On April 28, the Yadanarbon and Mandalay University student strikes were attacked by military vehicle and people arrested in Mandalay City, Mandalay Region. Six civilians were arrested, and ordered to raise their hands under the hot sun. The numbers of injured have not been confirmed yet. Since the terrorists arrested Wai Moe Naing, the protest leader of the Monywa strike, by crashing his motorbike, junta forces have continued to crackdown on protests using vehicles and motorbikes. Arrests have continued both day and night using private cars. A 20-year-old young man was shot dead around 10pm last night in Tedim Township, Chin State and his body has not yet been returned to his family from the hospital. The terrorist group is using different forms of repression to put pressure on public servants involved in the CDM movement. If they can not arrest CDM staff, they take family members as hostage; force them to move from the government housing; firing; or charging and issuing warrants under various laws. Teachers from universities, colleges and management level have been forced to come back to work on 3 May at the latest. Families of Budalin Hospital CDM staff members were forced to move from staff housing in Sagaing Region. CDM participation by the civil servant is having a significant impact on the day-to-day running of the administration mechanism of junta. This is why CDM staff are being targeted. The junta coup lifted the FTTH fiber-optic 1 am to 9 am blackout enforced for 72 continuous nights, on 27 April. However, all other internet services are still cut off and the information flow remains restricted. Some social media and news are still banned, for 83 days now. The terrorist group is restricting the flow of information because of the fear civilians will get accurate information and opposition even stronger. The junta is also using Myawaddy TV (MWD) and Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) broadcasts to spread its propaganda. The violation to freedom of press is emblematic of the diminishing human rights in the country. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 27 April, (755) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. (1) from Demoso Township in Kayah State died on 27 April. (1) from Mandalay was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 27, a total of (3448) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1200 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On April 27, people across the country remained on the streets to protest the dictatorship despite atrocities of shooting and torturing by the terrorists. Today, anti-military protests and repression escalated in Yangon. Although the coup leader agreed to end violence at the ASEAN leaders meetings days ago. In reality, junta forces have been violating human rights abuses on a daily basis. Today a man was killed and at least four civilians injured in Demoso Township, Kayah State during a crackdown on the people-made barricades, the terrorist group used live ammunition on civilians like in a conflict. Also, a man was killed and two others injured in an unprovoked shooting in Mandalay last night. Recently, the terrorist group has been cracking down on media and trying hard to cover up the news. This morning, the Mandalay based editor-in-chief of Voice of Myanmar (VOM) and a journalist were arrested. On the night of April 25, a former journalist of the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) was arrested and taken to an interrogation center. According to UDHR Article 19, everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. The terrorist group has cut off information flow between the media and public in order to delay access to accurate information. At the same time, the junta are trying to cover up their violence and crimes to both international and domestic audiences. It is for those reasons that journalists are being persecuted. At present, the terrorist group is not only openly looting but also kidnapping civilians. Some arrested villagers from Win Kone village, Yinmabin Township, Sagaing Region were released on April 24 only after locals paid junta forces an amount they demanded. Today, terrorists raided the house of a protest leader in Mogok, Mandalay Region and looted items in the house. Last night, a fisherman was beaten and interrogated by the junta forces in a village that is located in Kangyidaunt Township, Ayeyarwady Region. His old watch and 1000 kyats were confiscated. On the morning of April 25, the junta forces raided someone’s house who is working for the funeral service society in Myingyan Town, Mandalay Region. They destroyed his house and looted his antiquity collections, money and crafts. The terrorist regime commits various forms of violence leaving people insecure and fearful mentally and physically. The civilians are facing daily threats and their basic human rights are being violated. The only way to achieve democracy, human rights, and internal peace is not through negotiations but to eradicate dictatorship in Burma. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
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Title: 'I thought I would die.' Myanmar protesters describe torture they suffered in detention
Description: "The 19-year-old's eyes are so swollen he cannot open them properly. His face is marked with big purple welts and bruises. Etched into his shoulders and back are long, dark lacerations that have yet to heal over -- wounds, he said, that were inflicted when Myanmar military officers who had detained him whipped him repeatedly with cable wires. "I thought I would die," the teenager, who did not want to be named for safety reasons, said of his three-day stint in a military detention camp, while showing a photo of his wounds. He is one of more than 4,400 people detained by Myanmar's security forces since the military seized power in a coup on February 1, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The round-up, part of a systematic and bloody crackdown on any perceived opposition to the takeover, has ensnared politicians, protesters, journalists, striking workers, celebrities, and even children and bystanders. Many people have been taken in terrifying nighttime raids or abducted off the streets and held in secretive facilities out of contact from their families. Little is known about the conditions they are kept in. But the accounts of those who have been released, as well as from defectors from the military and family members, detail brutal acts of violence and torture. The teen was traveling back to Yangon from Bago on his moped when he said he was stopped at a military checkpoint on April 9. It was a long drive, and it was already getting late. That day had seen one of the deadliest crackdowns on protesters, with more than 80 killed by security forces in the town, according to AAPP. Searching his bag and phone, soldiers found images of him with a shield at protests. The 19-year-old said he was taken to a military compound, where his hands were tied and he was repeatedly beaten by the guards, who used cables, the butts of guns, and glass bottles. "The commander tied my hands from the back and used small scissors to cut my ears, the tip of my nose, my neck and my throat. (He) hit my head with a glass bottle, beat me up, pointed at me with guns but the bullets did not come out. He used the gun to threaten me as soon as I got to their station. Then he let his fellow soldiers beat me up that night," he said. The soldiers accused him of giving money to the Civil Disobedience Movement, in which doctors, workers and civil servants have gone on strike to cripple the economy and bring down the junta, led by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. "They beat me with a cable wire, they used a big cable wire and they braid it with two cable wires to make it bigger. They forced us to be on our knees, with our backs straight, and punched and kicked us. When we fell on the ground they hit us with the cable wire. It hurt so much. I even told them to kill me instead of torturing me it was that painful," the teenager said. Three weeks after his ordeal, he remains in hiding. His wounds are healing, he said, but he still has difficulty walking and can't properly fasten his buttons. During the beatings, one thing kept him going. "I thought I was about to die but I have to stay strong, I couldn't eat what they gave to me but I forced myself to eat to stay alive, we have to be released and when we get released we can participate (in the protests) again," the 19-year-old said. His scars, both physical and mental, are a constant reminder of the military's grotesque cruelty and lack of regard for the civilians they claim to rule over. The 19-year-old said he was detained after soldiers found images on his phone of him at protests. More than 750 people, including large numbers of children and young people, have been killed by security forces since the military junta seized power, AAPP has documented. A growing number of those killed are injured protesters who were detained by the military and denied medical attention. Others, including ousted members of the democratically elected National League for Democracy, have died in custody, their bodies bearing the marks of torture. "People arrested by the security forces are more likely to be subjected to torture or ill treatment in detention," said Zaw Win, human rights specialist with rights group Fortify Rights. "Our team has documented cases of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and beatings since February 1. The military tactics of arrest and ill treatment are creating an environment of terror and anxiety among the public. Yet, protesters are still going to the streets to call for an end to military rule." Torture was widespread and well documented during the previous military regime, which began transferring power to a quasi-civilian government in 2011. Despite the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy being in power since 2014, the United Nations Convention Against Torture was never signed. The AAPP said torture in Myanmar is still commonplace during interrogation and imprisonment to extract confessions or further degrade and humiliate detainees. CNN has reached out to Myanmar's military for comment. In state media, the junta has said it is acting with restraint in handling what it has described as demonstrations by "riotous protesters" whom it accuses of attacking police and harming national security and stability.....Barely recognizable: Despite claims of restraint, the military junta has shown no shame in its acts of cruelty -- if anything, it's made efforts to publicize those acts as a warning to anyone who dares to speak out. Every night at 8 p.m. local time, neatly coiffed news anchors announce a list of people wanted for arrest on junta-controlled TV. The broadcasts have included actors, musicians, journalists and doctors who have gone on strike to protest the coup -- their photographs and social media profiles beamed across the country. On April 18, the military aired the images of six people it had arrested and accused of being in possession of homemade bombs following a series of deadly blasts in the Yangon suburb of Yankin on April 17. The faces of the four men and two women bore severe signs of abuse. One of the women, 31-year-old dance teacher Khin Nyein Thu, was barely recognizable, her mother said. Her face was swollen and bloody. Her mother, who did not want to be named for security reasons, said Khin Nyein Thu was picked up in a nighttime raid and she is concerned about her welfare in an interrogation center, where she is now believed to be held. An undated photo of dance teacher Khin Nyein Thu. Her mother managed to catch a glimpse of her daughter when she was first taken to the police station. "She was clearly in pain, she was walking unsteadily and when I called her she turned around to look at me. It was at this point I could tell that her face was very swollen," she said. "I was told by someone who was released that she has been hit in the face, I understand she has cuts on her face and lips, and bruised eyes, and lost a tooth." She described Khin Nyein Thu, her only child, as a creative, artistic person who loved to dance, paint, kickbox, and share what she knows with others. Though detained on April 17, Khin Nyein Thu has not been charged or taken to prison, her mother said. Instead, she believes she has been transferred to another interrogation camp. "I could not sleep all night and I had a choking feeling of fear. The worst was thinking I could not follow her," the mother said of the night her daughter was taken. Desperate to hear from her daughter, she added, "I want to see her. I want her to get medical treatment as soon as possible." 'They will kill anyone they want':Even among the lower ranks of the military, there are soldiers disgusted with the violence they are being ordered to carry out against their fellow countrymen and women. From the safety of neighboring India, a 23-year-old former army cadet said he defected from the military, haunted by his experiences on nighttime raids. CNN has agreed not to name him for his safety. He described a culture of intimidation and brainwashing within the military, known as the Tatmadaw, where from day one new recruits are told the country can only be at peace if the army is in charge. Freshly graduated from military training in March, the 23-year-old was posted to Yangon's Mingaladon township, where he was ordered to join the nightly raids and arrest suspected protesters or opponents of the coup. He said every night they would deploy with two rounds of ammunition, assault rifles, detailed maps of neighborhoods and names of protest leaders from their informants. "They order us to shoot when the person we want to arrest is escaping from the house," the former cadet said. "At one point we went to arrest two leaders, one got arrested and one was trying to escape and we shot him on the spot." He said the person who was shot managed to escape, so they arrested his daughter who was also in the house. "The orders depend on the commanders of the group, if they told us shoot then we have to shoot right away," he added. A former army cadet from Myanmar's military who defected across the border to India after being ordered to take part in raids and beatings of protesters. The former cadet claims he intentionally broke his rifle that night so it wouldn't fire, but he couldn't avoid participating in the beatings. His account gives a harrowing insight into the military's operations, as reported by countless protesters and family members of those detained. "They were crying when we raid their houses and beating them. The neighbors knew too but on one dares to come out at night. If someone looks at us through their windows, we asked them to come out and beat them too. The military will find fault at every house they raid and will beat them," he said. The culture of fear within the ranks means he cannot complain. "I cannot say anything even if I do not like what they are doing," he said. Anyone found outside after curfew at 8 p.m. local time is interrogated and beaten. If they run, military orders are ordered to shoot them, the former cadet said. No one is spared this treatment, including women and children. "The youngest one I saw was around 10 or 11 years old, a boy," he said. "If someone talks back to us, we will hit them with the back of the gun -- and some bleed. I feel sad every night as I have to watch when they are beating people in the house, including children, and I couldn't say anything to them. I feel sad every night." The former cadet also described what many family members and activists have reported -- that injured protesters are being denied medical care while in custody. Some pass away in detention from their wounds, left to die with no aid to ease their suffering. "When people got shot and got arrested they didn't get any treatment. Some were still alive when they got shot but because they didn't get any treatment, they died in the morning because they lost too much blood. Then the military gave the dead body back to the family," he said. The former cadet said that at the military barracks, soldiers are not allowed to leave the base and are only allowed to watch the military TV channel. "They brainwash us by telling us that it's only because of the Tatmadaw's existence the country is peaceful. They told us the ethnic armed groups are smuggling drugs and trafficking people and that is why the Tatmadaw has to fight them. If the Tatmadaw do not exit, the civilians will not be able to live peacefully anymore," he said. Previous atrocities perpetuated by the military have shown the indoctrination to be nationwide and decades old. Human rights abuses by the military, including beatings, torture, extrajudicial killings, forced labor and sexual violence, have been long documented by the UN and rights groups in ethnic areas such as Kachin and Karen states. In 2017, the military's campaign of killing and arson against the Rohingya community in Rakhine state forced more than 740,000 people to flee to neighboring Bangladesh. A genocide case against the military and coup leader Min Aung Hlaing is ongoing at the International Court of Justice. Now, the military has brought its ruthless war tactics from the jungles and borderlands to the towns and cities. Soldiers, like the young former cadet, are turning their guns on people who could be their neighbors. The former cadet said it was the cruelty to the families of the protesters that finally broke him, so he decided to escape and made the long journey from Yangon to the Indian border. "I have to go out every night and I don't want to do this anymore, I cannot keep seeing people got beaten every night," he said. "They will kill anyone they want kill, that's what I know of them."..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
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Title: Myanmar junta builds 'walled garden' of internet services
Sub-title: Banking apps go back online but the regime maintains its authoritative grip
Description: "Myanmar's junta has relaxed internet restrictions on selected business apps, signaling the return of an old censorship board that this time will control who can access what on their digital devices. Some telcos have enabled internet access to banking and business mobile applications. Consumers using service providers such as state-run MPT can now access Office 365 email and messaging applications run by Microsoft as well as local banking applications. The junta has also recently lifted the nightly internet blackout for fiber-to-the-home providers. "What we are seeing is essentially the re-establishment of the old censorship board, but for the internet space this time," said Oliver Spencer, legal adviser to digital rights group Free Expression Myanmar, referring to a body that inspected and censored news publications before being disbanded by President Thein Sein in 2012 as part of his political reforms. "It empowers the junta to control the internet, offering businesses, media and social platforms access only if they abide by military diktat. "For the banks and businesses, it's short-term benefits and long-term costs." Spencer warned that the junta can "take down internet access of companies or banks at whim." Businesses have been feeling the heat from the regime, with tycoons, bank staffers and supermarket employees threatened or detained by the security forces in recent days. According to telecom industry representatives who asked for anonymity, the relaxation came upon instructions from the authorities, and reconnections began during the weekend. The decision indicates the junta might change its approach to regulating the internet. In recent years, the authorities could block individual websites; now they are set up to allow access only to platforms they approve. The "whitelist" method, which opens connections only to specific IP addresses, is mainly designed to facilitate services necessary for banking operations. The list of approved apps has not been made public. Since the coup on Feb. 1, the regime has, at various points, imposed total blackouts and a nightly internet ban, blocked mobile and wireless services, and censored social media platforms and websites. Going dark has severely hurt businesses and helped push the economy toward collapse, with service providers who rely on digital platforms paralyzed and local banks struggling to carry out digital transactions. Investors have repeatedly complained. On March 19, all foreign chambers of commerce representing Western businesses, except the British and Australian chambers, jointly condemned the military's atrocities and repeated their calls for unrestricted information access and a free flow of information. The Australian and British chambers joined the chorus on March 30. The move reflects that the junta is "at least listening to their own people," said a senior internet service industry source, referring to local banks and big businesses disrupted by the internet restrictions. Selectively allowing business apps to operate is intended to minimize the impact on commerce while allowing the junta to retain a firm grip on communications and information access. The move could ease pressure on the junta to resume internet services, the source added, calling it "the Chinese and North Korean way" of regulating cyberspace. "Are they trying to build a 'Walled Garden of the Internet?'" the source wondered. Said Vicky Bowman, Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business director: "Obviously telecom operators want users to have full internet access, and not just to a limited number of apps, otherwise the Myanmar people are denied their rights. I would expect the companies with a commitment to respect for human rights to continue to press the government for a lifting of all restrictions."..."
Source/publisher: "Nikkei Asian Review" (Japan)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
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Title: What We Fight for When We Stand Against the Coup
Description: "The coup is not the answer (Khine, from the field): On the 1st February 2021, my aunt woke me at 6am. She told me, “Min Aung Hlaing is conducting another military coup.” I woke up immediately, confused. “Is this a nightmare or is it really happening?”, I thought to myself, shocked by the news. I have been facing down Myanmar’s military junta since I was in my mother’s womb in 1988. Born in 1989, I am now 32 years old, the same age as my parents during the 1988 uprising. But our battle for democracy and human rights goes on. My first response to the emergency was to go out and buy essentials: rice, oil, a torch, a radio, candles, and batteries. From past experience, we knew exactly what we would face under military rule. When I finished, I felt blank. I struggled hard to focus on staying calm and coming to terms with the situation. I knew that if I could achieve this fundamental step, I would be equipped to focus on what to do next. The voice of the people is a fundamental element within a democratic political system. As an independent researcher in spatial design and participatory place-making, I believe in listening to people’s voices. I understand that compassionate listening is a priority in every project; it is the best way to find comprehensive solutions for a better living environment. Inspired by this approach, I decided to express my voice as an individual citizen through writing. On the 3rd day of the coup, I decided to write, to make my voice heard as a citizen. On the 28th day of the coup, I finished this draft and handed it over to my co-authors overseas. I felt relieved and satisfied with what I had accomplished. I saw it as the first strike in a long battle. However, later the same day, my optimism disintegrated. News reached me that my father had been detained due to his involvement in the uprising. I felt as though the sky had fallen on me. He has now been detained in prison for more than a month without charge, in violation of his human rights. At his first trial, on 8 April, they did nothing but postpone the trial for another date. My involvement in the uprising against the military coup began when I was just a fetus in 1988. Now, at 32, I am the same age as my parents during the 1988 uprising. Now, father and daughter fight side by side. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 23rd April 2021, there are already 745 people killed (more than 40 are underage), 3371 people detained (like my father, thousands are still awaiting trial, and are being abused in the meantime) and more than 1118 arrest warrants (under 505-a) for speaking out against the coup. The figures are still increasing, and there are ongoing deadly attacks and arrests against unarmed civilians. Those events are obvious proof of how our battle for democracy and human rights remains unfinished. Like us, many other fathers and daughters, mothers and sons are now working to resist the military’s deadly crimes against humanity. As Ermonela Jaho, the Albanian-born soprano, said in her interview for Global Woman Diva Program, “live every day to the fullest and you have already made the future a reality.” We are struggling for our right to live every day to the fullest. Under a dictatorship, there is no room for people to create their own destiny. I owe it to myself to design my life and live fully. For that reason, I cannot accept living in a dictatorship. This time, I believe we will win because we must.....How We Have been Suffering: Perpetrating an unjust military coup in the middle of global pandemic clearly demonstrates that the power-starved military in Myanmar has no empathy for civilians. We have been suffering a combined health, economic and social crisis resulting from Covid-19 for over a year. We are awaiting the arrival of the vaccines and preparing for Myanmar’s recovery. Even so, with whatever strength we have left, the people are non-violently resisting the coup-makers in spite of our fear of Covid-19 and the deadly attacks against us. Myanmar society has suffered the trauma of living of under an oppressive regime for more than 50 years. We are all tired of being attacked by those who act against morality and humanity. The putschists will never stop on their own! Now, it is the civilians’ duty to stop them. Though we know we will win this battle, Myanmar still risks facing further political, economic, and social crises. With each subsequent crisis, recovery becomes harder than ever. The following are the major political and socio-cultural issues impacted by this selfish and egotistical act on the part of the military in Myanmar. (1) Changing the Constitution This coup poses a major threat to the reform of the 2008 Constitution. To accelerate the peace process and ensure federal democracy in Myanmar, the 2008 Constitution has to change. This constitution was drafted by the dictators and designed to safeguard the interests of the former authoritarian regime. To allow room for justice, fairness, inclusion and respect, the values of diverse civilians from all ethnic groups should be reflected in the constitution of Myanmar. But, in reality, the views of civilians were ignored and the 2008 Constitution does not represent the will of the civilians. Under the dictatorship governance, the citizens’ voices will be silenced even further. Recently, on 31 March, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) declared the abolition of the 2008 Constitution. This is the first step towards federal democratic state-building. Despite the challenges facing us, this is a ray of hope among the ruins.....(2) Freedom of Expression and Democratic Knowledge:Our experience clearly reminds us that there is no room for democracy in a land governed by a dictatorial regime. We grew up without being educated about how to claim our rights. We were not taught tactics to identify what we really want as a society, what we want to change and how to make changes as a collective. Military rule has failed to provide us with tools for (a) developing self-awareness, the ability to question and search for one’s true self; (b) knowing and valuing one’s own existence, and knowing how to respect others; (c) building self-confidence; (d) developing critical thinking skills that account for different perspectives; (e) building understanding and trust; (f) knowing how to conduct constructive arguments and knowing how to share, communicate, collaborate and commit to engaging with one another, in order to transform our thoughts into actions. Without these key tools for self-searching, expression, communication and collaboration, we could not fully develop our self-awareness, self-esteem, and self-management. We became weak and were easily manipulated and brainwashed. The dictators conditioned us to have a “fear of expression” rather than “freedom of expression”. We learned that the right way to live in Myanmar is to follow and obey our parents, our teachers, our elders, our religious leaders, and our government. Asking questions, arguing, or refusing to do as we are told is considered rude, even evil. The elders used to say, “We are older than you, we have lived longer than you and so we know you better than you know yourself. It is better that we manage your life than you manage your own.” The prevalence of this type of thinking shows how the junta has shaped our psychology, since our elder’s time. Military rule has transformed our independence so much that conservative behaviors became the norm. What started with the junta using fear to oppress, nowadays operates as a kind of conservatism that claims to protect ‘culture.’ In reality, this ‘culture’ controls even our slightest social freedoms. During the last five years, our dreams started to come true: we acquired much greater freedom of expression and the opportunity to put our thoughts and desires into action. However, rather than reconstructing the country, our time was wasted fixing problems caused by failures of understanding, communication and collaboration. Without the key tools mentioned above, we failed to see things from different perspectives, and we tended to express prejudices in a very subjective way. Ego also plays too much of a role in the way that our people act and overwhelms our ability to communicate and collaborate. We believe that this egocentrism, a lack of openness to understanding, and an unwillingness to build trust are the root of the conflicts happening in Myanmar. Expressions from egocentric points of views provoke unconstructive hate speech and inhibit the potential to develop just and balanced solutions, such as can be seen in the Rohingya crisis and any other conflicts amongst the different ethnic groups in Myanmar. Our ingrained “fear of expression” caused us to underestimate the value of diversity. We understand that five years is not enough to build a seamless democratic country, but ceasing conflict and instead making efforts to collaborate would greatly increase the speed at which we can see a difference. To acquire true democracy in Myanmar, we cannot rely solely on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; we should look to ourselves too. If we do not have the societal and interpersonal habits required for a constructive dialogue, we will never see the beneficial outcomes brought about by democracy. Participatory democratic practices must be performed with urgency in reconstructing a Myanmar adapted to our personal and societal needs of today’s world. To make this a reality, Myanmar needs to cultivate democratic knowledge and practices. Our battle for freedom and democracy is not yet won. We are only just beginning to realise the problems we have to tackle. But, again, today, the democratic transformation of Myanmar is being undermined by the unthoughtful, unjust, and disloyal act of the military coup.....(3) The Right to a Better Living Environment: Jane Jacobs writes that “cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”1 Indeed, it is only through people’s participation that we are able to develop better places for people, that respond to the problems and needs of each neighborhood. No outsider knows better than the local community. Are government officers, mayors, and general administrators ready to set up the democratic governance necessary to manage cities, districts and townships with a participatory approach, working with the inhabitants and place-makers as stakeholders? Myanmar is not yet in a position to give a satisfactory answer for this question. Even under the civilian democratic regime, Myanmar still needed to cultivate democratic knowledge and practices to ensure the participatory governance. However, the Myanmar Sustainable Development Goals include achieving the right to a safe and better living environment. Myanmar was figuring out the most comprehensive methods to bring more people into the process of creating people-led urban governance and development strategies. The right to the city can be fulfilled only by means of democratic city governance that gives more space to people to participate. The dictators do not believe in participatory democratic governance. Thus, under the dictatorship, our dream for safe and better living environments for the well-being of the people will remain out of reach.....How We Fight for our Freedom: “Sing loud. You shall hear other ears hearing. Look high. You shall see other eyes looking. Beat loud. You shall know that other blood is pulsing.” –Rafael Alberti (Spanish Poet)2 We are making our voices heard through our uprising. We hold hands firmly and are working together to end the dictatorship and fulfill our own destiny. We create a battle symphony with the sound of pots and pans! We raise our three-fingered salute! We march! We stage creative uprisings through various forms of collaborative performance! We help each other and show global solidarity! We support the Civil Disobedience Movement! Driven by our strong determination, we remain resilient against the deadly attacks. There is a hidden gem in this battlefield that we can take advantage of to turn everything around. It will help us not only to defeat the military, but also achieve the federal democracy we dream of. It will determine the end result – who will pay and who will gain. This key is the “synergy” born out of trust and cooperation between our diverse civilians across the country, pro-democratic political parties and activists, the CRPH (The Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw), the EAOs (The Ethnic Armed Organizations) and pro-democratic supporters across the world. The coup-makers underestimate the power, resilience, and intelligence of the people. In addition, the coup shows who our real friends, enemies and frenemies are. Because of this coup, we have begun to question the presence of China in Myanmar. Discussions about China’s purported support for the military makes us mistrust the country. In order to achieve our collective dream for a functioning federal democracy, we first need to defeat the current military coup, then end ongoing attempts to reestablish a dictatorship. In the place of the existing military, we demand a trustworthy, faithful and responsible federal defense force in Myanmar. Victory in this battle means a lot for civilians; not only the failure of the coup and the end of the dictatorship regime, but to end, once and for all, attempts to interrupt the process of building a federal democratic state. We have only one another – our solidarity is our only weapon. We will never give up our rights to live freely and fully. (Featured image courtesy of Phyo) Khine (pseudonym) is a designer living in Yangon. She is passionate about exploring artistic ways of expressions and communications. Her focus is to take part in projects developing intercultural understanding and communication through design and artistic creations. Nway Oo (pseudonym) is a researcher in Language Sciences based in Europe. Peter (pseudonym) is an architect and film maker. He has led research, academic and curation activities in Alger, Addis Ababa, Istanbul, Yangon and Paris..."
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 26 April, (753) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kawthaung Town in Tanintharyi Region and Insein Township in Yangon Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 26, a total of (3441) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1179 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today marked 85 days since the attempted coup and over 700 civilians, including women and children, have been killed, and many injured. The number of detentions similarly escalates, it is equally worrying that the accurate condition of detainees is unknown. Protests in defence of democracy continued to erupt across the country. On April 25, six civilians were beaten and arrested in Mindat Town, Chin State. In response to this, there was a clash between junta forces and civilians, some were killed and injured. Terrorists have been brutally repressing women and now reportedly oppressing the LGBTIQ communities. On the night of April 24, Yangon Region, in Mingalar Taungnyunt Township, a transgender women was reportedly beaten during her arrest. They were forcing her to wear a Longyi (male dress) whilst mocking her at the same time, AAPP is awaiting confirmation on further details. One’s sexual orientation is their personal choice. Rights and everyone’s existence must be respected. We are worried that LGBTIQ will not only be discriminated but also treated worse compared to others during their arrests because of the barbarity committed by this terrorist group during the coup. We can expect further torture and repression. The terrorist group has been viciously cracking down on local villages defending themselves, then forcing residents to flee their homes. Thousands of people from around 20 villages in Kani and Yinmabin Township, Sagaing Region have fled their homes due to the terrorist groups’ actions. Such as arbitrary arrests, detentions, and violent repression. Junta forces were also stationed at monasteries, schools, and villages. Villagers were forced to flee their homes and villages because the military entered the local villages and started arresting, beating, and killing. Some of the villagers who were already sick died while running away from the military. Burma will be in an even more critical situation if effective action is not taken to combat the crisis. The terrorist group has oppressed people across the country in order to maintain its power. Peace will remain elusive without democracy. There must be a focus on defeating dictatorship in Burma. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-27
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 25 April, (751) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Mandalay City in Mandalay Region, Yesagyo Town in Magwe Region and Myaung Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 25, a total of (3431) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1159 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people across Burma continue to protest against the dictatorship in different ways despite intense repression. The ASEAN leaders meeting vaguely asked for an “immediate end to the violence” – it was an unclear and general statement. During the meeting there were discussions and requests, some stern, but the statement does not include what the civilians are asking for – respect for their basic human rights, democracy and peace , neglected in the statement. People in Burma are not asking for humanitarian aid, but for the international community to stand for the truth. The statement does not deter terrorist atrocities against unarmed civilians on a daily basis with both combat zone weaponry. Yesterday after the ASEAN leaders meeting finished, even on that same day, the terrorist group violated the dignity of civilians including women. Human rights abuses committed openly in public. The statement did not stop the violence against innocents. Last night in Mayangone Township, Yangon, people ‘banging pots and pans were arrested. They were made to play drums on the streets and the women forced to dance whilst the junta forces openly mocked them. If they stopped playing or dancing they were beaten. The junta troops also threw stones at houses who protested by making noise with pots and metal boxes. After this, young men were detained and tortured on the road. Assaulting women with weapons who expressed outrage over the immodesty of the public ridicule – the junta treats people like enemies, committing crimes without any restraint. Yesterday in Karen State, at Three Pagoda town, a junta car crashed into motorcycle protesters and they were shot at 6 times. Five protesters were later arrested in a car crash and one woman was seriously injured. In Thapyay Aye village, Yinmarbin Township, Sagaing Region the junta came to crackdown the monastery and arrest the head monk. After this they destroyed one building and they seized 20 laptops from the monastery. The terrorist group troops openly loot, but it is being resisted. In order to stay in power, the junta is creating internal unrest. On the evening of April 24, Sagaing Region, in Myaung Township, a woman was arrested and died minutes later from illness, yet it is the detention of innocent civilians which is having these consequences. Civilians are already suffering on a daily basis through the atrocities of this junta. Compromise or negotiation with the terrorists will not be possible. Compromise will be used to prolong junta rule. Action which does not allow the terrorist to continue committing atrocities must be sought so that innocent civilians suffer no more. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-27
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Title: Grassroots Voices: A letter from a jail cell
Description: A letter from a jail cell: Dear Father, the River, whose stomach was cut open, has declared war on our tiny house on the bank, hasn’t she? Right in front of the house you must be looking out for someone who will help you with embankment poles to straighten the river, to fill her holes with sandbags. In the murky water, which rises like a bamboo lance, you must be gazing at the sesame plantation — laden with fruits ready for harvest. You must be thinking a fistful of rice in your mouth is about to be fingered out. Maybe you will find solace in religion, contemplating our five foes. Maybe you will think of the void a son’s labour can fill. One son, two daughters and one son; The eldest is a poet in prison, the first daughter, a school teacher, the second, a graduate in the kitchen, the youngest, a student. Your poet son, is he even employable as the dah you use to clear weed? Forgive nothing, Father. Nothing! “Son, Pho Chan, why do I hear noises behind you?”, you asked on the phone. “I am at the bus stop to post a manuscript to a journal,” I lied. From your liar son in the dock to thugs who sweeten you with the tips of their tongues, “To our benefactor peasants … ”, because they want to have you from behind, hate them all, Father. Hate them all. A thief is unarmed. A thug is armed to the teeth. If thieves are ungovernable, if thugs are ungovernable, what’s the point of government? Whatever happens to the jungles whatever happens to the mountains whatever happens to the rivers they don’t care. They love the country just the way they love to grate a coconut, from inside out, for coconut milk. Plinth by plinth, to make their throne taller, they will point their guns at the urna on the Lord Buddha’s forehead. Their class is that crass. To cuss at that class if your religion forbids you allow me to lose that religion. I will turn the air blue on your behalf. Maybe you don’t know yet. your son was set up for demanding the so-called police not to harm ordinary citizens. Someday your son, who is not a thief nor a thug will become employable, good as your dah that clears weed. For now, Father, keep gazing at the plantation you’d ploughed with your naked shoulders. Keep singing the anthem of The Peasant Union. Yours ever, K Za Win Cell 1, Section 10 Thayawaddy Prison..... "Poet name – K Za Win (1982–2021) Birth name – Chan Thar Sway K Za Win was born from a peasant family, in Letpadaung village, Sarlingyi township, Sagaing region. His father’s name is U Kyaw Swe and his mother’s name is Daw Win May. He is the eldest son with three other siblings. He started to write poems from the age of 16. In 2004, his poems were published in magazines such as Thaung Paung Htway Lar Comedy magazine with the poem titled ‘The End’, and in First Eleven Sports Journal. From 2009-2010, he continued to compose poems and political essays under different pseudonyms. He produced his own collection of poems with the title ‘Reply letter to Ramón’. In 2015, as he was about to leave for Japan as a migrant agricultural worker to build a new life with his fiancé, he was arrested in Letpadaung for supporting the democratic education movement led by the students, and was jailed in Tharyarwaddy prison. After he was released, he lived in Monywa and worked as a volunteer Myanmar language teacher. He was an active member of the West-North Plains Poet group as well as the All Burma Youth Poet Union. He never failed to meet his student union comrades who were being detained in prisons. He contributed to political mobilizations as much as he could. Since the Spring Revolution began, he has shown immense bravery by taking part in Monywa protests, and lost his life as the demonstrations faced a violent crackdown from the military on March 3rd 2021..."
Source/publisher: The Journal of Peasant Studies via Routledge (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-27
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Title: The politics of Myanmar’s agrarian transformation
Summary: "Myanmar is in a dangerous and uncertain moment following the military coup on 1 February 2021. The articles in this Special Forum provide timely contextual analysis. Written before the coup, the...
Description: "Myanmar is in a dangerous and uncertain moment following the military coup on 1 February 2021. The articles in this Special Forum provide timely contextual analysis. Written before the coup, the articles delve into the politics of agrarian transformation in the context of (what was then) an ongoing (but fragile) opening up of political space. This introduction outlines three themes that connect the articles and now also shed some light on what the future may hold: (1) the limited character of the 2010–2021 ‘democratic transition’; (2) the struggles around land and natural resources amidst a social reproduction crisis and (3) the responses of rural working peoples. This Special Forum on Myanmar’s agrarian transformation concludes at a moment of great danger and deep uncertainty resulting from the military coup that took place on 1 February 2021. All the articles were written before the coup, and all the authors were keen to engage explicitly on the politics of agrarian transformation in the context of (what was at that time) a still ongoing (fragile) opening up of political space and the social-political challenges of working in such a context, including examining the changing political agency of the implicated differentiated rural peoples (along lines of class, gender, generation and in Myanmar the all-important question of ethnicity). Reading their analyses now may thus help to dampen any temptation to romanticize about what life and politics was like for many people before the coup. And it will put under a critical spotlight the call by some segments of the resistance movement for a return to where everyone/everything was before the coup, that is, to restore the NLD government to power under the military-crafted 2008 Constitution. Most of the authors who contributed insights and analysis to the six articles constituting this special forum are long-time social activists who have been working for many years outside the spotlight and under the radar, alongside many other veteran activists, grassroots organizations, issue-based associations and ethnic communities. In the years before and since the national political cycle that began with the March 2011 handover of government by the military-run SPDC to the quasi-civilian Thein Sein administration, they have been in the trenches, so to speak, along with many others,accompanying ordinary people in doing the everyday politics of regime transition. Such efforts have involved the crucial but often intangible work of feeling for openings, testing limits, deploying razor-sharp political humour, calculating risks, calibrating interventions, reaching out and ratcheting up, building bridges, stepping up and stepping back, pushing with restraint, articulating hopes, managing fears, calling bluffs, etc. It’s worth mentioning here too that this has also necessarily involved working to ensure the material conditions needed to enable these dynamics of activism to survive and thrive, despite increasingly bureaucratized and periodically politicized relationships with both government donors and international non-governmental donor agencies. While for various reasons and at various times government donors and donor agencies could become quite allergic to activism – especially activism taking extra-parliamentary form – this was not always the case, and despite what may have been risks involved in supporting social change activism during the post-2011 opening, some of these actors supported this work anyway. Much of what the bulk of ordinary people actively trying to shape the transition underway have been doing has remained invisible and in the shadow of a still fairly draconian ‘rule of law’, while the international media spotlight has tended to focus on increasing space for elite politics and elite-driven economic reform, as if these were all that mattered in the regime transition underway. It was important that these ‘invisible’ politics remained so at times, in order to protect and shelter them, and at other times, it was critical that they surface, in order to try to propel more central political processes in a more radical direction. But while much of the social activism for meaningful agrarian change has resurrected and unfurled in the lingering shadows cast by past coups, past waves of resource grabbing, and past ‘high politics’ turning points, at the same time, a fairly clear set of major neoliberaloriented economic reforms have been initiated and steadily pushed since 2011 as part and parcel of a ‘rule of law’ reform agenda aimed at creating the ‘positive enabling environment’ for big Asian, US and EU-based business interests itching to enter or do more business in Myanmar. Hitherto, earlier rounds of market liberalization following the thenmilitary regime’s response to political and economic crises in the late 1980s had mainly benefitted regional (especially Chinese and Thai) and local capitalists (with the exception of two infamous gas projects – one led by Total, one led by UNOCAL – see ERI 1996). The consequences of these reforms have been hitting the ground hard, yet affecting different groups of people differently depending on class, ethnicity, gender, generation, and geographic region. And so here is one crux of the matter for many of the hardest hit people today: as huge masses of people from all walks of life spill currently into the streets to protest the military coup – how and to what extent will the broad anti-coup resistance movement be able to take on 1. the contradictions emerging from capitalist development and 2. the growing aspiration for a democratic federal union? Capitalism is not tied exclusively to any particular kind of political system: it can exist under outright militarized authoritarian conditions, and also under still-militarized, semi-authoritarian political conditions where participation in decision making is open to some segments of society to some degree, but many (if not most) remain excluded more or less completely (e.g. more akin to what the country had been experiencing in the decade prior to the coup). Since 2011, capitalist development has wrought a new configuration of winners and losers, where a wider range of people found opportunities and breathing room to accumulate and have seen their living conditions improve, while many others have seen their situation deteriorate significantly. The ranks of those engaged in ‘3D’ migrant labour work abroad (e.g. dirty, difficult, dangerous) and the importance of migrant worker remittances to the national economy, for example, have increased dramatically since 2011 as a result partly of the new laws and policies put in place by the quasi-military Thein Sein government but then continued and even deepened by the ‘democratically-elected’ NLDled government (Borras et al. 2020). The agrarian crisis that is pushing many people, from different walks of life (both ethnic Bamar and non-Bamar), further toward or deeper into landlessness and precarious labour conditions, has been deepening throughout the country. But its precise character has varied, shaped by complex social-historical and political-economic particularities, including politicized geographies of race/ethnicity, obtaining in different regions and subregions. To be sure, however, regions and subregions where various non-Bamar ‘ethnic nationalities’ (a term increasingly preferred nowadays by non-Bamar activists themselves, in a bid to put the term ‘ethnic minorities’ firmly into the past) are most concentrated, have been clearly targeted for ‘accumulation by dispossession’ via outright extra-economic coercion, in tandem with and alongside processes of commodification, as discussed below. The increasingly organized, multiethnic demand for abolition of the 2008 Constitution and building of a democratic federal union is therefore very much underpinned by the intensely racialized/ethnicised character of Myanmar political-economy historically..."
Source/publisher: Routledge (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-27
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Title: At Least 109 Reported Attacks and Threats to Health Care in Myanmar Over Just Two Months of Military’s Crackdown
Description: "At least 109 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities, and transports have reportedly been perpetrated in Myanmar from February 11 to April 12, 2021, according to an analysis based on open-source reports conducted by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR). The attacks are uniformly reported to have been committed by the country’s armed forces and police amid ongoing protests against the military coup. In addition to the military’s attacks on civilians and demonstrators, health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and other health workers have been attacked for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. Within the 109 total incidents that took place across Myanmar between February 11 and April 12, Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR highlight reports of: 97 health workers arrested 32 health workers injured 10 health workers killed Hospitals raided at least 49 times Hospitals occupied at least 36 times The incidents referred to are based on the dataset 11 February – 12 April 2021 Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar Data, which is available on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX). For the purposes of this research brief, one incident can comprise multiple types of violence or threats such as those above. For example, in one reported incident in Kyauk Kone township in Yangon city on February 27, 20 health workers were arrested and four were injured. In another reported incident on April 5 in Saunchaung township in Yangon, four medical staff were arrested when a charity clinic was raided by soldiers and police. In one reported incident on March 9 in Heho town, Shan state, soldiers occupied the Heho General Hospital. Local residents protested the occupation, resulting in the arrest of 36 people. The detained individuals were sent to Taunggyi Prison. “The Myanmar military’s persecution of health workers is taking many horrifying forms: ambulances shot at, clinics taken over by armed forces, medics killed,” said Jennifer Leigh, an epidemiologist serving as PHR’s Myanmar researcher. “By attacking the health system, the junta is terrorizing the population and cutting off access to life-saving care in the middle of a pandemic.These are gross violations of human rights, and threats against long-standing international principles of protection of health care, including the obligations of health professionals to care for the sick and wounded without interference.” “Attacks on health care are a global phenomenon, experienced in many conflict settings but also fueled by the pandemic,” said Christina Wille, managing director of Insecurity Insight. “Tragically, Myanmar has emerged as a major hotspot for violence against health care, as the military brazenly assaults health workers and attempts to control the country’s health infrastructure.” The research brief highlights reported incidents of violence against health workers, facilities, and transport in Myanmar between February 11 and April 12, 2021. It does not include information on violence against patients. Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR used an open-source methodology to compile incidents noted in local, national, and international news outlets, online databases, and social media reports. The incidents reported are neither a complete nor a representative list of all incidents. Most incidents have not undergone verification by Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR. Data collection is ongoing and data may change as more information is made available. However, the data offers a snapshot of how Myanmar’s military is persecuting health workers and targeting facilities amid its broader crackdown on dissent. The research brief makes several recommendations to United Nations (UN) Member States, urging the international community to ensure the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2286, adopted May 2016, which strongly condemns attacks on medical personnel in conflict situations. Earlier this month, PHR and 20 other organizations sent an open letter to U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, urging the Biden administration to take immediate additional actions to address the public health and human rights crisis in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Physicians for Human Rights (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-26
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Title: 'I will not return to work': Myanmar coup cripples healthcare system
Description: "Myanmar's front-line medical workers are finding themselves in a precarious position, torn between their patients and working for a military government enforcing a brutal crackdown on the country. Moe* is 53 years old and has stage three breast cancer. She used to go for radiotherapy treatment every three weeks at the state-run Mandalay General Hospital in northern Myanmar. But the day after the military deposed Myanmar's elected government in a coup on 1 February, the hospital closed its doors. Doctors, nurses and other medical workers all walked out in protest and have not returned. Now Moe cannot afford the roughly $700 (£502) she would need to complete her remaining cycles of treatment at a private hospital. Without it, she believes she has around a year to live. Nevertheless, she does not blame the doctors: "It's the fault of the military," she told the BBC. "Even if I die with cancer, I can accept it. The rest of the people in Myanmar deserve democracy.".....'Near collapse': Myanmar's healthcare system has been one of the worst-affected sectors in the aftermath of a coup on 1 February which saw the military seize control of the country, sparking widespread protests. Thousands of doctors have joined the country's civil disobedience movement which has seen public employees and other state officials refusing to work under the new military regime. Myanmar coup: What is happening and why? The TikTok loving teen and others killed in Myanmar Myanmar's public healthcare system accounts for around 80% of all hospitals and clinics and provides heavily subsidised care to the country's 54 million people. This virtually vanished overnight - and in the midst of a global pandemic. "It's a grim situation," says Dr Mitchell Sangma, who is on the ground for humanitarian organisation Medicins San Frontiers (MSF) in Myanmar's main city Yangon. "The public health system is near collapse." But doctors feel they have little choice. "For as long as the military junta stays in power I will not return to work," says Kyi Kyi* a doctor in Mandalay who has been on strike for nearly three months. "I do not want to recognise their authority in any way." For the first few weeks after the coup, Kyi Kyi offered free consultations at private sector hospitals. But she quickly realised this was too dangerous: "We started seeing soldiers stationed around the hospitals, waiting for us to arrive."..."
Source/publisher: BBC News (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-26
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Title: Myanmar: Vigil InSight Situation Report
Summary: "Protests continue despite a death toll of over 700. Resumption of widespread ethnic separatist violence sees thousands held at Thai border. Increased tensions with China and India. This document...
Description: "Protests continue despite a death toll of over 700. Resumption of widespread ethnic separatist violence sees thousands held at Thai border. Increased tensions with China and India. This document provides an analysis of the current situation in Myanmar and the implications for aid agencies working in the area. Watch the Vigil InSight video. SUMMARY International focus remains on the continued protests against the military coup, which are becoming increasingly violent. A significant increase in violence has been seen, linked to the country’s various ethnic separatist insurgencies, particularly along the Thai and Chinese borders. This has led to rising numbers of displaced persons and pushbacks of them by Thai authorities though India is now letting them through. Chinese troops have been deployed to the border, likely to secure gas supplies..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-26
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "The terrorist leader attended the ASEAN leaders meeting today, claiming legitimacy to the international community whilst killing and injuring peaceful protestors and innocent civilians. The release of political prisoners was not included on ASEAN ‘five points of consensus’ released late evening. All of the arbitrarily detained must be released. At least 1 activist was killed on the day of this meeting, and violations have been systematically perpetrated this past week. If the illegal military does not stop terrorizing its people, then what will ASEAN do. As of 24 April, (748) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Pyinmana in Naypyitaw died on 24 April. (2) from Loikaw Town in Kayah State and Pyay Town in Bago Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 24, a total of (3389) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1138 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In Naypyidaw today, a young man was killed during a motorcycle demonstration in Pyinmana Township. This morning in Mandalay, plainclothes terrorists were seen using motorbikes looted from civilians to chase after and shoot protestors, a young man was shot in the abdomen. Also in Mandalay, a young man who set fire to tires was shot in the head and dragged into a car when he could not move. In Dala, Yangon Region, some police and military vehicles chased away youths participating in a motorcycle demonstration. On 23 April night, in Thaton Town, Mon State. Two men were shot dead for no reason. Yesterday afternoon, in Thapye Aye village close to Myingyan Town, Mandalay Region, the junta went looking to arrest and shoot people, five villagers were injured and one is in critical condition. In Htigyaing Town, Sagaing Region, yesterday afternoon an anti-military activist was arrested and there was a clash between civilians and the junta, two women were injured in the clash. Persecution is a pattern of this terrorist group, civilians are persecuted daily, in various ways. On 22 April, in Pyay Town, Bago Region, three youths were arrested, the terrorist group returned the dead body of one with wounds across the body consistent with torture. Civilians are being made into an enemy in detention, increasing numbers killed day after day. The right to security and liberty have disappeared under this junta. The terrorists care only about their interests and power. So-called police and soldiers take property from civilians like bandits. On the night of April 22, in Mogok, Mandalay Region, junta forces looted 7 million kyat and threatened the neighborhood that whoever posted the case on social media would get shot. On the evening of April 23, they entered a household goods store (which sold fire extinguishers and equipment), in Mandalay and looted. The post-coup period is getting long, the terrorist group is robbing, destroying property, killings are only intensifying. All sectors of the economy have begun to collapse in response to the political deterioration. People continue to call for meaningful action against the terrorist group, but are still being ignored. The situation for ordinary people is worse than ever. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
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Title: Myanmar coup: Week from March 30 to April 17, Opponents of junta unveil Suu Kyi-led unity cabinet
Sub-title: Group seeks recognition as 'legitimate government'; ASEAN summit rumblings intensify
Description: "Myanmar's military on Feb. 1 detained State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint in the country's first coup since 1988, bringing an end to a decade of civilian rule.....The Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy had won a landslide in a general election in November. But the military has claimed the election was marred by fraud. For all our coverage, visit our Myanmar Coup page. Read our in-depth coverage: -- Myanmar junta taps Russian air power to bomb ethnic rebels -- Failed state: Myanmar collapses into chaos -- Myanmar junta efforts to restore calm 'unworkable': ex-Japan envoy -- Myanmar junta reaps millions in gem sales as economy crumbles -- Myanmar coup presses Japan to retreat from Abe-era business push -- Taiwan takes tougher line against Myanmar regime -- How Myanmar's post-coup violence is transforming a generation -- Who is Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing? 5 things to know -- Myanmar: Inside the coup that toppled Aung San Suu Kyi's government..."
Source/publisher: "Nikkei Asian Review" (Japan)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
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Title: Southeast Asian Leaders Call For Immediate End To Violence In Myanmar
Description: "Leaders of nine Southeast Asian countries on Saturday called for an immediate end to the violence in Myanmar, where the military government has cracked down violently on the enormous protests over its February coup. At an emergency summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations held in Jakarta, Indonesia's president called the situation in Myanmar "unacceptable." "The violence must be stopped and democracy, stability and peace in Myanmar must be restored," President Joko Widodo said. Hundreds of thousands of pro-democracy protesters have demonstrated in the months since Myanmar's military seized full control of the country from the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. In response, the military has imposed Internet blackouts, arrested thousands and fired on protesters. At least 748 people have been killed and 3,389 are being detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a Burmese human rights group based in Thailand. The official statement released Saturday by ASEAN leaders makes five demands of the military junta, including an "immediate cessation" of the violence and a peaceful solution to the situation via "constructive dialogue," mediated by a special envoy appointed by ASEAN. The leaders also demanded that Myanmar's military government allow the arrival of humanitarian assistance. The military's leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who was in attendance, did not make a public statement. The summit was his first trip outside Myanmar since the coup. The invitation of the general was criticized by opponents of the coup, including the new National Unity Government in Myanmar, formed earlier this month by pro-democracy politicians who have named the deposed democratic leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, as their leaders. The National Unity Government argued the general's invitation risked legitimizing the military coup and had called on Interpol to arrest General Min Aung Hlaing upon his arrival in Jakarta. In a statement released after the summit, the group's spokesperson, Dr. Sasa, praised ASEAN's actions. "We welcome the encouraging news that ASEAN leaders have reached consensus that the military violence in Myanmar must stop and political prisoners released," Sasa said. "... We look forward to firm action by ASEAN to follow up its decisions and restore our democracy and freedom for our people and our region." ASEAN has traditionally defaulted to a more hands-off approach to the internal affairs of its 10 member nations. In the days after the coup in February, the bloc issued a statement urging a "return to normalcy" but stopped short of explicit condemnation. But ahead of Saturday's summit, pro-democracy advocates and organizations urged ASEAN to take a stronger stand. "This is not an internal matter for Myanmar but a major human rights and humanitarian crisis which is impacting the entire region and beyond," said Emerlynne Gil of Amnesty International ahead of Saturday's summit. Myanmar's deposed ambassador to the United Nations, Kyaw Moe Tun, who drew international praise for denouncing the coup in a remarkable speech before the U.N. General Assembly in February, pleaded with ASEAN to prioritize civilians. "Whatever the decision made by the leaders of the ASEAN, they should take into account the saving lives of innocent civilians in Myanmar and providing humanitarian assistance to the people in need," Kyaw Moe Tun said in an interview with Al-Jazeera ahead of Saturday's summit. In Myanmar, protests have mostly quieted in recent weeks due to the crackdowns. According to The Associated Press, some 150 protesters gathered Friday in Yangon, Myanmar's largest city, but dispersed quickly when police arrived..."
Source/publisher: National Public Radio (Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
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Title: ‘We want democracy back’: Despite hardships, Yangon’s urban poor vow to fight on
Sub-title: Working class communities may have been among the hardest hit by the coup, but despite their struggles many remain determined to see the military overthrown.
Description: "Among the wood, bamboo and tin homes that sprawl over several acres in one of Shwepyithar Township’s largest slums, Ko Kyaw Thu Htet begins to weep silently as he contemplates life under a military dictatorship. “Many lives have been sacrificed, including innocent children,” he says. “The democracy that we want is very expensive – we have to sacrifice a lot to get it.” Kyaw Thu Htet has seen this sacrifice first-hand. The 24-year-old bricklayer has been a regular member of frontline protest teams in the northern Yangon township since shortly after the coup, and on March 3 security forces shot and killed a man in his 30s standing near him. The death occurred during a confrontation with police and soldiers outside Sein Gay Har shopping centre in Hlaing Township; Kyaw Thu Htet was one of 128 people arrested that day. Despite initially facing a charge of incitement under section 505(a) of the Penal Code, he was released on March 24, together with 97 others arrested three weeks earlier. The arrest didn’t deter him. Shortly after returning home, Kyaw Thu Htet and his wife, a 24-year-old garment worker, immediately re-joined the protests, stopping only when it became impossible to evade the growing number of police and soldiers on the streets. Kyaw Thu Htet has vowed not to return to work until the revolution succeeds. For now, he’s relying on his wife and his father, who is also a bricklayer, in order to eat. Life is much more difficult, but Kyaw Thu Htet said he would dedicate every waking hour of his remaining life to the protest movement. “We just want to get democracy back. We hate the military dictator,” he told Frontier, referring to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. From Shwepyithar to Hlaing Tharyar, North Okkalapa to South Dagon, Yangon’s working-class neighbourhoods have been among the most resistant to military rule. Scores have been killed, with security forces deploying battlefield weapons to subdue street-level opposition. Since mid-March, these industrial townships have been under martial law, with a stricter curfew than elsewhere in the city and many criminal cases heard at military tribunals. These townships have also been among the most affected by the economic fallout from the February 1 coup, which prompted the World Bank to last month downgrade its forecast for Myanmar’s economy in 2020-21 to a 10 percent contraction. Others are warning of a contraction as large as 20pc, and possible economic collapse. Many households in these areas were already struggling due to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, after the National League for Democracy government ordered two stringent lockdowns last year. “With savings already drained, many poor households have been forced to reduce consumption to cope,” the World Bank warned. Combined with “existing welfare challenges”, the impact of the coup would “likely result in a sharp increase in poverty, heightened food security risks, and deeper destitution for those already poor”. Since mid-March, hundreds of thousands of migrant workers have left Yangon due to lack of work and security concerns, returning to rural areas where there are very few jobs and they are reliant on the support of relatives. Much of this economic fallout has been self-imposed, in an effort to deny legitimacy and revenue to the junta. The Civil Disobedience Movement has shuttered banks and disrupted trade, while street protests have prompted many businesses to lock their doors. The closure of government facilities, particularly healthcare, has also disproportionately affected the poor. Frontier spoke to a number of people living on the outskirts of Yangon, who before the coup typically worked in insecure, low-paid jobs. Despite the hardship they faced, they said their support for the revolution remained undiminished, and they lay the blame for the economic crisis squarely on the military for illegally toppling the NLD government. Ma Hla Witt Yee, 25, lives with her husband and their four-year-old son in Nya ward of Shwepyithar. They run a small business making pillows using leftovers from the township’s many factories. Hla Witt Yee said that even at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, sales were not as slow as they have been post-coup. Previously, they could bring in about K50,000 a day – about a third of which was profit – but that figure has dropped to K10,000 since February, the couple said. Like other interviewees, Hla Witt Yee said her financial problems could only be resolved through a political solution to the country’s crisis – for her, that means the release of detained NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the end of military rule. “We’re not just hoping for our business to recover,” she said. “No matter what happens, if the country remains under the military, our desire for democracy will not change.” Hla Witt Yee’s cousin, Ma Thiri Mon, 24, also works in the pillow-making business in Shwepyithar. A single mother, she lives there with her brothers and now her parents, who moved in after the coup because of their own financial difficulties. Like her cousin, Thiri Mon is also facing economic disaster and had been unable to pay the interest on a debt owed to a moneylender since before the coup. But Thiri Mon said she was more concerned about the impact military rule would have on her daughter and future generations. “Our children’s education has already been delayed because of COVID-19,” she said, referring to the year-long closure of schools due to the pandemic. “I’m very concerned for my child’s future.” She said children could only thrive in a democracy, where they have access to information and freedom of expression. “If not, they won’t be able to express what they believe,” she said. Many have made sacrifices to contribute to the resistance. They include a 42-year-old woman, also from Shwepyithar, who requested anonymity due to fears for her safety. A single mother and a businesswoman, before the coup she lived in a large, comfortable two-storey home. Shortly after the military takeover she got involved in the anti-coup movement, not only joining protests but also providing cash and in-kind support to demonstrators and striking workers. She was arrested in Tarmwe Township on March 3 during a large-scale crackdown on protesters and sent to Insein Prison in northern Yangon. Since her release three weeks later, she has moved to a slum in Shwepyithar, where she has resolved to live and support grassroots communities until the revolution prevails. “Do you know why I’m so determined? Only when we win will those arrested be able to go back home. Most of them are from the working class,” she said. “Wealthier people are more afraid than grassroots workers … most of those who are really willing to make sacrifices for democracy are from the grassroots.” Across the Hlaing River from Shwepyithar, the industrial suburb of Hlaing Tharyar has seen many of its factories close temporarily or permanently since the coup, due to lack of orders, raw materials or workers. Several Chinese-run and other foreign-owned factories were also set alight shortly after security forces massacred more than 50 people in the township in March. About two-thirds of its residents, many of whom are first-generation migrants to Yangon, have since left for other parts of the country, according to labour rights groups and residents. Those who remain face a struggle to survive. Ma Thin Thin Aye, 35, a resident of Hlaing Tharyar’s 20 ward, gave birth to her third child a few days after the coup. A former leader of a local labour movement, she was unable to join the resistance because she was looking after her young daughter. In November she left her job at a garment factory in Mingaladon Township to open a tailor shop at her home because she wanted to run her own business. Until February, she earned a healthy income of about K300,000 per month sewing dresses, but now brings in just K50,000. Her husband, a construction worker earning a daily wage, has also struggled to find work since the coup. The couple spend K60,000 per month on rent, leaving them little to get by on each month. But unlike many of her neighbours, Thin Thin Aye has stayed in Yangon because, she said, life would be even more difficult in her Ayeyarwady delta hometown of Mawlamyinegyun. “If we go back there, our lives will be worse than they are now because we won’t have any income. We just wish to get back Mother Suu. We’ll only be able to live peacefully when we get her back,” she said. Although some tentative signs of an economic recovery are evident, Ko San Yu Maung, the general secretary of Action Labour Rights, said the factories that had reopened were operating well below their full capacity. “Since the military coup, people have found it really hard to earn a living. They are all in a state of fear. They go to work today despite feeling under threat from security forces because if they don’t work, they won’t have any money for food tomorrow,” he said. Business owners, too, have been badly affected. One small business owner from South Dagon Township, who is also a member of local resistance group the South Dagon People’s Guards, said that prior to the coup he had been hoping to expand his business, but the military takeover had crushed these plans. Instead, he’s been forced to lay off his workers temporarily. “I sent all my employees back to their villages,” said the man, who didn’t want to reveal the type of business. He said his business – and the economy more broadly – would only recover when the political situation improves. “Politics is the foundation of a country. Without a good and stable foundation, everything will suffer – not just the economy, but also thinks like education and healthcare,” he said. “So we just have to survive as best we can for now – we can’t expect a good economy until we are successful [in gaining democracy].” Ma Zin Mar Win, 22, is another migrant worker who has remained in Yangon. She’s managed to keep hold of her job in a factory in South Dagon that processes preserved fruit. She works there with her two sisters, aged 24 and 28, to support a young brother and their mother. The family is originally from Pyapon in Ayeyarwady Region, about 125 kilometres southwest of Yangon, and moved to the commercial capital six years ago in search of work. Until the coup, they had been slowly but gradually building a better future for themselves, putting away some of the K600,000 they earn each month so they could one day buy their own home. But the periodic closures of the factory since February 1, either due to a lack of raw materials at the factory or difficulties reaching their workplace, mean the sisters now only take home about K400,000 a month. Although this is enough to survive on, Zin Mar Win said the coup had robbed them of a better future. “We were trying to improve our lives, but how we can do that in this situation?” Safety is a major concern in these outlying townships. Residents are scared of the security forces, and some days there’s either no transport available to take them to the factory or they are too afraid to make the journey. Zin Mar Win said she fears every day for herself and her family. “We’re not safe during the day or at night because they [security forces] are shooting recklessly. We’re terrified of being hit, whether at home, on the street or at work,” she said. “We want to get back the peace we once had.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
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Title: ‘Will the killings stop?’ Demands for Asean to ensure Myanmar honours pledge to end violence
Sub-title: Asean says consensus with junta was ‘beyond expectations’, but there is no timeline or explicit commitment to stop violence
Description: "Human Rights Watch has told south-east Asian leaders not to “pat themselves on the back” for getting Myanmar’s military rulers to agree to end deadly violence, saying a consensus reached by Asean lacks specifics and makes no mention of freeing political prisoners. Nearly 750 protesters have been killed since the military seized power in a 1 February coup. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations announced after a summit on Saturday that the head of Myanmar’s junta had agreed to stop the violence. The Malaysian prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, who attended the meeting, said the outcome was “beyond our expectation”. But Phil Robertson of Human Rights Watch said: “Asean cannot paper over the fact that there is no agreement for the Myanmar junta to release the more than 3,330 political prisoners currently in detention in the country, including senior political figures who presumably would be involved in any negotiated solution to the crisis,” he said. “Not only were the representatives of the Myanmar people not invited to the Jakarta meeting but they also got left out of the consensus that Asean is now patting itself on the back for reaching.” Robertson said Asean had to ensure the agreement was honoured, and called for further sanctions against the junta leaders. “The lack of a clear timeline for action, and Asean’s well known weakness in implementing the decisions and plans that it issues, are real concerns that no one should overlook,” he said. A statement released by Asean – whose meeting marked the first concerted international effort to find a resolution to the crisis – said it was agreed there should be constructive dialogue and an immediate end to violence. The group would also provide humanitarian assistance, and a special envoy would be appointed to meet with all concerned parties. On Saturday, as Myanmar’s military leader Min Aung Hlaing attended the meeting in Jakarta, soldiers and police fired on protesters near Myanmar’s capital, Naypyidaw, according to reports by Agence France-Presse. One 50-year-old protester was held by the police and shot dead by a soldier, an eyewitness told the news agency. Tom Andrews, UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said he was anxious to work with Asean’s special envoy and monitor the results of the summit. “The result of the Asean summit will be found in Myanmar, not a document,” he said. “Will the killing stop? Will the terrorising of neighbourhoods end? Will the thousands abducted be released? Will impunity persist?” Charles Santiago, head of the Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights group, also stressed the need to ensure the commitments were implemented urgently. “How willing Asean is in responding seriously to the Myanmar crisis is dependent on them holding Min Aung Hlaing to account, ensuring he does not take them for a ride, and delivers on the agreed points. We must not see a scenario where Min Aung Hlaing endlessly delays action, or controls who they talk to and deliver aid to,” said Santiago. Asean’s decision to invite Min Aung Hlaing to its meeting in Jakarta attracted criticism from Burmese activists and rights experts, who said it risked legitimising the coup. Since seizing power on 1 February the junta has killed 748 civilians, according to an advocacy group, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma. This includes dozens of children. At least 3,389 people are currently in detention or have been sentenced, including Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party won the November election in a landslide victory. “We tried not to accuse his side too much because we don’t care who’s causing it,” Muhyiddin said of the junta chief, according to reports by Reuters. “We just stressed that the violence must stop. For him, it’s the other side that’s causing the problems. But he agreed that violence must stop.” Dr Sasa, spokesman for Myanmar’s national unity government, which was set up by pro-democracy politicians and includes elected officials who have been detained, said he welcomed the agreement, adding: “We look forward to firm action by Asean to follow up its decisions and to restore our democracy and freedom for our people and for the region.” Military-controlled Myawaddy TV reported Min Aung Hlaing had attended the meeting, and said Myanmar would closely cooperate with Asean on various issues, including “the political transition in Myanmar, and the process that will be implemented in the future”. The leaders of Indonesia, Vietnam, Singapore, Malaysia, Cambodia and Brunei were present at the meeting, along with the foreign ministers of Laos, Thailand and the Philippines..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
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Title: Dr. Tayzar San: ”ALL I OWN IS BOOKS" - ဒေါက်တာတေဇာဆန်း: “ကျွန်တော်ပိုင်ဆိုင် သမျှက စာအုပ်တွေပါ”
Description: "This evening I got information that the apartment in Mandalay in which I used to live has been raided twice by a group of soldiers, policemen, and plainclothes agents. Some sources said that it was already third time. They've known the exact address of this apartment for a while. They broke down the locked door and destroyed the whole apartment. Before destroying it, they took everything they could in small bags like termite ants. There was nothing of value there. I regret only books being destroyed. It took me time to stock them and some have been beautiful. Luckily, few favorite ones are on other place. Hopefully they will survive, for better days. I do not understand why they destroyed books and other small things in the apartment. Most of the stuff in the apartment is not my property. Actually, all I own is books. My sister's guitar is among things they stole from the apartment. How is the guitar related to the revolution against the dictatorship I'm doing? Hard to grasp. Actually, what we called "army" is a thief and a robber gang. How sad it would be for the General Aung San, the founder of the Tatmadaw army, if only he would found out that his child has become robber gang. General Aung San requested from the army to be the “Mother and Father of the People”. Would he now reverse that motto? This Burmese (Bama) army is the killer of the people. Actually, Tatmadaw has been been a big gang of thieves and robbers for years. Over 70 years similar crimes have been committed on regular basis in other non-Bama ethnic regions where Tatmadaw’s war against civilians never stopped. We the Bama, majority ethnic people have a clear view of the inner workings of this murderous and robbery army during the current 2021 Spring Revolution. We are experiencing it first-hand and in front of our own eyes. It is now becoming obvious to everybody in the country who is the common enemy. Who is the main obstacle to the establishment of a peaceful and prosperous federal democracy. It is in a plain sight that the only obstacle for the peace and prosperity in our country is a terrorist military regime. Clarity of this fact is the biggest gain in our current revolution.....ဒီနေ့ ညနေနဲ့ ညဦးပိုင်းမှာ မန်းလေးက ကျနော် နေခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ တိုက်ခန်းလေးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်ပါးစေ စစ်သား၊ ရဲ၊ အရပ်ဝတ်အစုံ အင်အားအလုံးအရင်းနဲ့ နှစ်ကြိမ် လာသွားတယ်လို့ ကြားသိရပါတယ်။ အချို့သတင်းတွေကလည်း သုံးကြိမ်လို့ ဆိုပါတယ်။ ဒီတိုက်ခန်း‌လေး လိပ်စာအတိအကျကို သူတို့သိထားတာ ကြာပါပြီ။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလလယ်လောက်ကတည်းက မန်းလေးမြို့လူထုက စရဖလို့ ယူဆရသူတစ်ယောက်ကို ကျနော့်အိမ်လိပ်စာပါတဲ့ စာရွက်ကလေးနဲ့အတူ လက်ပူးလက်ကြပ် မိထားဖူးပါတယ်။ ဒါ့ကြောင့် အဲ့ဒီမှာ ဘယ်သူမျှ မနေတော့တာလည်း ကြာလှပါပြီ။ ကျနော့်အတွက် အရေးကြီးပစ္စည်းလည်း အဲ့ဒီမှာ ဘာမျှ မထား၊ မရှိ‌ပါဘူး။ သူတို့က သော့ခတ်ထားတဲ့ တိုက်ခန်းတံခါးကို ဖျက်ဖွင့်ပြီး တစ်အိမ်လုံး မွေနှောက်ဖျက်ဆီးသွားကြပြီး တွေ့သမျှ တန်ဖိုးရှိ၊ မရှိ၊ ဘာသောညာသောမရွေး အကုန်လုံးကို အိတ်ကြီးအိတ်ငယ် အသွယ်သွယ်နဲ့ အဓမ္မ ယူဆောင်သွားကြလေသတည်း။ ပစ္စည်းသင်္ခါရ လူသင်္ခါရသဘောပေမို့ ကျန်တာ‌တွေတော့ သိပ်မနှမြောပါဘူး၊ စာအုပ်တွေတော့ နှမြောလှတယ်ဗျာ။ ကို့ယ်အကြိုက် လက်ရွေးစင်လေးတွေချည်း အိမ်မှာ စုသိမ်းထားတာမို့ပါ။) သူရို့က ကျနော့်ကို ရဲစခန်းပေါင်း‌များစွာမှာ စွဲဆိုထားတဲ့ ပုဒ်ထီးပုဒ်မတွေရှိတယ်လို့တော့ ကြားသိပါရဲ့။ ဒါပေသိ၊ ဒီစာအုပ်‌တွေ၊ အခြားပစ္စည်းတွေကို အဓမ္မလုယူသိမ်းဆည်းရတဲ့ အကြောင်းရင်းကို ကျနော့်တော့ ဉာဏ်မမှီ၊ စဉ်းစားလို့ မရပါ။ အဲ့တိုက်ခန်းမှာ ရှိတဲ့ပစ္စည်းတွေကလည်း အကုန်လုံးက ကျနော့်ဥစ္စာပစ္စည်း မဟုတ်။ ကျနော် ပိုင်ဆိုင်တာက စာအုပ်တွေပဲ ရှိတာ။ သူရို့ အိမ်က သိမ်းယူသွားတဲ့ ပစ္စည်း‌တွေထဲမှာ ကျနော့်နှမတစ်ဦးရဲ့ ဂစ်တာလေးဝောာင် ပါသွားသေးပါသတဲ့။ ကျနော်လုပ်နေတဲ့ အာဏာရှင်တော်လှန်ရေးနဲ့ ဒီဂစ်တာ‌လေးနဲ့က ဘယ်လိုများ ပတ်သတ်တာပါလိမ့်၊ ဆန်းကြယ်လှပါဘိတောင်း။ အိမ်း၊ “တပ်မတော်” လည်း သူခိုး၊ ဓားပြဂိုဏ်းအကြီးစားကြီး လုံးလုံး ဖြစ်နေပါပေါ့လား။ တပ်မတော်ကို စတင်တည်ထောင်ခဲ့သူ ဗိုလ်တေဇ (ဗိုလ်ချုပ်အောင်ဆန်း) သာ ဒီအကြောင်းတွေ သိမယ်ဆို ဘယ်လောက် စိတ်မကောင်း၊ ဝမ်းနည်းဖြစ်နေမယ်မသိဘူး။ သူ့ပြည်သူတွေအတွက် သူရင်နာလို့ ဆုံးရှာမှာ မဟုတ်ဘူး။ တပ်မတော်အတွက် ဗိုလ်တေဇာမှာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားက “ပြည်သူသာ အမိ၊ ပြည်သူသာ အဖ” တဲ့။ အခုတော့ သူရို့က ဒီဆောင်ပုဒ်ကို ပြောင်းပြန်လုပ်ထားပါပေါ့လား။ တကယ်တော့ ဒီ ဗမာ (မြန်မာ) စစ်တပ်ဟာ သူသတ်၊ သူခိုး၊ ဓားပြအုပ်စုအကြီးစားကြီး ဖြစ်နေတာ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ ကြာခဲ့ပါပြီ။ အထူးသဖြင့် ဗမာမဟုတ်တဲ့ ကျန်တိုင်းရင်းသား လူမျိုးတွေဒေသတွေ၊ ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ဖြစ်ပွားရာဒေသတွေမှာ ဒီလိုမျိုး ရာဇဝတ်မှုပေါင်းများစွာကို နေ့စဉ်နဲ့အမျှ၊ အချိန်နဲ့အမျှ ကျူးလွန်လာတာ နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကျော် ကြာခဲ့ပါပြီ။ “ကျောချမှ ဓားပြမှန်း သိ” ဆိုသလို ကျနော်တို့ ဗမာတိုင်းရင်းသားတွေကတော့ ဒီစစ်တပ်ရဲ့ အတွင်းသရုပ်မှန်ကို အခု ၂၀၂၁ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကြီးမှာ ကွက်ကွက်ကွင်းကွင်း၊ ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း၊ မျက်မြင်ကိုယ်တွေ့ သိရှိခံစားလိုက်ကြရတာပါပဲ။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းပြီး သာယာဝပြောတဲ့ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်တစ်ရပ်ကို တည်ထောင်ဖို့ အဓိကအနှောက်အယှက်ပေးနေတဲ့ ဘုံရန်သူဟာ ဒီအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုပဲဆိုတာ လယ်ပြင်မှာ ဆင်သွားသလို့ (ဗမာတွေကိုယ်တိုင်က) ထင်ထင်ရှားရှား သိမြင်သွားကြတာပေါ့ဗျာ။ ဒါသည်ပင်လျှင် တော်လှန်ရေးထဲက အမြတ်ကြီးတစ်ခုလို့ ကျနော်ကတော့ ခံယူမိပါတယ်။ အဖိနှိပ်ခံ ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး သွေးစည်းကြလော့။ ဘုံရန်သူကို တိုက်ခိုက်ကြလော့။ ဘုံပန်းတိုင်ကို ရှေးရှုကြလော့။..."
Source/publisher: Tayzar San via Igor Blazevic
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-23
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 23 April, (745) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (6) fallen hero today. These (6) heroes from Mogok Town in Mandalay Region and Pakokku Town in Magwe Region were killed on previous days but documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 22, a total of (3371) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1118 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Nowadays in Burma the terrorists are brutally assaulting anyone who stands against the junta. Women are not spared against the brutality. Females are being systematically tortured, (physically and mentally) sexually assaulted with intent. A 17 year old girl who was released from Shwe Pyi Thar interrogation center, Sanchaung Township, Yangon, said so-called police from no.24 police station verbally assaulted and touched her inappropriately on shoulder then threatened her with his gun. Two other women detained at the same interrogation center in relation to the bombings from Yankin Township where also brutally beaten. One of these women was treated worse and assaulted with a metal pipe. The so-called police sat on her shoulder, pulling her hair, hitting her female organs, she was not given medical treatment. These crimes are a clear violation of human rights, the terrorist group is cruelly torturing women. The junta is not using female officers but mostly male soldiers during questioning. After torture they are not given adequate medical treatment, putting their life at risk even further. The junta is putting the mental and physical security of the female arbitrarily detained at risk of sexual assault at any time. It is creating a climate of fear, sexual assault could happen at any time at these male-only interrogation centers Burma has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Dictrimaton Against Women (CEDAW). It is an international tragedy that these violations are happening inside Burma. The UN Women Organization, human rights groups, including the international community must not ignore us. They should take immediate and stern action for violating CEDAW and protect all women in Burma. In Bago Region, Pantaung Police Station was set on fire. On 22 April early morning, the junta arrested a 2-year old child, his father and grandfather. So-called police tortured the father and grandfather in front of the 2-year old child, forced to confess to the arson. After this forced confession, the mother came to collect the 2-year old. The mother was then arrested as a conspirator. Some local villagers were also detained and forced to confess through beatings in interrogations. On 22 April, in Tamu City, Sagaing Region, a male employee of Kanbawza Bank was followed by the junta. When they found 4 walkie talkies in his hut, they brutally beat him to the face, broke his wrist, so that his bone was showing, and lost excessive amounts of blood. He was told to only wear underwear while they threatened him with his life. Now the terrorist group is torturing and committing increasingly brutal violence, children are not safe, they can be taken as hostages. The junta is trying to break our dignity through violations of human rights, with no rule of law. They commit criminal acts. All civilians including children, women, and the elderly, could be detained. Civilians are helpless, there is no security inside Burma. These are the conditions of life inside Burma under the junta. Early morning April 23, Kayah State, Loikaw Township, Shan Ward, the junta crackdown on a dawn protest, one man who was running away had to jump into the stream and is currently missing. On April 23 there was also a gunfire clash in Magway region, in Thayet Township, between the terrorists and the people. The coup leader will attend the 24 April summit. The National Union Government (NUG) has informed Interpol to arrest the coup leader. To bring the continued brutality by this junta to an end, the international community must take immediate action to arrest the terrorist leader. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-23
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Title: ‘The military is hunting us’: volunteer medics in the crosshairs
Sub-title: With bullets, beatings and arrests, the junta is trying to scare volunteer rescue workers from treating its victims, and are breaking international humanitarian law to do it, charity groups say.
Description: "When the three-member team of volunteers from Mandalay’s Payaheta Darri charity rescue service arrived, the found they couldn’t get their ambulance close enough to get the 18-year-old victim onto a stretcher and wheeled to safety. Friends had brought the teenager, who had been shot in the back, inside a home on 76th Street between 34th and 35th streets in in the city’s central Chan Aye Thar Zan Township. With security forces continuously firing live rounds. The closest the ambulance could get was about three blocks down 34th Street. Ko Htet Myat, 21, a volunteer with Payaheta Darri since the group’s founding in 2015, set out on foot. He moved cautiously past young protesters huddled behind sandbag barricades and woven bamboo strips, turning onto 76th Street, which he described as a “battlefield”. Inside the home, he pulled the victim onto his back, the teenager’s arms slung over Htet Myat’s shoulders. Htet Myat slouched forward and began making his way back to the ambulance. On 76th Street three bullets whizzed by – the last terrifying close to his head – before he turned back down 34th. He finally loaded the teen into the ambulance and took him to a nearby hospital. It was about 1pm on March 27. At about the same time, in Nay Pyi Taw, strutting columns of garlanded troops paraded before junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to mark the 76th anniversary of Armed Forces Day. Meanwhile, throughout Myanmar that day, forces under Min Aung Hlaing’s command killed more than 100 civilians in crackdowns on protests. Htet Myat is among thousands of volunteer ambulance and rescue workers in Myanmar, who are increasingly being targeted by the junta with both bullets and the law. Earlier that morning, outside of a branch of state-owned Myanma Economic Bank, junta soldiers fired several shots at his ambulance as it took another gunshot victim to a hospital. Since the crackdowns began, there have been at least 28 attacks on hospitals and health workers, according to the United Nations, which has condemned the junta’s deliberate targeting of rescue workers and their vehicles. “Attacks against health volunteers and against ambulances are preventing life-saving help from reaching civilians wounded by security forces,” UN spokesperson Mr Stéphane Dujarric told reporters in New York on April 6. The junta has raided the offices of several charity organisations doing rescue work, and the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners says that at least 18 medical volunteers have been arrested, charged or sentenced for attempting to save lives. Most of the organisations are small, local entities working independently, but even volunteers for the large, government-affiliated Myanmar Red Cross Society have been injured and arrested, with some of them still in custody. MRCS general secretary Dr Htin Zaw Soe said that Geneva Conventions signed by Myanmar in 1949 recognise volunteers and vehicles bearing the Red Cross flag and logo as symbols of protection, making it a violation of international humanitarian law to target them. “They [security forces] may not be aware of this [law],” he said. “We plan to raise awareness among the public so this is more widely known.” For Htet Myat in Mandalay, the moral calculus is clear without bringing in international humanitarian law. “It is just inhumane of them [the security forces] to prevent us from helping the injured,” he told Frontier. “If protesters have been shot and badly injured, the junta’s security forces should allow us to retrieve them [and] save people’s lives.” ‘There is no guarantee for our safety’ The targeting of rescue workers did not begin with the Armed Forces Day slaughter. One of Payaheta Darri’s four ambulances was shot 15 times while parked outside the team’s office in Mandalay’s Chan Aye Thar Zan Township on the night of February 17. U Ye Myint Win, aka Nickey Diamond, a Myanmar human rights specialist with the international watchdog group Fortify Rights, believes the junta considers the charity groups to be anti-coup partisans. “The military junta assumes these charity groups support the protesters, and that is why they are also cracking down on them,” he said. “One of their objectives is to prevent injured protesters from being rescued and treated.” On February 28, junta forces beat two Red Cross volunteers as they were administering first-aid to injured protesters in Mandalay’s Chan Mya Tharzi Township, and damaged two of their ambulances. The day before, three other volunteers from the Pakkoku branch of the Red Cross in Magway Region were arrested while providing aid. Htin Zaw Soe said the organisation does not know why the arrests were made or if the volunteers have been charged with a crime, but that they are still in custody. It is lobbying local police for their release. In Mandalay, at least 26 members of the Payaheta Darri and Payaheta Min Khaung charity rescue groups, including two medical doctors and one nurse, were arrested and taken to Obo Prison for treating injured protesters on March 27, then charged with incitement under section 505-A of the Penal Code, according to an official with Payaheta Min Khaung. Also among the arrested was the Payaheta Darri team leader, a spokesperson told Frontier, adding that the group has since suspended its service “due to insecurity”. In Yangon, the highly-respected Free Funeral Service Society has suspended all operations since March 4, after security forces launched a midnight raid on its North Okkalapa Township office. During the raid, security forces brutally assaulted staff and volunteers, leaving at least three injured, and seized computers and other equipment, though they made no arrests. Two days prior to the raid, FFSS chair U Kyaw Thu had gone into hiding. Hours after the office was raided, the junta charged him in absentia with incitement under section 505-A of the Penal Code, which carries a maximum three-year year sentence. Daw Myint Myint Khin Pe, FFSS finance officer and Kyaw Thu’s wife, was charged with incitement on February 25, after the society voiced support for the Civil Disobedience Movement and pledged not to assist police or military personnel with medical or funeral service, according to a March 4 broadcast on state news. Military-run media has also accused the couple of “misusing” donations, including raising more than K316 million in donations for CDM participants between February 10 and March 3, and of distributing to about 2,000 CDM participants between K100,000 and K200,000 each. “All of our staff are now in hiding,” an FFSS employee who asked not to be named told Frontier on April 2. “The military is hunting us.” On March 3, CCTV footage that was shared on Facebook captured security forces savagely beating three male volunteers with the Mon Myat Sate Htar rescue charity who had been detained that day by security forces in Yangon’s North Okkalapa Township, where the group is based. The AAPP says a fourth was also detained, but was separated and harassed before the camera began rolling. The three volunteers in the video, clad in construction hard hats, are forced to kneel before being kicked in the head and beaten with batons and rifle butts by police, who had also shot out the windows of their ambulance. All four suffered injuries and were reportedly treated at Insein Prison, where they were detained for several weeks. The AAPP says they were also slapped with 505-A charges, but Mon Myat Sate Htar could not confirm this, and they were all released on March 24. After their release, all four returned as volunteers to the frontlines of demonstrations. But Mon Myat Sate Htar president U Hla Kyaing said he fears the incident will deter others from volunteering as the need increases. U Zin Moe, vice president of the Mawlamyine Rescue Organisation, said volunteers were being forced to gamble with their own lives. “We want to help people, but there is no guarantee for our safety,” he said. On April 2, in the Mon State capital, soldiers and police dragged three volunteers from an MRO ambulance that had been called to assist people injured in a motorcycle accident at around 7pm. Police interrogated and humiliated the three on the street, though they made no arrests that night, Zin Moe said, adding that the nationwide 8pm-to-4am curfew in place since February has made it impossible to operate rescue services at night. The curfew has no medical exceptions, he said. ‘The injured just piled up’ The deadly consequences of the security forces’ targeting of medical workers was on full display during the April 9 mass slaughter in the city of Bago, where many victims died from excess blood loss after the military prevented rescue workers from getting to them. That day, police and soldiers reportedly killed more than 80 people. An official from a Bago rescue group who requested anonymity told Frontier that nearly every rescue group in the city was unable to tend to the wounded because of an unending torrent of junta gunfire. “The injured just piled up,” he said. “Even nearby residents couldn’t get to them. We wanted to save them, but our teams couldn’t run straight into a barrage of gunfire. The UN issued a statement the following day condemning the crackdown. “The UN in Myanmar is following continued escalation of violence in Bago with reports of heavy artillery being used against civilians and medical treatment being denied to the injured,” it said. “We call on the security forces to allow medical teams to treat the wounded.” Among the dead was at least one medical worker. U Thiha, a volunteer from the Pyae Wa charity group, was killed in Bago’s Ponna Su ward while helping to arrange a funeral when security forces arrived and opened fire. Witnesses told Thiha’s mother, Daw Yamin Oo, 52, that the 32-year-old was shot in the thigh as he tried to flee by scaling a wall. After he fell, soldiers approached and savagely beat him. Ponna Su residents told Frontier they later saw Thiha being dragged behind a police motorbike through the rock-strewn streets, screaming at first until his body became limp. “When I saw my son’s dead body, his head was dented and his chest was also bruised, and there was no skin at all below his knees,” Yamin Oo told Frontier. “How inhuman!” she said, going momentarily silent before breaking into a wail and calling out her son’s name. Ye Myint Win from Fortify Rights believes the savagery of such attacks is meant to send a message to protesters. “They want to instill fear in the people, so protesters know they will be helpless if they are shot or injured,” he said. Yamin Oo offered a similar, if more pointed, assessment of an institution whose power depends on fear. “My son was brutally murdered,” she said. “Soldiers and police are not security forces who protect the public – they are terrorists!”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-23
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 22 April, (739) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 22, a total of (3370) people are currently under detention; of them (76) are sentenced. 1099 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people across Burma continued to protest the dictatorship. In Myingyan, Mandalay Region on April 22, the main strike was fired upon by the junta forces. The terrorists then detained protestors in Myingyan Town. Last night in Chanmyathazi Township, Mandalay Region a 14 year-old girl and a man were shot and injured in the neighborhood for no reason. Reports of the junta reportedly calming down on crackdowns. Is nothing of the sort. The junta has continued to repressively try to shut down the internet across the country, and in rural areas where information is now especially difficult to ascertain and document, the junta’s violence is continuing at its normal brutality. This is most likely because of the upcoming ASEAN summit on 24 April, it wants to avoid condemnation and accountability and so is moderating its violence and terror in the more easy to document urban areas. Terrorist groups continue to arrest political party members, student activists, striking CDM workers, and youth protesters. Warrants are increasing, the junta is putting any and everyone who is against this junta on this list. In Magwe Region, over 100 CDM oil workers were threatened by the junta into returning back to work. If they did not return to work on April 22 they will be charged under 505(a) of the Penal Code. 2 private hospitals (Sein Thitsar and Sawn Metta) in Bhamo City, Kachin State were threatened by the junta if the 4 doctors involved in CDM give medical treatment there, then the hospital’s license would be revoked. Through the propaganda media MRTV, the junta said doctors will be prosecuted. On April 20 evening two CDM teachers from Hpa-An Township were detained in a village they were hiding in. The junta is changing tactics, the terrorists are threatening civilians and civil servants because they realise they cannot govern the country. Civil servants from many and various departments are now being detained, just as the junta is also increasingly issuing arrest warrants. Just like in the 2007 Saffron Revolution, the terrorists are violently arresting monks to maintain power. In Mandalay Region, Mogok, Sayadaw U Yewata (former chairman of ABSFU, formerly called Ye Yint Paing) from Yepu Monastery was beaten and detained last night. Journalists are now being charged under different sections of the law. In Ayeyarwady Region, a freelance journalist from Myaungmya was arrested last night. In addition, from yesterday the Monywa Gazette announced on their website they will stop operating. The terrorist group is trying to shut down the internet to hide the evidence of their atrocities, again. Information is being suppressed, and yet the media continues to work hard and document the truth to inform Burma’s people. Last night in Monywa Township, no.3 light infantry battalion chased 3 petrol trucks who passed them by, one driver was shot dead. After 6pm in Mon State, Billin and Thaton Township, the so-called police and military were shooting at anyone who passed by their camps. Civilians are too frequently injured and killed in Burma nowadays, after nearly 3 months the people continue to endure atrocities. If this dictatorship gets stronger, democracy will disappear. We must end the history of dictatorships in Burma to ensure democracy and human rights for all. For this movement to succeed we must have internal strength but also more substantial international support. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 21 April, (739) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) hero from Myaung Township in Sagaing Region was killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 21, a total of (3331) people are currently under detention; of them (76) are sentenced. 1059 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On April 21, “Blue Shirt Day 2021”, in honour of the seventh anniversary of the death of prominent journalist U Win Tin, protesters in Burma and many and all people inside and outside of the country, wore a blue shirt to stand with all political prisoners still detained in Burma. Political prisoners, those disappeared and in-hiding continue to increase. The situation for those detainees, their access to court – medical treatment – and fair trial is deprived. On this Blue Shirt Campaign Day, AAPP urges the international community including ASEAN to take action to ensure immediate release of all the political prisoners in Burma again. Today, sound grenades and live ammunition was used against the Dawei Strike in Tanintharyi Region. Five people including a 16-years old student were beaten and arrested. Among the arrested five, one youth was reportedly injured by a bullet shot, emergency treatment for him is clearly needed. The junta makes people who peacefully oppose them into enemies. They don’t even give medical treatment, increasingly civilians are dying from this. A main strike in Launglon town, Tanintharyi Region was also crackdown on. Two motorbikes were reportedly stolen by the junta forces, but no confirmed arrests yet. Yesterday, 200 terrorist troops took a military base between Thee Kone village in Yinmar Pin Town and Kapine village in Sagaing Region. Local residents opposed to this troop base waged a defence clash in which five villagers were killed as initially reported, further confirmation is being investigated. The junta reportedly used drones to scout the villages before using heavy artillery. The terrorists raid houses and take people as hostages. On April 19, two NLD members of Kyaukse Township, Mandalay Region, were searched for in their homes. The two were evading arrest. So, the junta detained both of their eldery fathers (one of whom is visually impaired). A CDM teacher charged with Section 505(a) and evading arrest in Thanbyuzayat town in Mon State was searched for on April 19, three family members were found and taken as hostages. Such hostage taking is a serious crime committed by the junta to indoctrinate a climate of fear. The terrorists oppress in many ways, unarmed civilians defy this oppression in peaceful protests/CDM – to destroy the dictator’s governance. Several innocents have sacrificed their lives. The international community must take whatever action is necessary. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: Dirty Secrets #3: Min Aung Hlaing's daughter in secret deal with MYTEL
Description: "The daughter of Myanmar’s #1 international criminal has had substantial business dealings with military-controlled mobile operator Mytel, new leaked documents obtained by DDoSecrets show, in a serious conflict of interest. Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of the leader of illegal coup d'état Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, was still a shareholder in Pinnacle Asia, a company that built mobile phone towers for Mytel when her father staged the coup illegally on February 1. She only resigned from Pinnacle Asia on March 17 – just days after the US government imposed Treasury sanctions against her in response to the violent attacks on unarmed civilians who are against the murderous regime.....Mytel and Min Aung Hlaing: Mytel was created during the military’s proxy government, led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. The government’s 28% share is allocated to Star High. Star High was created by Myanmar Economic Corporation, a military conglomerate controlled by Min Aung Hlaing. Star High’s remit is seemingly to hold the military’s stake in Mytel. This creates a serious conflict of interest as Min Aung Hlaing's family is profiting access to state business. Min Aung Hlaing personally played a key role in the establishment of Mytel, leading numerous negotiations with the Vietnamese military and presiding over the launch.....Pinnacle and Mytel: Pinnacle Asia appears linked to Mytel from its first inception. Pinnacle Asia was established in 2016, the same year that the military was awarded shares in Myanmar’s fourth mobile operator Mytel. Pinnacle Asia then entered into business with Star High to build towers for Mytel and, according to a Linkedin profile, also has contracts with Ooredoo, another mobile phone company. Pinnacle Asia’s managing director is Sao Sawm Zai, an Australian citizen. A third director is Mya Myitzu. Sao Sawm Zai and Mya Myitzu are both directors of Pinnacle Myanmar, a Singapore registered company. Little information is available about the Singapore business, which had links to publicly listed firm Singaporean Myanmar Investco to establish a Jones the Grocer franchise in Myanmar. The deal was called off in 2018......Bank complicity: Yoma: The tower business that Khin Thiri Thet Mon owned until last month is financed by internationally exposed Myanmar banks. This raises human rights and corruption concerns for their shareholders. In February 2020, Yoma Bank, a Myanmar lender, issued a loan to Pinnacle Asia, guaranteed against a tower contract with Mytel. Khin Thiri Thet Mon signed the loan as a guarantor. The loan specified that revenue from Mytel is to be routed to Yoma Bank until the loan is repaid. The loan was authorised by both Star High and Telecom International Myanmar. This was followed by a second loan guaranteed against Mytel towers.....International shareholder exposure: Even though Yoma Bank was doing business with Min Aung Hlaing’s family and financed towers for Mytel, Norway’s Norfund and Singapore’s GIC invested in the bank. The equity purchase was announced in April 2020. In 2019, the International Finance Corporation, part of the World Bank, converted an earlier Yoma Bank loan to 5% equity in the bank. Norfund, GIC and IFC stand to profit from Yoma Bank’s business with Mytel and the family of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and are exposed to the corruption and human rights implications of these loans. In July 2020, crony bank AGD, owned by Tayza, announced a project finance agreement with Pinnacle Asia for an undisclosed amount to increase tower holdings to 400 by 2021. Tayza is a close associate of Than Shwe who built his business through the preferential treatment he receives as a result of his close and personal ties with the military. In August 2019, the UN Fact-Finding Mission concluded that the military’s economic interests enable their atrocity crimes. It recommended that “no business enterprise active in Myanmar or trading with or investing in businesses in Myanmar should enter into or remain in a business relationship of any kind with the security forces of Myanmar, in particular the Tatmadaw, or any enterprise owned or controlled by them” and cautioned against business with family members of the military, which can be linked to or support the military. Yoma Bank and AGD disregarded these recommendations.....Family business: Khin Thiri Thet Mon’s business with Mytel shows how Min Aung Hlaing’s family profits from access to state resources. Star High was awarded the government’s lucrative share in Mytel but, before the brutal and illegal coup de’ tat, was unaccountable to parliamentary scrutiny. Khin Thiri Thet Mon’s business with Star High and Mytel is a clear example of a conflict of interest that is seen across military cartel businesses. Since the coup, the military has been deliberately attacking and killed more than 700 people including 49 children. Youngest killed was seven years old girl, whom before being shot, was scared because her father and brother were beaten by police who broke into their house. They have been using lethal weapons with sole aim to kill and these amount to crimes against humanity. The military has carried out indiscriminate air strikes against ethnic Karen and Kachin peoples in recent days, part of ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity the Myanmar military has been committing against ethnic communities for decades. Min Aung Hlaing and the junta leadership, who are seeking to profit from the coup, must be held to account and perpetrators of these crimes must be prosecuted. Khin Thiri Thet Mon and other children of top military generals have long profited from the systemic corruption of the Myanmar military, at the expense of the people of Myanmar. As long as the military maintains power, this corruption will continue. Min Aung Hlaing’s family must be investigated for corruption and any stolen assets returned to the people of Myanmar. The cartel must be dismantled..." ‍
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: Introduction: Myanmar MediaHistorically and the Challengesof Transition
Description: "At the end of August 2018, as this book was about to go to press,the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) released its report summarizing the main findings and recommendations of its Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. Thereport outlines serious human rights violations and abuses in Kachin,Shan and Rakhine States. It recommends that six senior military figures be investigated for genocide against the Rohingya, including Myanmar’s armed forces commander-in-chief Senior General MinAung Hlaing, and that the case be taken up by the InternationalCriminal Court (ICC), or alternatively that an ad hoc internationalcriminal tribunal be created (Human Rights Council 2018). 1 The report notes that “The role of social media is significant. Facebook has been a useful instrument for those seeking to spread hate, in a contextwhere for most users Facebook is the internet. Although improved inrecent months, Facebook’s response has been slow and ineffective” Reproduced from Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change, edited by Lisa Brooten, Jane Madlyn McElhone and Gayathry Venkiteswaran (Singapore: ISEAS Ð Yusof IshakInstitute, 2019). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is notinfringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of ISEAS Publishing.Individual chapters are available at . 2 Brooten, McElhone and Venkiteswaran (p. 74). Facebook quickly responded to the report’s release byremoving the accounts of eighteen high-profile army figures in Myanmar, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and fifty-two Facebook pages, which had a combined total following of close totwelve million users (Facebook 2018).A few days later, two Reuters journalists, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, were sentenced to seven years in prison under the Official Secrets Act over accusations of holding secret government documentsthat they intended to share with international media and the ethnicarmed group Arakan Army (Sithu Aung Myint 2018). The two werearrested in December 2017 after investigating a massacre of Rohingyamen and boys in the coastal town of Inn Din in northern Rakhine State. After responding to a call from police officers, who met them in a restaurant and handed them documents, the journalists were arrestedfor having the documents in their possession. As they were beingtaken away from the court after the sentencing, Wa Lone was quotedas saying, “We know we did nothing wrong. I have no fear. I believein justice, democracy and freedom” (Shoon Naing and Aye Min Thant2018, ¶22). The arrest and subsequent sentencing were met with nationaland international condemnation, as was the rejection of their appealin early 2019. At a public protest to call for their release, organizer Ei Ei Moe, from the pro-democracy youth movement Generation Wave,described their jailing as “blocking the eyes and blinding the ears ofthe public” (Dunant and Su Myat Mon 2018, ¶15). These events underscore the complexities of Myanmar’s muchlauded “transition”. Celebrated early on for the release of imprisoned journalists and the end of pre-publication censorship, hopes forincreased freedom of expression and media freedom were tempered by the crackdown that followed. Much has happened in the mediasector since the controversial elections in 2010 organized by themilitary junta and boycotted by Aung San Suu Kyi and the NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD), including reforms to laws that hadrepressed the media for decades. Some argue that these changes area continuation of the military government’s Seven Step Roadmap toDisciplined Democracy, announced in 2003 (see the interview withThiha Saw, this volume; Lall 2016; Rogers 2012)..."
Source/publisher: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute (Singapore)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: ASEAN: Withdraw Invite to Myanmar Junta Leader
Sub-title: Southeast Asian Leaders Should Press for Return to Democratic Rule
Description: "The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should immediately withdraw its invitation to Myanmar’s junta leader, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, to attend its upcoming summit, Human Rights Watch said today. ASEAN has scheduled an emergency meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, on April 24, 2021, to discuss the crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN’s inclusion of Min Aung Hlaing lends unwarranted legitimacy to the junta’s State Administrative Council over Myanmar’s democratically elected government, which the military overthrew in a coup on February 1. Before and since the coup, the United States, United Kingdom, and European Union have imposed financial and travel sanctions on Min Aung Hlaing for his involvement in grave human rights violations as military commander-in-chief. “Min Aung Hlaing, who faces international sanctions for his role in military atrocities and the brutal crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, should not be welcomed at an intergovernmental gathering to address a crisis he created,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “ASEAN members should instead take this opportunity to impose targeted, economic sanctions on junta leaders and on businesses that fund the junta, and press the junta to release political detainees, end abuses, and restore the country’s democratically elected government.” On November 8, 2020, Myanmar’s voters overwhelmingly elected members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), headed by Aung San Suu Kyi, to the national parliament. The NLD secured 83 percent of the contested seats. Myanmar’s military, the Tatmadaw, claimed that the election was marred by massive fraud but has produced no credible evidence to substantiate that charge. Both domestic and international election monitoring organizations found the elections credible and rejected the Tatmadaw’s unsubstantiated claims. Myanmar’s generals refused to accept the massive electoral defeat of the military-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and acted to deprive Myanmar’s people of their right to choose their government, a right enshrined in international law. Early on February 1, the day that the new parliament was to sit for the first time, the military arrested and detained President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, along with scores of other NLD ministers, members of parliament, and regional administrators. The state security forces have arbitrarily arrested numerous local NLD officials, at least two of whom have been tortured to death in detention. The authorities have also arrested commissioners of the national Union Election Commission and many of its state and regional offices. Malaysia and Indonesia have publicly expressed concern about the coup, and Singapore and the Philippines have urged the Myanmar security forces to exercise restraint. However, ASEAN as a group has done little more than call on “all parties” to refrain from violence and to seek a peaceful solution through “constructive dialogue.” This call ignores the reality that the violence has overwhelmingly been committed by state security forces against peaceful protesters, and the State Administrative Council has declared unlawful two bodies that would be likely parties to any dialogue. On March 21, the SAC declared the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a group representing elected lawmakers, an “unlawful association.” On April 20, the SAC issued the same declaration for the recently formed National Unity Government, established by opponents to the coup. Ongoing nationwide protests organized by the national Civil Disobedience Movement have demonstrated widespread opposition to rule by the military, which has governed the country for most of the past 60 years. The junta’s response to the largely peaceful protests has been increasingly brutal. Since the coup, security forces have killed over 700 people, including at least 45 children as young as five, and detained an estimated 3,200 activists, journalists, civil servants, and politicians. Hundreds have been forcibly disappeared, which may amount to crimes against humanity. Over the past weeks, the military has demonstrated the callous disregard for human life that has driven its strategy for decades. In video footage from cities and towns across the country, soldiers can be seen shooting down children, brutally beating medical aid workers, and firing shotguns into crowds of peacefully protesting doctors. In the city of Bago on April 9, military and police used grenades against barricades erected by protesters, killing scores of people. The State Administrative Council has also ordered the shutdown of mobile data and public Wi-Fi connections, resulting in the shutdown of much of the country’s internet, and placed areas of the country under martial law. In these areas, protesters, other opponents of military rule, and journalists face trials in closed military courts under unfair trial procedures, with no right to appeal. Under the council order, those convicted by military courts may be sentenced to death or hard labor for unlimited periods of time. Since the declaration of martial law, military tribunals have sentenced at least 19 people to death. “ASEAN should be playing a constructive role in resolving Myanmar’s crisis, not providing a podium to the general most responsible for creating it,” Adams said. “ASEAN should make clear that it stands with Myanmar’s democratically elected government and will demand accountability from Min Aung Hlaing and other junta leaders responsible for the deaths of hundreds protesting for democracy.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 20 April, (738) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 20, a total of (3300) people are currently under detention; of them (76) are sentenced. 1020 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, protests across the country continued in resistance to the dictatorship. A seeming calm in crackdowns is actually not the case. This morning in Narnat Taw Ward, Loikaw City, Kayah State, a demonstration was attacked by junta forces, the area was then stormed and houses destroyed. This kind of violence is happening everywhere, as did many arbitrary arrests in several areas today. Yesterday early morning in Myingyan City, Mandalay Region, one protester was shot in the thigh and detained. By the evening, the junta told his family to collect his dead body. Across Burma, wounded people are being detained, mistreated and not given adequate medical care. In international conflicts people have a right to medical care when injured. The junta is treating anyone they see like an enemy. Injured protestors can not get treatment they desperately need. You have less chance of getting treated in junta crackdowns than in warzones seen outside our country. On the early morning of 19 April, in Chanmyathazi Township, Mandalay City, junta forces in a white unmarked car and military truck dropped a dead body by the trash in the Mya Nandar housing complex with his head wide open, wounds on his back, face bruised and his body burnt. There is a complete lack of human rights, the junta does not inform the family or place them in a hospital, there is no human dignity given. In Chanayethazan Township, Mandalay Region, the No.6 Police Station deputy was brutally arrested because of his involvement in CDM. The deputy has pre-existing kidney problems, he is reportedly not allowed medical care for his kidney problems. His family are worried if he can not get medical treatment, his health will further decline. The family have not been allowed to visit him, they are requesting he receive the medical treatment he urgently needs. It is a worry scenario when those being detained need medical treatment, in detention the situation is very insecure, there is no human rights given. This is worryingly happening every day across Burma now. But this is a systematic pattern of the junta behaviour. Detainees are entitled to human rights. The junta are targeting urban and rural areas with violence in crackdowns. In Sagaing Region, Ta Yaw Gyin village and Tha Byay Aye village in Yin Mar Bin Township; and Moe Gaung village, Chaung Ma village, Yar Gyi village, Lar Po village, and Sae Ywar village in Kani Township, locals were forced to flee because of the junta. Terrorist troops arrived and the villagers were forced to hide in paddy fields. The junta then based itself at the village, and destroyed and looted the villagers’ possessions. Last night, in Mee Laung Phya village, Nyaung Oo Township, Mandalay Region, the junta searched people’s homes, looting gold and jewelry. 30 villagers were detained and most of the rest were forced to flee. Yesterday evening, in Letwe-Myinni village, Nwathogyi Township, Mandalay Region, the junta set fire to defensive barricades. Terrorist troops also beat some of the villagers, searching one house and looting a satellite and other goods. All people feel unsafe because of the junta’s actions. The terrorist’s violence will only deteriorate. People will continue to have even less peace and security. ASEAN must not act like this is Burma’s internal affair, instability threatens the entire region’s economic and political interests. ASEAN must take a stronger response than at present. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
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Title: Five civilians killed in clash with junta’s forces in Sagaing’s Yinmabin Township
Summary: "Five civilians were killed and five more injured after a shootout between the coup regime’s troops and locals armed with hunting rifles in Yinmabin Township, Sagaing Region, on Tuesday. Following...
Sub-title: Troops used drones to track locals’ location and fired at them with long-range artillery
Description: "Five civilians were killed and five more injured after a shootout between the coup regime’s troops and locals armed with hunting rifles in Yinmabin Township, Sagaing Region, on Tuesday. Following the clash, rumours circulated that 10 locals had died. Myanmar Now was able to confirm one death on Tuesday evening, and four more on Wednesday morning. “It’s not true that there were 10 deaths. We’re in touch with the leaders,” a relief worker from Yinmabin told Myanmar Now. The five casualties were Bo San, Aung San Oo, Aung Naing, Zaw Myo Aung, and Kyaw Myo Tun. They were from the villages of Win Kone, Kapaing-Theekone and Kyobin. The fighting with locals broke out after some 200 soldiers stationed themselves on the road to the Alaungdaw Kathapa pagoda near Kapaing village. While the locals defended themselves using traditional hunting rifles, troops took up positions beyond their range, using drones to track the villagers’ locations and fire at them with long-range artillery. Relief workers were only able to retrieve the body of Bo San, who had suffered multiple injuries in the shelling. At the time of reporting, Myanmar Now was still gathering further information about the five men who were killed in Yinmabin, but due to the lack of internet access to the region, such independent verification has been difficult. The ruling junta cut off mobile internet nationwide in March. Around 10,000 residents from at least 17 villages had fled their homes due to the clashes and were hiding in the jungle, the relief worker said. Residents in Sagaing Region’s Kalay, Kani, Tamu, Taze and Yinmabin townships have been resisting the regime’s attacks since the military began indiscriminate crackdowns on protests across the country following the February 1 coup..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 19 April, (738) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) hero from Htone Bo Town in Pandaung Township, Bago Region was killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 19, a total of (3261) people are currently under detention; of them (75) are sentenced. 970 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today at 8pm YGN time, junta propaganda MWD said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners was spreading fake news. AAPP is giving an accurate, verified, representation of the brutality of this illegal junta. Despite the inhumanity of torture, the junta in Burma has done it every single day since the attempted coup. Verified photos of six youths who were tortured after being arbitrarily accused and arrested for a bombing in Yankin township, Yangon Region went viral on social media. Such overt displays by the junta’s propaganda media reveal the inhumanity and notorious persecution in clear violation of international human rights laws and conventions, but in particular it is supposed to threaten people protesting for democracy of similar fates. Medical treatment is urgently needed for these respected youths. The consequences of these interrogations by the junta is extremely worrying. Terrorist troops passed by in front of a hotel with sailors returning to Burma, junta forces entered hotel rooms after allegedly hearing the banging of pots and pans, two sailors were assaulted, one had broken ribs, the other is reported to have gashed his eyebrows. The terrorists also robbed $1,500 from a sailors wages. AAPP strongly denounces such brutality, and we urge the UN, international community, including ASEAN, to take effective action as quickly as possible. Today, people across Burma continued to protest against the dictatorship with various marches. At the General Dawn Strike in Mandalay City, a frontliner was attacked by a car and the General Dawn Strike shot with rubber bullets, tear gas and live ammunition. 11 people were beaten and arrested and a victim was reported to have been injured in a car attack. This morning, two motorcycle strikes in Mandalay were rammed by a vehicle, one girl was crushed, another was injured by a bullet and more than 10 people were beaten and arrested. It is a serious situation when a terrorist group has repeatedly over the last few days been crashing into, to detain protestors in unmarked vehicles. Today, in Mohnyin town, Kachin State a strike was repressed, and two people, including a female university student, were arrested. People-made barricades were burned down in Nanataw Ward in Loikaw Township, Kayah State and the junta opened fire with live ammunition, and two young men were arrested. In Myin Gyan Town, Mandalay Region, the most tenacious fort in Ward 6 was brutally crackdown, the junta made it like a conflict zone with surface to air missiles and heavy artillery since April 18 evening. Six people, including a 13-year-old child, were reported to have been arrested, although some local residents who resisted were not wounded. The No.6 Ward barricade, demolished yesterday, was rebuilt by locals but then stormed again by large numbers of terrorists this morning. Two local residents were injured, one is reportedly in serious condition. The junta troops also went door-to-door searching for people; thousands of residents from No.6 Ward have fled to nearby villages. Homes and neighborhoods in Ward 3 and 4 were also violently raided, motorcycles were burnt down in No.4 Ward. In Kani township, Sagaing Region, more than seven villages fled due to the terrorist operation by the junta. Yesterday afternoon, large numbers entered Chung ma village, in Kani township, where junta troops searched door-to-door and stole food. Military vehicles arrived last night and shot randomly, forcing children and adults to flee. As a result of the junta’s forces’ arbitrary raids and shooting, residents are no longer safe even in their communities and face danger everywhere at any time. This morning, the junta troops opened and destroyed tombs at the Sin Phyu Kwin Cemetery, which had cremated fallen heroes from the Spring Revolution in Bago City. Bodies were removed and laid outside. A new tomb has not yet been created, terrorists have no respect for the dignity of those fallen with these disgusting acts. Burma’s transition to democracy, supposed to promote peace, national reconciliation and democracy, was destroyed by the coup. Abolishing the junta is the only solution to building a fully democratic society for the people. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-20
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Title: More Than 100 Myanmar Police Officers Join Anti-Regime Movement
Summary: "Following the recent deadly crackdowns on peaceful protesters against the regime, more than 100 police officers have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) so far. From the Feb. 1 coup to...
Description: "Following the recent deadly crackdowns on peaceful protesters against the regime, more than 100 police officers have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) so far. From the Feb. 1 coup to March 3, police and soldiers’ violent crackdowns against anti-coup demonstrations across Myanmar have killed around 50 people in numerous cities, including the commercial hub Yangon; Mandalay, Monwya and Myinchan in Upper Myanmar; and Mawlamyine and Dawei in the deep south of the country. After joining the CDM, acting Police Colonel Tin Min Tun, 54, from the Yangon Police Department, said in a video message earlier this week that he had to make sacrifices in order to support the nationwide CDM launched by government staff. He is the highest-ranking police officer to join the movement. “I don’t want to serve the military regime,” said acting Police Col. Tin Min Tun, who has 31 years of service with the police force. He added that the whole police force is now being misused by the military regime. Following the lead of the senior police colonel, young officers are also joining the CDM. Police officer Kyaw Lin Oo, who finished his police training in August 2018, wrote on his Facebook page on March 2 that he would regret it in future if he failed to do something he knew should be done. “Have loyalty to the people rather than the police force. People are the main benefactor,” he wrote on his Facebook. He and two friends, both policemen, have reportedly joined the nationwide CDM, defying military rule after being ordered to open fire on peaceful anti-coup protesters. They are now in hiding, while their superiors hunt for them and put pressure on their families. Also on Tuesday, seven policewomen from Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar joined the movement, announcing they will get back to work when the democratically elected government returns. They said in their CDM announcements that police officers are ordered by the military regime to commit lawless acts against the people, and they cannot follow the military junta’s orders. On Thursday, 17 police personnel from Putao Police Station in Kachin State, northernmost Myanmar and Bokpyin Police Station in Tanintharyi Region also joined the CDM. Every day since early February, police personnel, including some higher-ranking officers in major cities in Myanmar, have joined the nationwide CDM, with the number now exceeding 100. The movement, which was initiated on Feb. 3 by hundreds of doctors and nurses from government hospitals in many cities including Yangon and Mandalay, has gained momentum after being joined by tens of thousands of government staff and several thousand staff from essential private business sectors and military related businesses. Since then, police personnel from many major cities across Myanmar have joined the CDM, taking part in the anti-regime demonstrations despite the risk of legal action under the Myanmar Police Force Maintenance Discipline Law, which carries a penalty of up to three years’ imprisonment for being absent from one’s duties. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), about three police members have been detained or charged under the Police Force Maintenance Discipline Law. In Naypyitaw, more than 70 police members have joined the CDM to defy military rule, according to a BBC news report. Early this week, about 12 military personnel in Hpapun Township in Karen State joined the CDM, taking refuge with the Karen National Union (KNU), according to a news report from Myanmar Now. Professor Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who was appointed by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) as the acting minister for the ministries of Education; Health and Sports; and Labor, Immigration and Population; issued a statement appealing to those government workers who have not done so to join the CDM by the deadline of midnight on March 7 (12 a.m. on March 8). The CRPH was set up by NLD lawmakers denied seats in Parliament by the coup. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw is Myanmar’s Union Parliament. He said the elected government will label those government staff failing to join the CDM movement on time as having neglected the public’s interest. Currently, hundreds of thousands of people across Myanmar are taking to the streets daily to protest against the military regime and call for the release of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and others who have been detained since the Feb. 1 coup..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-20
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Title: Myanmar: “I’m scared, but will not surrender…”
Sub-title: Journalists in Myanmar have put their lives at risk to tell the stories of protestors, doctors, nurses and citizens impacted by the military coup, writes Phil Thornton.
Description: "As a freelance photojournalist, Ng Maung has worked the frontlines of the protests since Myanmar’s military coup began on 1st February. Keeping low, behind flimsy barricades of wood, corrugated tin, tyres and bamboo, he photographed the hurts police and army inflicted on pro-democracy activists. Ng Maung told IFJ of the danger protestors and journalists are facing from heavily armed police and soldiers. “We were warned snipers were on roofs near where we were. I could hear and sense the bullets as they passed. These kids had no protection against bullets.” Ng Maung explained his view was restricted when focusing through a camera lens at soldiers down the street. “You see what is directly in front, not to your immediate side. Bullets were getting closer. I saw a young guy on the ground with a head shot…a lot of blood. People took him on a motorbike to an ambulance, but it was too late, he was already dead.” Ng Maung said soldiers and police are armed to kill and dressed for battle, unlike the unarmed protestors. “They’re targets are young men and women, mostly peaceful protestors, opposing the torture and jailing of elected politicians, workers, doctors, students and journalists. The only protection they have are hiding behind these barricades and running.” In an earlier interview with IFJ in February, Ng Maung, voiced his fears about unseen army snipers when he said they made the streets dangerous to work. “If I can see them I’m not scared, but knowing they could be concealed on rooftops, water towers, behind windows…anywhere…is terrifying.” Ng Maung’s fears became a reality on 23 March when a bullet tore through his hand as he focused his lens. “I could hear shooting. Near me three kids were using phones to take photos. I warned them to move away…take cover, as soldiers were firing.” Ng Maung felt the force of the bullet as it tore into his left hand, pulping bones, tissue and tendon. “I was confused, my hand was burning, at first it was relief the boys were not hit. Then I was worried my hand was destroyed. It looked bad. It took about three hours to get to a clinic.” Ng Maung is full of praise for volunteer doctors and nurses working the protests. “I’ve seen them put themselves at risk of being shot or wounded to care for the injured. I owe them a lot…they work for free…I am forever in their debt.” Ng Maung’s smashed hand has to be rebuilt. He has had a number of operations to try to reconstruct his hand – wire implants, bone repair and skin grafts. Despite the pain and the graphic nature of the wound, Ng Maung managed to photograph the surgical procedures. Ng Maung kept in regular contact with IFJ during the protests and after his wounding spoke of his determination to keep working as a photojournalist despite the dangers. “Everyone is in danger - the military shows no mercy - protestors, doctors, students, workers, children, citizens or journalists – we are all targets just to be shot...silenced. I feel they are no longer human and they don’t see us as human. I'm scared, really scared. As a journalist, I have no protection. I have to be very careful and secretive in getting information. It is so bad I dare not go home to sleep at night. It's very dangerous now. To report we risk our lives. I’m a photojournalist because I want people to know the truth from the pictures I take. I want to expose the brutality of the military and the brave resistance of our people to the world…I hope for international action to end the oppression.” The revolution will not be televised… To silence journalists, like Ng Maung, the military coup leaders ordered telecommunication companies and internet services to block social media platforms and shut down their networks to stop access to information and news. Journalists have been arrested and charged under 505a of the penal code, which carries a sentence of three years in prison. The licenses of Myanmar Now, Mizzima Media, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), 7 Day News and Khit Thit Media were revoked on 8 March. The Ministry of Information shut-down the five independent media outlets and banned them “from publishing or broadcasting” or using any kind of media or technology platforms reporting “news that affects the rule of law and security of the people and supports those who commit high treason…in accordance with Article 419 and 420 of the Constitution.” To make sure the five banned media organisations and their respective journalists got the message, soldiers and police broke into their offices, ransacked, thrashed and stole equipment. Ng Maung told IFJ “journalists are now being hunted – we’ve been put on wanted lists and they have arrested at least 42 journalists.” The police and army have been given unfettered authority by the coup appointed State Administration Council to raid homes to search and arrest without warrants. So called ‘suspects’ can be detained for 24-hours without court permission. Other sections of the Penal Code list a range of fines and jail sentences - twenty years, ten years, seven years and three years for alleged breaches. Faced with the danger of lethal force, nighttime raids on their homes or arrest, many journalists and media workers have been either forced into deep hiding or have left cities for remote ethnic areas in the jungle along the China, India, Bangladesh or Thailand borders. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) confirmed as of Sunday 16 April, 737 people have been killed and 3,229 arrested; 42 of those are journalists. Ko Bo Kyi is a founder and secretary of AAPP-Burma and was first jailed in 1989 for his political beliefs by the then military regime. He explained to IFJ how the military has deliberately created and are using divisions between soldiers and civilians to maintain its reign of terror. “This military is isolated from society. Soldiers are given a different history to what is really happening in the country or outside world. The internet cuts and mobile phone data blockages are not just to prevent protestors from organising, but to stop soldiers getting real information – their news intake is restricted to media controlled by the military - radio, websites, newspapers and television channels.” Ko Bo Kyi said despite fear of arrest, torture and jail, journalists and citizen journalists are still managing to report. “Everyday, underground reporters and civilian journalists are going out and bravely documenting human rights abuses. They’re finding ways to get verifiable and credible reports out to people inside and outside the country.” They’ve destroyed our industry… Zaw Myint, a senior editor, told IFJ he has been forced by soldiers and police making night raids near his home to leave his family and go into hiding, constantly changing his location. “I’m not the only journalist, many of us are now in deep hiding. It’s dangerous on the ground now. We can’t use our name on our stories. It’s getting difficult to survive as we aren’t being paid. Most of us are struggling and our families are suffering...the pressure is massive.” Zaw Myint said finding a means to communicate is getting more difficult. “Mobile data has been cut, it’s difficult to get ADSL connected, getting caught with a pocket Wi-Fi will get you arrested. I try to hook into established Wi-Fi at hotels owned by the military’s cronies.” With the forced closure of the independent media outlets most journalists fear their severance pay will soon be gone, Zaw Myint explains most journalist earn between US$300 and US$700 a month. “Most of us are struggling. The army has killed our industry. They’ve taken down our platforms to publish, they’ve robbed us of our salaries. They done this to silence us. It’s sad to see our industry ripped apart. There’s now no justice, only their law of the gun.” Zaw Myint made the decision to stay in the city despite the constant fear of arrest. “There are still some of us prepared to take risks to tell what’s going on. I hope our colleagues who get to safety in other places will keep working. We’ll print on pamphlets, photocopy them and get them to the people. We’ll send our stories and footage to exiled colleagues for publishing, we’re hurting now, but we will find a way to keep reporting and broadcasting.”..."
Source/publisher: "International Federation of Journalists" (Brussels)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-20
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Title: Prominent Protest Leader Escapes Arrest by Myanmar Junta
Summary: "One of Myanmar’s most prominent anti-regime protest leaders has escaped arrest after junta security forces failed to capture him at his home on Monday. Soldiers and police—some in plainclothes—...
Description: "One of Myanmar’s most prominent anti-regime protest leaders has escaped arrest after junta security forces failed to capture him at his home on Monday. Soldiers and police—some in plainclothes—arrived at Ko Tayzar San’s apartment in Mandalay and forcibly entered by smashing down the door. The protest leader was not there at the time of the raid as he has been in hiding elsewhere. The failed attempt to detain the 32-year-old comes a few days after the regime seized another protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing in Sagaing Region’s Monywa. His mother said she has lost contact with her son since then and is worried about his safety. Ko Tayzar San has become a familiar face in Mandalay, Myanmar’s second-largest city, since early February for being at the forefront of anti-regime protests. He is known for his leading role in organizing the first ever protest against the junta in Myanmar just a few days after their Feb.1 coup, while other activists in the country were still deliberating their course of action. Following that first protest in Mandalay, anti-regime rallies started taking place across the country. After the failed raid on his home on Monday, Ko Tayzar San wrote on his Facebook page that he had abandoned the place for some time. “But they rampaged through the whole apartment and took everything,” he said. The protest leader said he was upset that his collection of books at the apartment was ‘robbed’ by the regime’s troops. Ko Tayzar San is also an executive director at a free library in Mandalay. “The Tatmadaw (Myanmar’s military) has become a gang of robbers. It would be gut-wrenching for its founder General Aung San,” he wrote. Aung San established the Myanmar military 79 years ago and was also the father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s detained leader. Ko Tayzar San said the raid and robbery were testaments to how Tatmadaw troops have behaved in the country’s ethnic areas, where fighting between the army and ethnic armed groups has raged for decades. Extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, arson and looting by the army have been widely reported. “Now we have experienced it personally,” he said. “It also proves that they [Tatmadaw] are our common enemy who have been hindering our attempt to establish federal democracy in the country,” he added. Before Ko Tayzar San came to prominence as a protest leader, he trained as a medical doctor but worked as a librarian and NGO worker with a focus on public health, political education and youth capacity building..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-20
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Title: Mother of detained activist Wai Moe Naing demands her son be granted access to healthcare
Sub-title: The 26-year-old activist suffers from high blood pressure, and was hit by a car before he was taken into regime custody
Description: "The mother of detained Monywa protest leader Wai Moe Naing on Saturday requested that her son be allowed access to medical treatment after he was hit by a car and arrested by the junta’s armed forces on April 15. The 26-year-old Wai activist has suffered from high blood pressure for six years, Moe Sandar Kyu, his mother, told Myanmar Now. “I’m concerned because I don’t know how he’s living or if he’s being fed. He’s not a very healthy person but he’s very motivated. And that’s why he’s active,” she explained. Moe Sandar Kyu believes Wai Moe Naing was likely injured after he was struck by a car on Thursday, and demanded that she be updated on his current state. A photo of Wai Moe Naing in regime custody with a bruised eye and swollen face went viral on social media on April 16, suggesting that he may have been or is being tortured. His mother told Myanmar Now that she had not seen the photo since she, like many people across Myanmar, does not have Internet access since all mobile data was cut off by the coup regime earlier this month. “Since the time he was arrested, I’ve not been able to sleep well. [That day,] I couldn’t sleep for the entire night. On the 16th as well,” she said. “I am worried because I don’t know and I can’t see how he’s doing.” Wai Moe Naing was chair of the Monywa University Student Union from 2014 to 2015, and is also a member of Monywa’s General Strike Committee and the Sagaing Regional Youth Committee. He rose to prominence for his role organising daily anti-coup protests in Monywa, which sits on the eastern bank of the Chindwin River, since February 6. After two police officers were killed in Monywa on March 25, the junta hit him and fellow activist Ta Yote Gyi with murder charges. There is no known evidence linking them to the crime, but the allegations were made by the regime authorities in what has been seen as retaliation after Monywa locals captured and detained a person suspected to be an informant to the junta. He is also facing several other charges, including incitement and theft. Wai Moe Naing is currently being detained and interrogated at the military’s Northwestern Regional Command headquarters. “I don’t want the interrogation to go on for too long. For the protests and his involvement in the revolution, they’re definitely going to punish him like everyone else. But for these bizarre allegations of crimes he didn’t commit, we’ll resolve them as best we can,” Moe Sandar Kyu said, adding she has asked for legal assistance. Wai Moe Naing’s father died when he was six years old, and he is Moe Sandar Kyu’s only child. She had recently retired after working for 20 years as a schoolteacher in Monywa. “I only have one son, and he just has me. We’ve been surviving, just the two of us, without anyone’s help. I nurtured him as a struggling single mother. And now that it’s my turn to rest, he has been working hard to provide for me,” the 54-year-old mother said. Young people across Monywa will continue to fight for the cause of Myanmar’s anti-dictatorship Spring Revolution even though Wai Moe Naing was arrested, she told Myanmar Now, adding that everyone protesting was doing so out of their own free will. “He has said this since the beginning. This is the youth’s duty,” she said. “They have to fight the fight knowing that it is to oppose injustice.”..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-19
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Two killed in separate incidents, as hundreds flee amid military build-up
Sub-title: One casualty was reported in Kyaukme, in northern Shan state, while the other was in Sagaing region’s Kani township
Description: "Two anti-coup protesters were killed in northern Myanmar over the weekend as the military continued its push to crush resistance to its rule. One person was reported dead in the northern Shan State town of Kyaukme on Saturday, while another died during a shootout in Sagaing Region’s Kani Township on Sunday. Aung Ko Ko Phyo, a 25-year-old government employee who had joined the Civil Disobedience Movement, was shot in the head as he was leaving the monastery where he had temporarily ordained as a monk during the Thingyan holidays. According to local sources, Aung Ko Ko Phyo, who worked for the Department of Electrical Power, was shot near Kyaukme’s Wailuwun monastery at around 9pm on Saturday. “He was on his way to his teacher’s home. He had just left the monkhood because it was the end of Thingyan,” a Kyaukme resident told Myanmar Now. There were numerous witnesses to the incident, the source added, noting that it occurred in the centre of town. A doctor who treated him said he died from a bullet wound and would be cremated on Monday. The troops who killed him removed his body from the scene soon after the shooting. Family members were told they could collect it on Sunday. However, according to a local news agency, his mother was forced to sign a release before she was allowed to claim his body stating that her son had been stabbed to death and that the military was not involved in his killing. Residents of Kyaukme, a trading town located about 175km northeast of Mandalay, have held regular protests against the military since it seized power in a coup on February 1. On Sunday, another man died after the arrest of a local man led to a five-hour confrontation between regime forces and civilians in Sagaing region. The shootout, which occurred on the Monywa-Kalaywa-Yargyi road between Mingin and Kani townships, began at around 1pm, a resident of the area told Myanmar Now. “[Soldiers] fired a shot and came into the village. They arrested a local and that’s when the fighting began,” said a resident of Sal Yar Chaung, the village where the arrest was made. At least 100 soldiers were involved in the clash, according to another villager. No further details were available about the man who died. Residents said that some of the military forces may have been injured by homemade hunting rifles and air guns used by members of a village defence team. Residents say that hundreds of people have fled the area since Sunday, as more army troops pour in and conduct door-to-door raids targeting local civilians. “They came into the village in the morning. There were a lot of them. They were searching every house, so we had to run. It looks like they’re setting up base,” said a resident of Chaung Ma Kyway, one of the affected villages. The shootout on Sunday came days after a similar incident on April 15 left six civilians dead and at least 20 others missing. Many parts of Sagaing region have been tense since late last month amid efforts by the regime to crack down on strongholds of the anti-coup movement. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 730 civilians have been killed by the junta nationwide as of April 17..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-19
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 17 April, (730) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) heroes from Mogok in Mandalay Region were killed today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 17, a total of (3152) people are currently under detention; of them (75) are sentenced. 871 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the Burmese New Year, the junta released 23407 released prisoners. This however, did not include any of the political prisoners detained since the attempted coup. 9 political prisoners sentenced before the 1 February were released. They were released from Insein and Obo Prison, including 3 students from the Peacock Generation, and 6 from the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU). However, the ABSFU students were due to be released this year anyway. The junta has released mass general prisoners only at New Years, normally they only include political prisoners who have nearly finished their sentences. There are two concerns from this amnesty. One is that the junta is doing this to clear prisons for more democracy supporters, striking workers and anyone else they arbitrarily want. The other worry is that they are trying to create instability. Also, on February 12, the junta released a similar number of prisoners, soon after there was instability on the streets, fire rings thrown into neighborhoods, fear quickly spread. The junta is trying to show the international community they are not a terrorist group. The fact the junta is releasing such large numbers demonstrates serious concern for the near-future. On Burmese New Year, across the country, protests endured. At a motorbike protest today in Inn Zauk Village, Launglon Township in Tanintharyi Region, plainclothes junta troops’ in a private vehicle crashed into the protestor at the back of the procession and detained him. Today, in Mandalay Region, Mogok City, the junta attacked and destroyed the barricades, 2 civilians were killed, 4 wounded. The junta commander shouted at the soldiers, caught on video saying “I only want the dead bodies”. Further demonstrating crimes against innocents, all civilians are in danger anywhere, anytime. Everyday the junta’s violence deteriorates, it is a systematic pattern of crimes against humanity. All people under this junta are being terrorized with heavy weapons and physical assaults, threats. No-one is safe, there is no security, we are living under a climate of fear again. In ethnic areas civilians are continually targeted, including children. On April 12 early morning, a 3-year old and 14-year old were killed in Wah Thoe Kho village, Hpapun District, Karen State. The decades long civil war always has impacted locals most severely, they are made into victims in this conflict by the junta, once again enduring abuse. ASEAN and the international community must take an impactful stand against these crimes against humanity. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-18
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 16 April, (728) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) heroes were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 16, a total of (3141) people are currently under detention; of them (75) are sentenced. 58 people including UEC members were released today, and so removed from the under detention list. 832 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, pictures on social media showed protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing evidently beaten in detention. His human rights are being violated, he has been tortured, his face beaten and swollen – evidently since arrest. Peaceful protests are attacked, rammed by unmarked cars and detained. There is no rule of law in Burma. Executive Member of Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD), Salai Duh Hu Thang, is being tortured at a military barrack detention center in Haka, Chin State. AAPP utterly condemns the junta’s actions. International human rights organization, democratic parties, and global governments must take action and condem these human rights violations On 16 April, around midday in Bago City, the junta crashed into motorbike protesters using private vehicles, going on to steal the motorbikes. Among this protest group, one man and one woman are missing and cannot be contacted. In Tanintharyi Region, Kan Pauk in Yebyu Township, as a protest march came to an end, the military fired weapons at the fading demonstrations on three occasions. Yesterday in the evening and at night, the junta brutally cracked down in Myingyan Township, Mandalay Region, and Kani Township, Sagaing Region. In Myingyan, last night around 10.30pm until 2am, at a barricade by Ward 6, the junta fired their conflict zone weapons, two died, some injured and detained, AAPP is confirming and verifying the number. At milestone 12 close by to Kani Township, the junta entered and crushed the village community security, 6 locals were killed, at least 20 locals are also missing, AAPP is confirming and verifying the number. In Kachin State, Shwegu Township, junta battalion #602 arbitrarily shot at 2 youths passing-by driving one motorbike. In Mandalay Region, the junta is also targeting religious areas. Storming two well-known monasteries, one called Masoeyein Monastery, at least 20 youths living there were detained in the crackdowns The junta is targeting NLD members, as well as taking family members as hostage. Yesterday, late evening, Salin Township, Magway Region, the junta went into the homes of NLD township executive committee member and treasurer, stealing two motorbikes and money and gasoline canisters. The junta is looting anything of value. The junta is committing these acts all the time and it is deteriorating day by day. Yesterday at around midday, a woman was stopped on a public road and robbed of 1 million kyat in North Okkalapa Township, Yangon. Around noon yesterday in Theelone village, Shwebo Township, Sagaing Region, the junta attacked the homes of villagers involved in strikes, detaining 5 people. On April 14, Magway Region, Taungdwingyi Township, Pyin Chaung Village, the junta raided and destroyed homes of alleged demonstrators, stealing snacks from shops, anything they saw, trying to find protestors from the day’s demonstrations. These acts, raiding religious property, committing violence – systematically taking family members hostage, destroying, looting homes and stealing from shops. These actions are serious crimes. We should be rightly concerned about the junta’s continued use of human shields in conflict. In Putao Township, Kachin State, the junta is using local villagers as human shields on the front-line, telling them to bring the dead bodies of junta soldiers, around 50 soldiers forced local villagers to travel with them from Myitkyina to Putao. This is forced labor, the junta in Burma is using innocent civilians to attempt to get an advantage in conflict. This is a severe violation of international law, and yet another war crime. If action is not taken, these violations will most certainly continue. Human rights are continuously disrespected by this junta, if these criminal acts are not punished it will only foster impunity for yet even further more violations. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-18
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 15 April, (726) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (11) fallen heroes today. (1) from Mandalay died on 15 April. (10) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 15, a total of (3151) people are currently under detention; of them (75) are sentenced. 813 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. A new technique of the regime of the junta is now using unregistered vehicles with fake licence plates to smash into and arrest peaceful demonstrators. Today in Saigaing Region, Monywa, Wai Moe Naing was crashed into, beaten and detained, AAPP is concerned for his access to adequate medical treatment from the crash. Across Monywa youth demonstrators were detained today. In all dictatorships in Burma, this junta has tortured and mistreated. The junta has form for using torture in interrogation centers, we are also therefore worried the lives and dignity of detainees will be violated. In Mandalay City, in a demonstration march led by healthcare workers and families, 6 were detained. At least 20 other local civilians were also detained. Junta forces also fired guns at Sule Mosque in Maha Aung Myay Township, Mandalay City and killed one person, 2 were critically injured, 1 of those critically injured was disabled. According to Myanmar Now 5 people sleeping inside the mosque were arrested, including children aged between 11 and 16. These religious compounds and places of worship are supposed to be protected, but this junta targets these areas, looting and openly destroying property. The junta continued with its brutal arbitrary repression in complete disrespect of the Ramadan religious festival. In conflicts across the globe killing may stop, but the terrorists in Burma continue murdering and torturing no matter any holy days. Yesterday afternoon in other cities and towns in Mandalay Region there were also shootings and killings. In Mandalay City, three civilians were injured. Yesterday in Myitnge, Mandalay, one person was shot dead, and another was shot and reportedly tortured to death, drowned in a puddle of mud by the junta. Yesterday in Myingyan whilst riding a motorbike, one person was shot and injured, he was tied up dragged along to death, his body has not been seen since. One other woman was shot in the arm and died. The junta is also attacking ambulances. Last night in Mandalay, a team of medics transporting injured protestors was stopped, and a woman grabbed by the hair and dragged out, three others of the medical team were detained. The junta is publicly terrorizing and violating anyone and everyone’s human rights. This evening in Yangon. The junta crashed into a taxi, and detained and assaulted the taxi driver and 3 passengers and threatened the neighbourhood with similar action. The previous night in Thamine ward, Insein Township, Yangon one civilian beating pots and pans was assaulted and arrested by junta troops, who then threatened the rest of the neighborhood with similar action. The junta wants to create a climate of fear. Everyday celebrities are issued arrest warrants on the TV propaganda mouthpiece. Today, famous Zin Wine and Singer Po Po (who had warrant issued for arrest) were detained In Kachin State, Momauk Township the terrorist military and KIA are engaged in heavy fighting. The junta is using artillery against civilians, who hide in bunkers, increasingly displaced and killed since the military use of airstrikes. The international community must implement a no-fly zone to stop these war crimes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-18
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Title: Military and civilians clash in Kani, Sagaing Region, leaving six locals dead
Sub-title: A security team comprised of locals armed with hunting rifles was attempting to intercept trucks transporting detained protesters when the armed forces opened fire on them on April 15
Description: "Six locals were killed during a shootout between the military and a civilian-led security team in Kani Township, Sagaing Region, on Thursday evening. The security team– made up of locals armed with hunting rifles– was standing watch after hearing news that detained protesters were being relocated from their area, and wanted to intercept the trucks in which they were being transported. A member of the security team told Myanmar Now that they had set up checkpoints on the Monywa-Kani road and were planning to stop the prisoner transport vehicles. “We heard news that they were relocating about 70 protesters including protest leaders who were captured here,” he said. One military truck drove through the checkpoint without stopping. Soon after, some 12 trucks arrived at the scene and opened fire on the locals at around 4pm. The shootout continued until around 8pm. The six men killed were Kyaw Hlaing Win, Zin Ko, Ko Naing, Aung Naing Moe, Tin Ohn and Win Ko. They were from Thaminset, Lal Shae and Bant Bwe Myauk villages. A monk from Thaminset village was also arrested, and around 20 people went missing during the shootout. The military may have suffered casualties in the clash, as locals used hunting rifles to fight back against the junta’s troops, but Myanmar Now was unable to confirm further details at the time of reporting. Since Friday, soldiers have been stopping and interrogating passerbys in areas along the Kani-Monywa road, claiming they are doing so for security purposes. Anti-regime protests in Kani stopped after two protesters were killed in a military crackdown in early April. However, locals in the area have said that they are ready to defend themselves against the junta’s armed forces with any weapons available to them, including hunting rifles commonly used in the area. In Tamu and Kalay, in western Sagaing, locals have been using the same weaponry to oppose the coup regime’s suppression of their movement. According to monitoring group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, some 728 people have been killed by the junta’s armed forces since the February 1 military coup in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-18
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Title: Myanmar junta chief to attend ASEAN summit in first foreign trip since coup
Description: "Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing will attend an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Indonesia on April 24, Thailand said on Saturday, for his first known foreign trip since he seized power on Feb. 1. Myanmar has been in upheaval since Min Aung Hlaing ousted an elected government led by democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi. Security forces have killed 728 people, according to an activist group, in an attempt to crush protests. In the latest violence, security forces shot and killed two protesters in the ruby-mining town of Mogok, a resident told Reuters, while several small bombs went off in the main city of Yangon, wounding several people, media outlets reported. Myanmar's neighbours have been trying to encourage talks between the junta and the ousted government, but the military has shown little willingness to engage. Several of the 10 ASEAN leaders, among them Min Aung Hlaing, confirmed they would attend the meeting in Jakarta, Thai foreign ministry spokesman Tanee Sangrat said. A spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. Pro-democracy politicians including ousted members of parliament on Friday announced the formation of a National Unity Government (NUG) including Suu Kyi and leaders of the anti-coup protests and ethnic minorities. The NUG has called for international recognition as the legitimate authority, and requested an invitation to the ASEAN meeting in Min Aung Hlaing's place. It could not immediately be reached for comment...NEW YEAR AMNESTY... The junta released 23,184 prisoners from jails across the country on Saturday under a New Year amnesty, the Prisons Department said, though few if any democracy activists arrested since the coup were thought to be among them. Saturday is the first day of Myanmar's New Year and the last day of a five-day holiday that is usually marked with visits to Buddhist temples and raucous water throwing and partying in the streets. Suu Kyi is among 3,141 people arrested in connection with the coup, according to a tally by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). "These (freed) detainees are mostly from before Feb. 1 but there are also some who were imprisoned afterwards," Prisons Department spokesman Kyaw Tun Oo said by telephone. He said he had no details of the offences for which they had been jailed. Among those released were 137 foreigners, who would be deported, state television said. It gave no details. The AAPP said the military continued to seek 832 people in connection with the protests. Among them are more than 200 people, including several actors, singers and internet celebrities, who have spoken out against the coup and are wanted on a charge of encouraging dissent in the armed forces, which can carry a three-year jail term. State media announced the names of another 40 wanted people, 20 of them doctors, on Saturday..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-18
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Title: INTERVIEW: Myanmar military increasing efforts to keep truth from getting out, UN expert says
Sub-title: The crackdown on journalists, cutting off the Internet and disrupting the flow of information across Myanmar, is “not working”, and the world is not buying the military leadership’s “propaganda” that it is exercising restraint against protesters, the UN independent human rights expert on the country has said, in an in-depth interview with UN News.
Description: "Over 700 people are reported to have been killed in the brutal response by the security forces since the military overthrew the democratically elected Government on 1 February. Thousands more have been injured – many of them seriously, and over 3,000 people are in detention. That includes at least 71 journalists, more than half of whom are still detained, according to the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) – UN’s media workers’ safety watchdog – which added that some two dozen people have been charged for “allegedly spreading fake news”. Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, told UN News in his extensive interview, that the military junta has been making “significant efforts, which have been increasing, to keep the truth inside the country, to not allow the world to see what is going on”. “Already the military has been making up stories about what it is facing. From the very outset, it said that it is using ‘utmost restraint’ – its language – to contend with ‘violent protests’, [but] we saw nothing of the kind.” “We saw increasing violence and increasing brutality by the military. And we saw very peaceful, unarmed protesters … despite their efforts to block it, the truth is getting out, and it is a gruesome truth”, Mr. Andrews added. In the first of this two-part interview with the Special Rapporteur, UN News asked the rights expert how he characterized the current international response to the crisis in Myanmar and what countries can do to stop the bloodshed. We will be publishing part two over the weekend, in which he addresses the responsibility to protect citizens from violence, and his hopes for the country’s future. UN News: It must be increasingly difficult to get information from Myanmar, but as far as you know, what is the situation on the ground? Special Rapporteur: You are right. There have been great efforts by the junta to block information from getting out to the world. Not only the blocking of Internet but also now the interruption of broadband wireless service, and there have been at least 64 journalists, that I know of, who have been arrested and detained. So there has been a significant effort, which has been increasing, to keep truth inside the country and not allow the world to see what is happening. Nonetheless, we know that conditions are worsening in Myanmar. We know that at least 700 people are confirmed dead, at least 3,000 people arbitrarily detained, and at least 46 children killed..."
Source/publisher: UN News
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-17
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Title: Burma charges doctors over civil disobedience protests
Description: "Burma's ruling junta has charged at least 19 medical doctors for participating in civil disobedience protests against the military's Feb. 1 coup, a state-run newspaper reported Wednesday. Doctors, nurses and medical students have marched and joined strikes to show their opposition to the military takeover that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi's democratically elected government and put a halt to the progress Burma had made toward greater democratization after five decades of military rule. The doctors charged are accused of supporting and participating in the civil disobedience movement "with the aim of deteriorating the state administrative machinery," the Global New Light of Burma newspaper wrote. THOUSANDS FLEE BURMA AIRSTRIKES, COMPLICATING CRISIS The military government has already issued arrest warrants for 100 people active in the fields of literature, film, theater arts, music and journalism on charges of spreading information that undermines the stability of the country and the rule of law. This isn't the first time doctors have been targeted. Earlier this month in Mandalay, the country’s second-biggest city, security forces used stun grenades and fired guns to break up a march by medical workers protesting the army’s takeover. The online news site The Irrawaddy reported that four doctors were arrested. Protests continued Wednesday across Burma even as people boycotted the official celebration of Thingyan, the country's traditional New Year, usually a time for family reunions and merry-making. In leaflets and social media posts last week, people were asked not to hold any Thingyan celebrations, saying it would be disrespectful to "fallen martyrs" to enjoy the festival. The government's violent response to anti-coup demonstrations has seen 714 people killed by security officials, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (New York) via "Fox News" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-16
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Title: Funerals become scenes of Myanmar resistance, more violence
Description: " Myanmar security forces opened fire Sunday on a crowd attending the funeral of student who was killed on the bloodiest day yet of a crackdown on protests against last month’s coup, local media reported. The escalating violence — which took the lives of at least 114 people Saturday, including several children — has prompted a U.N. human rights expert to accuse the junta of committing “mass murder” and to criticize the international community for not doing enough to stop it. The Security Council is likely to hold closed consultations on the escalating situation in Myanmar, U.N. diplomats said Sunday, speaking on condition of anonymity ahead of an official announcement. The council has condemned the violence and called for a restoration of democracy, but has not yet considered possible sanctions against the military, which would require support or an abstention by Myanmar’s neighbor and friend China. The mounting death tolls have not stopped the demonstrations against the Feb. 1 takeover — or the violent response of the military and police to them. Myanmar Now reported that the junta’s troops shot at mourners at the funeral in the city of Bago for Thae Maung Maung, a 20-year-old killed on Saturday. He was reportedly a member of the All Burma Federation of Student Union, which has a long history of supporting pro-democracy movements in the country. According to the report, several people attending the funeral were arrested. It did not say if anyone was hurt or killed. But at least nine people were killed elsewhere Sunday as the crackdown continued, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which has been documenting deaths during demonstrations against the coup. Some of the funerals held Sunday became themselves opportunities to demonstrate resistance to the junta. At one in Bhamo in the northern state of Kachin, a large crowd chanted democracy slogans and raised the three-finger salute that has come to symbolize defiance of the takeover. Family and friends were paying their respects to Shwe Myint, a 36-year-old who was shot dead by security forces on Saturday. The military had initially seized her body and refused to return it until her family signed a statement that her death was not caused by them, according to the Democratic Voice of Burma, a broadcast and online news service. In Yangon, the country’s largest city, meanwhile, mourners flashed the three-finger salute as they wheeled the coffin of a 13-year-old boy. Sai Wai Yan was shot dead by security forces as he played outside his home. The Feb. 1 coup that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government reversed years of progress toward democracy after five decades of military rule. It has again made Myanmar the focus of international scrutiny as security forces have repeatedly fired into crowds of protesters. At least 459 people have been killed since the takeover, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The crackdown extends beyond the demonstrations: Humanitarian workers reported that the military had carried out airstrikes Sunday against guerilla fighters in the eastern part of the country. Henrietta Fore, head of the U.N. children’s agency UNICEF, said in Saturday’s bloodiest day since the coup “an 11-year-old boy, an 11-year-old girl, two 13-year-old boys, a 13-year-old girl, three 16-year-old boys and two 17-year-old boys, (were) all reportedly shot and killed.” She said “a 1-year-old baby girl gravely injured after being struck in the eye with a rubber bullet.” “In less than two months, at least 35 children have allegedly been killed, countless others seriously injured and almost 1,000 children and young people reported arbitrarily detained by security forces across the country” she said, condemning the indiscriminate killings and demanding that those responsible be held accountable..."
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-16
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Title: Myanmar Regime Arrests About 36 Protest Leaders, Celebrities, and Activists in a Single Day
Summary: "About three dozen people, including a prominent protest leader, protesters, celebrities, activists and ordinary citizens, were arrested by the military regime on Thursday in four states and regions...
Description: "About three dozen people, including a prominent protest leader, protesters, celebrities, activists and ordinary citizens, were arrested by the military regime on Thursday in four states and regions. Regime forces arrested six medics during a crackdown on a protest column led by members of the medical community in Mandalay about 10 a.m. Thursday. A least 20 other people in the neighborhood were arrested during the crackdown. The junta’s forces opened fire and destroyed motorbikes and vehicles. About 10:30 a.m. the regime’s troops broke into a house in Shan State’s capital, Taunggyi, and arrested four people, according to state-based media. About 11:30 a.m., workers’ rights activist Daw Myo Aye, director of Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar (STUM), was abducted from her office in Shwepyithar Township. Four military vehicles with around 40 soldiers surrounded the office during the arrest. Her daughter wrote on her Facebook page that the troops also confiscated the phones of the staff in the office. Veteran academy-award winning actor Zin Wyne was arrested in afternoon in Yangon. He was charged with allegedly inciting civil servants to join the civil disobedience movement and support the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH). A group formed by elected parliamentarians ousted in the coup, the CRPH has been acting as a shadow government in opposition to the military regime. Po Po, a famous singer who was also on junta’s wanted list for the same charge, was arrested about 3 p.m. She was taken from her house in Yangon by regime forces, her manager wrote on social media. Both celebrities participated in anti-regime protests. Ko Wai Moe Naing, a prominent leader of the anti-regime protest movement in Monywa, Sagaing region, was beaten and dragged away by regime’s forces after having his motor scooter rammed Thursday afternoon. He had been leading daily motorbike protests against the military dictatorship. A female protester was also arrested along with him. The Monywa People Strike Leading Committee announced after the arrest that they will continue to fight until the fall of the military dictatorship. They also called upon the military regime to respect detainees’ human rights and allow proper medical treatment. On Tuesday, Ko Zaw Thurein Tun, president of Myanmar Computer Professionals Association in Monywa, and his pregnant wife were abducted together by plainclothes officers in Shwebo Township, Sagaing region. A former journalist from Myitkyina, a news outlet based in Kachin State, was also arrested by plainclothes officers at her home. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which tracks detentions, the regime had detained more than 3,000 people and issued arrest warrants for 756 more..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-16
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Title: Opponents of Myanmar military rule hold ‘silent strike’
Description: "Opponents of military rule in Myanmar observed a “silent strike” on Friday, with many people staying home to mourn the more than 700 people killed in protests against a Feb. 1 coup and others wearing black held small marches in several cities and towns. Many Myanmar citizens, infuriated by the return of military rule after five years of civilian government led by democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi, have been taking to the streets day after day with activists thinking up new ways to show opposition as the security forces step up their suppression. "Let's make the roads silent," protest leader Ei Thinzar Maung posted on her Facebook page. "We have to stage a Silent Strike to show our sorrow for the martyrs who have scarified their lives. The most silent voice is the loudest." Friday is the fourth day of the five-day traditional Buddhist New Year holiday, known as Thingyan. Most people this year are shunning the usual festivities to focus on their campaign against the generals who overthrew Suu Kyi's government and locked up her and many others. Streets in the main city of Yangon were largely deserted, residents said, while black-clad protesters held small rallies in half a dozen cities and towns, media reported. There were no immediate reports of violence but overnight, two people were shot and killed in the central town of Myingyan, Radio Free Asia reported. A spokesman for the junta could not be reached for comment. The military has also been rounding up its critics and has published the names of more than 200 people wanted under a law that makes it illegal to encourage mutiny or dereliction of duty in the armed forces. Two prominent protest organisers were arrested on Thursday along with an actor and singer, both known for speaking out against the coup. Late on Thursday, soldiers raided a famous Buddhist monastery in the second city of Mandalay and arrested two people, the Myanmar Now media group reported..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-16
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Title: Is Civil Disobedience Myanmar’s New Normal?
Summary: "What is the new normal for Myanmar today? As people have been trying different forms of civil disobedience to fight the military coup it has become a new normal in Myanmar. The words “civil...
Description: "What is the new normal for Myanmar today? As people have been trying different forms of civil disobedience to fight the military coup it has become a new normal in Myanmar. The words “civil disobedience” comes from State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal before she was detained. She urged people to “oppose the military coup together in any way possible”. For her, as she often said, “the people are the most important force”. A veteran journalist asked another National League for Democracy (NLD) leader, U Win Htein, about the message and what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wants people to do. U Win Htein said she wanted a civil disobedience movement rather than mass street protests because of COVID-19 and the potential for bloodshed. As her message was not clear enough, people were puzzled about what to do. NLD members have waited for instructions from the party’s central executive committee who are being held in Naypyidaw. The strict hierarchy of the NLD left people feeling bereft on the first day of the coup. My 78-year-old mother kept asking me, “Is there any luck?” She cried the whole day because her beloved leader, “Mother Suu”, was detained. It is heartbreaking for her because she did not expect to return to military rule. One day after the coup, people started banging pots and pans and honking car horns to oppose military rule. Banging pans is a traditional way of driving out ghosts. That initiative reached the international media and was dubbed the “drum revolution”. Thais have followed suit in an attempt to drive out Thailand’s military regime. But pots and pans are not enough for young citizens who have been hit the hardest by the forced internet shutdown ordered by the authorities. My son and his student friends have lost their online jobs, they cannot play virtual games and their online shopping businesses have folded. Food Panda delivers lost their jobs as online ordering has broken down and most bank cards have stopped working because of connection failures. Shops only want cash as the banking system is unstable and the Grab taxi app just says, “no connection found”. The internet shut down is causing a long list of problems. Facebook was blocked after the authorities forced telecoms operators to ban the most popular social media network. People immediately searched for virtual private networks (VPNs) to bypass Myanmar’s networks. Anti-coup posts and protest photos returned to Facebook..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-15
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Title: Myanmar activists remember dead with red paint protests
Description: "Opponents of Myanmar’s coup splashed red paint and dye on roads and signs outside government offices on Wednesday to represent the blood of people killed protesting against the junta, on the second day of the traditional new year holiday. The display aimed at shaming the military took place in various towns and cities, according to pictures posted by media outlets, as people answered a call by activists to join what they termed a bloody paint strike. Some people marched with signs calling for the release of the leader of the ousted government, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. She has been detained since the Feb. 1 coup on various charges including violating an official secrets act that could see her imprisoned for 14 years. Her lawyers have denied the charges against her. “Please save our leader - future - hope,” read a sign with a picture of Suu Kyi held by a young woman among several thousand people marching in the second city of Mandalay, according to a picture published by the Mizzima news service. There were no immediate reports of violence at any of the protests on Wednesday, but information has become scarce because of junta curbs on the internet. The coup has plunged Myanmar into crisis after 10 years of tentative steps toward democracy with daily protests and various campaigns of defiance including strikes by workers in many sectors that have brought the economy to a standstill. The five-day New Year holiday, known as Thingyan, began on Tuesday but pro-democracy activists cancelled the usual festivities to focus on their opposition to the generals who seized power.
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-15
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Title: Myanmar’s lost generation: nation’s youth sacrificing futures for freedom
Description: "For Myanmar’s young people, 2021 was supposed to be a year for optimism. After seeing through the Covid-19 pandemic, the rollout of the vaccine had begun and general elections in November had marked a step towards the country realising its potential. But in the wake of the 1 February coup, their dreams have turned into nightmares, as many of Myanmar’s young people have found themselves forced to sacrifice their futures to take a stand against the military. Aspiring engineer, Hlyan Phyo Aung, 22, is one of them. News portal Myanmar Now reported that he was hurt by an explosion during a crackdown on a protest in the central city of Magway on 27 March. A soldier reportedly shot off his injured hand at close range, another shot multiple rubber bullets into his other hand, and then troops kicked him in the face until onlookers flung themselves over him, saving his life. His right hand was amputated at the wrist; he may also permanently lose the use of his left hand. His left leg was shot eight times and may also be amputated, his right thigh has two bullet wounds, his face was battered and damage to his eyesight caused by the impact of the gunshots may also be irreparable. The military has stopped him from receiving treatment outside one of its own hospitals, and is also charging him with incitement, which carries up to three years in jail. His story echoes the brutality borne by other protesters of his generation. Among the first civilian casualties was a 19-year-old girl shot in the head by security forces. Then came an endless list of ruined futures – a 24-year-old father who lost his leg after being shot in Yangon on 10 March, in the north-west region of Sagaing, a 20-year-old man whose leg was also amputated after the military reportedly threw a hand grenade, a 19-year-old student shot dead near Yangon on 27 March, and even younger casualties on the same day, such as a 14-year-old girl who died in her home after security forces sprayed bullets in a neighbourhood, and a seven-year-old girl shot while sitting on her father’s lap in Mandalay. Some of those who survived the attacks have been maimed for life or are unable to work as a result of their injuries..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-15
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Title: Regime’s forces kill two, loot donations from mosque from during attack on small town in Mandalay Region
Sub-title: ‘The situation is not good at all here,’ a rescue worker from Myitnge said
Description: "The coup regime’s forces shot dead two civilians and injured six others in the town of Myitnge, Mandalay Region, on Tuesday, according to residents. The two men who died were from the town’s Yankin ward and their bodies were cremated at the Myitnge Myoma Cemetery at 9am on Wednesday. The shooting began when regime forces tried to detain a civil servant who had gone on strike and joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a local said. “They came to arrest a civil servant doing CDM,” she said. “The residents came out to protest and they started shooting at them.” “They have been shooting all day today too. So we cannot go outside,” she told Myanmar Now on Wednesday. At around 2pm on Wednesday, soldiers destroyed barricades set up by locals and shot at houses in Thazin ward, she added. A donation box at a local mosque was also destroyed and the money inside was taken by the soldiers, a resident said. “We still don’t know how much money they took. They’re still blocking the area so we cannot go outside,” they added. The military’s spokesperson could not be reached for comment regarding the killing of the two men and the looting. Soldiers also began shooting in the nearby village of Hpa Paung on Wednesday evening, according to locals, though they were unable to give further details at the time of reporting. A relief worker from Myitnge said volunteers to help treat injured people and collect dead bodies have become scarce because of the dangers of doing such work. He added that a man was shot dead on Tuesday in the town of Sintgaing, about 16km from Myitnge. “We cremated his body immediately on the same day. I can’t tell you the details. The situation is not good at all here,” he said. More than 100 people have been protesting daily in Myitnge, residents there said. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a group that has been monitoring violence and arrests since the February 1 coup, the new regime has now killed at least 715 people, including more than 40 children..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-15
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Title: As civil disobedience movement grows, so do efforts to shore up resistance
Sub-title: As civil servants stage walkouts in protest against military rule, new groups are forming to help them meet basic needs
Description: "In the two weeks since Myanmar’s military seized power, resistance has taken many forms, from people banging pots and pans to massive street protests. But none have shown more commitment to the cause of restoring civilian rule than the tens of thousands of civil servants who have put their lives and livelihoods on the line by joining the growing civil disobedience movement. Some in this movement have been targeted for arrest, as the regime carries out late-night arrests around the country as part of its effort to crush popular opposition to its rule. But many others are struggling with a more basic problem: meeting their material needs as they forego an income in their bid to bring down the junta. It is in recognition of this sacrifice that new groups have begun to crop up to assist public employees in need. These groups—with names like “We Support Heroes” and “2/21 Sturdy Hands”—are trying to ensure that the regime doesn’t win by attrition what it can’t achieve through fear and intimidation. “Whenever we urge civil servants to stay away from work, there are always some who ask us how they can feed themselves. That’s why we formed this group, so that we could answer that question and show our unity,” said a member of a group that calls itself “Get Well Soon”. Already, hundreds have sought help. So far, however, support has come mainly in the form of food and shelter provided by private donors, as financial aid is still not available due to the fact that none of the groups have begun fundraising yet. One group, We Support Heroes, says that it has assisted at least 100 public employees and their families since the civil disobedience movement, or CDM, started in the days after the February 1 coup. Most are nurses, but others include customs officials, parliamentary office staff, and the households of six police officers forced to leave government-sponsored housing. One of the members of the group told Myanmar Now that even without much cash at its disposal, it has been able to amply provide for those in need of assistance thanks to the generosity of the public. “There are people who have welcomed others into their homes, in some cases giving them the whole house to live in. In Mandalay, a whole hotel was provided. And some are giving not just accommodation, but also daily meals,” he said. Engineering resistance Many of those walking off the job to join the CDM are technical staff working in a variety of ministries, including the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and the Irrigation and the Small-Scale Industries Department. Scattered around the country, from remote parts of Kachin State to the urban centers of Yangon and Mandalay, they have been among those in greatest need. Civil Disobedience Campaign—Myanmar Engineers, a group formed to assist workers in technical professions who have lost their jobs or housing due to their participation in the CDM, says that it has received 600 requests for help, but has so far only been able to assist in about 200 cases..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 14 April, (715) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) hero was killed on a previous day but documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 14, a total of (3070) people are currently under detention; of them (66) are sentenced. 756 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 17 were sentenced to death and currently evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today was the second day of Thingyan in Burma but instead people protested and strike across the country. Including a “blood strike” across the county symbolizing streets where the junta killed innocents as still stained. The inhumanity of the dictatorship is revealed because the blood has not gone away. Protestors wroten slogans on roads, like “stop killing people” and “Save Myanmar” using this red paint. Since this afternoon, Myitnge Town, in Mandalay Region was reportedly under siege by the junta, yesterday evening in Myitnge Town, at least five people were injured and many others arrested in shootings by the junta forces. In Bahan Township, Yangon, a man was shot dead in the chest while he was waiting for the bus near Min Street Bus Stop. Last night, in Kale Town in Sagaing Region, a man was shot in the stomach and injured when he was returning home from giving an oxygen tank to someone in an emergency. Last night, Myanmar Radio and Television (MRT) broadcasted that 26 civilians were sentenced – to death, 7 years imprisonment with labour, or 3 years imprisonment with labour. Some of these civilians are currently evading arrest. The junta’s own actions of death sentences and long sentences are criminally arbitrary. The junta is abusing the right of everyone to peace and security, people are facing threats to their lives on a daily basis. The junta robs the people like bandits. Yesterday, in Chin State, Hakha City, a military vehicle collided with a civilian car, destroying the man’s car. The man was detained for one night, 1.3 million Kyat in the vehicle was also stolen. A house in South Okkalapa Township, Yangon Region which stored rations and distributed donations was raided and 300 pounds of oil were stolen. The junta commits these crimes without regard for the law like terrorists. At the Yangon Education Center for the Blind in Mayangon Township, Khawe Chan. At around 7.30pm 12 April, approximately 70 junta Battalion No.77 jumped over the compound gate and set up base in two of the buildings. Inside were around 50 blind students (age between 5 and 30) and 30 family and blind staff in the wider compound, reportedly all still there. Staff movements are restricted. The junta troops initially said they would keep the base for 5-7 days, but on 13 April, they instead said it would be 1-2 weeks. Occupying a school of disabled students is not only morally abhorrent, but also violates universal international law. The UNSC must uphold its commitment to give these vulnerable students their protection and dignity which has been directly threatened by this junta terrorism and coup attempt. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 13 April, (714) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. (2) from Tamu Town in Sagaing Region died on 13 April. (2) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 13, a total of (3054) people are currently under detention; of them (66) are sentenced. As 79 people including UEC members were released, we removed them from today’s detainee list. 717 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 17 were sentenced to death and currently evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today on the eve of the Thingyan, people from all over Burma protested against the military dictatorship by chanting “Ye Ye Ni Sway Atar Oh Revolution” (The Red Welcome Flowerpot to Spirit Revolution), without having fun in water. Today, junta troops stormed Tamu, Sagaing Region. Since this morning, some wards in Tamu have been being raided, barricades and people’s homes nearby were shot at unprovoked. Today, a man and a woman were shot dead while delivering milk in Tamu. Five youths were reportedly beaten, hooded, and taken away. Persecution is practiced as routine for decades by dictatorships, now targeting civilians. Yesterday, in Insein Township, Yangon Region, a night watchman went missing on his way home after his duty. His family inquired of his whereabouts and found his dead body with wounds consistent with torture in another township, Hlaing Tharyar Hospital. The military attempts to create religious conflict as its policy. At a mosque in Tamwe Township, Yangon Region, a man, who called Muslims to prayer was found dead by hanging, his entire body and hands on back tied. Police and mosque officials have issued a statement condemning the alleged suicide, even though experts say suicide was not possible. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. It is a fundamental human right. In Burma it is a tragedy everyone is threatened and are concerned for their safety every day. This morning, arrests were made in Myingyan Township, Mandalay Region. Nine people were arrested in a raid on Lel Thit village in the eastern part of Myingyan. Last night, Mayangone Township, Yangon, a raid on Mudita’s Housing led to the arrest of at least 10 people. Yesterday in Taungdwingyi Township, Magway Region, thousands of locals were forced to flee their homes due to a military terrorist group opening fire on three villages of Pat Lal Gyi Village Tract, destroying homes and property. In order to retain power, the terrorist regime commits crimes against humanity on a daily basis. Yesterday’s news that the kyat has dropped 14% against the US dollar provides further warnings of Burma’s likely descent into a failed state. Burma already hosts fragile industries, which now face complete collapse. The economic effects will be felt internationally, particularly damaging its top investor Singapore and thereafter the entire ASEAN. Soaring food and gas prices come alongside yesterday’s scenes of long queues at ATMs in Yangon, as people panic to withdraw cash from crumbling bank systems. With junta terror prevailing in Tamu in particular today, economic chaos will engulf the entire country. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: If you need legal assistance, contact Aung Gyi on 09 451 529 000 from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and lawyer Khin Thida Lai Lai Htun on 09 774 081 585. “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 817.7 KB 2.91 MB 811.17 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 12 April, (710) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) heroes were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 12, a total of (3080) people are currently under detention; of them (64) are sentenced. 697 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 17 were sentenced to death and currently evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Last night, across the country civilians held a “flashlight strike”, lighting the sky in a powerful symbol of unity against unlawful military rule. Aerial images captured the extent of the people’s resistance. Junta forces responded to even these peaceful acts of solidarity with brutal violence. In one case in Aungmyethazan, Mandalay, CCTV footage shows the junta abducting civilians who simply turned on flashlights in their own homes. Nationally civilians also took part in a watermelon strike encouraging a boycott of Chinese products and fruits. This was in solidarity with farmers and in opposition to a China refusing to directly criticize the terrorists in Burma. Today people across Burma again continued in their protests against dictatorship, a coalition strike in Mandalay City was suppressed with gunfire. In Kyaukme, Shan State, the terrorists used tear gas and sound grenades in the afternoon. However, no one was injured or arrested. Junta forces removed barricades made by people in Narnattaw Ward, Loikaw Township, Kayah State and arrested seven individuals. Four of the seven were released soon afterwards. Although crackdowns appeas apear to be on the decline there are in fact ongoing shooting, killing, torture and arrests. Beginning early this morning, so-called police and military terrorists used excessive force to attack Tamu Township, Sagaing Region. Junta troops advanced through Tamu and destroyed people-made barricades, all civilians found were tied up. The terrorists opened fire and raided houses, suspects were arrested and taken away. The junta group raided and looted Grace Hospital in Tamu and beat the nurses. They also stormed the Methodist church compound and stole mobile phones, gold and jewelry and money which belonged to the abbot and civilians in the compound. The ward administrator house was also raided and property destroyed. During the raid, a seven-year-old boy was shot and wounded. Some people were forced to flee their homes. The terrorist group stormed the entire city with their weapons, and launched a fierce offensive in order to finally destroy a city united in defense regardless of the bombardment from heavy artillery. If they do not find people to arrest, the junta takes relatives and friends as hostage, it is a routine tactic of this terrorist regime. It is an attempt to threaten through kidnaping anyone close to them. In Tedim Township, Chin State; parents were taken hostage because the son of the Cooperative Department involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) was not found and arrested. According to AAPP documentation 32 hostages have been taken so far. Deaths by torture during detention and inhumane beatings are being perpetrated to create public fear. In Monywa, Sagaing Region, a villager was arrested and beaten last night for banging pots and pans. Today, a delivery man in Yangon was beaten for wearing a black mask and suffered bruises all over his face. Only by overthrowing the dictatorship can the persecution end, in addition to looting and robbing carried out openly by the terrorists. On April 10, in North Okkalapa Township, Yangon, the military terrorists broke into a man’s house on No. 13 Nwe Ni Road, took 180,000,00 Kyats and other valuables, beat him without reason and took him away. On April 10, in North Dagon Township, Yangon, a car driven by a dentist was allegedly stopped and searched and the dentist fined 120,000 Kyats and his wallet stolen for just giving free medical treatment. In the ethnic states, in Moe Mauk Township, Kachin State, fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the terrorist group intensified. A woman and a man were killed when artillery shells fired by the junta exploded in villages last night, another villager was injured in the leg. In Alaw Bum, the headquarter of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) area has been blasted with a series of fighter jets since this morning. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: If you need legal assistance, contact Aung Gyi on 09 451 529 000 from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and lawyer Khin Thida Lai Lai Htun on 09 774 081 585. “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.98 MB 749.17 KB 802.29 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 11 April, (706) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. (1) died on 11 April. (4) were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 11, a total of (3059) people are currently under detention; of them (64) are sentenced. 657 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 17 were sentenced to death and currently evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. People are protesting against the junta on a daily basis, today participating in the “Green Day Strike”. On 11 April even though unprovoked shootings and arrests continued, the supposed calm is a serious cause for concern. Today, in Tamu, Sagaing Region, two people on a motorcycle were shot in front of the district police station, the man was shot dead and woman injured and close to death but no one dared rescue them. On 10 April in Wa Roung Village, Ahyartaw Township, Sagaing Region, a young man was shot dead and another injured in a crackdown on protesters. Last night, in Pathein Township, Ayeyarwady Region, two youths on a motorcycle were shot at in an effort to detain, but no one was injured or arrested. Since the military coup in Burma, the terrorist group has mainly targeted political parties, organizations and parliamentarians. One NLD MP from Pantanaw Township, Ayeyarwady Region was arrested yesterday, the military terrorist group uses torture as its weapon in detention, it is a serious cause for concern that detainees will survive with human dignity. In the ethnic states, conflict by the junta in particular against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) continued. From last night to this afternoon, fighting between the KIA and the junta intensified in Momauk Township, many locals have been forced to flee. On April 9 and April 10, five artillery shells were fired at KNU-controlled civilian areas in Papun District and gunfire at two working people. In Nyaung Lay Pin District, Bago Region, people in Kyaukgyi Township are continually worried about airstrikes from fighter jets. Today was the 70th day since the coup, but the attempt to control the state through oppression has failed. The coup in 1988 took a matter of days, the 2021 attempted coup has lasted over two months. People are demanding the military step back and return power to the elected government, the people realize the essence of democracy, they lost their freedom in an attempt to return back to dictatorship. The population are enduring atrocities and fighting for the overthrow of the dictatorship and for true democracy. The military terrorist group is carrying out daily shootings and killings. AAPP urges the international community, including ASEAN, to take immediate action to prevent further injuries and deaths in Burma. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: If you need legal assistance, contact Aung Gyi on 09 451 529 000 from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and lawyer Khin Thida Lai Lai Htun on 09 774 081 585. “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size: 780.05 KB 93.73 KB 2.96 MB 731.71 KB
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Title: How the CDM can win
Sub-title: The Civil Disobedience Movement must define clear goals, set sustainable strategies and ditch any illusions of foreign intervention if it’s to win its tug-of-war with the Tatmadaw.
Description: "The people of Myanmar awoke to fear and confusion on February 1 as the Tatmadaw detained national leaders and lawmakers in Nay Pyi Taw ahead of the convening of the new parliament. Despite intermittent internet outages and a lack of information from state-run media, it soon became clear that the Tatmadaw had staged a coup. Within 48 hours, coordinated action against the seizure of power had begun. As the days wore on, the anti-coup campaign gained a name and a strategy: the Civil Disobedience Movement. Although this non-violent resistance movement was launched by government healthcare workers refusing to show up to work, it is largely an ad hoc campaign organised on the internet with no apparent leader. The CDM has galvanised millions to reject the military takeover of the government through sustained street protests, encouraged a boycott of military-owned or affiliated businesses, and, most vitally, inspired public servants to refuse to comply with directives from the military regime. A month from the coup, the devastating effect of millions of people working together to sabotage administration and the economy is being keenly felt. The strikes by public servants have slowed international trade to a crawl, government hospitals are having to turn away patients, and the banking system is unable to function, creating a cash crunch. What happens next will determine whether Myanmar is able to rid itself of the military junta or if millions will suffer pointlessly. There are five key challenges the CDM needs to address in order to win. The first challenge is to clarify and build consensus about what “success” means. Although there is universal agreement that the CDM rejects the military takeover of government, there is so far no consensus over what the campaign hopes to accomplish should the movement force the military to the negotiating table. At the moment, people on the streets are demanding paradoxical things. Many are calling for the regime to “respect our votes”, but activists from ethnic and religious minorities are not protesting in support of returning the National League for Democracy to power. Instead, they want to form a federal democracy based on a new or amended constitution. A lack of consensus is understandable given that the CDM is more than just street protests, a strike by government employees and a boycott of anything associated with the military. It is also a cultural sea change in which a new generation of activists is speaking up and taking the lead without looking to a source of authority for permission or approval. But without an agreement to pursue inclusive, justice-focused goals, it is easy to envision a future in which the concerns of minorities are again sacrificed for a settlement that the majority can accept, or one in which the movement suffers from infighting and then fails. The second challenge is the lack of clear leadership to both guide the CDM in its middle phase and be “in the room where it happens” at the end. Currently it seems that everyone in the CDM is involved with everything, without a clear sense of where each individual and group fits. This is extremely dangerous when confronting an organisation as highly organised and as well-resourced as the military..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Title: In Face of Deadly Crackdown by Myanmar’s Junta, Civil Disobedience Movement Carries On
Description: "Anti-coup protests broke out again across Myanmar early Monday as popular acts of defiance against the military junta despite the regime’s violent and increasingly deadly pushback. Hundreds of demonstrators marched along a main road in Mandalay before dawn, many of them doctors, nurses, students and other medical personnel wearing white coats, repeating a similar demonstration carried out the night before. Scores of motorists in the commercial capital of Yangon honked their car horns in response to a call on social media, according to Reuters. Myanmar has been in turmoil ever since military jailed de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of the democratically elected civilian government on February 1. At least three people were killed Sunday in violent clashes between police and civilians, including two in Mandalay, Myanmar’s second-largest city and a major hub of opposition. An activist group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, said nearly 250 people have been killed since the coup, with more than 2,000 people detained. Australian authorities confirmed Sunday that two of its citizens, businesspeople, were detained in Myanmar. Australia’s government declined to further details, citing the privacy of the concerned parties. Singapore’s Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan will visit Brunei Darussalam on Monday before going to Malaysia and Indonesia as part of a regional diplomatic push to bring an end to the crisis in Myanmar, Reuters reported..."
Source/publisher: "VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Title: Junta uses control over military families to prevent defections, say army insiders
Sub-title: Soldiers disgusted by the regime’s murder of civilians fear their families will pay the price if they join the CDM
Description: "Soldiers appalled by the Myanmar junta’s brutal treatment of civilians are reluctant to leave the military because they fear for their families’ safety, according to people familiar with the situation. Despite these fears, however, a number of military officers have already defected to avoid serving under a regime that has so far killed more than 700 protesters and bystanders since seizing power on February 1. In the past month, four soldiers, including a captain from Light Infantry Division 77, which has carried out crackdowns in Yangon, have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Others have also deserted and are now on the run. Many more would be willing to disobey the dictatorship if their families weren’t effectively held hostage by the junta—or “kidnapped by a gang”, as one of the recent defectors put it. “That is the situation right now. Those living in military compounds have basically been kidnapped. They use soldiers’ family members to control them so they can’t act freely. If a soldier wants to run, he has to take his family with him,” explained Capt. Lin Htet Aung, who joined the CDM this week. The captain, who served with Light Infantry Battalion 528 under the Triangle Region Command in eastern Shan state’s Mong Ping township, told Myanmar Now that many soldiers are uneasy about the crimes they have been ordered to commit. They know the regime is arresting, torturing and murdering innocent civilians, he said, but they are too worried about the safety of their own families to risk doing anything about it. “They know it isn’t fair, but they have to look out for their families. They’re aware of the injustice and I’m sure they feel uncomfortable about it. And yet they have to close their eyes,” he said. Now in hiding in territory controlled by an ethnic armed organization, he estimated that around 75% of troops would leave the military if their families were to receive protection. Not free to speak Even before the coup, the movements of soldiers’ family members were restricted, especially if they lived on military bases, according to the wife of an officer stationed in Mandalay. Since the coup, however, the situation has gotten much worse, both for the soldiers themselves and for their families, she said. “It’s been two weeks since I last had contact with him,” said the woman, who does not live with her husband. “They can’t go out except for security purposes. They line up every day and night to give their names, since some are defecting.” Because she doesn’t live on the base, where she can be more easily controlled, she has been denied access to her Facebook account and has also been forced to give up two phone numbers she previously used, she told Myanmar Now. “I never lived in a military compound, so he never really tells me anything in detail, because he doesn’t want to get in trouble. But he says they threaten him, asking if he wants a promotion or one or two years in prison. They’ve been saying I’m in the way of his prospects,” the woman said. Her husband, who is a graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy, has wanted to leave the army since before the coup, she added. But not everyone in the military is disillusioned with the regime, she noted. There are still many who believe anything the generals say, due to their lack of access to news from outlets that are not controlled by the military. “There’s no internet access and they believe that everything they see on Myawaddy is real,” she said, referring to the military-owned TV station that the regime uses to spread disinformation about the coup. “They genuinely believe this coup was staged due to electoral fraud and that there will be another election in a year to transfer power,” she said of families living on bases. When Myanmar Now contacted the wife of another officer to ask about her current situation in a military housing compound, she simply responded that she did not feel safe speaking on the phone. She added, however, that she did not mind not being able to speak freely..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-14
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Title: Avoiding Pitfalls in Engaging with Digital Myanmar: A Post-coup Analysis of Risk Mitigation (Part 1)
Description: "The coup took many by surprise. So too did the first internet shutdown in the coup’s early hours, the subsequent blocking of Facebook and later of Twitter and Instagram by the Ministry of Transport and Communication. On February 6, both landline and mobile internet access were almost completely shut down. They started working again on Sunday, February 7, 2 pm Myanmar Time when internet service providers (ISPs) received an order to turn internet access back on. Since February 15, shutdowns have occurred daily between 1-9 am.[1] As of February 10, a new draft ‘Cyber Security Law’ is circulating on social media. It has since been condemned in a statement by over 250 civil society organizations. In parallel to the protests, laws including the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens, the Electronic Transactions Law[2], the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law, and sections of the Penal Code have been amended by the military. One of the first people to be shot at, Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, on February 19, succumbed to wounds sustained ten days prior. The violence used by the armed forces has escalated, particularly since the last weekend in February. These many changes within a short timespan illustrate the situation’s volatility. Staying connected, something digital networks promise, is crucial for those inside and outside Myanmar for coordination, news, and support. Yet, some means of engagement bear risks. This post first elaborates the risks associated with digital communications laid out in a Myanmar language resource. The post then applies this resource to the communications strategies of those outside Myanmar. Learning from those most experienced in avoiding digital pitfalls—those local to Myanmar—seems reasonable. Digital rights activists[3] and others have been adapting since at least 1994 (Houtman 1999: 2; see further Brooten, McElhone, and Venkiteswaran 2019b). Internet shutdowns and surveillance are nothing new, despite the current shutdowns’ unprecedented scale, with shutdowns in several townships in Rakhine and Chin State lasting from June 2019 to August 2020.[4] To illustrate the experience gained by local activists and other digital media users, the post relies on a Google Doc named “Risk Mitigation and Management Guide.pdf” (RMMG; in Myanmar) posted on Twitter by @myanmarido, Myanmar ICT for Development’s (MIDO) account, on the first day of the coup. MIDO is a civil society organisation founded in 2012 that aims to make information and communication technology (ICT) a force for social and political change. The file itself, however, names no author. It is much broader than this blog post and is aimed at people currently in Myanmar. In this post, the RMMG will be a) analysed to tease out its underlying concerns in Part 1 and b) consulted for practical advice insofar as it is relevant for those outside of—but engaging with—Myanmar in Part 2. The latter will be supplemented, where needed, by resources on issues the RMMG does not cover. Taking the author of the RMMG as a primary holder of digital security skills and knowledge regarding Myanmar, this post argues that their concerns should also matter for those engaged with Myanmar from the outside..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
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Title: The Military Coup Destroyed Independent Media in Myanmar, but in Rakhine State, It Wasn’t There to Begin With
Description: "Since the February 1 military coup, independent media has faced a crisis in Myanmar. Yet, even before the coup, journalists and rights advocates had decried a diminishing space for independent media, especially media reporting on armed conflict and humanitarian crises in Rakhine State. In early January, we interviewed seven journalists and editors about the risks and challenges they faced when reporting on conflict between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Tatmadaw. Some quotes have been anonymized due to the repressive and unstable situation under the military regime. Those interviewed shared numerous barriers the government created with regard to the media’s coverage of the conflict, which began escalating in late 2018. Some of these barriers were an extension of those already in place since October 2016, when the Tatmadaw began committing “clearance operations” against Rohingya people in the state’s northern townships. At that time, the government refused independent media access to the area. By April 2017, journalists needed permission to visit anywhere in the state. The Ministry of Information organized reporting tours beginning that July but required that participants were accompanied by government “minders” and followed fixed itineraries. One journalist we interviewed in January reflected on a time when they traveled to northern Rakhine without authorization, shortly after the Tatmadaw conducted its second and more sweeping wave of atrocities in August 2017, for which it is now facing genocide charges at the International Court of Justice. The journalist was detained by soldiers and forced to sign an agreement not to post or publish anything from their trip. Radio Free Asia also reported that journalists visiting northern Rakhine without authorization during the 2017 crisis faced threats, harassment, and confiscation of their cameras and laptops. In January 2018, the Committee to Protect Journalists named Aung San Suu Kyi the world’s biggest backslider in press freedoms, but the situation only worsened. That September, Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo received seven-year sentences for the possession of classified documents during their investigation of the massacre of ten Rohingya. Despite a police officer’s confession that he was ordered to entrap the journalists, they spent more than 500 days in prison before being released by presidential pardon. The AA began escalating its fight for autonomy in late 2018, and the Tatmadaw cracked down with a brutal counterinsurgency campaign. Violence—including indiscriminate airstrikes, gunfire, arson, and enforced disappearances—claimed around 300 lives, while the Rakhine Ethnics Congress, a local civil society group, estimated approximately 230,000 people were displaced. In April 2020, U.N. human rights expert Yanghee Lee documented the Tatmadaw’s targeting of civilians and called for an investigation into allegations of ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Rakhine and neighboring Chin State. As the conflict worsened, journalists faced increasing obstacles to reporting safely, accurately, and freely on human rights abuses that occurred. The journalists we interviewed described numerous ways authorities limited access to information and sources and left them vulnerable to arrest. In June 2019, the government ordered telecoms operators to shut down the internet in nine townships, impacting more than one million people. Although the restrictions were at times partially lifted, the internet remained effectively inaccessible across eight townships until, a day after the coup, the new military regime restored full access as it scrambled to earn the favor of marginalized ethnic groups. “For media workers to access facts and information has been difficult since the internet was blocked,” Myint Kyaw, former Secretary of the Myanmar Press Council, told us during a phone interview in early January, when the internet restrictions were still in place. Before the coup, the Myanmar Press Council had served as a semi-independent media adjudication body whose members were appointed by the National League for Democracy government, media associations, and civil society; now, most of its members have resigned due to military directives since the coup. “Media are just using photos of signboards with village names for news coming from Rakhine; the photo quality really decreased. Also, villagers cannot post things on social media, so they cannot share what is happening,” said Myint Kyaw in early January. Internet restrictions impacted the ability to cross-check information as well. “When someone from an internet-restricted area tells me something, it’s very difficult to verify,” said a reporter with the Rakhine State-based Development Media Group (DMG) in a phone interview in early January. “I try to verify it by calling four or five people, but sometimes updates happen in the meantime. I also have to consider each person’s background and whether what they say is likely to be accurate.” Without internet access, journalists were also unable to use encrypted messaging applications or send or receive emails from internet-restricted areas, leading them to transport files by car and use phone calls and text messages to communicate with each other and with sources. “These challenges lead not only to delayed communication but also a massive risk for journalists, as they can be under surveillance,” said a local media expert in an email on January 9. We have withheld their name due to security concerns since the coup,. On March 23 of 2020, the government ordered telecoms operators to block 230 websites, including 67 websites it categorized as “fake news.” Among the “fake news” sites were DMG and Narinjara, the only two Rakhine State-based media reporting in English. The local media expert said the block had both affected advertising revenue and hindered information access. “Blocking the websites of these media takes away the rights of people to know the situation of conflicts and human rights violations in conflict regions,” she said. Also on March 23, the government designated the AA a terrorist organization. In the ensuing weeks, authorities raided three media outlets and their journalists’ homes and charged their Editors-in-Chief under the Counter-Terrorism Law for publishing interviews with the AA’s spokesperson. Charges against Nay Myo Lin of the Mandalay-based Voice of Myanmar were later withdrawn, while cases against the Editors-in-Chief of Narinjara and Yangon-based Khit Thit Media remained ongoing as of the coup. They are among 67 legal cases filed against the media during the first four years of the National League for Democracy’s term, of which the government filed 31, the military filed 11, and the rest were filed by religious institutions, political parties, armed groups, private claimants and others, according to a May 2020 report by the Yangon-based freedom of expression organization Athan. “If we write true news, we can get arrested anytime,” said Thar Loon Zaung Htet, Khit Thit’s founder and Editor-in-Chief, in a phone interview in early January. “We can’t make balanced news about the conflict because we can’t interview the AA according to the law … It’s also difficult to follow media ethics if we don’t know the ground situation and can only get news from phone calls. It’s like the situation in Rakhine is in the dark. “ Two female journalists we interviewed in early January said they never went alone to conduct interviews in the field. “When I report on politics or human rights issues, I feel unsafe physically and psychologically,” said one local reporter in a phone interview. “I don’t feel safe being a woman journalist,” said another. “I try to encourage myself not to fear because I’m working for the truth.” DMG, which has seventeen journalists focusing on each of the state’s townships and was often among the first to break the news on the conflict between the AA and Tatmadaw, was a particular target of harassment. In April 2019, DMG received an email from an unknown sender that threatened its journalists’ lives if they did not support the Tatmadaw in their reporting. DMG applied to renew its media license in March 2019, but the Ministry of Information never responded to the application. Nonetheless, DMG pushed forward in its reporting: a search for “IDP” [internally displaced person] on its website revealed 152 articles published from May 2019 to February 2021, while a search for “human rights” revealed 109 results. As DMG continued to cover the conflict, however, it also came under increasing scrutiny. In May 2019, police charged Editor-in-Chief Aung Marm Oo with unspecified violations under the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act, for which he faced up to five years in prison; the case was ongoing as of the coup. During the NLD’s administration, the Unlawful Associations Act had been repeatedly used to charge people who allegedly had contact with ethnic armed organizations, including for journalistic purposes. In the days following the charges, police raided Aung Marm Oo’s office and house, questioning his family and two DMG staff. He went into hiding and, as of an interview in early January, had since been unable to see his wife or three-year-old son or receive medical care for a liver condition. He said that, fearing for his safety, he wouldn’t return home until police withdrew the case. On January 22 of this year, the Tatmadaw charged one DMG editor and one reporter with defamation under the Telecommunications Law, which outlaws defamation over a telecommunications network, in relation to an article that alleged Tatmadaw personnel had looted rice and forced locals to mill it. Neither the Tatmadaw nor the government had responded to DMG’s requests for comment. A local media expert emphasized to us the importance of local ethnic media in documenting armed conflict and promoting accountability for human rights violations.. “Local ethnic media can be a bridge that conveys the news from isolated conflict regions to the whole country and the world. It can eventually lead to a demand to end human rights violations in those areas,” she said. DMG’s deputy editor told us three weeks before the coup that Rakhine State-based media were facing increasing difficulties to survive and that some of DMG’s editors and reporters had resigned due to low salary and security concerns. “Local media are gradually becoming weaker in technology, funding, and human resources,” he said. The people we interviewed were disappointed in the NLD government’s stance toward media freedoms. While the party pledged to support independent media in its 2015 election manifesto, this pledge was absent in 2020. “Related to the law, things really got worse during the NLD administration…The NLD weakened independent media,” said Myint Kyaw, former Myanmar Press Council Secretary. When we called him on February 2, the day after the coup, he told us that the space for media freedoms would “narrow drastically” under the new junta. His prediction was accurate. On April 11, the junta submitted a letter to the Myanmar Press Council warning journalists and media organizations not to refer to it as a “coup government,” saying it violated media ethics. The junta has also ordered telecommunications operators to block all mobile data as of March 15 and wifi broadband networks as of April 1. A nightly internet blackout has been imposed since February 15. On March 9, the junta revoked the press licenses of five local media outlets, including Khit Thit, which had been covering breaking news in the coup’s aftermath, including livestream videos of protests. Editor-in-Chief Thar Loon Zaung Htet told Radio Free Asia on the day its license was revoked that all of Khit Thit’s journalists had already resigned, but he would continue alone to produce news via social media channels. The deputy editor of DMG told us that security concerns had dramatically increased for DMG staff since the coup. The entire team has gone into hiding, making it difficult for the media to collect information for its reports. According to an April 1 article in the New York Times, at least 56 journalists had been arrested with half remaining in detention. Fifteen face charges under Penal Code Article 505(a), which criminalizes disseminating information that might cause members of the military to mutiny, disregard, or fail in their duties with up to two years in prison. Junta forces have beaten journalists on multiple occasions, and a least three have been shot and wounded. When we started our reporting in January, the government’s restrictions on journalists covering Rakhine State significantly hindered reporting on the human rights situation there. The military coup caused a further downfall, while similar restrictions — including internet and website blocks, denial of licenses, and threats of arrest — now affect media coverage across the entire country, and physical insecurity has become pervasive as well. These changes are among many ways the junta has expanded oppressive tactics once practiced predominantly in ethnic states to encompass all of Myanmar, to the detriment of all..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
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Title: Myanmar coup: The people shot dead since the protests began
Sub-title: More than 700 people have been killed by security forces since Myanmar's military grabbed power in a coup on 1 February, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). The BBC has spoken to loved ones of three people who have died.
Description: "As Myanmar's coup violence continues to spiral, so has the number of its victims as a crackdown on protesters intensifies. Some of those who died had taken part in anti-coup protests, while others - including children - were simply sitting in their homes when they were killed. Here, three families share their stories. The teen who sang pro-democracy songs on TikTok Fourteen-year-old Pan Ei Phyu was an ardent supporter of the pro-democracy movement, and had made several TikTok videos of herself singing pro-democracy songs. Fearing for her safety, her mother Thida San didn't let her join the street protests. But that wasn't enough to save her. Pan Ei Phyu was shot inside her house as she wanted to open the door to protesters fleeing a military crackdown on 27 March. It was also the deadliest day since the coup began - at least 114 people, including 11 children, were killed. "She suddenly fell down and I thought she had slipped. But then I saw the blood on her back and realised she had been shot," Thida San told the BBC, breaking into tears. In Burmese, "pan" means flower, "ei" means soft, and "phyu" means white. "My daughter was a beautiful girl when she was born, just like a soft little flower. That's why I gave her the name." She recounted how helpful her daughter was around the house, and how she dreamed about opening an orphanage when she got older. "I feel like my life is not worth living without my child. I want to die instead of her." Pan Ei Phyu's death has also deeply affected her younger brother, 10-year-old Mg Sai Sai. He did not sleep at all on the night his sister died, and kept watching her TikTok videos instead, Thida San said. The family have since moved house because Thida San is worried something bad will happen to them again..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
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Title: Myanmar's military is charging families $85 to retrieve bodies of relatives killed in crackdown
Description: "Myanmar's military is charging families $85 to retrieve the bodies of relatives killed by security forces in a bloody crackdown on Friday, according to activists. At least 82 people were killed Friday in Bago, 90 kilometers (56 miles) northeast of Yangon, after the city was "raided" by the military's security forces, said advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). More than 700 people have died since the military overthrew Myanmar's elected government in a February 1 coup, according to AAPP. Since then, junta security forces made up of police, soldiers and elite counter-insurgency troops have embarked on a systematic crackdown against unarmed and peaceful protesters, detaining around 3,000 people and forcing activists into hiding. Myanmar's military fired on anti-coup protesters in Bago city Friday, using assault rifles, rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs), and hand grenades, AAPP said. An eyewitness who lives in Bago city, who cannot be named for security purposes, told CNN Sunday that many residents have fled to nearby villages since Friday's raid. The internet has been cut off in the area since Friday, the eyewitness said, and security forces are searching the neighborhoods. "I was living on the main road. The security forces come and station often," the eyewitness told CNN, adding that bodies have piled up at the mortuary following the shootings. "Due to the threat, we had to move into the house in the lane nearby," The military is now charging families 120,000 Myanmar kyat ($85) to retrieve the bodies of relatives who died Friday, according to a Facebook post from the Bago University Students' Union. Radio Free Asia's Burmese service matched the reporting from the Bago University Students' Union. CNN has not independently verified the report and has reached out to the military for comment. A police vehicle is parked at a road in South Okkalapa township to block anti-coup protesters' gathering in Yangon, Myanmar, Friday, April 9, 2021..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
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Title: UN sees Syria echoes in Myanmar conflict
Sub-title: Activists call for a week of protests against military coup over Myanmar’s traditional New Year holiday.
Description: "The United Nations human rights office said on Tuesday it fears the military clampdown on protests in Myanmar risks escalating a civil conflict into that seen in Syria and appealed for a halt to the “slaughter”. UN High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet said in a statement 3,080 had been detained and there are reports that 23 people have been sentenced to death following secret trials. “I fear the situation in Myanmar is heading towards a full-blown conflict. States must not allow the deadly mistakes of the past in Syria and elsewhere to be repeated,” Bachelet said. The statement came as pro-democracy activists in Myanmar called for a week of anti-coup protests during the traditional New Year holidays, as the death toll from the military’s crackdown on protesters surged past 700 and security forces raided a hospital in the Sagaing region. The five-day New Year holidays, known as Thingyan, began on Tuesday and activists urged people to stage symbolic protests through the week, including by painting the three-finger salute used by demonstrators on traditional pots filled with flowers, which are typically displayed during the festive period. “The military council doesn’t own Thingyan,” Ei Thinzar Maung, a leader of the General Strike Collaboration Committee protest group, wrote on Facebook. “The power of people is in the hands of people.” Ei Thinzar Maung said other planned holiday protests against the military government included the splattering of red paint on pavements and the blasting of car horns. Thingyan is the country’s most important holiday and is usually celebrated with prayers, ritual cleaning of Buddha images in temples, and high-spirited water fights on the streets. But many social media users in Myanmar said they would not celebrate this year. One Twitter user identified as Shwe Ei said, “We do not celebrate Myanmar Thingyan this year since over 700 of our innocent brave souls are killed by inhumane junta forces unlawfully. We believe we will win this revolution.” In the central town of Taungoo, protesters placed Thingyan pots bearing flowers and anti-coup messages on the roads early on Tuesday, the Irrawaddy website reported..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
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Title: More Bloodshed in Myanmar as Crackdown on Coup Protests Continues
Sub-title: The death toll has passed 700, with more than 80 killed on Friday in one city alone, a rights group said.
Description: "The Myanmar military’s bloody crackdown on the nationwide resistance to its rule showed no sign of easing on Sunday, with a human rights group reporting that the death toll across the country had passed 700. The security forces killed 82 people in a single city on Friday, according to the group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which has been documenting the bloodshed since the military’s Feb. 1 coup. Soldiers used machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades to attack an organized group of protesters who had set up barricades to defend part of that city, Bago. The military appears to be targeting centers of resistance around the country, using overwhelming power against largely untrained, poorly armed protesters. In Tamu, a town near the border with India, members of a local defense group similar to the one in Bago claimed to have killed some members of the security forces on Saturday after coming under attack. The security forces’ assault in Bago, about 40 miles northeast of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, was one of their most lethal yet. A reputable news outlet, Myanmar Now, also put the death toll in Bago at 82. On Friday, a spokesman for the junta, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, suggested that the military had been exercising restraint since the coup, telling reporters that it could be killing many more people if it wished. “If we were to actually shoot the protesters with an automatic rifle, the 500 people you are talking about would have died within hours,” he said after being asked about the nationwide toll..."
Source/publisher: "The New York Times" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-12
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Title: Aspiring engineer maimed in sadistic attack becomes an emblem of his generation
Sub-title: The fate of 22-year-old Hlyan Phyo Aung speaks to the worst fears of those who came of age during Myanmar’s brief era of relative freedom
Description: "Two weeks ago, 22-year-old Hlyan Phyo Aung was an active young man with a promising future as a civil engineer. That was despite the fact that, like others of his generation, his prospects had taken a dramatic turn for the worse when the military seized power less than two months earlier. As someone with a great deal to lose if the regime held onto power, he was determined to make sure that didn’t happen. That’s why, on the morning of March 27, he was one of hundreds of thousands of young people around the country who had turned out to demand an end to military rule. In his case, he had joined a protest in his hometown of Magway, where a brutal crackdown that day that would change Hlyan Phyo Aung’s life forever. The military assault started early. At around 6am, regime forces started throwing tear gas canisters and stun grenades at protesters gathered near the city’s Aung Myittar roundabout, hemming them in from all sides. Like all the others, Hlyan Phyo Aung tried to escape this onslaught by running in any direction that didn’t seem to be under fire. That’s when an explosion went off nearby and he fell to the ground. Seconds later, he was surrounded by heavily armed soldiers, one of whom ordered him to put up his hands. When he did, Hlyan Phyo Aung noticed that blood was running down his right arm. It was at that moment that he realized the explosion had torn away a piece of his hand. “So where is your ‘mother’ now?” the soldier taunted, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Myanmar’s ousted civilian government. Then, without a moment’s hesitation, the soldier shot directly at Hlyan Phyo Aung’s hand, blowing it off entirely, according to another protester who witnessed this horrific scene from a short distance away. “While he was kneeling, they shot at his hand at close range. Then it just came right off and dropped onto the ground,” said the protester, speaking to Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity. But Hlyan Phyo Aung’s ordeal wasn’t over yet. Another soldier approached him and fired several rubber bullets at his remaining hand. When Hlyan Phyo Aung could no longer hold himself up and fell forward, a few other soldiers proceeded to kick him repeatedly in the face, the witness said. An unlikely rescue There is little doubt that this would have ended in Hlyan Phyo Aung’s death if a group of about 15 other protesters hadn’t rushed to his defense. They did this despite the certainty that they would face arrest or worse for their actions. As the soldiers continued pummeling their helpless victim, some of the protesters threw themselves on top of Hlyan Phyo Aung’s now unconscious body to stop the blows. “They were kicking and punching him in the face and legs when these people came over to cover his body with theirs. They even shot at his leg when it stuck out from under them! One man who pleaded with them to stop was hit in the head with the butt of a gun,” said the witness. This unlikely rescue, which resulted in the arrest of all those who came to Hlyan Phyo Aung’s aid, came after a woman who was nearby when the frenzied attack began held up a three-finger salute and started chanting anti-coup slogans, the witness recalled. Like other heavily injured protesters who were arrested that day, Hlyan Phyo Aung was transported to a military hospital. Thanks to his rescuers, none of his injuries were life-threatening. However, his once-bright future now seems far from assured. According to a close friend, what was left of Hlyan Phyo Aung’s right hand was amputated at the wrist, and he has also lost the use of his left hand, perhaps permanently. His left leg, which was shot eight times, may also have to be amputated. He also has two bullet wounds in his right thigh and sustained serious injuries to his face. Speaking to Myanmar Now on April 4, the friend said that doctors at the military hospital were not able to repair damage to Hlyan Phyo Aung’s eyes caused by the discharge of weapons close to his face. He added that permission to receive treatment at a private hospital had been denied..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-09
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 9 April, (618) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. (1) died on 9 April. (3) were killed on previous days and documented today. Today there were many reported casualties in Bago, AAPP is still awaiting confirmation to identify all these. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 9, a total of (2931) people are currently under detention; of them (54) are sentenced. 520 have been issued arrest warrants. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Earlier this morning before dawn, the military terrorist troop destroyed main roadblocks on both sides of Maggatic Road built by anti-military activists to prevent a violent crackdown in Bago. The terrorist junta used assault rifles, heavy weaponry like RPG, and hand grenades from both sides of the road to suppress the protesters’ bases and residences. Four identified civilians were killed and several injured. At least 20 people were killed this evening but are being confirmed. Protests in Katha, Sagaing Region were suppressed, but no one was injured or arrested. In Tamwe Township, Yangon Region, at least eight youths have been beaten and arrested by 12 military terrorists and so-called police vehicles during a protest march in Kyauk Myaung. In Sanchaung Township, Yangon Region, two people were arrested and two were hit by the rubber bullets. Night demonstrations have also been cracked down on, last night in Yangon Region, so-called police and military assaulted a march in Lanmadaw Township. They arrested nine civilians, beating and tying them with ropes. The protesters burned the flag of China and were searched and arrested by military terrorists. Last night, they went looking into some wards in Insein Township, shooting, and arresting four civilians. Torture during detention and the shooting of people found in searches is a grave human rights violation. In Burma these are openly committed by the so-called regime in order to maintain power. In Kyaukpadaung, Mandalay Region, a man active in anti-military protests was searched for, when he tried to escape he was shot in the leg and shot dead in the back. After the coup, the military terrorists enacted a law which can impose a fine of up to 10,000 Kyats or up to seven days in prison if no guest list is filed, threats of these are now increasingly used. Junta-appointed ward administrators threatened wards with loudspeakers of up to three years imprisonment or maximum fines if people do not comply with the order for overnight registration. This is not only a violation of the law by the military junta, but also a way for them to scatter and arrest suspects at any time. Despite the severe repression of the media sector in Burma and the restriction of the flow of information in various ways, the junta continues to escalate oppression of journalists. Today, Hpakant-based journalist Naung Yoe was arrested while covering a protest rally in the city. A women’s rights activist and co-founder of Mizzima media, and a colleague were arrested. 29 media were detained by yesterday, only two on bail, and this is rising. Journalists in Burma are coming under escalating oppression. The military terrorist group has been raiding religious sites and in arrest searches. Panpyo Lat Monastic Charity School in Kyauktan Village, Bago Region was stormed yesterday. Guests were made to kneel as they rode through the Panpyo Lat Monastic Charity School. Five residents of the Panpyo Lat Monastic Charity School were taken away. The junta raided churches and mosques in Pathein, Irrawaddy Region. In the ethnic states the junta continues its offensives against Karen National Union (KNU) controlled areas. A man was killed when 12 artillery shells were fired into three villages in Hpapun District. Ye Township, Mon State, the villagers from the entire village fled as the army occupied and set up base in Man Aung village yesterday evening. The military seized power in 1962 and 1988, and the people suffered decades of brutal human rights abuses under dictatorship. Once again, the 2021 coup undermines the very essence of democracy, people losing their freedom. A peaceful federal union will be established once the dictatorship is overthrown, hence we must all fight together to overcome it. Burma’s economy is approaching that of a failed state, continued economic devastation brought about by the junta coup, terror and governance policies will impede investment and growth in ASEAN as well. The junta does not want stability, instead the junta kills civilians and creates terror. Today firing mortars at people to destroy barricades in Bago causing civilian casualties. As ASEAN members announce a proposal to hold an Emergency Summit, AAPP urges them to adhere to their Charter, taking the necessary measures to create a region which is “stable, prosperous, highly competitive and economically integrated”, and which necessitates an end to the military coup. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: If you need legal assistance, contact Aung Gyi on 09 451 529 000 from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and lawyer Khin Thida Lai Lai Htun on 09 774 081 585. “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-09
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Title: Myanmar junta says protests are dwindling as at least 10 reported killed by troops
Description: "Myanmar’s junta said on Friday that a protest campaign against its rule was dwindling since people wanted peace, and that it would hold elections within two years, the first timeframe it has given for a return to democracy since its Feb. 1 coup. Troops fired rifle grenades at anti-coup protesters on Friday in the town of Bago, near the main city Yangon, witnesses and news reports said. At least 10 people were killed and their bodies piled up in the corner of a pagoda, they said. Myanmar Now news and Mawkun, an online news magazine, said at least 20 people were killed and many wounded. It was not possible to get a precise toll because troops had cordoned off the area near the pagoda, they said. Junta spokesman Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun told a news conference in the capital, Naypyitaw, that the country was returning to normal and government ministries and banks would resume full operations soon. More than 600 people have been killed by security forces cracking down on protests against the coup, according to an activist group. The country has ground to a standstill because of the protest campaign and widespread strikes against military rule. “The reason of reducing protests is due to cooperation of people who want peace, which we value,” Zaw Min Tun said. “We request people to cooperate with security forces and help them.” He said the military had recorded 248 deaths and he denied that automatic weapons had been used. Sixteen policemen had also been killed, he said. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) activist group has said 614 people, including 48 children, had been killed by security forces since the coup, as of Thursday evening. More than 2,800 were in detention, it said. “We are humbled by their courage and dignity,” a group of 18 ambassadors in the country said of the protesters in a joint statement. “We stand together to support the hopes and aspirations of all those who believe in a free, just, peaceful and democratic Myanmar. Violence has to stop, all political detainees must be released and democracy must be restored.” The statement was signed by the ambassadors of the United States, Britain, the EU, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, Switzerland and several other European nations. “The suggestions from neighbouring countries and big countries and powerful people in politics, we respect them,” Zaw Min Tun said. He also accused members of deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy of arson and said the protest campaign was being financed by foreign money, but gave no details. Suu Kyi and many of her party colleagues have been in custody since the coup. Zaw Min Tun said reports that some members of the international community did not recognise the military government were “fake news”. “We are cooperating with foreign countries and working together with neighbouring countries,” the spokesman said. The United Nations special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, had wanted to visit the country but said she has been rebuffed by the generals. She said on Friday she had arrived in Bangkok, the capital of neighbouring Thailand. “I regret that Tatmadaw answered me yesterday that they are not ready to receive me,” Schraner Burgener said on her official Twitter account, referring to the Myanmar military. “I am ready for dialogue. Violence never leads to peaceful sustainable solutions.”..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-09
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Title: Myanmar military denies responsibility for child deaths and says elections could be pushed back
Description: ""This is not a coup," said Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun from a gilded hall in Myanmar's purpose-built capital Naypyidaw, the city where his comrades recently ousted an elected government, detained the country's leadership, and installed a military junta. During an hour-long conversation with CNN, the military spokesperson was steadfast in upholding the junta's official narrative: that the generals are merely "safeguarding" the country while they investigate a "fraudulent" election. The bloodshed on the streets that has killed at least 600 people is the fault of "riotous" protesters, he said. At one point, Zaw Min Tun said if civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi's father -- the assassinated independence hero Aung San, who founded the country's modern military -- could see the situation now, he would say: "You are such a fool, my daughter." The interview took place during a week-long press tour of Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, and Naypyidaw from March 31 to April 6. Prior to the trip, the military assured CNN it would be able to report independently and be given freedom of movement, but the journalists' request to stay in a Yangon hotel was denied and the team instead were housed in a walled military compound, given only intermittent and heavily controlled access to the public. Major General Zaw Min Tun, spokesperson for the Myanmar military, at the Defense Services Museum in Naypyidaw, Myanmar on April 4, 2021. The following interview with Zaw Min Tun offers an insight into how Myanmar's military junta are trying to justify their bloody takeover to the world, while at the same time cocooning themselves in government buildings far from a populace fiercely resistant to their rule, as they order deadly crackdowns on their own citizens in villages, towns and cities across the country. CNN was provided with military interpreters, but conducted its own translations afterward. The back story Hours after commander-in-chief of Myanmar's armed forces Gen. Min Aung Hlaing ordered his troops to seize the capital before dawn on February 1, he announced on television that a state of emergency would be in place for one year, after which elections would be held. His takeover came as newly-elected lawmakers were due to take their places on the opening day of parliament. The state of emergency caused all legislative, executive, and judicial power to be transferred to Min Aung Hlaing. Zaw Min Tun said the state of emergency could be extended for an additional "six months or more" over "two terms" and "if the duties are not done yet." He did not give a firm date for when elections would be held, but said that according to the 2008 military-drafted constitution, "we have to finish everything within two years. We have to hold a free and fair election within these two years." "We promise that we will make it happen," he said. Many observers have questioned whether the military, which ruled Myanmar for half a century between 1962 and 2011, would be willing to relinquish power again, whether elections would indeed be "free and fair" -- and whether ousted leader Suu Kyi and her popular party the National League for Democracy (NLD) would be allowed to contest. Zaw Min Tun pointed to a string of reforms the quasi-civilian government embarked upon in 2011 after the military gave up direct rule, which paved the way for the 2015 elections, in which Suu Kyi won a resounding victory. "If we didn't want her from the beginning there would be no process like this," he said. However, the 2008 constitution was designed so the military would retain power despite a civilian government. It allocated the military a quarter of seats in parliament, giving it effective veto power over constitutional amendments, and the generals kept control of three powerful ministries -- defense, border and home affairs..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-09
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Title: Why Britain Should Champion UN Action on Myanmar
Summary: "Update: Shortly after this was published, the UN Security Council issued its third statement on Myanmar. Myanmar police enforcing the military junta’s crackdown on protesters stopped an ambulance...
Description: "Update: Shortly after this was published, the UN Security Council issued its third statement on Myanmar. Myanmar police enforcing the military junta’s crackdown on protesters stopped an ambulance in March, dragged four paramedics out of the vehicle, and beat at least three of them bloody, then hauled them off to jail. The shocking attack on paramedics is just one example we have seen of the junta’s brutality as it struggles to crush protests against the military’s February 1 coup and subsequent jailing of the country’s democratically elected leaders. Everyday Myanmar security forces arbitrarily arrest, beat, and kill more protesters and political opponents; and violence by the authorities is on the rise. On March 27 alone, security forces killed at least 114 people, among them children. What has the United Nations Security Council done? As the UN’s most powerful body, it has the authority to sanction Myanmar’s military leaders and impose a global arms embargo on the country. Instead, it has issued two statements calling for the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence. Council diplomats emphasise that the 15-nation body has spoken twice “with one voice.” But these baby steps do little more than highlight the failure of the Security Council to even try to do anything that would have a meaningful impact on the generals. If post-Brexit Britain wants to demonstrate global leadership at the UN, it should start by pushing the rest of the Security Council towards substantive action on Myanmar. The United Kingdom is the Security Council’s “penholder” on Myanmar, which means it takes the lead on any council statements or resolutions. Britain, the United States, France and most other council members have shown that they stand with the people of Myanmar, not with the military. The best way to do that is to urgently draft and negotiate a strong resolution that would target the military’s leadership and its funding. Of course, as permanent members of the Security Council, China or Russia – or both – might veto such a resolution. But that’s no reason not to try. Even the ever-diplomatic UN secretary-general Antonio Guterres declared that governments around the world need to “put enough pressure on Myanmar to make sure that this coup fails.” Beijing hasn’t explicitly threatened to use its veto, though the expectation among council members that it wouldn’t hesitate to do so looms over all Myanmar negotiations. It’s the explanation diplomats typically offered for the council’s pathetic response to the Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya Muslims, which drove 750,000 survivors to Bangladesh. The military’s threat to the Rohingya remaining in the country is so serious that the International Court of Justice ordered Myanmar to take all necessary measures to protect the Rohingya from genocide. The council’s inaction stands in sharp contrast to national responses. Britain, the US, and the European Union have all taken important, though insufficient, unilateral steps to impose sanctions on Myanmar’s military leaders and military enterprises. Yet they have avoided pushing such steps at the Security Council. Britain did try including language calling for “further measures” against Myanmar’s military in a recent Security Council presidential statement, but it dropped that and other language after China, Russia, India and Vietnam objected. The strategy by Britain, the US and other council members has been to prioritise speaking “with one voice” in the form of anodyne statements instead of pushing for a resolution that includes substantive measures and might elicit abstentions and “no” votes. Unity is great when achievable, but it shouldn’t be an end in itself. A Security Council resolution needs nine votes and no vetoes from the five permanent members to pass. Resolutions often pass without consensus, such as two recent ones by Britain on Somalia and Libya. A Myanmar sanctions resolution doesn’t need to be an exception. If China decides to stand with Myanmar’s military instead of with the people whose democratically elected government was overthrown, then they risk paying an enduring price in Myanmar and around the world. So far, Beijing has demonstrated a willingness to condemn Myanmar’s long-reviled military. The Chinese government’s willingness to join to council statements demonstrates that it is also unhappy with the coup. Could Beijing allow UN sanctions to pass with a mere abstention? The only way to identify China’s limits is to circulate a draft resolution calling for targeted sanctions on junta leaders and an arms embargo; and start negotiating..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-09
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 7 April, (598) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (17) fallen heroes today. (12) died on 7 April. (5) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 7, a total of (2847) people are currently under detention; of them (38) are sentenced. 481 have been issued arrest warrants. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Peaceful protests continued across Burma today, some witnessed crackdowns, the illegitimate military is focusing its terror on rural areas. In the early morning, the junta forces excessively used live rounds, grenades, and machine guns trying to create a conflict zone in Tahan Ward, Kalay Township, Sagaing Region. At least 8 civilians were killed and 20 others injured, including one civilian who lost his hand. Over 10 civilians were violently arrested. During the crackdown, junta forces opened fire into houses and searched and raided community clinics. Moreover, in Taze Township, Sagaing Region, a civilian was killed and more than 20 people injured, three of them are in critical condition. A villager from Paline village was reportedly dead this evening in Ngar Hsuu Kone village strike in ShweBo Township, Sagaing Region. In Kyaukyisu Ward, Bago City, 2 men were killed and at least 3 civilians injured in an unprovoked shooting by junta troops. Some people were also killed and others injured when the military and so-called police opened fire last night. In the Nyaung Shwe Township, Shan State, one youth was shot dead in the head. In Myingyan Township, Mandalay Region, it is reported that some civilians were injured in unprovoked shootings by the junta. During detention, torture to death continuely occurs, on the night of April 4 in Taunggyi Township, Shan State, whilst the Nyaung Phyu Ward Administration Office was on fire a youth who came out to stop the fire was arrested by the military and so-called police. Two days later, his dead body was returned to his family with many wounds including skull fracture, one ear nearly amputated, genitalia mutilated, stab wounds in the back. The young man died from severe torture, but the junta claims he died when hit by a fire truck. On April 5, the junta informed a family to take the dead body of a young man arrested in Kawthaung Township, Tanintharyi Region. The terrorist junta not only vandalizes and destroys property in towns, villages and streets but also on houses and restaurants. There were raids in Khin Oo township, Sagaing Region, and junta forces stormed a house and searched the cupboards and boxes of a fallen hero in Kan Thit village yesterday. Moreover, they raided a restaurant at Inn Pat greengrocery and stole over 11 hundred thousands kyats in cash and arrested a chef, and an orphan. Conflict perpetrated by the terrorist junta continued against the ethnic areas. This morning, junta Infantry Battalion No.299 opened fire from the edge of the stream in Mhan Aung village in Win Ray township, Duu Palayar District, Karen State with heavy artillery. A villager was killed, and another villager wounded with local residents displaced in the clashes between the military and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) near Mhan Aung village last night. As known reportedly, the junta forces opened fire onto villagers and made the villagers be protection shields during their military operations . Burma has fallen into chronic instability, there is no peace. The livelihoods of anyone and everyone are under threat. Left alone, the junta’s terrorism will escalate and threaten peace in the whole region. The ASEAN Charter pledges to a “shared commitment and collective responsibility in enhancing regional peace, security and prosperity”. The effects of airstrikes and military offensives against civilians in Karen State have already gone into other ASEAN states. A lack of coherent action challenges the relevance of its Charter. Current non-interference will directly challenge the peace, sovereignty and security of ASEAN members. The most severe violence today was in Kalay, Sagaing, a nearby town to another neighbor, India. This junta terrorism cannot be seen as a domestic issue, it poses a risk to the peace and security of of all ASEAN’s people, and to the stability of the entire region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heros in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: If you need legal assistance, contact Aung Gyi on 09 451 529 000 from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and lawyer Khin Thida Lai Lai Htun on 09 774 081 585. “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-08
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Title: Myanmar celebrity model arrested as military targets public figures
Sub-title: Social media accounts of Paing Takhon, who has a huge online following, are taken down following anti-coup comments
Description: "One of Myanmar’s most popular celebrities, the model and actor Paing Takhon, has been arrested by a military that is increasingly targeting celebrities who have criticised the coup. Paing Takhon, who has a huge online following, was detained at 5am on Thursday, and is the latest of thousands of people to be held since the February coup. The 24-year-old was taken away after eight trucks carrying police and soldiers arrived at his mother’s home in Yangon, according to local media reports. He had been in poor health at the time. The military has been publishing the names and photographs of popular figures in daily wanted lists on TV and in the state-run newspaper. More than 100 are being sought by the military, and many have gone into hiding. On Wednesday, the popular beauty blogger Win Min Than was reportedly taken by security forces who arrived at a hotel where she had been staying with her mother, according to the Irrawaddy news site. Paing Takhon, who had participated in anti-coup protests, faces charges under section 505a of the penal code, which criminalises comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news” and can lead to up to three years in prison. His social media profiles have been taken down, though it is not clear who removed them. According to the advocacy group, the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners in Burma, 2,750 people – from politicians to doctors, actors and social media influencers – are in detention. Most are held in unknown locations. On Thursday, Jose Ramos Horta, a Nobel peace prize winner and former Timor-Leste president, urged the UN security council to ignore China and Russia and make a resolute statement on the military coup that included arms embargos and sanctions, even if it was vetoed. Ramos Horta said it was better for China and Russia to “be exposed” than for the council to have unanimous support on an “empty and useless press release”. The leading human rights figure made the comments during a conference of hundreds of south-east Asian civil society groups to decide a regional response to the crisis. Dr Dino Patti Djalal, chair of the Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia, and co-organiser of the meeting dismissed claims that non government groups and civil society in south east Asia had little power to take action. “We have a voice, we are the voice of the conscience of the people, of the region. That’s a powerful thing. Let’s begin with that.” On Thursday, protesters began what they called a “marching shoe strike”, placing flowers in pairs of shoes at protest locations, or in their homes. Organisers said the symbolic protest would honour the more than 580 people killed by the military, writing: “for every step, a flower blooms”. Protesters, who have faced brutal violence by the security forces, have found new ways to show their defiance to the junta. On Monday, Easter eggs were decorated with anti-coup slogans, part of an “Easter egg strike”, while on Tuesday, the streets of Yangon were splashed with red paint in a “Blood strike” to highlight the killing of peaceful protesters. Protesters have also made creative use of social media, using it to share footage of abuses by the military, as well as anti-coup art work and memes. Many have joined in solidarity with other pro-democracy movements in the region, adopting the #MilkTeaAlliance hashtag, which was first used by young people in Thailand, Taiwan and Hong Kong to voice opposition to authoritarianism. According to Twitter, which has now created an accompanying milk tea emoji, the hashtag has been featured in more than 11m tweets in the past year, with its use surging in February when the coup first occurred..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-08
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Title: Not content to kill, rampaging regime forces have turned to burning the living and the dead
Sub-title: The junta has made gratuitous cruelty towards its victims and their families a hallmark of its efforts to terrorize a nation into submission
Description: "Ye Yint Naing was just 15 years old when he died. A bullet hit him in the back, and he fell to the ground. Everyone else around him also dropped, as the bullets continued to fly. No one dared try to help him. “They kept shooting,” his brother recalled. “They shot at anybody who tried to get up. So he just lay there for about two hours.” Ye Yint Naing died on March 27, the day that saw the highest number of casualties from crackdowns on anti-coup protests since Myanmar’s military seized power on February 1. Like countless others around the country, Ye Yint Naing had joined a protest to mark Anti-Fascist Resistance Day, in defiance of the junta that called the same occasion Armed Forces Day. “He said that if he didn’t take part in the protest, he couldn’t call himself a true native of Muse,” his mother, Moe Moe, told Myanmar Now, referring to Ye Yint Naing’s hometown in northern Shan state. “I couldn’t stop him. So he left home and went to the protest,” she said, recalling the last time she saw her son alive. The following morning, Ye Yint Naing’s family received what was left of him—not his lifeless body, but a pile of charred bones. The authorities assured them they were his. The soldiers who dragged his body away after the protest deposited it at a local municipal cemetery, where it was cremated despite the fact that the practice is forbidden by Islam, the family’s religion. According to a social welfare group familiar with the case, no attempt was made to locate the family of the deceased boy before the cremation. The military simply labelled his body an “ownerless corpse” and disposed of it without further ceremony. “The army wanted to annihilate my brother. He was only 15 years old. They brutally murdered him. They should at least have returned his body to us,” his brother said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-08
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 6 April, (581) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (11) fallen heroes today. (1) died on 6 April. (10) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 6, a total of (2750) people are currently under detention; of them (38) are sentenced. 463 have been issued arrest warrants. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Burma is being terrorized by a junta with no legitimacy. At its founding ASEAN enshrined a purpose “to maintain the centrality and proactive role of ASEAN as the primary driving force in its relations and cooperation with its external partners”. Non-interference and a lack of international cooperation amidst these ongoing crimes against humanity will question the very purpose of ASEAN. The non-interference policy does not mean allowing the junta to torture detained persons, or mutilate civilians with tattoos of their democratically elected leaders. The ASEAN Charter compels it to respond, non-interference against these crimes risks jeopardizing ASEAN’s global reputation and credibility and will crucially impact their global trading capacities and international diplomacy. Today in Mandalay, the junta forces violently cracked down on a gathering health worker strike, one person was injured and four doctors violently arrested. Motorcycles and mobile phones were also confiscated. In Kyaukme Township, Shan State, the junta forces assaulted with over 20 smoke grenades into a crowd of protestors doing a sit-down strike. In Mogaung Township, Kachin State, the junta forces used live ammunition on a protest. In Pinlebu Township, Sagaing Region, the junta forces opened fire until the night, resulting in two civilians killed. Last night in Mogaung also, Kachin state, a man was shot and injured and a woman inside the house was seriously injured in the arm due to unprovoked shooting by junta troops. The military junta is kidnapping family members as hostages if they don’t find the people who they want. Today in Natlu Hti Pon Ward, Monywa Township, Sagaing Region, the younger brother was taken and arrested as a hostage instead of his elder brother. Yesterday, the military forces arrested six family members including 2 years and 13 years old children of the in-charge of the information of the Tharrawaddy NLD who was warranted for pro-democracy movements in the Tharrawaddy Bago region..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 741.21 KB 2.76 MB 679.37 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 5 April, (570) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. (1) died on 5 April. (5) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 5, a total of (2728) people are currently under detention; of them (38) are sentenced. 443 have been issued arrest warrants. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to update the lists. Today, people across Burma defy the dictatorship’s brutal represion, there were violent crackdowns on protests in PinLeBu town in Katha District, Sagaing Region. In the junta assaults, two students were arrested, one man killed, and two wounded civilians also arrested. Gunfire was used against crowds of people demanding the release of the two detained students. Last night in Mandalay City, a woman was shot dead on the spot and a man injured in his stomach while riding a motorbike, in arbitrary fire by junta forces. Moreover last night in Kyaukme town, Shan State, two passersby were threatened with gunfire and injured by bullets. In Tamu town, Sagaing Region, the terrorist forces opened fire unprovoked towards the people. When trying to counter, people were injured and some houses and walls hit by gunfire by the junta group. Today, protestors were searched for in homes and arrested on the roads, as happens consistently these days. This morning, youths in Tamwe and Kyauk Myaung were searched for in their homes and some reportedly arrested. Moreover, passing motorbikes and cars on the roads were being investigated and if the passengers’ mobile phones were caught with anti-military dictatorship stickers and photos, they were detained. The terrorist soldiers and so-called police commit torture in public daily to install a climate of fear into the community and people. Last night, soldiers and so-called police abducted, and forced one man to take off his clothes, finding “Spring Revolution” and “Daw Aung Sann Suu Kyi” portrait and the word “22222” tattooed on his arm. The soldiers then lit a piece of tire to burn and mutilate his arm tattoo. In addition to burning his tattoo, he was kicked and beaten with gunstock. Such inhumanity is casually and worryingly committed by this junta against the people. Since March, the junta has excessively oppressed free media and the journalists leading to the termination of many news outlets. The junta is also threatening ethnic news departments. On April 3, the Hakha Post news department based in Hakha town in Chin State was raided and two desktops and office documents stolen. News staff were evading arrest at the time. It is apparent that daily arson is perpetrated by the junta because it happens during the night and time of martial law. This morning, Yoma water purifying factory in Hlaing township, Yangon Region, was burnt on fire and also last night, the administer office of 32th Quarter, North Dagon township, Yangon was arsoned in Taunggyi, Shan State, the administer office of Nyaung Phyu Kan was torched..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.68 MB 726.98 KB 675.22 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 4 April, (564) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. (2) died on 4 April. (5) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher as the death toll continues to rise. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 4, a total of (2667) people are currently under detention; of them (38) are sentenced. 425 have been issued arrest warrants. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to update the lists. Today anti-coup protests by people in Burma took the form of an “Easter Egg Strike” in support of democracy. In Pyinmana town, a man was reportedly killed. In Bhamaw town, Kachin State, battalion 77 raided the residential ward and opened fire, hitting a community guard in his chest and leg, who later died of wounds. His body was taken away by the military and so-called police. More than six people were injured and ten community guards were beaten and arrested. In Kayah State, the MineLone strike was violently cracked-down onto the streets, thus more than five people were arrested and many injured by rubber bullets. The terrorist junta vandalizes every day. This morning, the office of the junta-appointed administer of North Kyun Taw Quarter in Sanchaung township, Yangon Region, was arsoned during a night of martial law. Whenever these incidents happen, the junta group declares falsely that it was the people who committed these crimes, to spread propaganda. As for arbitrary violent raids, a house with a grocery store in Tamu town, Sagaing Region, was raided and opened fire on, and threw a hand grenade yesterday afternoon. The terrorist junta threatens the people with torture every day, their brutality is evidenced by: In Mandalay City, the military and so-called police destroyed people’s barricades and beat and arrested the passerby and grocery stores nearby. In Kyauk Myaung, Tamwe Township, Yangon Region, the protestors were searched for in homes and around 20 youths were arrested. Some evaders were captured and beaten. Last night, the police forced a youth to sit on his knee and slapped and kicked him. Yesterday evening, three passersby were violently beaten and interrogated in Thanlyin township. In Thapyay Aye village, Yinmabin township in Sagaing Region, the two dead bodies of six villagers abducted on April 2 were reportedly returned today. In Myitchay town, Pakokku district in Magwe Region, two of four detainees at the end of March were killed and two others disappeared. The family members of the latter two are now having to evade arrest. The terrorist junta has applied torture as their normal routine for about seven decades, dictatorships do this to install fear and and stop dissent to their rule. Also in ethnic areas, the terrorist regime threatens demonstrations. Yesterday, it was reported that the commanding officer of the South Eastern Command of the terrorist group threatened to shoot if the people protested on the streets in Phaya Thone Sone town in Karen State. In Monywa, Sagaing Region, it was reported that people in some neighborhoods were evacuating their homes since the last weekend of March because of so-called police and military entering neighborhoods, shooting, and robbing. On 4 April, the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) of the signatories of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) announced a statement that urges immediate cessation of violent crackdowns and killings of unarmed people, to immediate release of all detainees and three other points. AAPP welcomes this statement and will cooperate as much as we can for peace and national reconciliation..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 703.64 KB 643.92 KB 2.83 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 1 April, (543) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. (5) died on 1 April. (2) were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number documented and verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher as the death toll continues to rise. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 1, a total of (2741) people are detained in relation to the attempted military coup on February 1, of them (38) are sentenced. A further (126) people have been issued arrest warrants. We are verifying the recently released detainees and are continuing to update the list of names who were released. It has been two months since the military coup on April 1 when people began to endure all kinds of atrocities committed by this terrorist SAC group, yet people are still fighting to end dictatorship and achieve democracy, though casualties and arrests are rising day after day. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Representative Committee (CRPH) is the official new government and yesterday announced the Federal Democracy Charter to form a collaborative National Unity Government in the first week of April in order to achieve a federal democratic union. It also repealed the 2008 constitution, which not only intended to prolong military dictatorship, but hinder the emergence of a federal democratic union. AAPP welcomes the release of these statements, which are crucial to the establishment of a future federal union and will continue to work together for democracy and human rights. Action is begining by the international community towards Burma, however China rejected an imposition of sanctions at a crucial closed-door session of the UN Security Council on March 31. We could expected China to reject such a proposal. But this encourages continued crimes against humanity in Burma, democratic development in Burma has been ruthlessly obstructed in the interests of China. On 1 April people across Burma continued to protest against the military dictatorship. Monywa Township, Sagaing Region, the main strike in Monywa was violently cracked down, one civilian was shot dead in the head and six others were injured. In addition, some houses were raided. In Mandalay City, a man was shot dead in the head and his body taken away by the junta forces. Moreover, one man was also shot in the abdomen and died. The military and so-called police also destroyed barricades and opened gunfire, resulting in at least five civilians getting injured. In Yankin Township, Yangon Region, a strike was cracked down, but no one was arrested and injured..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 500.96 KB 2.67 MB 682.59 KB
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