ASEAN-Burma relations
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Description:
"As leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meet in the United States for a two-day summit, Amnesty International urges them to spotlight the violence and human rights violations in Myanmar.
“The Five-Point Consensus is a failure and did not stop the Myanmar military from perpetrating more human rights violations against the Myanmar people following the 2021 military coup,” Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research, said.
“The ASEAN must concede that the human rights violations in Myanmar have now become a regional concern. The Myanmar military’s violence against its own people has not only made people feel unsafe but it has also led to the deterioration of the country’s economy. Right now, thousands of people are fleeing or attempting to flee to neighboring countries like Thailand and Malaysia not only to seek safety, but also to find work and feed their families.
“ASEAN Member States should formulate a more detailed blueprint to hold Myanmar’s military accountable for human rights violations and address urgent needs, including committing to non-refoulement of refugees fleeing violence, facilitating desperately needed humanitarian assistance, and adding their voices to calls for a global arms embargo. ASEAN Member States should also act bilaterally to achieve these goals if consensus within the bloc cannot be reached.
“As host of the summit, the Biden administration should center discussions on the ongoing human rights violations in Myanmar and in the region more broadly. The regional trends we’ve seen in recent years – escalating repression, constraints on civil society, and intolerance for political dissent – are antithetical to the free and open Indo-Pacific to which the US government is purportedly committed to supporting and will never be realized if human rights are ignored.”
Background:
Almost all leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations are expected to attend the 12-13 May summit in Washington, which will mark 45 years of US-ASEAN relations.
Myanmar’s Min Aung Hlaing, who seized power in the 1 February, 2021 coup, was not invited as part of efforts to distance the bloc from the senior general, who has not implemented the Five-Point Consensus he agreed to in April 2021.
The Consensus was mainly aimed at stopping the violence against protesters, supplying humanitarian aid, and increasing dialogue. Since it was adopted, the situation in Myanmar has further spiraled out of control. Since the start of this coup, Myanmar’s military has killed more than 1,800 people, according to one monitoring group, and detained more than 10,000.
Armed resistance groups have also sprung up in response to the bloody crackdown, while peaceful protests, though much smaller than at the beginning of the coup, have continued despite grave risks.
Myanmar’s civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was ousted in the pre-dawn hours of the coup, has been hit with an array of bogus charges and convictions, as have many of her allies..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-12
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ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"In hindsight, perhaps ASEAN was too optimistic about the Biden presidency. Who could blame them? After four years of the Trump administration, the region was more than ready to return to deeper engagement with the United States. A survey of regional elites showed that confidence that the United States would increase its engagement jumped from 9.9 per cent in 2020 under Trump to 68.6 per cent under Biden.
That optimism has dissipated amid COVID-19, the Myanmar crisis, the Ukraine war, supply chain disruptions, fears of stagflation and increasing food and energy insecurity.
This is the context in which eight ASEAN leaders, with the exception of Myanmar’s Min Aung Hlaing and the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte, will meet President Joe Biden in a US–ASEAN Summit this week. This will only be ASEAN’s second in-person special summit with the United States since 2017 — and a symbolically important one, because its leaders met with Xi Jinping last year in a special 30th commemorative summit of ASEAN–China relations.
ASEAN countries’ divergent positions on Ukraine and Russia, Myanmar and the South China Sea (and by extension, China’s behaviour) will make for challenging conversations with their US host.
On Ukraine, it will be difficult for the summit to find language that expresses a common understanding of the problem. ASEAN is in a bind, unable to go beyond the two joint statements it issued in March 2022. As if they expected to face pressure during in Washington to disinvite Russia, the current chairs of ASEAN (Cambodia), the G20 (Indonesia) and APEC (Thailand) pre-emptively issued a tripartite statement stating their determination to ‘work with all’ on their shared agendas.
Then there’s the Myanmar crisis, where the lack of progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus will be a pain point for ASEAN. The recent consultative meeting on humanitarian assistance to Myanmar (one element in the Consensus deal) will be followed by an impromptu meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers, called by Malaysia for the day before the White House summit. ASEAN Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn’s attempts to advance the other points of the Consensus, including repeated requests to meet detained National League for Democracy leaders, have been rejected by the military junta.
On the South China Sea, the spotlight is on sweeping and competing claims made by claimant states, the risks of armed confrontation and progress in the negotiations on a Code of Conduct. These issues are by now a permanent feature in ASEAN meetings, and the usual expressions of support for upholding international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the pursuit of peaceful resolution of disputes will likely form the key messages emerging from the summit on this issue.
Questions about ASEAN’s role in the US Indo-Pacific strategy and whether ASEAN (in part or in whole) will engage in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework hang over the meeting. The Biden administration’s success in more closely aligning its Indo-Pacific strategy with ASEAN’s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific will be critical to reassuring ASEAN of US respect for its centrality in the regional security architecture.
Meanwhile, US withdrawal from the CPTPP and its absence from RCEP has left a vacuum in the region. The hope is that the administration’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework will provide a counterweight to China’s growing economic influence, but the lack of political appetite in the United States to engage economically is certain to disadvantage it strategically. There is only moderate appeal in some pillars of the Framework on creating fair and resilient trade, improving supply chain resilience, driving infrastructure investment, assisting with decarbonisation and addressing tax and anticorruption, not all.
ASEAN countries are primarily looking for increased market access for exports — but the Biden administration has on more than one occasion said that its Indo-Pacific Economic Framework will not be designed in such a way that requires Congressional approval. This means that increased market access and commitments are off the table, but ASEAN should still exercise creativity in economic discussions by suggesting inclusive work-arounds in areas like digital trade.
With the summit coinciding with the 45th anniversary of ASEAN–US relations, the United States is expected to seek to elevate its current Strategic Partnership with ASEAN to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Such status was accorded to China and Australia in 2021, but it is unlikely that ASEAN will immediately accede to the upgrade for a number of reasons. First, a process of consultation had to be undertaken with China over two years and with Australia for over a year before that status was granted. The same process must be followed with the United States, at least for reasons of optical parity.
Second and more importantly, a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership cannot simply be old wine in new skins. An upgrade is expected to show greater strategic alignment between the two partners and intensified cooperation in new and emerging areas.
With complex and divergent positions, both within ASEAN, and between ASEAN and the United States — on China, on Russia, on Myanmar, on trade — such alignment appears elusive for now..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-11
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ASEAN-Burma relations, USA-Burma relations
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Sub-title:
President Biden Should Raise Key Issues with Regional Leaders
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"(Washington, DC) – The United States-ASEAN Special Summit on May 12, 2022 will embolden autocratic leaders unless it directly confronts the region’s worsening environment for human rights and democracy, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to the summit’s host, US President Joseph Biden. Leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should also acknowledge the bloc’s failure to achieve progress in addressing the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar since the February 2021 military coup.
“The Biden administration will need to convince ASEAN’s autocrats at the summit that the alliance’s ultimate future depends on democratic reform,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “The US-ASEAN relationship needs to honestly and directly address the region’s deteriorating human rights situation and democratic backsliding.”
The growth of autocratic rule in the ASEAN region is occurring amid increasing Chinese government efforts to undermine human rights protections, Human Rights Watch said.
US officials should speak openly, forthrightly, and publicly about specific concerns in bilateral meetings with ASEAN members and in statements to the media about the summit, Human Rights Watch said. The Biden administration can do so most credibly and effectively by focusing on factual situations in each country, while acknowledging the many deficiencies in the US rights record and the US government’s efforts and challenges in taking corrective actions to address them.
Human rights abuses have increased in ASEAN countries in recent years, Human Rights Watch said. The Myanmar military has committed mass atrocities against Rohingya Muslims and other ethnic groups, and anti-coup demonstrators. Outgoing Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s “war on drugs” has resulted in thousands of extrajudicial executions. The one-party Vietnamese government has intensified an ongoing crackdown and imprisoned over 150 dissidents. The Cambodian authorities are conducting mass trials, many in absentia, of opposition political figures.
The US should press ASEAN members to abandon their failed “five point consensus” approach to Myanmar’s crisis. Like-minded ASEAN members, including Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, should join a coordinated international effort to steer the junta toward reform, including increasing restrictions on its foreign currency revenues and weapons purchases. The US and these ASEAN countries should develop a clear, time-bound approach to pressure the junta to end its abuses, including signaling support for additional sanctions on oil and gas revenues and a Security Council resolution instituting a global arms embargo.
“Discussing regional human rights concerns at the US-ASEAN summit will send the message that human rights and the promotion of democracy are critical in forging a multilateral response to the Chinese government’s assaults on the international human rights system,” Sifton said..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-11
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"Through ongoing defence and military cooperation, it is likely that ASEAN is aiding and abetting the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes, a Justice For Myanmar investigation has concluded.
ASEAN’s defence program, detailed by Justice For Myanmar, has allowed the Myanmar military to participate in meetings, training, intelligence exchanges, arms production, R&D, cyber security, and education, under the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM) umbrella.
The Myanmar military’s involvement in ADMM has supported it to build its capabilities, access arms, find sources of revenue, seek international legitimacy, develop content for propaganda purposes, and forge bilateral military ties with ASEAN members and regional powers.
ASEAN has been engaging with the Myanmar military, knowing that it has repeatedly violated international human rights and humanitarian law.
Since the Myanmar military began an illegal attempted coup on February 1, 2021, ASEAN has allowed it to join defence sector activities, including as co-chair of the bloc’s ADMM-Plus Experts’ Working Group on Counter Terrorism with the Russian regime.
As the region’s key intergovernmental organisation, ASEAN could help prevent the Myanmar military’s commission of atrocity crimes. Yet it has not only repeatedly failed to take action, but is complicit in those crimes by providing support and legitimacy to the Myanmar military.
The central role ASEAN plays in the Indo-Pacific region has also impeded coordinated international action to stop the Myanmar military’s international crimes, and facilitated the illegitimate junta’s defence engagement with regional democracies Australia, India, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand and the USA, through ADMM-Plus.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN has utterly failed to uphold international human rights and humanitarian law.
“ASEAN knows full well that the Myanmar military committed genocide against the Rohingya, continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity, and staged an attempted coup.
“ASEAN cannot plead ignorance about the crimes that the military is committing, its undermining of democracy and brutal attack on the people of Myanmar.
“Yet its response has been to provide practical assistance, encouragement and support to the military as it terrorises the people of Myanmar.
“ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus has not only utterly failed to resolve Myanmar crisis but enabled the bloc’s status quo of complicity with the terrorist junta who created the crisis.
“Justice For Myanmar calls on ASEAN to immediately change course, exclude the illegal Myanmar and work with the NUG to resolve the Myanmar crisis.
“ADMM-Plus countries must stop hiding behind ASEAN and take immediate steps to end the bloc’s complicity in the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes.
“As the US hosts the US-ASEAN Special Summit, it must commit to end its multilateral engagement with the terrorist junta and demand ASEAN stop aiding and abetting the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes.
“We call on the US to boycott ASEAN events that include the illegal junta, including the defence maritime security working group that it co-chairs.”
Justice For Myanmar calls for the following urgent action:
ASEAN
Exclude the Myanmar military junta from all meetings and activities.
Recognise the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar, and work with it to resolve the Myanmar crisis.
Take concrete action to end the Myanmar military’s violence against the Myanmar people.
Create an ASEAN sanctions framework, and encourage ASEAN members to impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military and its business interests.
Cooperate with UN Member States to impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer the Myanmar situation to the International Criminal Court through the UN Security Council.
ADMM-Plus countries (Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Russia and the USA):
Call on ASEAN to exclude the Myanmar military junta from all meetings and activities, and end the Myanmar military’s violence against the Myanmar people.
Recognise and support the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar, and work with it to resolve the Myanmar crisis.
Urge ASEAN to recognise the National Unity Government and work with it to resolve the Myanmar crisis.
Boycott ASEAN meetings and activities that include the Myanmar military junta.
Impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions against the Myanmar military and its business interests.
Cooperate with UN Member States to impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer the Myanmar situation to the International Criminal Court through the UN Security Council..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-10
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Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"The United Nations Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar, Noeleen Heyzer, welcomes the convening of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 6 May and strongly urges ASEAN leaders and donors to prioritise principled engagement with diverse local humanitarian networks to effectively deliver aid to all communities in need.
Over the past few months, the Special Envoy has held extensive engagements with some of Myanmar’s civil society organisations and local humanitarian networks who have been at the frontline in addressing the widening crisis amid escalating violence and increasing displaced populations. These groups have called for unhindered and safe humanitarian access to facilitate delivery of assistance without discrimination. The key messages from local humanitarian networks are clear: there is a need for the utmost respect of international humanitarian law and humanitarian principles; urgently needed humanitarian aid must not be instrumentalised for political purposes; military infrastructure must not be legitimised through aid delivery; and there is a need not only for more donor funding but also for donor flexibility to support local humanitarian actors and networks with access to hard-to-reach conflict affected areas, including internally displaced people, border communities and civilians affected by conflict, including in urban areas.
In Myanmar’s currently violent, unstable and insecure context, effective delivery of humanitarian aid requires firm commitment by all aid actors to adhere to international humanitarian law. Given the complexity of Myanmar’s conflict it is imperative that humanitarian assistance is delivered through a diverse range of channels, without discrimination or favour, and reaches the most vulnerable in every part of the country. Safe and unimpeded access for all aid actors is non-negotiable. It is imperative that we build strong, effective and equal partnerships with local and informal humanitarian networks, who have unique access, local knowledge and established trust on the ground, to support the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people, especially in the hardest-to-reach areas, including through cross border assistance.
We must recognise the current conflict has a disproportionate impact on women and children. The Special Envoy's consultations with women community leaders have highlighted the urgent need for humanitarian support and protection for women and children, capacity building to address gender-based violence and stronger connection to regional and global women leaders. The Special Envoy urges the global community to give women a key role in any humanitarian consultation, as women can help identify the most vulnerable and help monitor effective delivery along humanitarian principles. Reflective of the Secretary-General's commitment to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, we must actively engage women to fully address the humanitarian and protection needs of the people and amplify their voices for a future federal democratic union of peace, stability and shared prosperity..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-10
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Individual Documents
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Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
Amid the Ukraine war, Washington is demonstrating its commitment to ASEAN, which seeks to expand economic ties and cooperate on transnational challenges.
Description:
"The White House will host this week the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for a U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit. With the Russia-Ukraine war dominating international attention, the Biden administration has said the summit demonstrates its “enduring commitment” to ASEAN and that the Indo-Pacific region is a U.S. national security priority. China’s influence and power projection in Southeast Asia will figure prominently into the summit, but the two-day meeting also offers the opportunity to deepen economic relations with ASEAN, a bloc of 10 countries that combined make up the seventh largest economy in the world. A host of other critical issues — from COVID to climate change to the crisis in Myanmar — will also be on the table.
President Biden at a virtual U.S.-ASEAN Summit in 2021. Engagement with the bloc has been hampered by COVID, but this week’s Special Summit demonstrates the U.S. is committed to deepening ties with ASEAN. (Stefani Reynolds/The New York Times)
USIP’s Brian Harding explains how ASEAN factors into the Biden administration’s “Indo-Pacific Strategy,” what ASEAN countries want from Washington, and how the war in Ukraine and deteriorating situation in Myanmar will be addressed at the summit.
Where does ASEAN sit in the administration’s approach to the Indo-Pacific?
The White House’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, released in February, states that the United States seeks to “advance a free and open Indo-Pacific that is more connected, prosperous, secure, and resilient.” The strategy calls an “empowered ASEAN” an important ingredient for success alongside modernized alliances like the Quad (i.e., the United States, Australia, India and Japan), renewed U.S. commitment and resources, and other means. While competition with China is at the heart of the United States’ regional strategy, support for a cohesive and resilient ASEAN is one of the critical means for advancing a free and open Indo-Pacific.
An empowered ASEAN will not be easy to achieve, however. ASEAN is an extremely diverse group of 10 countries that operates by consensus, meaning it is rarely nimble nor bold, even on its best day. With one of its members, Myanmar, in crisis, an empowered ASEAN seems more unlikely than ever.
Yet, despite their differences, including as it relates to Myanmar, one area of clear agreement among its members is that only ASEAN can be the central building block for Indo-Pacific regionalism. The United States and its allies — and China to some extent — have bought into this vision, recognizing that it is untenable for the great powers to guide the regional architecture of the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, it is strongly in the U.S. interest to invest in its relationship with ASEAN and to do what it can to support ASEAN’s centrality in regional affairs.
However, the United States has also been clear that bilateral — and increasingly trilateral and quadrilateral — cooperation with key allies and partners is fundamental to U.S. engagement and strength in the region. The Biden administration’s emphasis on the Quad, in particular, has brought into question the premise of whether ASEAN remains in the driver’s seat of regionalism, a role it had seemed to have consolidated only a few years ago, and what the United States means by its rhetorical support for ASEAN centrality. The Indo-Pacific Strategy recognizes this sensitivity, noting that the United States “will explore opportunities for the Quad to work with ASEAN.”
During the Biden administrations’ first year, engagement with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN as a whole proved to be unusually difficult due to COVID-19-related travel restrictions and the rupture within ASEAN caused by Myanmar’s February 2021 coup. This Special Summit seeks to help make up for lost time and clearly demonstrates the United States’ interest in and commitment to deepening ties with ASEAN and its constituent members.
What are ASEAN countries looking for from Washington? How can Washington work with the bloc to empower and strengthen ASEAN resilience?
ASEAN countries are highly alert to the fact that relations between the United States and China have important implications for themselves. Despite their diversity, ASEAN countries all want an engaged and present United States in Southeast Asia to balance China’s potentially overwhelming influence. They also seek to have Japan, India, Australia and other external powers as engaged as possible to create a balance of power in the region, or, as former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has called it more positively, a dynamic equilibrium. What they do not want is to be forced to choose between the United States and China.
Southeast Asian countries also seek Washington’s buy-in for ASEAN-based multilateral institutions, such as the East Asia Summit and ASEAN Regional Forum, which the bloc seeks to position at the center of the Indo-Pacific’s regional architecture.
Beyond being present, the region wants the United States to be a stronger economic partner and many members are eagerly anticipating the details of the administration’s proposed Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. ASEAN is also looking to partner on transnational challenges ranging from climate change to pandemic preparedness to transnational crime. U.S. support for ASEAN-based multilateralism empowers the bloc and strengthens its resilience, especially in the face of Chinese efforts to divide it, which it has repeatedly done to blunt ASEAN’s ability to push back against Chinese encroachment in the South China Sea.
How will the Ukraine war factor into the summit?
That President Biden is hosting the ASEAN leaders is a demonstration of its commitment to maintaining focus on the Indo-Pacific region despite the crisis in Ukraine. Nevertheless, Ukraine will be impossible to escape. First, U.S. officials will make the case that Russia’s invasion demonstrates the fragility of the international system and, second, they will highlight China’s tacit support for the invasion to make a contrast with the United States’ principled stance.
Southeast Asian countries in general would rather keep their heads down and avoid the issue rather than getting in the middle of a dispute between major powers. Singapore, however, has been an outlier with its vocal criticism and the sanctions it has enacted in coordination with the United States and Europe. While Ukraine will not be a major focus of the summit, the issue will likely come up in the context of Russia’s participation in the G-20 summit, East Asia Summit and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders meeting to be hosted later this year in Indonesia, Cambodia and Thailand, respectively.
Do you expect the Biden administration to press the bloc to do more to address the deteriorating situation in Myanmar?
While much of the summit agenda will focus on apolitical areas ripe for closer U.S.-ASEAN cooperation, such as clean energy, health security and the digital economy, the deteriorating situation in Myanmar will also be addressed. Biden will find many of his counterparts to be as frustrated with the situation as himself, but he will also find deep divisions in the lengths his ASEAN counterparts are willing to go to isolate or pressure the junta, largely due to longstanding norms within ASEAN to avoid interfering in the affairs of other members.
However, Biden will find common cause with leaders from Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, who are increasingly frustrated by the junta’s intransigence and are open to isolating Myanmar’s leaders and engaging the National Unity Government. With Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Thailand, he will encounter reluctance. With the likelihood of a diplomatic breakthrough dim, Biden will likely look for incremental progress on enhancing engagement with the National Unity Government and establishing a framework for delivering humanitarian assistance to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United States Institute of Peace
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-10
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"9 May 2022: The plans of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for humanitarian assistance to Myanmar flout fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and will advance the military objectives of the Myanmar military junta, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The plans were announced by the current ASEAN Chair, Cambodia, following a consultative meeting on Friday.
The outcomes of the consultative meeting include plans for the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) to deliver aid to areas identified by the Myanmar military junta and in coordination with the junta.
“The areas singled out for humanitarian assistance by the military junta under ASEAN’s plan are the very areas where the junta has been relentlessly attacking civilians with airstrikes and scorched-earth campaigns for months on end,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The junta has no power in those areas and its attempt to control ASEAN’s delivery of aid to them is nothing more than a strategy designed to advance its military agenda.”
“ASEAN aid personnel working in areas under attack from the junta could become unwitting ‘human-shields’ for the junta’s ulterior motives,” Marzuki Darusman added.
There are 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar, while an estimated 800,000 people are displaced inside the country. Most are seeking refuge from the junta’s attacks in territory along Myanmar’s borders outside the junta’s control. The junta refuses to permit cross-border aid into these areas.
“Under no circumstances should ASEAN be hailed for colluding with the junta to develop a military-controlled plan for humanitarian assistance, more than one year into the crisis, when it has failed to get support to the cross-border networks of local civil society, community and faith-based groups and ethnic service providers that have been working tirelessly to keep people alive,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “It is inhumane for ASEAN’s own member states that neighbour Myanmar to keep their borders closed just to please the junta, which is the cause of Myanmar’s suffering. “
“Myanmar’s neighbouring countries must not forget their international obligation to assist in delivering humanitarian aid through their borders,” Yanghee Lee added.
The consultative meeting was held less than a week before an important summit between the United States (US) and ASEAN, due to take place on 12 and 13 May in Washington DC. ASEAN has been criticised for failing to make any progress towards resolving the junta-made crises in Myanmar. Myanmar junta-leader Min Aung Hlaing has repeatedly humiliated Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia in his misguided efforts to engage the junta.
“ASEAN’s plans for humanitarian assistance to Myanmar are clearly a vain attempt to have something to show the US. ASEAN claims to have the central role in Southeast Asia but its Five Point Failure shows its irrelevance. The outcomes of the consultative meeting are an outrage,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M.
The Cambodian Foreign Minister tried to implicate the United Nations (UN) Special Envoy to Myanmar in this plan by saying she had participated in the meeting. In fact, her attendance had been blocked by the junta. She was invited and then disinvited. At this point, ASEAN’s credibility is hanging by a thread, says SAC-M.
SAC-M is calling on ASEAN to abide by the fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. ASEAN must secure the immediate opening of cross-border humanitarian corridors into Myanmar and coordinate with all relevant parties, including the National Unity Government, the National Unity Consultative Council, Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations and local actors to finally deliver the aid it promised the people of Myanmar more than one year ago. If it fails, it must get out of the way of others who are far more willing to act..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-09
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The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"JAKARTA – Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia urge the United States of America and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to take the opportunity of their upcoming summit in Washington to increase their pressure on the Myanmar military junta, which staged a coup d’état in February last year and has thrown the country into a state of chaos ever since.
The leaders of ASEAN and the United States have declared that they intend to enhance their strategic partnership for the mutual benefit of the peoples of ASEAN and the United States. In that spirit, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) advises that they should take concrete steps to address the inherent threat to peace, economic development and human security in Southeast Asia posed by the crisis in Myanmar.
“Let this 45th anniversary of US-ASEAN relations be the occasion for the US and ASEAN governments to begin a new phase in their relations that truly benefits the people and puts human rights and the prevention of atrocities, in Myanmar and elsewhere, at the top of the agenda. They can no longer ignore the threat that the junta in Myanmar poses to the security of millions of people at the heart of Southeast Asia,” said Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament from Malaysia, and APHR Chairperson.
The current crisis is wholly and solely caused by the junta, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, which overthrew the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi on 1 February 2021. The Myanmar population has valiantly resisted the coup and, in order to impose its rule on the country, the military has committed widespread atrocities. According to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, these may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Over the last year, Myanmar’s military has completely ignored the ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus on Myanmar, which was agreed on in April 2021 and was also supported by the US. Violence continues unabated, there is no dialogue between the junta and forces resisting military rule, and humanitarian aid is not reaching the Myanmar people.
The Special Summit provides the perfect opportunity for the allies to work on coordinated measures to make Min Aung Hlaing and his junta pay the price for their failure to abide by an agreement they claimed to accept.
“Humanity is our common thread across the Pacific and across the world. We must stand together in the face of these atrocities, Asians and Americans, as we share the same concern for the people of Myanmar. Now is the time for ASEAN and the US to make their historic alliance truly meaningful to people in desperate need,” said Mercy Barends, MP in Indonesia and an APHR Board Member.
We urge the US and ASEAN to adopt much stronger measures than those taken so far, including the suspension of Myanmar’s membership in the group, travel bans in the region for Min Aung Hlaing and his generals, and targeted sanctions against the leaders of the coup. The US has already imposed some sanctions since the coup, but it should reinforce them and include the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state conglomerate that has given 1.5 billion dollars in gas revenues to the junta.
We also urge the US and ASEAN governments to publicly meet with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), which represents the democratically elected government and receives support from the majority of the Myanmar people.
Lastly, we call on the United States and ASEAN to work together to urgently deliver the life-saving humanitarian aid that the Myanmar people need. This aid should be channeled as much as possible through Myanmar’s community-based and civil society organizations, to effectively reach those that need it the most. The United States and ASEAN member states, especially Thailand, should also welcome the people of Myanmar who are fleeing persecution and violence, and give them asylum.
APHR stands ready to assist the US and ASEAN as they formulate and carry out their policies to address this crisis, and will remain vigilant to ensure that the steps taken by the US and ASEAN truly serve to support the Myanmar people’s aspirations for human rights, peace and democracy..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-09
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"The National Unity Government (NUG) is deeply disappointed and concerned about the outcome of the
Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on May 6, 2022, in Phnom
Pehn, Cambodia.
The NUG has repeatedly reached out to the ASEAN chair and the ASEAN Special Envoy to convey our
openness to engage and discuss ways forward; however, our previous communication has not been
reciprocated until now. The NUG and other crucial stakeholders of Myanmar such as the Ethnic
Resistance Groups (EROs) and local humanitarian organizations have been deliberately excluded from
the consultative meeting. The outcome of the meeting has put the Myanmar Taskforce led by State
Administration Council (SAC) Ko Ko Hlaing at the center of ASEAN humanitarian response. This
effectively allows SAC arbitrarily to select regions and states and implementing partners to implement
the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Framework. This process poses a high risk of failure in
the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance without discrimination, legitimizing the SAC's
infrastructure, and politicizing humanitarian response by coercing Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs)
to engage with SAC's National Solidarity and Peacemaking Negotiations Committee.
The people of Myanmar continued to reject the SAC's illegitimate authoritarian rule and continuously
called for restoring democracy and civilian government. The exclusion of the NUG, EAOs, and local
humanitarian organizations in the consultative meeting fundamentally contradicts the principle and
conditions set out in the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. The SAC troops have continuously terrorised communities leading to continuous displacement; arbitrarily detaining civilians, activists and leaders of
democracy movements; and committing atrocities and war crimes.
The conditions on the ground and the people's trust deficit in the SAC will continue to hamper urgent
and effective delivery of humanitarian aid. With this, the NUG calls on the ASEAN leaders and donors
to utilize cross-border networks to deliver humanitarian assistance urgently in a manner not dependent
on the SAC's approval. This is the only way and has been the only way deliver aid to "hard-to-reach"
areas since the failed Coup. Furthermore, the NUG calls on the ASEAN leaders and donors to reconsider
the UN Special Envoys to Myanmar's recommendation to prioritize principled engagement with diverse
local humanitarian networks to effectively deliver aid to all communities in need without discrimination..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-07
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Title: Outcomes of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar, 6 May 2022.
Description:
"On 6 May 2022, His Excellency PRAK Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, and His Excellency Dato Lim Jock Hoi, Secretary-General of ASEAN in the capacity as the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Coordinator (SG-AHAC), co-chaired the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, in a hybrid format.
The Consultative Meeting was initiated by Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair in 2022 in cooperation with the Secretary-General of ASEAN as part of the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC). The Meeting was attended by Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator as well as high-level representatives from all ASEAN Member States, including Myanmar’s Task Force, UN Specialized Agencies, ASEAN External Partners, and relevant international organizations in Myanmar.
The Meeting discussed three main points, namely 1) ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework; 2) Addressing the Operational Challenges of the Delivery of Humanitarian Assistance, and 3) Framework for COVID-19 Vaccine Administration in Myanmar.
On the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework, the Meeting agreed that the AHA Centre, in close consultation with the Myanmar Task Force, will
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identify states and regions for the implementation of this Framework. These states and regions include Kayah, Kayin, Magway, Saigang and Bago. In addition, with the approval from the Myanmar Task Force, the AHA Centre will facilitate request for access through this delivery arrangement and will propose a list of potential implementing partners. The Myanmar Task Force will also work with the National Solidarity and Peace-making Negotiations Committee to ensure that humanitarian assistance will be delivered to communities in Myanmar, including Ethnic Armed Organizations areas. More detailed plans to operationalize this Framework will be done by the AHA Centre and the Myanmar Task Force in due course.
On the need to address the operational challenges, the Myanmar Task Force agreed to do its utmost ability to expedite the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and urge the AHA Centre and relevant agreed implementing partners to provide required documents in advance. Importantly, the Myanmar Task Force also reassured that safety and security of ERAT team members, staff of the AHA Centre and ASEAN Monitoring Team are its top priority and pledged to offer cooperation and support to the ASEAN Monitoring Team for it to be able to fulfil its roles in accordance with the executive paper adopted at the 54th AMM. Furthermore, the Meeting welcomed the Myanmar Task Force’s commitments to allow the AHA Centre to conduct the Joint Needs Assessment and implement Phase 2 in hard-to-reach areas.
With regard to the proposed Framework for COVID-19 Vaccine Administration in Myanmar, the Meeting noted that the proposed framework will offer space for partners to jointly administer COVID-19 vaccines to those in need in a safe and timely manner. In addition, the AHA Centre and the Ministry of Health of Myanmar agreed to implement the Joint MOH-Partners Vaccination to Hard-to-Reach Areas Framework. Under this Framework, operational teams of 50:50 distribution between the Ministry of Health of Myanmar and partners will be deployed to administer vaccines in the communities in need.
The AHA Centre, in consultation with the Ministry of Health of Myanmar, will identify and verify states and regions that need COVID-19 vaccine doses as well as the implementing partners to support the distribution of vaccine administration in Myanmar. The Meeting also welcomed the commitment made by the Ministry of Health of Myanmar to provide tax exemption and facilitate import of vaccines into Myanmar.
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The Myanmar Task Force reassured the Meeting that it will do its utmost ability to ensure that humanitarian assistance and vaccines provided by ASEAN and partners will reach communities in Myanmar including Ethnic Armed Organizations areas, where internally displaced people (IDP) camps and affected communities locate, so that no one and no place will be left behind. The Myanmar Task Force also reiterated that it will continue the good works of the AHA Centre in Rakhine State to implement both the recommendations of the Preliminary Needs Assessment and Phase 2 of the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar.
H.E. PRAK Sokhonn underscored that it is imperative to ensure that humanitarian programmes in Myanmar have a long-lasting impact in addressing pressing humanitarian concerns faced by the affected communities. He also encouraged the procurement, delivery, and distribution of humanitarian relief items, including COVID-19 vaccines, to Myanmar to be carried out in a timely, effective, safe, and non-discriminatory manner. He emphasized that access, safety, and security of all implementing parties, including the ASEAN Monitoring Team, have to be guaranteed.
The Meeting also welcomed the much-needed high-level commitment from ASEAN and the United Nations in their joint response to the humanitarian situation in Myanmar and supported the effort to expand the AHA Centre’s Partners for long-term humanitarian assistance projects.
The Meeting commended Cambodia for prioritizing the humanitarian efforts in Myanmar on Cambodia’s agenda during ASEAN Chairmanship this year. The Meeting looked forward to more progress in the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar framework based on the spirit of “One ASEAN, One Response” that would complement the implementation of the 5PC..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., ASEAN-Burma relations
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"၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ် မေလ၆ရက်နေ့တွင် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဖနွမ်းပင်၌ ကျင်းပသည့် အာဆီယံ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးနိုင်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေး၏ ရလဒ်နှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက အလွန် စိတ်ပျက်မိပြီး စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်မိပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အာဆီယံဥက္ကဌနှင့် အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ထံသို့ ရှေ့ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်မည့် နည်းလမ်းများကို ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာစွာ ဆွေးနွေးရန်၊ အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ဆက်သွယ်ခဲ့သော်လည်း ယခုအချိန်ထိ ပြန်လည် ဆက်သွယ်မှုမရှိသေးပါ။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ (EROs)/ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များ(EAOs)တို့နှင့် ဒေသတွင်း လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ကဲ့သို့သော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အခြားအရေးပါသော သက်ဆိုင်သူများအား အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးမှ တမင်ဖယ်ထုတ် ထားပြီး ထိုသို့ဖယ်ထုတ်ထားခြင်းကြောင့် ဤအစည်းအဝေးရလဒ်သည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ကိုကိုလှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သော အဖွဲ့အား အာဆီယံ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ တုံ့ပြန်မှုတွင် ဗဟိုချက်နေရာ ရရှိစေခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် အာဆီယံ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီပေးပို့မှု မူဘောင်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်များနှင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်သူများကို ရွေးချယ်ခန့်အပ်ရန်ကိစ္စတို့ကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ဆောင်ရွက်ရေး အားပေးရာ ရောက်ပါသည်။ ထိုလုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် ရရှိခြင်းကြောင့် ခွဲခြားမှုမရှိဘဲ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ အရေးပေါ်ပေးပို့ခြင်းများကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်နိုင်မည်မဟုတ်သည့်အပြင် စစ်ကောင်စီ ၏စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုနှင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ယန္တရားကို ပိုမိုခိုင်မာလာစေနိုင်သည်။ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့ (EAOs/ERO)များအား စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အမျိုးသားစည်းလုံးညီညွတ်ရေး နှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ကော်မတီတွင် ပါဝင်လာစေရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံရေး လုပ်ကွက်အဖြစ် ဖိအားပေးလာနိုင်ပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသားများသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာရှင်အုပ်စိုးမှုကိုအစဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ငြင်းဆိုခဲ့သည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် အရပ်သားအစိုးရပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရန် စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့ကြသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ/ တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များနှင့် ဒေသတွင်း လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ချန်လှပ် ထားခြင်းသည် အာဆီယံအခြေခံမူငါးချက်တွင်ဖော်ပြထားသည့်မူနှင့် အခြေအနေများကို အခြေခံအားဖြင့် ဆန့်ကျင်ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ရပ်ရွာများကို အကြမ်းဖက်ဖိနှိပ်ခြင်း၊ အရပ်သားများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှား သူများနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှု များနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် ရပ်ရွာများလည်း အဆက်မပြတ် ပြောင်းရွှေ့ နေကြရပါသည်။
လက်တွေ့ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော မြေပြင်အခြေအနေများ နှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီအပေါ် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ယုံကြည်မှု ကင်းမဲ့လာခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် အရေးပေါ် လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ ထိရောက်စွာပေးပို့ခြင်းကို အဟန့်အတားဖြစ်စေပါသည်။ ယင်းကြောင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်ပတ်သက်ခြင်းမရှိဘဲ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီများ အမြန်ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော်ကွန်ရက်များကို အသုံးပြုမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် အလှူရှင်များအား အသိပေး အကြောင်းကြား ထားပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဤသည်မှာ မအောင်မြင်သောအာဏာသိမ်းမှုနောက်ပိုင်း “လက်လှမ်းမီရန် ခက်ခဲသော” ဒေသများသို့ အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်သည့် တခုတည်းသော နည်းလမ်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် အလှူရှင်များအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထူးသံတမန်အဖွဲ့၏ အကြံပြုချက်ဖြစ်သည့် မတူကွဲပြားသောဒေသတွင်း လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုကွန်ရက်များနှင့် အခြေခံကျကျ ထိတွေ့ ဆက်ဆံမှုအား တည်ဆောက်ကာ လိုအပ်နေသော အသိုက်အဝန်းအားလုံးကို ထိထိရောက်ရောက် ပံ့ပိုးပေးနိုင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းပါသည် ။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"His Excellency Deputy Prime Minister PRAK Sokhonn, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, and His Excellency Dato Lim Jock Hoi, Secretary-General of ASEAN in the capacity as the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Coordinator (SG-AHAC), will co-chair the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 06 May 2022, in Phnom Penh and via videoconference.
The Consultative Meeting will be attended physically and virtually by the high-level representatives from all ASEAN member States, ASEAN External Partners, United Nations specialized agencies, and other relevant international organizations.
The Consultative Meeting will provide a high-level platform for ASEAN to initiate a multi-stakeholder dialogue that serves to provide guidance on how to advance ASEAN’s humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar based on humanitarian principles and without discrimination.
The Consultative Meeting aims to discuss mutually agreeable solutions on how to enhance the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar whilst leaving no one behind; how to address the operational challenges faced by the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre); and how to support the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines to all communities in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
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"The United Nations Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar, Noeleen Heyzer, welcomes the convening of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 6 May and strongly urges ASEAN leaders and donors to prioritise principled engagement with diverse local humanitarian networks to effectively deliver aid to all communities in need.
Over the past few months, the Special Envoy has held extensive engagements with some of Myanmar’s civil society organisations and local humanitarian networks who have been at the frontline in addressing the widening crisis amid escalating violence and increasing displaced populations. These groups have called for unhindered and safe humanitarian access to facilitate delivery of assistance without discrimination. The key messages from local humanitarian networks are clear: there is a need for the utmost respect of international humanitarian law and humanitarian principles; urgently needed humanitarian aid must not be instrumentalised for political purposes; military infrastructure must not be legitimised through aid delivery; and there is a need not only for more donor funding but also for donor flexibility to support local humanitarian actors and networks with access to hard-to-reach conflict affected areas, including internally displaced people, border communities and civilians affected by conflict, including in urban areas.
In Myanmar’s currently violent, unstable and insecure context, effective delivery of humanitarian aid requires firm commitment by all aid actors to adhere to international humanitarian law. Given the complexity of Myanmar’s conflict it is imperative that humanitarian assistance is delivered through a diverse range of channels, without discrimination or favour, and reaches the most vulnerable in every part of the country. Safe and unimpeded access for all aid actors is non-negotiable. It is imperative that we build strong, effective and equal partnerships with local and informal humanitarian networks, who have unique access, local knowledge and established trust on the ground, to support the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people, especially in the hardest-to-reach areas, including through cross border assistance.
We must recognise the current conflict has a disproportionate impact on women and children. The Special Envoy's consultations with women community leaders have highlighted the urgent need for humanitarian support and protection for women and children, capacity building to address gender-based violence and stronger connection to regional and global women leaders. The Special Envoy urges the global community to give women a key role in any humanitarian consultation, as women can help identify the most vulnerable and help monitor effective delivery along humanitarian principles. Reflective of the Secretary-General's commitment to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, we must actively engage women to fully address the humanitarian and protection needs of the people and amplify their voices for a future federal democratic union of peace, stability and shared prosperity..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Secretary-General
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-04
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Type:
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Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
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"Myanmar’s junta has rejected Malaysia’s proposal that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) informally engage Myanmar’s shadow government as “irresponsible and reckless”, and warned Malaysian officials against contacting or supporting what it calls a “terrorist group”.
Malaysian Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Abdullah said on Sunday that “We are not proposing for ASEAN to recognize other governments, but such informal engagement may be conceivable, especially on how humanitarian aid to the people of Myanmar who are still in their country can be delivered,” referring to the National Unity Government (NUG).
The NUG was formed after the coup by lawmakers from Myanmar’s ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) and their ethnic allies to challenge the regime’s legitimacy at home and abroad. Many in Myanmar take the NUG as their legitimate government, while some Western countries are also informally engaging with the parallel government.
In response to the Malaysian foreign minister’s remarks, the Myanmar regime-controlled Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Monday strongly protested and rejected what it called the minister’s “irresponsible and reckless” remarks and proposals.
The junta ministry said such remarks could abet terrorism and violence in Myanmar, hamper the regime’s anti-terrorism efforts and infringe on international agreements on combatting terrorism.
Malaysia’s proposal that ASEAN informally engage with the NUG could be seen as a big blow to the regime, which has branded the NUG, its parliamentarian wing the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and its armed wing the People’s Defence Force (PDF) as terrorist groups.
“The Ministry cautions the government officials and parliamentarians of Malaysia against making contacts or communication as well as providing support and assistance to those terrorist groups and their representatives in future,” the regime said in the statement.
Malaysian Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Abdullah said the proposal was made as there had been no progress by the regime on implementing ASEAN’s peace plan for Myanmar, which was drawn up last year to find a solution to the political stalemate in the country.
Myanmar has been in social and political turmoil since the military seized power from the country’s democratically elected government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. ASEAN adopted a five-point peace plan for Myanmar in April 2021 urging the junta to immediately end the violence in the country and to hold an inclusive political dialogue, among other steps. The regime, which has killed more than 1,700 civilians so far, has failed to implement the plan.
The minister’s comment came at a time when the regional bloc’s peace plan, known as the Five-Point Consensus, is being condemned as ineffectual and ASEAN criticized for failing to fulfill its pledges or take meaningful steps toward pressing the regime to end its human rights violations. Human rights groups have also pushed ASEAN to engage with the NUG instead.
The Malaysian foreign minister said to informally engage with the NUG was one of three proposals that Malaysia would bring to the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on May 5, with the other two being to double humanitarian aid for Myanmar, and to strengthen the position and function of the ASEAN special envoy to Myanmar.
Both Myanmar and Malaysia are members of ASEAN.
Malaysia is one of the countries in Southeast Asia that has been critical of the military regime..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations
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"The already long list of governments and blocs to have appointed a special envoy to crisis-torn Myanmar has grown with the Thai Foreign Ministry’s designation of Pornpimol “Pauline” Kanchanalak, an adviser to the Thai foreign minister, as Bangkok’s special envoy for relations with Myanmar.
The move sees Thailand follow in the footsteps of China, Japan, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the UN, the latter having named veteran diplomat Noeleen Heyzer of Singapore as its envoy.
It is still unclear what mandate the Thai special envoy has been given. Pornpimol is known to be close to Thai Foreign Affairs Minister Don Pramudwinai and to have gained his confidence and trust.
Last week, Don, who also serves as deputy prime minister, said Pornpimol was given the post in part due to her extensive knowledge of the neighboring country. It is not clear, however, whether she has visited Myanmar recently, and little is known about her knowledge of the country’s complex political situation or the web of ethnic conflicts that has long beset military-ruled Myanmar.
In the past, Pornpimol worked at the Bangkok Post, before moving to Washington to embark on a career as a lobbyist. She later became a key adviser to the Thai Foreign Ministry.
Don told the Bangkok Post that while Pornpimol has already played a key role as a ministry adviser, her ability to join discussions with high-ranking foreign officials has been limited. Her new position will lift those curbs, he said, adding that such appointments are common in the European Union,.
Thailand and its troubled neighbor share a more than 2,000-km-long border, along which hundreds of thousands of refugees live. In addition, millions of Myanmar migrant workers in the kingdom have recently been joined by newly arrived activists and other compatriots fleeing political persecution under the military junta that seized power from Myanmar’s democratically elected government in 2021.
Myanmar has closed all checkpoints along the Thai border since April 23, when a car bomb exploded near the Myanmar entrance to the Thai-Myanmar Friendship Bridge, in Myawaddy, Karen State, opposite Thailand’s Mae Sot.
Business owners have cried foul, saying the move could cost them up to 500,000 Thai baht (nearly US$15,000) per day, and have urged the Thai government to coordinate with Myanmar authorities to solve the problem.
According to Don’s designation order, Myanmar is strategically important to Thailand in terms of geopolitics, the economy, society and national security. He said Pornpimol would closely monitor the situation in Myanmar and ensure that the ministry’s policies on the country are adhered to.
Don visited Myanmar in November but only disclosed the trip after he returned. He said he traveled to Naypyitaw to deliver humanitarian aid and to hold talks with coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
His trip to the Myanmar capital coincided with visits by special envoys from China and Japan.
At the time, Don said the Myanmar crisis was of concern to many countries, telling The Nation, “The Thai private sector is concerned about the situation in the neighboring country and has collected essential items and sent them to Myanmar.”
According to diplomatic sources, the delegation to Naypyitaw comprised five members, including a senior adviser to the deputy prime minister, his chief of staff and a counselor from his office.
Senior Thai army commanders are known to have close links with the Myanmar military, and the coup leader has visited Thailand 11 times.
In October, Thai academics held a discussion on Thai foreign policy at Chiang Mai University’s School of Public Policy. Along with former senior Foreign Ministry officials, they said that Thailand, as a frontline state, should lead, and not be led by, ASEAN in dealing with Myanmar.
Sihasak Phuangketkeow, former Thai permanent secretary for foreign affairs, said, “We have channels to the military and to the opposition. Why don’t we use them? It may not be easy, because the Myanmar military want to hold on to power, but we have to convince and apply pressure.”
Since the coup, members of ASEAN have expressed different views on the crisis. Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and to a lesser extent the Philippines have sought to exert pressure on the regime, while Thailand, Cambodia and Laos have shown a willingness to work with it.
In any case, Thailand is a key neighbor of Myanmar and the appointment of Pornpimol could signal that Bangkok is looking to play along with like-minded actors on the complicated Myanmar issue. It will also be playing a key role in distributing humanitarian assistance from the US and other Western countries to Myanmar refugees on the border, as the violence continues to escalate across the frontier and Myanmar continues to descend into chaos and instability.
As it does, it appears likely from Don’s comments that he has entrusted Pornpimol to guide his ministry’s policies on Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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Description:
"On 02 May 2022, Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo HUN SEN, Prime Minister
of the Kingdom of Cambodia, had a video call with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing,
Chairman of the State Administration Council of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
to exchange views on the way forward in expediting the implementation of the
ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus (5 PC ) .
Samdech Techo HUN SEN thanked Senior General Min Aung Hlaing for facilitating
the 1st visit to Myanmar by the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on 21-22 March
2022 and highlighted widely expressed aspiration from all quarters to see more
speedy progress on achieving three immediate priorities of the 5PC, namely, (1)
cessation of violence, (2 ) unhindered humanitarian delivery to all the people in most
need and ( 3) building trust and confidence to engender an inclusive political
dialogue..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
Date of entry/update:
2022-05-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"Your Excellencies,
It has been a year since a Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar was reached at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting between all ASEAN leaders and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to address the deteriorating political and humanitarian crisis triggered by his illegal coup d’état.
In this year, Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing has totally failed to implement any of the Five Point Consensus. Given this failure, it is time for ASEAN to move on to sanctioning him for the continued suffering he is inflicting on the people of Myanmar and his blatant disregard for his regional partners.
Over this period, the Myanmar military has unleashed an all-out war over its people which according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights consists of “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses” that may amount to “war crimes and crimes against humanity.” These crimes include the arbitrary arrests of thousands of anti-junta activists and their family members; the routine torture of detainees, often with lethal consequences; the shooting of unarmed protesters, air strikes against civilians in Myanmar’s ethnic areas, the burning of whole villagers, and extrajudicial killings.
In the face of these atrocities, ASEAN must now accept the fact, repeatedly demonstrated over the last months, that Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing, has no intention whatsoever of abiding by the Consensus unless he feels a strong pressure to do so.
In APHR’s original joint response we offered suggestions and support to ensure that the implementation of the Five Point Consensus makes a positive contribution to improve the situation on the ground. It is in the same spirit that we now urge you to take the following steps, in order to stop the Myanmar military’s atrocities, hold the perpetrators accountable, and initiate a real process towards peace and democratization.
First, ASEAN must thoroughly re-consider the role and appointment mechanism of the Special Envoy to Myanmar, in view of the poor record of the previous and current holder of this admittedly difficult position.
As it stands now, the Special Envoy does not represent ASEAN as such, but the group’s Chair, and thus changes every year, making it extremely difficult to maintain a coherent policy over time. Also, both of the Special Envoys appointed so far have been high officials in their respective ministries of foreign affairs, for whom their missions as special envoys was not their only, or even top, priority.
In order to make the position more effective, the Special Envoy should be exclusively dedicated to this mission, appointed on a long-term basis, and respond to ASEAN as a whole, rather than the rotating Chair position. ASEAN members should establish clear and comprehensive terms of reference that make explicit the tasks, mandate and authority entailed by the role of Special Envoy; as well as allocate the necessary resources to carry out the mission.
Second, when the Five-Point Consensus was agreed last year, APHR pointed out that the lack of a timeframe and enforcement mechanisms rendered it virtually toothless. Given that atrocities continued to be committed, unabated by the State Administration Council over the past year, it is high time for the junta to face real consequences for their criminal actions. Such consequences should include the suspension of Myanmar’s membership in ASEAN; travel bans for Min Aung Hlaing and the members of his State Administration Council (SAC) in the region; targeted sanctions against the leaders of the coup, those responsible for committing crimes against humanity and their economic interests.
Third, the Consensus calls for “a constructive dialogue among all parties” in order “to seek a peaceful solution” to the conflict unleashed by the military, and gives the ASEAN Special Envoy the mission to facilitate such a dialogue. One year later, neither of the Special Envoys have made any progress on this, having only met representatives of the military, and not a single representative of the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), which represents the democratically elected government and receives support from the majority of the Myanmar people.
Therefore, we urge ASEAN to immediately and publicly meet with the NUG. Representatives of Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) must also be included in further dialogue to ensure that all voices are heard.
Finally, the coup has triggered an economic catastrophe on the 54 million inhabitants of Myanmar. More than half are now in poverty, while the country’s economy has shrunk by a staggering 18%, according to the World Bank. Provision and distribution of aid is now a matter of the utmost urgency and necessity.
ASEAN’s plan to deliver aid through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) has not only been insufficient but has also manifestly not reached out to the people in need. Instead, ASEAN should immediately begin to work with Myanmar’s local community-based and civil society organisations, as well as relevant international agencies, to effectively provide aid directly to the people in need. Given the scale of the aid required and the military’s history of blocking the delivery of humanitarian aid, collaboration with agencies experienced in running humanitarian operations in Myanmar will help ensure that ASEAN’s intervention abides by the “do no harm” principle.
We also urge neighboring countries, particularly ASEAN member, Thailand, to allow those fleeing persecution and violence to cross its borders, to seek asylum and receive humanitarian aid.
Lastly, we urge ASEAN’s Dialogue Partners and the wider international community to support ASEAN in ensuring it can take up the regional leadership role required to respond to a situation of this gravity, including by supporting the implementation of the above recommendations.
The question to ASEAN leaders now is: will you allow the military to continue committing war crimes and crimes against humanity, and threaten the human security and economic development of the region for another year?
ASEAN’s credibility depends on its ability to act in accordance with the reality of the situation in Myanmar. The group cannot expect the military to abide by the terms of the Five-Point Consensus or to any international or humanitarian norm for that matter. It is imperative that the member states escalate measures to put real pressure on the military to stop it from brutalizing its own population and turning the country into a failed state, and do all they can to work towards the fulfillment of the Myanmar people’s aspirations for peace and democracy.
Sincerely,
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
CC: ASEAN Dialogue Partners..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-24
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
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Size:
158.09 KB 94.3 KB 197.67 KB 107.96 KB
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- 2022-04-24-APHR-Open-letter-to-ASEAN-5-point-consensus-on-Myanmar-khmer.pdf
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Description:
"22 April 2022: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus reached between ASEAN leaders and the leader of the Myanmar military is a failure, with no significant progress made towards its implementation after twelve months, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The Five-Point Consensus was reached in Jakarta on 24 April 2021, two months after the Myanmar military attempted an illegal coup and launched a subsequent attack on the population of Myanmar in response to their ongoing resistance.
The points agreed to by the leader of the military, Min Aung Hlaing, were for the immediate cessation of violence; constructive dialogue among all parties concerned; the appointment of a special envoy of the ASEAN Chair to facilitate mediation of the dialogue; provision of humanitarian assistance through the AHA Centre, and a visit of the special envoy to Myanmar to meet all parties.
Since joining the consensus, Min Aung Hlaing has escalated the military’s attack on the people of Myanmar, continued to target and detain political opponents, obstructed the provision of humanitarian assistance to areas most in need and prevented the special envoy of the ASEAN Chair from meeting Myanmar’s elected representatives and other stakeholders.
“The junta has not held to a single point of the Five-Point Consensus. The agreement has failed and a change of course from ASEAN is needed,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The people of Myanmar who are striving for liberation are under relentless siege from an internal occupying force that is being propped up by Russia and China. That is an unacceptable threat to the very purposes of ASEAN and the stability of the entire region.”
The junta’s forces have launched airstrikes against civilian targets, burned down villages, massacred, beaten, abducted and tortured civilians and caused the intentional deprivation of food and medical supplies to entire communities. Almost half a million people have been displaced as a result.
At the same time, the ongoing massive scale of resistance to the military demonstrates the strength of commitment amongst the peoples of Myanmar to the democratic revolution that seeks to remove the military from politics entirely and establish a federal democratic union.
Institutions established by and representing the peoples of Myanmar including the legitimate National Unity Government (NUG), the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), state-level consultative councils and Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations (EROs) are already working to shape this future.
“The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus failed because ASEAN engaged with the wrong party,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The NUG represents Myanmar and is the proper party to lead engagement with ASEAN. The NUG has demonstrated that it is the constructive partner that ASEAN needs to make any progress towards resolving the crisis.”
SAC-M calls on ASEAN to maintain permanently its rejection of the military junta from participation in ASEAN meetings as a consequence of its abrogation of the Five-Point Consensus. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to work with the NUG to develop a new roadmap towards resolving the crisis, beginning with the urgent provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance. Finally, SAC-M calls on the United Nations (UN) Security Council to take responsibility for international action in response to the growing crisis in Myanmar.
“The UN Security Council backed ASEAN and its Five-Point Consensus, but ASEAN and its consensus have failed. There is now no alternative but for the Security Council itself to take the lead and take the responsibility for meaningful action on Myanmar,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The Security Council cannot continue to ignore the cries of the people of Myanmar for international action to end the military’s violence.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
The upcoming U.S.-ASEAN special summit stands in jarring juxtaposition to last year’s “Summit for Democracy” — to which most ASEAN states didn’t merit an invitation.
Description:
"The Biden administration on April 16 announced that the White House will host a special summit with members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on May 12.
Invitees include Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, an unrepentant and undiplomatic architect of mass killings in the name of a “war on drugs” under investigation by the International Criminal Court. (“I don’t care about human rights,” he said last year.) A bevy of other autocratic leaders are also invited, including Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge commander turned kleptocrat who has been in power for over 36 years. The invitation was first made by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken in a December 14 speech in Jakarta, but dates were not finalized until now.
The summit stands in jarring juxtaposition to last year’s “Summit for Democracy,” and the administration’s rhetoric about human rights and democracy, including in Blinken’s speech inviting ASEAN to the United States.
“Freedom is about the ability to write your future and have a say in what happens in your community and your country, no matter who you are or who you know,” Blinken said in December. The administration is hoping to foster a “free and open Indo-Pacific.”
ASEAN countries are neither free nor open.
Myanmar is led by a coup-installed junta and a military with a long track record of unfettered brutality. While the U.S. and other ASEAN members have decided the country can only send a “non-political” representative, the invitation is still a stunning twist coming only weeks after the administration formally determined that the military committed crimes against humanity and genocide against Muslim Rohingya. It has only been a little over a year since the military’s February 2021 coup and jailing of Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian officials. The country’s senior military leadership and much of its military-owned industries are under U.S. sanctions.
Vietnam, a one-party authoritarian state, does not hold democratic elections and has imprisoned hundreds of critics, dissidents, and journalists. Laos is a similarly repressive one-party state. Brunei’s absolute monarch, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, exercises exclusive and unchecked authority and has been in power since 1967. The country has no elections, free media, or meaningful rights protections.
Thailand, once a genuine democracy, suffered a military coup in 2014 led by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, which led to rule by a junta, then the adoption of a new constitution entrenching military rule and allowing engineered elections in 2019 that Prayut, predictably, won. Authorities have arrested democracy activists and critics of the monarchy, dissolved a major opposition party, and suppressed youth-led democracy protests, often violently. There have been numerous cases of torture as well as enforced disappearances.
Cambodia’s leader, Hun Sen, who has manipulated or stolen outright every election since 1993, has now largely eliminated the political opposition and independent media. Over 60 political prisoners are jailed on bogus criminal charges.
Singapore, too, has an overwhelmingly repressive government. (The Biden administration did not invite them to the Summit for Democracy.) Citizens face severe restrictions on free expression, association, and peaceful assembly through overly broad criminal laws and regulations, including aggressive internet content laws, that are regularly enforced.
And even Indonesia and Malaysia, the standout ASEAN democracies, are seeing worsening conditions for women, religious minorities, and LGBTQ people, and increasing use of overbroad criminal defamation, sedition, and other laws to prosecute critics.
The Biden administration needs to adopt more coherent principles for supporting nations in Asia without sacrificing the promotion of human rights. A key problem in the Biden administration’s Asia rhetoric is that it too often conflates human freedoms and rights with the “freedoms” and “rights” of governments not to be coerced by other governments (i.e., by the Chinese government). When Blinken in December cited a “rules-based order” in Asia meant to “protect the right of all countries to choose their own path, free from coercion, free from intimidation,” he was not talking about human freedoms. He was dressing up “countering the Chinese government” in the language of liberty.
During the summit in May, the president should speak publicly about human rights and freedoms — including by noting the United States’ own poor record — and he and other U.S. officials should prominently raise key rights concerns with attendees during informal bilateral meetings at the summit, known as “pull asides.”
On Myanmar, Biden should press ASEAN members to abandon their failed ASEAN “consensus” approach to diplomacy with the junta and instead join a coordinated international effort to increase pressure to convince the junta to steer toward reform, including by increasing restrictions on the junta’s foreign currency revenues and capacities to purchase weapons. Biden should also encourage stronger bilateral diplomatic efforts by individual ASEAN members who can most effectively communicate with the junta: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand.
Human rights, justice, rule of law, and individual freedoms are forces which, as much as alliances and partnerships, serve as bulwarks to the increasingly repressive forces of the Chinese and Russian governments. Overlooking abuses by supposed allies only undermines the international human rights system further and makes the world less safe..."
Source/publisher:
The Diplomat (Tokyo) via Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Since the return of military rule last year, Myanmar has been a thorn in the side of regional countries. As Myanmar is a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), many countries have urged the 10-member bloc to play the role of mediator in solving the crisis caused by the coup. Plus, some neighboring and regional countries are still sitting on the fence while engaging with the regime, which has killed more than 1,700 people so far.
In this excerpt from an interview with The Irrawaddy, Foreign Minister Daw Zin Mar Aung of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government shares her impressions of those countries.
Many countries, including the US, endorse ASEAN’s centrality. But ASEAN still cannot act. And it is mostly on good terms with the regime. The US backs ASEAN though it is aware it won’t be successful. What could Washington do?
While the US considers ASEAN as an initial step, we cannot reject it completely. But the US should think about a Plan B in case that approach does not work. We have always called for an innovative approach. The international community should not use 20th-century definitions of sovereignty and diplomatic relations to handle Myanmar in a 21st-century context.
It can no longer use old methods to approach Myanmar. It has been proven in previous decades that the old approaches were unsuccessful. And ASEAN alone cannot handle Myanmar’s crises.
ASEAN and US envoys should work together. As the EU has appointed a new envoy, we have suggested that these envoys should collaborate and take a more innovative approach.
Which countries are not helping the revolution?
I told the Indian media in an interview that some neighboring countries engage with us but they also deal with the regime. We can understand them.
Our revolution will win. I tell them to cooperate with us and when we win, we will remember who stood with us in our struggle. This is true for individuals.
We record who our friends are and who are sitting on the fence, which will shape our future relations with them.
Does that include India?
Some countries want to help but lack the strength. Others have the strength but they are too focused on their interests and fail to act decisively. If they want to protect their interests, I urged them to stand by us.
I guarantee that their interests will not suffer. The NUG has the public’s support. The day when people don’t like us will be the day we fail. Our neighbors should listen to our people, and cooperate and support the revolution.
That’s why I was critical during the Indian interview. India is the biggest democracy in the world. It should more actively and decisively back democracy in Myanmar. It is a major regional power. I was critical because India should boldly shoulder its role and take action.
What about China?
China is important. Its political situation differs from that of India. I say democracies should act like real democracies. To be pragmatic, we have to engage diplomatically with China. Both India and China are important to us. We maintain our engagement with China. We are taking a pragmatic approach.
What do you expect from China?
At least China should not legitimize the junta and its leaders and say it is a legitimate government. We have repeatedly said that and asked China not to ignore the 2020 election results. We understand China does not oppose that.
Cambodia has increased its ties with the junta and Japanese representatives have attended the regime’s events. Do these countries support the NUG?
This is a difference between Myanmar and Ukraine. EU countries stand collectively by Ukraine. This gives Ukraine many advantages. But it is different in our region. There are dictatorial states and others that favor democracy.
But they are also divided. Even democracies like Japan and South Korea are different. South Korea has been more decisive while Japan focuses on negotiations.
Japan is concerned China might fill a vacuum if it refuses to engage with the regime. It is a balancing act.
Asian countries accept the principle [of rejecting the regime]. But in reality, they do not take a tough stance and maintain ties with both the regime and us. We have to monitor their moves and engage with them.
What is your message to regional countries?
It is simple. When our revolution wins, it will contribute to long-term stability and development in the region. If our revolution fails, crises will keep happening in Myanmar and it will continue to be a troublemaker in the region.
But if the people win, Myanmar will contribute to regional stability and development as a fully established democracy. Other countries should boldly stand by us and support our revolution..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
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Sub-title:
Coup-leader Min Aung Hlaing vows to ‘annihilate’ anti-military resistance forces, snuffing out any hopes for dialog
Description:
" If anyone had thought that there could, as the UN and the outside world advocate, be a dialogue between Myanmar’s junta and the democratic opposition, those hopes were effectively dashed when the country’s military leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, gave a fiery speech on Armed Forces Day, March 27.
On the occasion, the coup leader vowed to “annihilate to the end” want he described as “terrorist groups” and also “urged” Myanmar’s many ethnic armed organizations not to support those “terrorist groups” and, instead, “live within a legal framework” (sic), which analysts interpret as sticking to a now-collapsed National Ceasefire Agreement that the military concluded with a limited number of ethnic rebel armies in 2015.
Equally important was the show of unity the armed forces displayed on March 27, dispelling all persistent but misguided notions of “power struggles” between hardliners in the military and “reformists” supposedly represented by Thein Sein, who served as president from 2011 to 2016.
No less than 25 former officers who have served in various military-appointed governments since the bloody crackdown on a pro-democracy uprising in 1988 were at the parade and other functions at the capital Naypyidaw. Among them was Thein Sein, who reportedly gave “words of advice” to Min Aung Hlaing who, in return, bowed in a show of respect to the ex-president.
It was not the first time Thein Sein had shown his true colors. In December last year, the ex-general once dubbed “Myanmar’s Gorbachev” by some Western observers for his supposedly “reformist agenda”, made donations to families of people who had been killed or wounded on suspicion of acting as military informants.
Needless to say, Thein Sein has never donated any money to the many families whose loved ones have been gunned down by the military and the police for demonstrating peacefully against last year’s coup.
According to the independent advocacy group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 1,723 unarmed protesters have been killed or tortured to death in various detention centers since the coup. More than 13,000 people, including activists, local politicians, journalists and health workers who supported the anti-junta movement have been jailed.
Those figures do not include the thousands of villagers who have been killed in airstrikes and artillery bombardment in ethnic areas, where resistance to the coup has grown strong over the past year. According to an announcement by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on February 11, the number of Internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar has doubled since last year’s coup, now crossing the 800,000-mark.
While the world’s attention is now almost entirely focused on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, another massive tragedy is playing out in Myanmar, and very little is being done about it by the international community.
Foreign powers, among them the European Union, in a statement in October last year appear to have outsourced the Myanmar issue to ASEAN: “The European Union calls on Myanmar to engage constructively with the ASEAN Special Envoy to implement fully and completely the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. It stresses the need for the military to facilitate regular visits to Myanmar by the ASEAN Special Envoy, and for him to be able to engage freely with all he wishes to meet.”
The “five-point consensus”, which was adopted when Min Aung Hlaing paid a brief visit to Jakarta on April 24 last year, called for a cessation of violence and “a constructive dialog between all parties concerned.”
The EU statement was remarkable in the sense that the “Five Point Agreement” was already dead when the Europeans issued it. No envoys from ASEAN have been allowed to meet anybody except junta officials and the word “dialog” has never been uttered by Min Aung Hlaing and his cohorts.
During the most recent such ASEAN visit, by Cambodia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn in late March, all that the junta had to offer him was a meeting with Su Su Lwin, the wife of Htin Kyaw, president from 2016-2018 and a member of the coup-ousted National League for Democracy (NLD). Su Su Lwin, however, declined to meet the ASEAN envoy, citing “health issues.”
But that did not prevent Noeleen Hayzer, UN Secretary-General’s special envoy to Myanmar, from teaming up with not only Prak Sokonn but also Cambodia’s authoritarian ruler Hun Sen, whose country is this year’s ASEAN rotational chair.
On April 1 — and it was apparently not an April Fool’s joke — Hayzer’s office issued a statement referring to the “robust ASEAN-UN umbrella” and that “ASEAN and the broader international community have a responsibility to amplify and support the will of the people.”
Critics would say that she seems to have conveniently forgotten that ASEAN is a gathering of ten mostly undemocratic nations which has never during its now almost 55-year-long history helped solve a single problem in member states or bilateral disputes between them.
Such issues range from the conflict in East Timor and border disputes between Cambodia and Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines, cross-border insurgencies between Thailand and Malaysia, and, perhaps most crucially, a common stand on the South China Sea as China asserts its wide-reaching claims to the strategic waterway.
In fact, ASEAN’s two guiding principles — consensus and non-interference — make the bloc impotent when it comes to regional security or the promotion of peace and democracy. The only things that ASEAN can show as progress would be some trade agreements and visa exemption rules for citizens of member states.
Meanwhile, the Myanmar military is pushing ahead its brutal campaign to wipe out resistance forces and secure control over the country. Elections may or may not be held in 2023, as Mun Aung Hlaing once stated, but before that happens the military will make sure that the NLD is emasculated politically and organizationally.
The NLD has scored massive landslide victories in all the elections it has contested, first in 1990 to for a National Assembly that was never convened but replaced by the military with a constitution-drafting body that consisted of no more than 100 of 492 MPs elects and then up to 600 delegates appointed by the military.
Then, in 2015 after which the NLD was allowed to form a government and, finally, in 2020, when the military seized power before the elected assembly could meet. The generals are now busy preparing for the selection of its own election commissioners while all NLD leaders, among them President Win Myint and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, remain in military custody.
Since the tanks rolled into Yangon and Naypyidaw, and the protests were met with gunfire, thousands of activists have fled to the border areas where ethnic rebels have territories or organized their own resistance in parts of central Myanmar that have not seen insurgency since the 1970s.
Those forces have shown remarkable resilience and fighting spirit, but the abundance of local resistance groups, loosely lumped together as People’s Defense Forces, do not appear to coordinate their activities under a central command. There are frequent ambushes and skirmishes in various parts of the country, but no coherent strategy seems to have been developed for the anti-junta struggle.
Nor do they currently have enough weaponry to seriously challenge the mighty firepower of the Myanmar military. At the same time, junta forces are stretched thin on many fronts, making it impossible for Min Aung Hlaing to “annihilate” the resistance, as he has pledged.
With the outside world now doing next to nothing, there can only be one conclusion: The Myanmar tragedy is bound to continue for the foreseeable future with more internal turmoil, refugee flows to neighboring countries and repression of any dissent under unflinching generals for whom notions of compromise, dialog and listening to public opinion do not exist..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-04
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Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"1. The National Unity Government (NUG) acknowledges the visit of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, H.E. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Cambodia, to Myanmar on 21-23 March 2022.
2. The NUG reiterates its commitment to engage with and support the Special Envoy’s mandate to facilitate the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus (5PC). However, it is deeply disappointed that the Special Envoy failed to meet with all parties concerned, as required by the 5PC. As the Special Envoy has himself conceded, this approach risks lending legitimacy to the illegal military junta. It also threatens ASEAN’s adherence to the principle of impartiality, and hampers its ability to bring informed and inclusive approaches to ‘concrete, tangible and visible’ 5PC implementation.
3. ASEAN’s exclusion of junta representatives from its 2021 Summits and its 2022 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting were a clear and principled response to the illegal military junta’s contemptuous treatment of the 5PC. There has been no improvement since. Across two early visits, the movements, meetings and messages of the new ASEAN Chair and his Special Envoy have been manipulated by the junta. The Special Envoy’s claim to ‘move things piece by piece, and with patience’ has so far seen him moved like a chess piece by the junta.
4. With his first working visit concluded, the NUG urges the Special Envoy to act on his commitment to meet with all parties concerned. This must include engagement with:
• President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
• The NUG
• The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
• The National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC)
• Ethnic Resistance Organizations
• Civil society representatives, community leaders, and humanitarian organizations operating on the ground.
5. The NUG provides the following responses to the next steps proposed by the Special Envoy in his press briefing:
a. Conducting a Consultative Meeting at the end of April 2022 to listen and exchange views with different stakeholders on effective, non-discriminatory, and unhampered delivery of humanitarian assistance to those most in need.
The NUG and humanitarian partners must participate in the proposed Consultative Meeting on Humanitarian Assistance.
The NUG supports the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance to all communities and persons in need including the escalating number of internally displaced persons. To secure such access, it is essential that the Special Envoy engages with the NUG, civil society, community-based humanitarian organizations, and other local stakeholders. Existing cross-border assistance mechanisms must also be utilized to save lives.
b. Intensification of discussion with the SAC and relevant stakeholders on the Troika, the Friends of Myanmar, and the Humanitarian Corridor arrangements.
The NUG urges the Special Envoy to confirm that it and other parties concerned identified above (see point 4) are included within the "relevant stakeholders" with whom he will ‘intensify discussion’. Their inclusion, as the representatives of the people, is essential to progressing ‘a peaceful solution in the interests of the people’, consistent with the 5PC .
The NUG offers its in principle support to the proposed ASEAN Troika mechanism.
Further, the NUG seeks clarity on the proposed roles and composition of the “Friends of Myanmar” group on humanitarian assistance. Any associated arrangement of a humanitarian corridor must, as earlier set out, involve the NUG, civil society, and local, community-based and cross-border humanitarian organizations already supporting the humanitarian response.
c. Determine the schedule, substance, and possible outcomes of the next visit of the Special Envoy, after briefing key stakeholders on the result of this visit and listen to their feedback and recommendations for the ways forward.
The NUG urges the Special Envoy to confirm at the earliest opportunity his upcoming schedule and planned meetings with the NUG and other parties concerned. The NUG included proposed meeting modalities in its 22 February 2022 correspondence to the ASEAN Chair and the Special Envoy.
6. The NUG supports the Special Envoy’s calls for ‘utmost restraint on the use of military forces’ but is dumbfounded by the Special Envoy’s inclusion of the attribution to junta-leader Min Aung Hlaing that “nothing is more important than people’s life”. Min Aung Hlaing and his junta are singularly responsible for the political, economic, humanitarian and human rights crises enveloping Myanmar and for associated atrocity crimes and acts of terror. Their actions comprise war crimes and crimes against humanity, and constitute a grave threat to regional security and to the interests of ASEAN Members and their populations.
7. The Special Envoy recognizes that the current conflict has long historic roots: "… I would like to inform that the fighting did not take place just last year or a few years ago. Resistance and fighting between the military group and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) have been going on since Myanmar's independence in 1948, meaning more than 70 years already."
The NUG welcomes this recognition by ASEAN that the military’s atrocities are decades old and that past failures of accountability have perpetuated current crimes. Now is ASEAN’s opportunity to correct historic missteps by genuinely supporting the will and interests of the Myanmar people.
8. The NUG is committed to inclusive democracy, long-term stability, and sustainable peace and development. It is engaged in genuine dialogue with Myanmar’s manifold peoples and communities, including through the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), to implement the Federal Democracy Charter.....၁။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးချုပ်နှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး H.E. Prak Sokhonn ၏ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၂၁ ရက်မှ ၂၃ ရက်အထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သည့်ခရီးစဥ်ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။
၂။ အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ် ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရာတွင် လွယ်ကူချောမွေ့စေရန် အထူးသံတမန်၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အား ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရန်နှင့်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ ကတိကဝတ်ပြုမှုကို ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထူးသံတမန်သည် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်၏ လိုအပ်ချက်ဖြစ်သော သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန်ပျက်ကွက်သည့်အတွက် အလွန်စိတ်ပျက်မိပါသည်။ အထူးသံတမန်ကိုယ်တိုင် ဝန်ခံခဲ့သလိုပင် ဤချဉ်းကပ်မှုသည် တရားမ၀င်စစ်အုပ်စုအား တရားဝင်မှုပေးရာရောက်သည့်အန္တရာယ်ပင်ရှိနေပါသည်။ ထိုအခြေအနေသည် ဘက်မလိုက်ရေးမူအား အာဆီယံ၏ လိုက်နာမှုကိုလည်း ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေပြီး “လက်ဆုပ်လက်ကိုင်ပြနိုင်ပြီး၊ မြင်သာထင်သာရှိရှိ နှင့် လက်တွေ့မြင်နိုင်သည့်” အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှုတွင် အားလုံးသိသာမြင်သာမှု နှင့် အားလုံးပါဝင်သော ချဉ်းကပ်မှုများအား ဆောင်ကျဉ်းလာနိုင်စေရန် အာဆီယံ၏စွမ်းဆောင်ရည်ကို အဟန့်အတားဖြစ်စေပါသည်။
၃။ အာဆီယံ၏ ၂၀၂၁ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် ၎င်း၏ ၂၀၂၂ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးများတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များကို မတက်ရောက်စေဘဲ ချန်လှပ်ထားခြင်းသည် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်အား တရားမဝင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ မထီမဲ့မြင်ပြုမှုအပေါ် ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း နှင့် မူအရပြတ်သားသော တုံ့ပြန်မှု ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုစဥ်ကတည်းကပင် တိုးတက်မှုများ မရှိခဲ့ပါ။ အစောပိုင်း ခရီးစဥ်နှစ်ကြိမ်တွင်လည်း အာဆီယံသဘာပတိသစ်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ အထူးသံတမန်၏ လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ အစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် သတင်းစကားများကို စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ကလိုသလို ကြိုးကိုင်ချယ်လှယ်ခဲ့သည်။ အထူးသံတမန်၏ 'စိတ်ရှည်သည်းခံပြီး အခြေအနေများကို တထစ်ချင်းရွှေ့ရန်' ပြောဆိုချက်သည် စစ်အစိုးရ၏ စစ်တုရင်အရုပ်ကဲ့သို့ ရွေ့သွားသည်ကို ယခုအချိန်တွင်တွေ့မြင်နေရပြီဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ပထမဆုံး အလုပ်ခရီးစဉ် ပြီးဆုံးပြီးသည့် အထူးသံတမန်အား သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားသည့်အတိုင်း လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
ထိုသို့ တွေ့ဆုံဆောင်ရွက်မှုတွင်
• သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်
• အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)
• ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)၊
• အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC)၊
• တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
• အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ ရပ်ရွာခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် မြေပြင်တွင် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်နေသော လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ပါ၀င်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲတွင် အထူးသံတမန် အဆိုပြုသည့် နောက်အဆင့်များအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည်အောက်ပါ တုံ့ပြန်ချက်များကို ပေးပါသည်။
(က) 2022 ခုနှစ် ဧပြီလကုန်တွင် အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတစ်ခုကျင်းပပြီး လိုအပ်နေသူများအား လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ ထိရောက်စွာ၊ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုမရှိဘဲ အဟန့်အတားမရှိ ပေးပို့နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် ကွဲပြားသောအမြင်များ ဖလှယ်ရန်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီဆိုင်ရာ အဆိုပြုထားသော အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ပါဝင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် ပြည်တွင်းရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်သူဦးရေ တိုးမြင့်လာမှုအပါအဝင် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများနှင့် လိုအပ်နေသူများထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို အရေးပေါ်ထောက်ပံ့ကူညီလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထိုသို့သောထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများလုံခြုံနေစေရန် အထူးသံတမန်သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြု လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အခြားဒေသခံအကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် မဖြစ်မနေလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် အကူအညီပေးရေး ယန္တရားများကိုလည်း အသုံးချ၍ အသက်များကို ကယ်တင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
(ခ) Troika (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏မိတ်ဆွေများ) အစီအစဥ် နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုစင်္ကြံဆိုင်ရာ အစီအစဉ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ စစ်ကောင်စီ နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် အပြင်းအထန် ဆွေးနွေးခြင်း။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား သူ 'အပြင်းအထန်ဆွေးနွေးမှုပြုလုပ်မည့်' သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများ' တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် ယခုထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်၏ အချက် ၄ တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော သက်ဆိုင်သူများ ပါဝင်ကြောင်း အတည်ပြုရန်တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်နှင့် အညီ 'ပြည်သူတို့၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖြေရှင်းနည်း' ကို တိုးတက်စေရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် တရား၀င်ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ပါဝင်မှုသည် မရှိမဖြစ် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG)သည်အဆိုပြုထားသောအာဆီယံTroika(မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏မိတ်ဆွေများ) အစီအစဥ်ကို မူအားဖြင့် ထောက်ခံပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီဆိုင်ရာ "မြန်မာ့မိတ်ဆွေများ" အဖွဲ့၏ အဆိုပြုထားသော အခန်းကဏ္ဍများနှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ ရှင်းလင်းချက်များကို ရှာဖွေနေပါသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုစင်္ကြံ၏ ဆက်စပ်အစီအစဉ်တိုင်းတွင် အစောပိုင်းတွင် ဖော်ပြသတ်မှတ်ထားသည့်အတိုင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဒေသဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြုနှင့် နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီများ ပံ့ပိုးပေးလျက်ရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများပါဝင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
ဂ။ ယခုခရီးစဉ်၏ ရလဒ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အဓိက သက်ဆိုင်သူများကို ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြပြီး ရှေ့ဆက်ရမည့် နည်းလမ်းများအတွက် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြံပြုချက်များနှင့် အကြံပြုချက်များကို နားထောင်ပြီးအထူးသံတမန်၏ နောက်လာမည့် ခရီးစဉ်၏ အချိန်ဇယား၊ အကြောင်းအရာနှင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ခြေရှိသော ရလဒ်များကို ဆုံးဖြတ်ခြင်း။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးသံတမန်အား ၎င်း၏နောက်လာရောက်မည့်အချိန်ဇယားနှင့် NUG နှင့် အခြားအစုအဖွဲ့များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် စီစဉ်ထားမှုကို အစောဆုံး အတည်ပြုရန် တိုက်တွန်းသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ အာဆီယံဥက္ကဌ နှင့် အထူးသံတမန်ထံသို့ ၂၂ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ပေးစာတွင် အဆိုပြုထားသော အစည်းအဝေးပုံစံများ ပါဝင်သည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးသံတမန်၏ 'စစ်အင်အားအသုံးပြုမှုကို အစွမ်းကုန် ထိန်းထိန်းသိမ်းသိမ်း' ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တောင်းဆိုချက်ကို ထောက်ခံသော်လည်း၊ "ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်ထက် ဘာမှ ပိုအရေးမကြီး" ဟု အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်အား ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသည့် အထူးသံတမန်၏ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကြောင့် အံ့အားသင့် စိတ်ပျက်မိပါသည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ဆက်နွှယ်သည့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တစ်ဦးချင်း တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ လုပ်ရပ်များတွင် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ ပါ၀င်ပြီး၊ ဒေသတွင်း လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ပြည်သူများ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ကြီးမားသော ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုတစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်လာသည်။
၇။ လက်ရှိပဋိပက္ခသည် ရှည်လျားသော သမိုင်းဝင်အခြေခံအကြောင်းအရင်းများရှိကြောင်း အထူးသံတမန်က အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။ “....တိုက်ပွဲများသည် မနှစ်က သို့မဟုတ် လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်အနည်းငယ်ကမှ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ခြင်း မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးလိုပါသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များကြား ခုခံတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလွတ်လပ်ရေးရပြီးစ (၁၉၄၈)ခုနှစ်မှစတင်ခဲ့ပြီး နှစ် ၇၀ ကျော်ကြာမြင့်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။”
စစ်တပ်၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ သက်တမ်းရှိပြီဖြစ်ပြီး ယခင်က တာဝန်ခံရန်ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းများသည် လက်ရှိရာဇ၀တ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်လာစေကြောင်း အာဆီယံ၏ အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ယခုအချိန်သည် မြန်မာလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့် အကျိုးစီးပွားကို စစ်မှန်စွာ ထောက်ခံခြင်းဖြင့် သမိုင်းဝင်အမှားများကို ပြင်ဆင်ရန် အာဆီယံ၏ အခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သည်။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်သော ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ရေရှည်တည်ငြိမ်ရေးနှင့် ရေရှည်တည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲသော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့အတွက် ကတိပြုသည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နယ်ပယ်စုံမှ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် များ၊လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများနှင့်စစ်မှန်သောတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုတွင်ပါဝင်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Key Countries Should Overhaul Approach to Junta’s Atrocities
Description:
"Southeast Asian governments should urgently revamp their response to Myanmar’s abusive junta by coordinating action with the broader international community, Human Rights Watch said today. Despite adopting a “five-point consensus” on the crisis a year ago, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has failed to fulfill its pledges or take meaningful steps toward pressing the junta to end its human rights violations.
“Myanmar’s junta has spent the past year committing atrocities in utter disregard for its commitments to ASEAN,” said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The ASEAN countries leading on Myanmar – Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore – should immediately alter their course to focus on protecting people’s rights and freedoms rather than helping the junta remain in power.
At a summit in Jakarta on April 24, 2021, the nine ASEAN leaders and Myanmar junta chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, agreed to five points: an immediate end to violence in the country; dialogue among all parties; the appointment of a special envoy; humanitarian assistance by ASEAN; and the special envoy’s visit to Myanmar to meet with all parties. In the year since, Min Aung Hlaing has defied each point while overseeing a brutal nationwide crackdown aimed at suppressing the millions of people opposed to military rule.
Two days after the consensus agreement, the junta walked back its endorsement, announcing it would consider the “suggestions made by ASEAN leaders when the situation returns to stability.” Rather than halting attacks as called for, the junta ramped up its abuses. Junta violations since the coup include mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Security forces have killed over 1,700 people, including at least 130 children, and arbitrarily arrested over 13,000. The military has expanded abusive operations in ethnic minority areas, displacing more than 550,000 people. Instead of heeding the consensus by allowing aid delivery, the junta has deliberately blocked humanitarian assistance from reaching populations in need as a form of collective punishment.
The five-point consensus, meanwhile, has become a pretext for governments such as the United Kingdom, United States, Australia, and European Union member states to delay real action under the guise of waiting for ASEAN leadership, Human Rights Watch said. The junta has exploited the international community’s deference to the regional bloc, which has a long record of neglecting its responsibility to protect the people of Southeast Asia under its principles of noninterference and consensus.
ASEAN appointed Brunei’s second foreign minister, Erywan Yusof, as its special envoy to Myanmar last August. His planned visit to the country in October was canceled when the junta denied him access to Aung San Suu Kyi and other detained civilian leaders, a precondition of his visit and requirement under the consensus.
The junta has indicated it will continue to block efforts to meet with Suu Kyi and other detained individuals, or with entities it has declared “unlawful,” including the shadow civilian government, the National Unity Government (NUG).
In an unprecedented censure by the bloc, ASEAN barred Min Aung Hlaing from its biannual summit in October, with only a non-political representative invited to attend. Singapore announced it was a “difficult but necessary decision to uphold ASEAN’s credibility given the unsatisfactory and highly limited progress in the implementation of the ASEAN Leaders’ Five-Point Consensus.” The junta ultimately declined to attend.
Myanmar’s refusal to meet the consensus commitments has exposed fractures within ASEAN. Several ASEAN countries – notably Malaysia and Indonesia, often alongside Singapore and the Philippines – have publicly criticized the junta’s intransigence, calling for a continued ban on political representatives from future summits.
However, Cambodia, this year’s ASEAN chair, has renewed engagement with the junta, with Prime Minister Hun Sen visiting Myanmar in January, the first foreign leader to do so. The current special envoy, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, met in late March with Min Aung Hlaing and other junta officials despite their refusal to grant access to Suu Kyi.
Prak Sokhonn’s claims of “meaningful outcomes” were immediately belied when Min Aung Hlaing, in his speech on Armed Forces Day, March 27, announced that the military “will no longer take into account negotiation with the terrorist groups and their supporters,” referring to the NUG and anti-coup movement, and will seek to “annihilate them to an end.”
On January 28, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet called the international response “ineffectual,” stating that “the actions taken by the UN Security Council and by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been insufficient to convince Myanmar’s military to cease its violence.” In her March report to the Human Rights Council, Bachelet noted that despite the consensus, ASEAN leaders “have not achieved tangible results.”
Leading ASEAN countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore, should work closely with other governments to develop a clear, timebound approach to press Myanmar’s junta toward reform, including increasing restrictions on its foreign currency revenues and weapons purchases. ASEAN should signal its support for a UN Security Council resolution instituting a global arms embargo, referring the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and imposing targeted sanctions on junta leadership and military-owned companies.
US President Joe Biden, who will host ASEAN members at a summit in May, should press Southeast Asian leaders to abandon their failed consensus approach and encourage greater cooperation with other countries promoting stronger action against the junta’s rights abuses.
Over 50,000 refugees from Myanmar have fled to Thailand and other neighboring countries since the coup. Those governments should end all forced returns of asylum seekers and instead ensure refugees receive access to aid and international protection procedures, as well as facilitate emergency cross-border aid.
“For a year, governments around the world have stalled taking action on Myanmar by standing behind ASEAN’s hollow words – and have nothing to show for it,” Pearson said. “They need to adopt strong measures to deter further atrocities and hold the military accountable, not a flimsy consensus that’s proven its futility.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-02
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"In continuation of her close cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Special Envoy visited the Kingdom of Cambodia. This mission was undertaken against the backdrop of escalating violence throughout Myanmar, as bombings and other excesses committed are compounding multiple vulnerabilities facing millions of people struggling for survival.
The Special Envoy held frank and constructive discussion with the ASEAN Chair His Excellency Mr. Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia and the ASEAN Special Envoy His Excellency Mr. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, with a view to fostering meaningful and effective implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.
This important collaboration has been part of the Special Envoy’s close engagement with all ASEAN Foreign Ministers who, in their February statement, encouraged the ASEAN Special Envoy to coordinate closely with the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on Myanmar to ensure synergy.
In her interactions with Member States, including during recent visits to the United Nations Headquarters in New York and Washington D.C., in the Security Council and through various Regional Organizations, the Special Envoy has continued to stress the urgency for coherent international backing of a unified regional approach supportive of a Myanmar-led process reflective of the will of the people.
Recalling the importance highlighted by the Security Council and General Assembly for the Special Envoy to maintain communication and engage intensively with all relevant parties in Myanmar, the Special Envoy shared her comprehensive assessment of the somber ground realities and sentiments among a range of domestic stakeholders as she sought to strengthen complementarity to the work of ASEAN.
In this respect, the Special Envoy’s extensive discussions with the Cambodian Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister focused on helping align the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus with the will and needs of the people, without further delay. She stressed it was paramount for ASEAN to listen carefully to all voices on the ground in supporting durable peace and national reconciliation. The Special Envoy emphasized that indicators and results on the ground were urgently needed, adding any goodwill towards protecting the people of Myanmar and their livelihoods needed to be demonstrated in concrete terms.
The Special Envoy highlighted she will continue to amplify the voices of the people of Myanmar and encourage international action based on an accurate assessment of the situation. She will also continue to engage with all key stakeholders, focusing on helping articulate the bottom-lines and conditions needed for momentum towards any talks about talks in the greater interest of peace, stability and democracy.
Such engagement will include the UN-ASEAN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) platform which will be co-chaired with Her Excellency Ms. Retno Marsudi, Foreign Minister of Indonesia. This platform would advance the humanitarian and protection agenda at the local level, especially for women and children who are disproportionately impacted by the violence, and to amplify the voices and vision of women and young people as agents of change.
The Special Envoy urged the Prime Minister to leverage his influence on Myanmar’s Commander-in-Chief to de-escalate violence and serve the greater interests of the people. In the context of her own potential visit to Myanmar, the Special Envoy and the Prime Minster discussed the importance of convincing the military leadership that any stability requires the immediate cessation of hostilities and a genuinely inclusive approach. A federal democratic union must be pursued in accordance with the will of the people, grounded firmly in the ASEAN Charter and the norms and values of the United Nations.
In her discussion with the ASEAN Special Envoy, Special Envoy Heyzer appreciated his sustained efforts in Myanmar to address obstacles in delivering humanitarian assistance, and his follow up proposals including a Consultative Meeting, and further discussions on visit outcomes such as the ASEAN Troika mechanism, the Friends of Myanmar, and the Humanitarian Corridor Arrangement. She highlighted the importance of effective humanitarian assistance to all people in need without discrimination. This will require safe and unhindered access to all affected areas and the delivery of aid through all existing channels.
In this regard, the Special Envoy reinforced the importance of an expanded approach to providing humanitarian assistance, adding that a robust ASEAN-UN umbrella, which both Envoys could co-facilitate to deliver assistance to affected communities through all existing channels and address the multiple priority needs of the people across the country. This would include civilian protection as well as food security, socio-economic resilience, humanitarian and COVID-19 assistance.
The Special Envoy’s discussions in Phnom Penh also stressed that addressing the plight of the Rohingya needed to be part and parcel of any broader solution for a genuinely inclusive Myanmar. She urged ASEAN to redouble its efforts to help support durable solutions for Rohingya remaining in Rakhine as a key confidence builder.
There is an urgency to help the people of Myanmar realize, in concrete terms, their desire for a peaceful, democratic and inclusive future. ASEAN and the broader international community have a responsibility to amplify and support the will of the people. It is also the obligation of any responsible military to protect its citizens and respect their aspirations. She reiterated her commitment to working closely with ASEAN and its members towards this end, making available the wide array of comparative advantages and expertise of the United Nations to reinforce and complement regional action..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Secretary-General
Date of entry/update:
2022-04-01
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Individual Documents
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Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
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"1. The National Unity Government (NUG) acknowledges the visit of the Special Envoy of the
ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, H.E. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of
Cambodia, to Myanmar on 21-23 March 2022.
2. The NUG reiterates its commitment to engage with and support the Special Envoy's mandate
to facilitate the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus (5PC). However, it is
deeply disappointed that the Special Envoy failed to meet with all parties concerned, as
required by the 5PC. As the Special Envoy has himself conceded, this approach risks lending
legitimacy to the illegal military junta. It also threatens ASEAN’s adherence to the principle
of impartiality, and hampers its ability to bring informed and inclusive approaches to
'concrete, tangible and visible' 5PC implementation.
3. ASEAN’s exclusion of junta representatives from its 2021 Summits and its 2022 Foreign
Ministers’ Meeting were a clear and principled response to the illegal military junta’s
contemptuous treatment of the 5PC. There has been no improvement since. Across two early
visits, the movements, meetings and messages of the new ASEAN Chair and his Special Envoy
have been manipulated by the junta. The Special Envoy’s claim to 'move things piece by
piece, and with patience' has so far seen him moved like a chess piece by the junta.
4. With his first working visit concluded, the NUG urges the Special Envoy to act on his
commitment to meet with all parties concerned. This must include engagement with:
• President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
• The NUG
• The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
• The National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC)
• Ethnic Resistance Organizations
• Civil society representatives, community leaders, and humanitarian organizations
operating on the ground.
5. The NUG provides the following responses to the next steps proposed by the Special Envoy
in his press briefing:1
a. Conducting a Consultative Meeting at the end of April 2022 to listen and exchange views
with different stakeholders on effective, non — discriminatory, and unhampered delivery of
humanitarian assistance to those most in need.
The NUG and humanitarian partners must participate in the proposed Consultative
Meeting on Humanitarian Assistance.
The NUG supports the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance to all communities and
persons in need including the escalating number of internally displaced persons. To
secure such access, it is essential that the Special Envoy engages with the NUG, civil
society, community-based humanitarian organizations, and other local stakeholders.
Existing cross-border assistance mechanisms must also be utilized to save lives.
b. Intensification o f discussion with the SAC and relevant stakeholders on the Troika, the
Friends o f Myanmar, and the Humanitarian Corridor arrangements.
The NUG urges the Special Envoy to confirm that it and other parties concerned identified
above (see point 4) are included within the "relevant stakeholders" with whom he will
'intensify discussion'. Their inclusion, as the representatives of the people, is essential to
progressing 'a peaceful solution in the interests of the people', consistent with the 5PC.
The NUG offers its in principle support to the proposed ASEAN Troika mechanism.
Further, the NUG seeks clarity on the proposed roles and composition of the “Friends of
Myanmar” group on humanitarian assistance. Any associated arrangement of a
humanitarian corridor must, as earlier set out, involve the NUG, civil society, and local,
community-based and cross-border humanitarian organizations already supporting the
humanitarian response.
c. Determine the schedule, substance, and possible outcomes of the next visit of the Special
Envoy, after briefing key stakeholders on the result o f this visit and listen to their feedback
and recommendations for the ways forward.
The NUG urges the Special Envoy to confirm at the earliest opportunity his upcoming
schedule and planned meetings with the NUG and other parties concerned. The NUG
included proposed meeting modalities in its 22 February 2022 correspondence to the
ASEAN Chair and the Special Envoy.
6. The NUG supports the Special Envoy’s calls for 'utmost restraint on the use of military forces’
but is dumbfounded by the Special Envoy’s inclusion of the attribution to junta-leader Min
Aung Hlaing that “nothing is more important than people’s life”. Min Aung Hlaing and his
junta are singularly responsible for the political, economic, humanitarian and human rights crises enveloping Myanmar and for associated atrocity crimes and acts of terror. Their actions
comprise war crimes and crimes against humanity, and constitute a grave threat to regional
security and to the interests of ASEAN Members and their populations.
7. The Special Envoy recognizes that the current conflict has long historic roots: "... I would like
to inform that the fighting did not take place ju st last year or a few years ago. Resistance and
fighting between the military group and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) have been
going on since Myanmar's independence in 1948, meaning more than 70 years already. " 2
The NUG welcomes this recognition by ASEAN that the military’s atrocities are decades old
and that past failures of accountability have perpetuated current crimes. Now is ASEAN’s
opportunity to correct historic missteps by genuinely supporting the will and interests of the
Myanmar people.
8. The NUG is committed to inclusive democracy, long-term stability, and sustainable peace and
development. It is engaged in genuine dialogue with Myanmar’s manifold peoples and
communities, including through the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), to
implement the Federal Democracy Charter.....၁။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဒုတိယဝန်ကြီးချုပ်နှင့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီး H.E. Prak Sokhonn ၏ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ ၂၁ ရက်မှ ၂၃ ရက်အထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ လာရောက်သည့်ခရီးစဥ်ကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။
၂။ အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ် ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရာတွင် လွယ်ကူချောမွေ့စေရန် အထူးသံတမန်၏ လုပ်ဆောင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အား ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရန်နှင့်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)၏ ကတိကဝတ်ပြုမှုကို ထပ်လောင်းပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထူးသံတမန်သည် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်၏ လိုအပ်ချက်ဖြစ်သော သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန်ပျက်ကွက်သည့်အတွက် အလွန်စိတ်ပျက်မိပါသည်။ အထူးသံတမန်ကိုယ်တိုင် ဝန်ခံခဲ့သလိုပင် ဤချဉ်းကပ်မှုသည် တရားမ၀င်စစ်အုပ်စုအား တရားဝင်မှုပေးရာရောက်သည့်အန္တရာယ်ပင်ရှိနေပါသည်။ ထိုအခြေအနေသည် ဘက်မလိုက်ရေးမူအား အာဆီယံ၏ လိုက်နာမှုကိုလည်း ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေပြီး “လက်ဆုပ်လက်ကိုင်ပြနိုင်ပြီး၊ မြင်သာထင်သာရှိရှိ နှင့် လက်တွေ့မြင်နိုင်သည့်” အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှုတွင် အားလုံးသိသာမြင်သာမှု နှင့် အားလုံးပါဝင်သော ချဉ်းကပ်မှုများအား ဆောင်ကျဉ်းလာနိုင်စေရန် အာဆီယံ၏စွမ်းဆောင်ရည်ကို အဟန့်အတားဖြစ်စေပါသည်။
၃။ အာဆီယံ၏ ၂၀၂၁ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် ၎င်း၏ ၂၀၂၂ နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေးများတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များကို မတက်ရောက်စေဘဲ ချန်လှပ်ထားခြင်းသည် အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်အား တရားမဝင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ မထီမဲ့မြင်ပြုမှုအပေါ် ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း နှင့် မူအရပြတ်သားသော တုံ့ပြန်မှု ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုစဥ်ကတည်းကပင် တိုးတက်မှုများ မရှိခဲ့ပါ။ အစောပိုင်း ခရီးစဥ်နှစ်ကြိမ်တွင်လည်း အာဆီယံသဘာပတိသစ်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ အထူးသံတမန်၏ လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ အစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် သတင်းစကားများကို စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့ကလိုသလို ကြိုးကိုင်ချယ်လှယ်ခဲ့သည်။ အထူးသံတမန်၏ 'စိတ်ရှည်သည်းခံပြီး အခြေအနေများကို တထစ်ချင်းရွှေ့ရန်' ပြောဆိုချက်သည် စစ်အစိုးရ၏ စစ်တုရင်အရုပ်ကဲ့သို့ ရွေ့သွားသည်ကို ယခုအချိန်တွင်တွေ့မြင်နေရပြီဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ပထမဆုံး အလုပ်ခရီးစဉ် ပြီးဆုံးပြီးသည့် အထူးသံတမန်အား သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားသည့်အတိုင်း လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
ထိုသို့ တွေ့ဆုံဆောင်ရွက်မှုတွင်
• သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်
• အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)
• ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)၊
• အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC)၊
• တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
• အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ ရပ်ရွာခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် မြေပြင်တွင် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်နေသော လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ ပါ၀င်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ သတင်းစာရှင်းလင်းပွဲတွင် အထူးသံတမန် အဆိုပြုသည့် နောက်အဆင့်များအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည်အောက်ပါ တုံ့ပြန်ချက်များကို ပေးပါသည်။
(က) 2022 ခုနှစ် ဧပြီလကုန်တွင် အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတစ်ခုကျင်းပပြီး လိုအပ်နေသူများအား လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ ထိရောက်စွာ၊ ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုမရှိဘဲ အဟန့်အတားမရှိ ပေးပို့နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် ကွဲပြားသောအမြင်များ ဖလှယ်ရန်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီဆိုင်ရာ အဆိုပြုထားသော အတိုင်ပင်ခံအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ပါဝင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် ပြည်တွင်းရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်သူဦးရေ တိုးမြင့်လာမှုအပါအဝင် လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းများနှင့် လိုအပ်နေသူများထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို အရေးပေါ်ထောက်ပံ့ကူညီလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ထိုသို့သောထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများလုံခြုံနေစေရန် အထူးသံတမန်သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြု လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အခြားဒေသခံအကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် ချိတ်ဆက်လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် မဖြစ်မနေလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ လက်ရှိ နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် အကူအညီပေးရေး ယန္တရားများကိုလည်း အသုံးချ၍ အသက်များကို ကယ်တင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
(ခ) Troika (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏မိတ်ဆွေများ) အစီအစဥ် နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုစင်္ကြံဆိုင်ရာ အစီအစဉ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ စစ်ကောင်စီ နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများနှင့် အပြင်းအထန် ဆွေးနွေးခြင်း။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား သူ 'အပြင်းအထန်ဆွေးနွေးမှုပြုလုပ်မည့်' သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးသက်ဆိုင်သူများ' တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) နှင့် ယခုထုတ်ပြန်ကြေငြာချက်၏ အချက် ၄ တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသော သက်ဆိုင်သူများ ပါဝင်ကြောင်း အတည်ပြုရန်တိုက်တွန်းသည်။
အာဆီယံဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ရပ်နှင့် အညီ 'ပြည်သူတို့၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖြေရှင်းနည်း' ကို တိုးတက်စေရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် တရား၀င်ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၏ ပါဝင်မှုသည် မရှိမဖြစ် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG)သည်အဆိုပြုထားသောအာဆီယံTroika(မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏မိတ်ဆွေများ) အစီအစဥ်ကို မူအားဖြင့် ထောက်ခံပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီဆိုင်ရာ "မြန်မာ့မိတ်ဆွေများ" အဖွဲ့၏ အဆိုပြုထားသော အခန်းကဏ္ဍများနှင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ ရှင်းလင်းချက်များကို ရှာဖွေနေပါသည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုစင်္ကြံ၏ ဆက်စပ်အစီအစဉ်တိုင်းတွင် အစောပိုင်းတွင် ဖော်ပြသတ်မှတ်ထားသည့်အတိုင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဒေသဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြုနှင့် နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီများ ပံ့ပိုးပေးလျက်ရှိသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများပါဝင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
ဂ။ ယခုခရီးစဉ်၏ ရလဒ်နှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အဓိက သက်ဆိုင်သူများကို ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြပြီး ရှေ့ဆက်ရမည့် နည်းလမ်းများအတွက် ၎င်းတို့၏ အကြံပြုချက်များနှင့် အကြံပြုချက်များကို နားထောင်ပြီးအထူးသံတမန်၏ နောက်လာမည့် ခရီးစဉ်၏ အချိန်ဇယား၊ အကြောင်းအရာနှင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ခြေရှိသော ရလဒ်များကို ဆုံးဖြတ်ခြင်း။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးသံတမန်အား ၎င်း၏နောက်လာရောက်မည့်အချိန်ဇယားနှင့် NUG နှင့် အခြားအစုအဖွဲ့များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် စီစဉ်ထားမှုကို အစောဆုံး အတည်ပြုရန် တိုက်တွန်းသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) မှ အာဆီယံဥက္ကဌ နှင့် အထူးသံတမန်ထံသို့ ၂၂ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၂၀၂၂ ရက်နေ့ပေးစာတွင် အဆိုပြုထားသော အစည်းအဝေးပုံစံများ ပါဝင်သည်။
၆။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အထူးသံတမန်၏ 'စစ်အင်အားအသုံးပြုမှုကို အစွမ်းကုန် ထိန်းထိန်းသိမ်းသိမ်း' ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တောင်းဆိုချက်ကို ထောက်ခံသော်လည်း၊ "ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက်ထက် ဘာမှ ပိုအရေးမကြီး" ဟု အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်အား ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြသည့် အထူးသံတမန်၏ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကြောင့် အံ့အားသင့် စိတ်ပျက်မိပါသည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် ၎င်း၏ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းများနှင့် ဆက်နွှယ်သည့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တစ်ဦးချင်း တာဝန်ရှိပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ လုပ်ရပ်များတွင် စစ်ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ ပါ၀င်ပြီး၊ ဒေသတွင်း လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ပြည်သူများ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ကြီးမားသော ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုတစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်လာသည်။
၇။ လက်ရှိပဋိပက္ခသည် ရှည်လျားသော သမိုင်းဝင်အခြေခံအကြောင်းအရင်းများရှိကြောင်း အထူးသံတမန်က အသိအမှတ်ပြုသည်။ “....တိုက်ပွဲများသည် မနှစ်က သို့မဟုတ် လွန်ခဲ့သော နှစ်အနည်းငယ်ကမှ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ခြင်း မဟုတ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးလိုပါသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များကြား ခုခံတိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလွတ်လပ်ရေးရပြီးစ (၁၉၄၈)ခုနှစ်မှစတင်ခဲ့ပြီး နှစ် ၇၀ ကျော်ကြာမြင့်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။”
စစ်တပ်၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ သက်တမ်းရှိပြီဖြစ်ပြီး ယခင်က တာဝန်ခံရန်ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းများသည် လက်ရှိရာဇ၀တ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်လာစေကြောင်း အာဆီယံ၏ အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ယခုအချိန်သည် မြန်မာလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့် အကျိုးစီးပွားကို စစ်မှန်စွာ ထောက်ခံခြင်းဖြင့် သမိုင်းဝင်အမှားများကို ပြင်ဆင်ရန် အာဆီယံ၏ အခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သည်။
၈။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) သည် အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်သော ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ရေရှည်တည်ငြိမ်ရေးနှင့် ရေရှည်တည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲသော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့အတွက် ကတိပြုသည်။ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပဋိညာဉ်ကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန်အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နယ်ပယ်စုံမှ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် များ၊လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများနှင့်စစ်မှန်သောတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုတွင်ပါဝင်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-28
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- 2022-03-28-NUG-MOFA-Statement-on-the-outcomes-of-the-visit-of-ASEAN-Special-Envoy-to-Myanmar-pio-en.pdf
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Description:
"Daw Su Su Lwin, the wife of former President U Htin Kyaw and a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker, has refused to meet the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) special envoy to Myanmar, according to NLD lawmakers.
The special envoy, Cambodia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, was set to meet Daw Su Su Lwin at the Park Royal Hotel in Yangon.
However, Daw Su Su Lwin refused to meet the envoy, citing health issues, an NLD lawmaker told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity. Even if Daw Su Su Lwin had met with him, she could only have do so as a private individual and not as a representative of the NLD, added the lawmaker.
“One point of the five-point consensus is for the ASEAN special envoy to meet all stakeholders. Without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, it is impossible to represent the NLD as well as democratic forces,” said the NLD lawmaker.
Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun also told the BBC that Daw Su Su Lwin could not meet Prak Sokhonn because of her health.
One Myanmar-based political analyst said Daw Su Su Lwin deliberately avoided meeting the ASEAN envoy because she is concerned that it might result in friction within the NLD.
“If she meets him, I am not sure about other results, but it will definitely cause friction within the party. As the ASEAN envoy is the guest of the regime, meeting him amounts to recognizing the regime. That could lead to friction within the party, so Daw Su Su Lwin evaded the envoy,” said the political analyst.
The central executive committee of the NLD also told the media that Daw Su Su Lwin’s meeting with the special envoy couldn’t be as an official representative of the NLD, while the NLD leadership is being detained by the military regime.
Another political analyst said that while the junta has detained senior NLD leaders to try and kill off the party, it was attempting to make use of Daw Su Su Lwin to show the international community that the NLD still exists.
“China apparently does not like [the regime] ditching the NLD. China accepts that the NLD should exist in Myanmar’s politics. Although the regime dares not continue with its plan to dissolve the NLD under such circumstances, and it also dares not release NLD leaders, they want to show that the NLD still has representation. So they arranged a meeting between Daw Su Su Lwin and the special envoy. But Daw Su Su Lwin backed off as she can’t represent the NLD,” said the political analyst.
ASEAN’s special envoy arrived in Myanmar on Monday and met junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, foreign minister U Wunna Maung Lwin, international cooperation minister U Ko Ko Hlaing and People’s Party chairman U Ko Ko Gyi.
As Prak Sokhonn wrapped up his Myanmar visit on Wednesday, political analysts said that he only met regime representatives and failed to meet with all stakeholders, which goes against the five-point consensus.
Another political analyst said: “As he did not meet other stakeholders, the ASEAN consensus can’t be implemented. One of the points in the consensus is to bring all the concerned parties to constructive dialogue. But the regime is not willing to engage in dialogue. So the ASEAN envoy can’t implement the ASEAN consensus.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles on the NLD, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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"1. The National Unity Government acknowledges the first visit of the new Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, H.E. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Cambodia, to Myanmar from 20 to 23 March 2022.
2. The National Unity Government has formally communicated with the Royal Government of Cambodia as ASEAN Chair, welcoming the appointment of the new Special Envoy and extending its support in resolving the multiple military junta-induced crises in Myanmar.
3. On 22 February 2022, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government sent official correspondence to the new Special Envoy with an offer to meet to advance these efforts. This offer stands.
4. The National Unity Government also calls on the Special Envoy to meet with other parties concerned during his visit, as required by the Five-Point Consensus. These parties must include the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), Ethnic Resistance Organisations, civil society representatives, community leaders and humanitarian organisations. The Special Envoy must also meet with the Republic of the Union of Myanmar’s arbitrarily detained, democratically-elected leaders President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
5. As further required by the Five-Point Consensus, the Special Envoy must prioritise:
• the immediate cessation of violence by the military junta
• the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance through the National Unity Government, Ethnic Resistance Organisations, international and local non-governmental organisations, and civil society and community-based organisations; and
• the achievement of a peaceful solution in line with the interests and aspirations of the people.
6. The National Unity Government as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people reaffirms its cooperation with ASEAN.....၁။ အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ ပထမအကြိမ် ခရီးစဥ်အဖြစ် မတ်လ (၂၀ ) ရက်နေ့မှ (၂၃) ရက်နေ့အတွင်း လာရောက်လျက်ရှိသည့် ခရီးစဥ်နှင့်ပက်သက်၍ သတိထား စောင့်ကြည့်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အာဆီယံ အလှည့်ကျ ဥက္ကဌ ၊ အထူး ကိုယ်စားလှယ် တို့၏ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်မှုကို ကြိုဆိုကြောင်း နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုကြောင့်ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော
မြန်မာ့အရေးအကြပ်အတည်း ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရေး ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် သွား မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း စာရေးသားပေးပို့ခဲ့ပြီး ၊ ကနဦး သတင်းထုတ်ပြန် ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ ၂၂ ရက် ၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ရက်စွဲဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ၊နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၊ ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဒုတိယ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ် ၊ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးနှင့် အပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ဝန်ကြီး မစ္စတာ ပရက်စ္စကွန် ထံသို့ လည်း မြန်မာ့အရေး အတွက် တွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးလိုပါကြောင်း ထပ်မံ စာရေးသားပေးပို့ခဲ့သည်။
၄။ ယခု အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံခရီးစဥ်အတွင်း အာဆီယံ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက် တွင် ဖော်ပြထားသည့်အတိုင်း သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေနှင့် တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG)၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC)၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီပေးရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ မဖြစ်မနေ ပါရှိရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အာဆီယံ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အနေဖြင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရပြီး၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ဆန္ဒဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြောက်ထားသော သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့် ၊ အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည် တို့ တွေ့ဆုံရန် အထူးပင်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ အာဆီယံ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက် အရေးနှင့် စပ်လျဥ်း၍ အာဆီယံအထူး ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အနေနှင့် အောက်ပါအချက်များကို ဦးစားပေးဆောင်ရွက်သင့်ပါသည်။
- စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်စေရေး တွန်းအားပေးရန်
- ပြည်သူများထံသို့ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့် ပြည်တွင်းရှိ အစိုးရမဟုတ်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အရပ်ဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှတဆင့်သာ ပေးပို့ရန်။
- ငြိမ်းချမ်းသည့် ရလဒ်များကို ရှာဖွေရာတွင် ပြည်သူများ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားနှင့် လိုလားတောင့်တချက်များကိုသာ အခြေခံရန်။
၆။ မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့ကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် တစ်ခုတည်းသောအစိုးရတရပ်ဖြစ်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အာဆီယံနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အဆင်သင့်ရှိနေကြောင်းအတိအလင်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"JAKARTA – Southeast Asian parliamentarians have called on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to take urgent and immediate steps to alleviate the suffering of Myanmar’s people in response to a report the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) submitted to the Human Rights Council this week. The report found that the military has engaged in “systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses”, some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“We’re soon approaching one year since ASEAN agreed on the Five Point Consensus, a year in which the bloc’s disastrous failure to make progress on these points has effectively given the Myanmar military license to commit what this UN report has concluded may amount to the gravest crimes against humanity,” said Charles Santiago, chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) and a Malaysian Member of Parliament (MP). “Security forces have shown a flagrant disregard for human life, using air raids and heavy weapons on populated areas, deliberately targeting civilians.”
“Meanwhile, the current ASEAN Chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, has attempted to engage with the criminal junta of Min Aung Hlaing unilaterally, undermining and delaying any meaningful steps ASEAN might have taken to save lives. ASEAN is politically and morally responsible for addressing this catastrophic situation in Myanmar, directly caused by the military junta,” Santiago said.
In addition to accusing the military’s State Administration Council (SAC) of manipulating the “legal framework to facilitate military rule”, it said the military’s seizure of power has left the country facing “violence on a massive scale”, including arbitrary detentions, unnecessary and disproportionate use of force against peaceful protesters, extrajudicial killings and ill-treatment and torture in custody.
The report was published on the same day that Hun Manith, the son of ASEAN Chair Hun Sen, welcomed a Myanmar military delegation to Phnom Penh for the 19th ASEAN Military Intelligence Meeting. APHR condemns this meeting as a potential legimitization of the junta, whose crimes against the people continue to mount.
It is little wonder that the report specifically named ASEAN for failing to achieve tangible results, APHR added. The other ASEAN members must push Cambodia, as the current chair, for concrete actions to address the crisis. The OHCHR report further supports the clear and urgent need for the regional bloc to respond, or risk increased damage to its already weakening credibility.
ASEAN, and specifically its Chair, must immediately discontinue inviting any other junta representatives to all ASEAN official meetings until there is an end to violence, all political prisoners are freed, and the will of the people for fully-fledged democracy has been heard, APHR said.
ASEAN must also begin a dialogue with the National Unity Government in accordance with its own consensus and, as the UN OHCHR report puts it, for the “international community (to) do everything within its power to support the people of Myanmar and turn this human rights catastrophe into an opportunity”.
“It is shocking that more than 14 milllion people in Myanmar, a fifth of the population, are in need of life-saving humanitarian assistance, and yet ASEAN has still only provided aid to support the COVID-19 response. The Five-Point Consensus plan to provide aid through the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Center was doomed to fail from the start, but it is not too late to act. ASEAN should now focus its collective political will to help people in need and support local non-state actors and networks that the people already trust to distribute aid,” Santiago said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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"PASAY CITY 15 March 2022 – DFA Undersecretary for Bilateral Relations and ASEAN Affairs Ma. Theresa P. Lazaro met with EU Ambassador to ASEAN and Special Envoy to Myanmar H.E. Igor Driesmans on 11 March 2022 to discuss ASEAN-EU Dialogue Relations, including this year’s commemoration of the 45th anniversary of the ASEAN-EU partnership.
Undersecretary Lazaro reaffirmed Philippine support for the commemorative activities for this milestone event, which includes the unveiling of the anniversary logo in Jakarta and the possible outcome documents for the proposed ASEAN-EU Commemorative Summit in Brussels to be held in December. The Philippines is the current country coordinator for ASEAN-EU dialogue relations.
She said that “the Philippines is committed to working with EU to push forward cooperative partnerships under ASEAN-EU relations.” Apart from coordinating various initiatives under ASEAN-EU matters, Acting Undersecretary Lazaro also congratulated Ambassador Driesman’s appointment as the EU’s Special Envoy to Myanmar.
As country coordinator for ASEAN-EU Dialogue Relations, the Philippines will work with the EU and other ASEAN Member States in moving forward cooperative partnerships on issues related to post-COVID-19 economic recovery, green agenda, economic matters, maritime cooperation and other areas under the ASEAN-EU Plan of Action (POA).
Ambassador Driesmans also paid a courtesy call on Secretary of Foreign Affairs Teodoro L. Locsin Jr.
Ambassador Driesmans was accompanied by H.E. Luc Véron, EU Ambassador to the Philippines, and Ms. Ana Isabel Sánchez Ruiz, First Counsellor of the Delegation of the European Union in the Philippines. END..."
Source/publisher:
The Department of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-15
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ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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"The special envoy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for Myanmar and Cambodia's foreign minister Prak Sokhonn announced that he is to visit Myanmar for four days on 20-23 March 2022. This comes after some of the ASEAN member countries criticized the Myanmar junta for making no progress in resolving the crisis that has unfolded in the country since the military coup last year. In January 2022, ASEAN Chair and Prime Minister of Cambodia Hun Sen visited Myanmar while ASEAN members including Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore demanded Hun Sen for consultation with ASEAN on Myanmar. ASEAN also has denied the participation of the junta leader Aung Min Hlaing at the ASEAN summit in December and the junta-appointed Wunna Maung Lwin at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in February 2022.
The United States also announced that a non-political representative will be invited to the US- ASEAN Summit as ASEAN also has had its decision to invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to the summit in Washington on 28-29 March. On both occasions when ASEAN decided to invite non-political representatives from Myanmar, the junta refused and condemned the decision.
Ousted Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi pleaded not guilty during her court case on corruption charges because she allegedly accepted $600,000 and seven gold bars from a political ally. She is also facing 10 additional corruption charges against her in junta courts in Naypyitaw, apart from the charges of violating the Official Secrets Act and alleged election fraud in the 2020 Myanmar General Elections.
A research group in Myanmar, Data for Myanmar, has announced that more than 6,100 Myanmar citizens' houses were burned by the military junta since the military coup, with more than 60% reportedly in Sagaing Region. The heavy fighting between the junta forces and civil resistance forces continues across the country, especially in Chin, Kayah, Karen and Kachin states and Sagaing, Magwe, Mandalay and Yangon regions. The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, an international research group collecting data across the world in conflict zones also announced over 13,000 political violence and protest cases reported in Myanmar in 2021 that nearly 11,000 incidents were involved with fatalities.
The ultra-nationalist group Ma Ba Tha is to lead a campaign to encourage civilians living in people’s resistance forces strongholds to crack down on resistance groups by joining militias led by ordained Buddhists. Media also have reported that the monks from the Yadanar Kan Myint Htale Monastery were armed. The junta’s State Administration Council (SAC) also announced that it had distributed 2,080 weapons to 77 paramilitary groups. The junta freed the ultra-nationalist Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu from the Ma Ba Tha group, after dropping sedition charges filed during the rule of the ousted NLD government in 2019.
Amid the junta’s increasing airstrikes against civilians, killing civilians and forcing hundreds of thousands to flee their homes that has created a humanitarian crisis, 55 British Parliamentarians from 9 different political parties and Independent MPs have called for aviation fuel sanctions against the Myanmar junta. The European Union has imposed sanctions against Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) and for more entities last week after more than a year of advocacy by the Myanmar civil society and rights groups. MOGE is the junta’s biggest single source of revenue, responsible for financing its repression against Myanmar civilians. Despite the criticisms from the rights groups, Norwegian telecom group Telenor will be selling the business to Myanmar conglomerate Shwe Byain Phyu (SBP) controlled by the junta affiliates and Lebanese investment firm M1 Group, the sources said, adding that the $100 million in retained earnings are held at a Myanmar bank.
As of 4 March 2022, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) recorded that 1,603 people have been killed by the junta. 9,507 people are currently under detention. 84 have been sentenced to death and 1,973 are evading arrest warrants..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update:
2022-03-08
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Oil and gas
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"Despite its souring relationship with the Myanmar junta, some governments and businesses from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have supplied arms, funds and investments to the Myanmar military.
ASEAN is a 10-member bloc made up of Southeast Asian countries, including Myanmar.
According to the latest report by Justice for Myanmar (JFM), a group of activists campaigning for justice and accountability for the people of Myanmar, six countries—Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, Cambodia, Singapore and Thailand—are involved in sectors including arms sales, telecoms and oil and gas.
The report comes at a time when the Myanmar regime is being shunned by other ASEAN member states, which have barred the junta’s top officials from its summits for its failure to honor its promises to solve the country’s political crisis, including ceasing violence. Myanmar has been in social and political turmoil since February last year after the military staged a coup. The regime has killed more than 1,500 people so far, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
JFM released the statement on Thursday as ASEAN held a summit in Cambodia and mainly discussed the Myanmar crisis. Myanmar’s top diplomat Wunna Maung Lwin was barred from the summit in Phnom Penh over a lack of progress in defusing the violence and implementing the five-point consensus.
JFM said in the report that Indonesia and the Philippines have supplied arms to the junta.
An Indonesian state owned enterprise, PT Pindad, exported bullets to Myanmar in 2020. And Philippine arms manufacturing company United Defense Manufacturing Corporation (UDMC) shipped guns to Myanmar in August 2017.
In the telecommunications sector, Viettel Global, owned by the Vietnamese Ministry of National Defense, is a joint investor with a Myanmar military conglomerate in Mytel.
Mytel is a major source of revenue and technology for the Myanmar military.
She Zhi Jiang, a Cambodian citizen, is the main investor in the Yatai City project in Shwe Kokko, Myawaddy Township, a huge real estate, casino and entertainment development.
Yatai City is being developed as a joint venture with the Karen State Border Guard Force, a militia group under the command of the Myanmar military.
In the financial sector, Singapore is a key source of business activities between the Myanmar military and its partners.
JFM reported that the Singapore Stock Exchange (SGX)-listed Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore (ETC) made payments worth millions of dollars to the regime for property development by renting property from the Quartermaster General’s Office of the Myanmar army.
In the oil and gas sector, PTT Public Co. Ltd, whose majority shareholder is the government of Thailand, is an operator and investor in multiple gas exploration projects in Myanmar.
PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP), a subsidiary of PTT, will be alone at the Yadana gas production project in Myanmar as Total Energies from France and Chevron Corp of the US plan to exit the country due to the humanitarian situation following last years’ coup.
The Blood Money Campaign, which works to keep the military regime from earning foreign currency income and to prevent international businesses from working with the military, called on ASEAN members and other foreign countries to stop doing business with the military.
Ko Ye, a spokesperson for the campaign, said, “Rather than telling the junta to stop the violence and crimes, they need to get involved in practical efforts to cut out doing business with the junta.”
JFM pointed out that no ASEAN countries have placed sanctions on the junta or its businesses.
Yadanar Maung, a spokesperson for JFM, said, “ASEAN governments and companies must immediately end business with the military junta and its partners, and stop supplying arms and equipment to the terrorist military...”
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-18
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"18 February 2022: Hun Sen has given up on trying to resolve the gravest crisis confronting ASEAN – Myanmar’s junta-made crisis – only seven weeks into his term as ASEAN Chair. He must therefore resign from the ASEAN position immediately, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
Speaking to foreign dignitaries, Cambodian Prime Minister, Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo (Lord Prime Minister and Supreme Military Commander) Hun Sen, said he would no longer make efforts to resolve the situation in Myanmar. He cited a lack of progress by the illegal Myanmar junta towards resolving the crisis it caused when junta leader Min Aung Hlaing attempted a coup in February last year.
For more than a year, Min Aung Hlaing’s forces have waged a brutal campaign of terror on the people of Myanmar that has caused a humanitarian, political and economic catastrophe in the country and threatened the stability of the region.
Having decided he is unable or unwilling to use his position to pressure the junta to end its violence and respect the democratic will of the Myanmar people, Hun Sen said he intends to simply wait out the remaining 10-months in his role as ASEAN Chair before passing on the responsibility to the President of Indonesia, who is next in line.
“Hun Sen has finally realised that junta leader Min Aung Hlaing cannot be trusted and cannot be reasoned with,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Unfortunately, in the time it took the Cambodian Prime Minister to arrive at this realisation, many more people were murdered, detained, and tortured by Min Aung Hlaing’s forces. The Myanmar people cannot wait another 10 months with Hun Sen doing nothing as ASEAN Chair. Hun Sen must stop his self serving personal adventurism and erratic acts, and seek support from other better placed ASEAN members to do the job. Otherwise, make way and resign now.”
Hun Sen’s admission of failure comes after a series of blunders since he assumed the ASEAN Chairmanship. Min Aung Hlaing exploited a visit made by Hun Sen to Nay Pyi Taw in January to gain legitimacy for his illegal junta, and has refused to release Sean Turnell, Australian national and economic advisor to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, despite Hun Sen announcing that he had. Hun Sen was forced to backtrack and apologise for the statement.
“We commend Hun Sen for his honesty in admitting his failure to make any headway at all with the junta in spite of his efforts,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “We can understand his sense of failure when he has been treated so disrespectfully and insultingly by Min Aung Hlaing, undermining his position as ASEAN Chair. However, the crisis can’t wait till next year to be resolved and so we point out to Hun Sen that he has no alternative, now that he’s acknowledged that he can’t make any progress, but to hand over the chair to Indonesia at once.”
Meanwhile, the Foreign Minister for the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), Daw Zin Mar Aung, addressed counterparts at an ASEAN Foreign Minister’s Meeting this week, and called for a more coordinated ASEAN approach towards dealing with the crisis.
“The NUG Foreign Minister’s address to ASEAN stands in stark contrast to the belligerent junta,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “ASEAN’s most constructive, necessary and rightful partner in responding to the crisis has always been the NUG. ASEAN must exert real pressure on the junta now and engage meaningfully with the NUG if it is to prove to the world that it puts the will of the Myanmar people above all else. If Hun Sen is not going to do that, he must step aside...”
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-18
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ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Key governments and businesses from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that have supplied arms, funds and investments to the Myanmar military are revealed today in a new section of Justice For Myanmar’s Cartel Finance Map.
Explore the Cartel Finance Map
Complicit governments, companies and individuals
Following its attempted coup, the Myanmar military has murdered over 1,500 civilians and arrested more than 12,000 more.
Myanmar military continues its fierce airstrikes and conflict has intensified, killing hundreds more and displacing hundreds of thousands of civilians, creating a humanitarian catastrophe.
Governments, companies and individuals of ASEAN nations are directly implicated in the Myanmar military's grave human rights violations and atrocity crimes.
For example, an Indonesian state-owned enterprise, PT. Pindad, exported bullets to Myanmar in 2020. Pindad has a cooperation agreement an arms brokerage company owned by Htoo Htoo Shein Oo, the son Win Shein, of the Myanmar military junta’s planning and finance minister.
A subsidiary of Thai company, PTT Public Co. Ltd, whose majority shareholder is the Government of Thailand, is an operator and investor in multiple gas exploration projects in Myanmar.
In 2017-18, the Myanmar government received over USD$40 million for one of these gas projects alone and these funds now flow to the illegal junta.
Viettel Global, a telecommunications company owned by the Vietnamese Ministry of National Defence, is a joint investor in mobile telephone company Mytel, alongside a Myanmar military conglomerate.
Mytel provides a major source of revenue for the Myanmar military and – and is a major source of revenue and technology for – the military.
Philippine arms manufacturing company, United Defense Manufacturing Corporation (UDMC), shipped 450 kilos of guns to Myanmar as the military launched its campaign of genocide against the Rohingya in August 2017.
A fugitive from China who hold Cambodian citizenship, She Zhi Jiang, is the main investor who controls the Yatai City project in Shwe Koko, a huge real estate, casino and entertainment development in Myanmar with its own cryptocurrency.
Yatai City is being developed as a joint venture with the Karen State Border Guard Force, a militia group under command of the Myanmar military.
The project is linked to organised crime and land confiscation, and a lucrative source of revenue for the Myanmar military and their associates.
The financial industry of Singapore is a key source of financial support. It is a financial hub for the business activities of the Myanmar military and its partners.
For example, Singapore’s stock exchange has been used by Emerging Towns & Cities Ltd (ETC) to raise funds for a property development that pays USD millions in rent to the quartermaster general’s office of Myanmar army, office tasked with the procurement of weapons.
ETC has suspended trading due to regulatory actions over payments to the quartermaster general’s office, pending independent review.
Singapore Exchange and the Monetary Authority of Singapore may be internationally liable and obliged to pay reparations for harm caused by ETC and other listed companies that are financing the Myanmar military.
Urgent Action needed from ASEAN leaders
Since the illegal coup attempt, no ASEAN country has placed sanctions on the Myanmar military junta and its businesses.
In April 2020, ASEAN leaders, with the presence of Min Aung Hlaing, reached a five-point consensus on the situation in Myanmar.
While no progress has been made towards the agreed goals, ASEAN has allowed the illegitimate Myanmar military junta to continue participate in many of its meetings and hold the rotating chairpersonship of ASEAN Supreme Audit Institutions.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN and its member states are implicated in lining the pockets of the terrorist junta and supporting its grave crimes.
“They are not only financing the military’s crimes, but also reputation laundering for a military that kills children, rapes women and attacks displaced people with indiscriminate air strikes.
“ASEAN governments and companies must immediately end business with the military junta and its partners, and stop supplying arms and equipment to the terrorist military..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-17
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Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"On 1 February 2022, Myanmar completed a year since the military coup during which the junta detained Myanmar state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, Chairman of the Union Election Commission Hla Thein and many other political leaders and activists in the early hours of 1 February 2021. ANFREL has been closely monitoring the situation in Myanmar since the coup and publishes weekly updates, and also published a timeline of the key incidents that happened over the last year that you can access here. ANFREL also reaffirmed that “the 2020 Myanmar General Elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar and ANFREL will stand with the people of Myanmar in their fight for the restoration of democracy in the country”.
Despite the junta’s threats of charges of sedition or terrorism against anyone who participates in the silent strike on 1 February, many streets were deserted and shops abandoned across the country including in the commercial hub of Yangon. The junta also threatened the business owners that their properties would be seized if they participated in the strike. Anti-junta protests were also held across the country while two people were killed and 38 injured in a grenade attack at a pro-military rally conducted in Tachileik, Shan State. More than 1,519 people have been killed by the junta in the last 12 months and over 11,980 people detained, with 8,977 still indetention. Reports also say over 400,000 people have been displaced since the coup by the junta air strikes, heavy weaponry attacks and mass arrests in different parts of the country.
A joint statement issued by the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, South Korea, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States urged the junta to immediately end the State of Emergency, allow unhindered humanitarian access, release all arbitrarily detained persons and swiftly return the country to a democratic process. The statement further called on members of the international community to support efforts to promote justice for the people of Myanmar and hold those responsible for human rights violations and abuses accountable. In a special statement, the ministry of foreign affairs of Singapore also expressed concern about the situation in Myanmar,said Singapore is disappointed by the lack of progress in the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, and called on the junta to release of all political detainees including ousted president Win Myint and state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
The UN Security Council also repeated its call for the pursuance of dialogue with all parties concerned and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar in a statement that further calls for the release of all those who remain arbitrarily detained. In the meantime the Council has continuously failed to impose the global arms embargo on the Myanmar military that rights groups and Myanmar civil society has been calling for since the coup in February, 2021.
Cambodia, the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), said that Myanmar Junta’s Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin will not be invited to the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in Phnom Penh in February. Instead, ASEAN will invite a non-political representative. The ASEAN foreign ministers meetings scheduled in January 2022 were postponed amid reports of disagreements among the member states over Myanmar with Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia having strongly opposed inviting the junta appointed foreign minister. Last November, ASEAN barred the junta leader Aung Min Hlaing from attending the ASEAN summit and invited a non-political representative; the junta refused the invitation.
In an interview with Channel News Asia, Noeleen Heyzer, the United Nations’ special envoy for Myanmar said that the junta cannot be ignored and left out of any upcoming peace process. Responding to her interview, civil society organizations in Myanmar have heavily criticized her views on power sharing with the military and her claims that the military is in control at this particular time. 247 CSOs rejected her views in a joint statement which further mentioned her views provide a signal that the “UN is willing to act as a broker for their power despite the grave crimes that the junta committed”. Noeleen Heyzer responded to the criticisms and said the term “power-sharing” as a solution to the current crisis was taken out of context. The civil disobedience movement in Myanmar in their official twitter handle called for the resignation of the UN special envoy stating that she doubled down on her mistake and lied it was “misrepresentation“ when she was given a chance to correct.
According to sources, the trial of ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi for election fraud will begin on 14 February 2022. Last November, the junta-appointed election commission filed charges against Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint, Chair of the Union Election Commission Hla Thein and 13 other people over the alleged electoral fraud in the 2020 elections. The junta has also fined election officials for alleged fraud in the 2020 elections. Media reported on 4 February 2021 that 12 election sub-commissioners from Taunggyi in Shan State were fined 10,000 kyats each under Section 130 (a) of the Penal Code that criminalizes any act that fail to comply that requires to be done by the constitution of the Union of Myanmar or in any act enacted by the parliament. Several sources also revealed that the junta is pressuring officials from the UEC sub-commissions to sign a confession stating that they “knowingly rigged the elections”. Those who failed to confess would be charged in junta courts.
In a meeting in the Myanmar capital Naypyitaw, Senior General and the junta leader Min Aung Hlaing expressed that the current First Past The Post (FPTP) electoral system does not match with the democracy and federalism of Myanmar and the Proportional Representation (PR) system is a need for a wide representation of ethnic nationalities. Since the coup junta appointed the election commission has been tasked to change the Myanmar electoral system that will provide an advantage to the military aligned political parties. The UEC also have conducted several rounds of meetings with political parties to introduce a PR system in Myanmar that the bigger political parties that secured seats in the 2015 and 2020 general elections such as NLP, SNLD and ANP have been in the forefront against introducing such a system.
The junta also filed a fresh corruption charge against Aung San Suu Kyi for allegedly receiving US$550,000 of donation for a charity foundation named after her mother. She faces 10 more corruption charges in junta courts and a court already sentenced her to four years in prison in early December 2021 on charges of incitement and breaches of COVID-19 regulations, later reduced to two years, and another four-year sentence in January 2021 for the illegal import of walkie talkies under the export-import law, possession of the devices under the telecommunications law and breaching COVID-19 protocols under the natural disaster management law.
Amid the junta’s proposed cybersecurity law that would ban the use of VPN and the digital currencies, the junta spokesman indicated that the junta plans to establish a digital currency to support domestic payments and boost the economy.
The Arakanese Army known as AA, which has been very much silent since the military coup in Myanmar, clashed with the junta forces in Maung Taw Township, Rakhine State.
As of 28 January 2022, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) recorded that 1,519 people have been killed by the junta. 8,977 people are currently under detention. 84 have been sentenced to death and 1,974 are evading arrest warrants..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"Tuesday, 1 February, marks one year since Myanmar’s military overturned the democratically elected civilian Government and arbitrarily detained members of Government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. The Secretary-General stands in solidarity with the people of Myanmar and their democratic aspirations for an inclusive society and the protection of all communities, including the Rohingya.
In the past year, there has been an intensification in violence, a deepening of the human rights and humanitarian crises and a rapid rise of poverty in Myanmar. The multiple vulnerabilities of all people across Myanmar and its regional implications require an urgent response. Access to people in need is critically important for the United Nations and partners to continue to deliver on the ground. Armed forces and all stakeholders must respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. The people of Myanmar need to see concrete results.
The Secretary-General’s Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzer has been actively engaging all stakeholders in support of a Myanmar-led process. She will continue to mobilize immediate action, including through strengthened cooperation between the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to address the desperate needs of the people of Myanmar. This is crucial for creating an enabling environment for inclusive dialogue. Any solution needs to derive from engaging directly with and listening carefully to all those affected by the ongoing crisis. Their voices must be heard and amplified..."
Source/publisher:
Secretary-General, United Nations
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
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UN Secretary-General's statements on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"JAKARTA – In response to the statement issued by the National Assembly of Cambodia regarding ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights’ (APHR) criticism of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar earlier this month, the group of lawmakers urges the Cambodian government, as this year’s Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to instead prioritize its efforts on finding the solutions needed to address the tragic crisis engulfing Myanmar.
Rather than focusing its response on the National Assembly’s personal attacks on Charles Santiago, APHR’s Chair, the organization asks that the Cambodian government redirect its attention on the more urgent humanitarian and human rights needs in Myanmar.
Far from being a success, the Prime Minister’s Myanmar visit shows that Hun Sen’s consensus-breaking decision not only threatened the legitimacy and solidarity of ASEAN, but may have also emboldened the junta to escalate their abuses on the Myanmar people, APHR said.
On the very day that Hun Sen left Myanmar on 8 January with the junta’s agreement to a ceasefire until the end of 2022 in hand, there were reports that junta forces began airstrikes in Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State, displacing around 40,000 civilians. More than half of the state’s 300,000 residents were reportedly displaced even before the air strikes began.
“ASEAN’s response to the attempted coup in Myanmar has been far from perfect, but the Five-Point Consensus was a step in the right direction, as was the decision to ban Min Aung Hlaing from last year’s summits for failing to adhere to the Consensus. Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar – and the ensuing joint statement he signed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing – risked completely undermining that progress,” Santiago said.
APHR’s view that the Consensus should hold has been echoed by the Malaysian and Singaporean Prime Ministers. According to a statement issued by Malaysia’s Foreign Ministry on 25 January, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob told Hun Sen that his country’s position to only invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to high-level ASEAN meetings “remained unchanged unless there was real progress and full implementation of the Five-Point Consensus”. Earlier this month, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong also said the bloc should exclude junta leaders from meetings until progress has been made on the Consensus.
Prime Minister Hun Sen himself has now concurred, after initially suggesting that the junta be included in meetings. A post on his Facebook page on 25 January announced that he would invite Min Aung Hlaing to attend the ASEAN summit “if there was progress on the implementation of the five points agreed unanimously … if not, he must send a non-political representative to ASEAN meetings”.
“We’re pleased to see Prime Minister Hun Sen reverting back to the approach originally agreed to by the ASEAN Member States,” Santiago said. “Now what is needed is for the ASEAN Chair to work closely with the rest of its members to hold the junta leader accountable towards the Five-Point Consensus that he himself also agreed to. Amidst all of this, let’s not forget the people of Myanmar, who continue to be subjected to the terror and violence of this junta, and yet bravely continue to voice their rejection of the military.”
During the first 11 months of the junta’s attempted coup, there were 7,686 armed clashes and attacks on civilians across Myanmar, a 715% increase from the same period in 2020 (943). The intensity of the violence was comparable to Syria (7,742), and greater than in Afghanistan (6,481), Yemen (6,270), and Iraq (3,732). In the last four months of 2021, the conflict in Myanmar has escalated to outpace all of the other four countries.
Immediate international action is needed to address the junta’s widespread, systematic, and increasingly frequent and severe attacks on civilians in Myanmar, APHR said.
APHR calls on the Cambodian and other ASEAN member governments to prioritize finding the urgent solutions necessary to address the humanitarian demands in Myanmar, use all means at their disposal to end the atrocities being committed by the junta, recognize all legitimate stakeholders involved, including the National Unity Government (NUG), which includes elected representatives of the Myanmar people, urge the junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all opposition MPs and individuals wrongfully imprisoned on baseless politically motivated allegations, and press for Myanmar to be tabled at the United Nations Security Council.
APHR is an independent, non-partisan group of current and former lawmakers, and is committed to the protection and advancement of human rights and democracy across Southeast Asia.
“We remain available for constructive dialogue and engagement with all relevant stakeholders, such as representatives of the Cambodian government, including Prime Minister Hun Sen, with the aim of contributing to finding solutions to the urgent crisis affecting the people of Myanmar,” Santiago said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-25
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"Cambodia’s recent visit to Myanmar has triggered global criticism. Would Cambodia as the new ASEAN Chair be able to maintain ASEAN unity in the face of the Myanmar crisis?
The year 2022 began with the most awaited visit of the current ASEAN Chair, Cambodia, to Myanmar. This visit invited quite a controversy as this trip could be seen as a step towards legitimising the Junta leadership and acknowledging the recent coup—the very reason for which Myanmar was excluded from previous ASEAN meetings. While this has been met with condemnations both globally and within Myanmar, Cambodia hopes to thaw the ice for future dialogues to take place.
The Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar marks the first visit made by a foreign leader since the military seized power in Myanmar last February. During his two-day visit on 7 and 8 January, Hun Sen met with Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing and other leaders of the military administration, for talks aimed at resolving the country’s tangled political, economic, and humanitarian crises. As Cambodia holds the rotating chairmanship of ASEAN this year, the PM’s trip was seen to be another effort to implement a five-point ASEAN peace plan adopted last April and amend the impact of the Myanmar crisis on regional security which affected the unity, credibility, and centrality of ASEAN as a rules-based organisation.
The February coup in Myanmar certainly breached the ASEAN Charter when viewed through the lens of the rule of law, good governance, and democracy, but any prospective response by ASEAN runs against the principle of non-interference.
In 2021, ASEAN broke free from a self-imposed impasse created by the non-interference policy it has upheld since its foundation. The February coup in Myanmar certainly breached the ASEAN Charter when viewed through the lens of the rule of law, good governance, and democracy, but any prospective response by ASEAN runs against the principle of non-interference. Until last year, whenever ASEAN has faced a dilemma, it has let itself be hamstrung, opting for a wait-and-watch approach. The 2014 coup in Thailand is an example of such an approach. This fostered the impression that democracy within ASEAN is on the decline. If ASEAN had simply sat back and waited throughout the Myanmar crisis, the bloc’s reputation with the international community would have been in tatters, casting doubt on the concept of “ASEAN centrality”.
A firm approach was subsequently attempted via the Five Point Consensus in April 2021. This consensus is a gradual strategy that offers a way for ASEAN to begin negotiations with the Myanmar military regime through diplomatic engagement. It calls for an end to violence, the beginning of political discussion including all parties within Myanmar, and the creation of an opening of an ASEAN Special Envoy to commence the process for negotiations and dialogues.
If ASEAN had simply sat back and waited throughout the Myanmar crisis, the bloc’s reputation with the international community would have been in tatters, casting doubt on the concept of “ASEAN centrality”.
Military members, including Min Aung Hlaing, were barred from attending the ASEAN summit discussions in October after the former refused to allow the Special Envoy elected by ASEAN members to meet with all parties concerned in Myanmar. A representative from Myanmar was invited to attend the summit; however, this step was considered impolite for the new military leader and thus the nation refused to participate in the ASEAN Summit where leaders from the United State, China, and India were present. Subsequently, Myanmar’s absence was felt in the China–ASEAN Summit in November. What turned heads was the participation of the National Unity Government (the shadow government) in the formal ASEAN climate and disaster conference. While it shows elements of the growing frustration with Myanmar general’s stubbornness to change his ways, this step did not go down well with nations backing Myanmar within the bloc: Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand.
Cambodia’s role as the ASEAN Chair
A change around the approach took place with Cambodia taking over as the ASEAN Chair for 2022. PM Hun Sen made the bloc’s intention clear to pursue a pragmatic engagement policy with Myanmar’s military administration, defying ASEAN’s collective decision to exclude the Junta from the bloc’s meetings unless progress on the Five-Point Consensus was initiated. He emphasised that under the ASEAN Charter, no ASEAN member state has the authority to eject another member, which he sees as a reflection of the long-standing non-interference principle.
PM Hun Sen made the bloc’s intention clear to pursue a pragmatic engagement policy with Myanmar’s military administration, defying ASEAN’s collective decision to exclude the Junta from the bloc’s meetings unless progress on the Five-Point Consensus was initiated.
The subsequent visit in the second week of January yielded few immediate breakthroughs. Min Aung Hlaing offered to extend a ceasefire with the ethnic armed groups until the end of the year, according to a joint statement released on 7 January that described the negotiations as “frank and forthright”. The military leader further stated that as ASEAN’s Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn will be allowed to speak with all parties involved in the country’s political crisis, including the armed ethnic minority groups. Both presidents also vowed to push for a summit to coordinate humanitarian aid deliveries.
While this visit has been said to bring about the desired effect, however, the ground situation within Myanmar remains fraught with ethnic–military disputes. The divide and rule policy applied by Junta to fight some ethnic groups, while keeping others at bay by providing ceasefires continues. The number of air bombings in the Kayin state, Sagaing’s Kathar township has shaken the nation in the past few days. Clashes with Ta’ang National Liberation Army, Karen National Liberation Army, and others are ongoing, raising casualties and displacing thousands of civilians. As of now, since the coup, the police and army have killed at least 1,447 civilians, detained nearly 8,500, and injured millions.
The military leader further stated that as ASEAN’s Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn will be allowed to speak with all parties involved in the country’s political crisis, including the armed ethnic minority groups.
The conviction of ex-state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi for four more years following Hun Sen’s visit on 10 January shows the military’s willingness to continue its stance of suppressing the democratic regime. Seven more such verdicts are scheduled in a few months while five more corruption charges have been slapped on her. As Myanmar remains in turmoil, member states are waiting to see if Cambodia, the Chair for 2022, can demonstrate its leadership by not isolating Myanmar while providing guidance and preserving the ASEAN unity. The bloc seems divided at the moment by Sen’s actions that resulted in the postponing of the ASEAN foreign minister’s meeting that was to be held last week for an indefinite period of time.
Cambodia’s role will be critical in determining ASEAN’s future course, as the Myanmar crisis will continue to be a litmus test for the organisation’s legitimacy and unity. Cambodia was the Chair of ASEAN in 2012, and its stance in ASEAN meetings based on China’s actions in the South China Sea significantly harmed ASEAN unity. This time, Cambodia has an opportunity to redeem itself. Whether it will fail or rise up to the occasion will be interesting to watch. Myanmar’s compliance with the Five-Point Consensus will necessitate a new approach that combines firmness and flexibility.
As the coup progresses to complete one year in the next few days, it will be crucial to note whether the military regime will finally adhere to the Five-Point Consensus by allowing to negotiate with the ASEAN Envoy or will it continue to act against the consensus by prolonging violence or human rights abuses that undermine democratic transition..."
Source/publisher:
Observer Research Foundation
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
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"On 13 January 2022, the office of the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on
Burma/Myanmar published a statement following discussion held between the Special Envoy and
the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, currently chairing ASEAN and just back from a
personal visit to meet with the Myanmar army's chief who heads the junta which took power in
Burma/Myanmar on 1st February 2021.
The statement refers to the Special Envoy's proposal for a coherent international "humanitarian
plus" approach to urgently expand the provision of humanitarian assistance to Burma/Myanmar.
Since the humanitarian needs of the country, due to the levels of violence inflicted on the whole
country by the Myanmar military since the coup, The KNU, KNPP and CNF would like to express their
support for the Special Envoy's proposal as below with additional demands;
1. We support for the Special Envoy's proposal for the formation of an UN-ASEAN Women,
Peace and Security platform to amplify the voices of women and young people, including
from hard-to-reach areas, and call for the joint creation with Myanmar's neighbours and
international friends of "Safe Zones" and Humanitarian Corridors.
2. It needs to be expanded to humanitarian assistance to the people living in the mainland of
Burma/Myanmar including Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Shan States and Sagaing and
Magwe Regions, where humanitarian assistance is urgently needed.
3. A "humanitarian plus" approach is needed as the crisis in Burma/Myanmar is not just a
humanitarian crisis.
4. The scale of the current humanitarian crisis is matched by the political crisis faced by the
people of Burma/Myanmar, we urged the UN, the ASEAN and the international community
to consider how the civilians can be protected from attacks and humanitarian support
provided to the people as below;
a. Declare Burma/Myanmar a military no-fly-zone to be internationally enforced.
b. To declare specific areas such as villages, IDP camps, hospital, clinics and schools in
need of shelter and support, as internationally guaranteed protection of Civilians -
safe zones where there can be unhindered international humanitarian access to
those most in need.
c. To declare a series of internationally negotiated humanitarian corridors, such that
there would be unimpeded access, via these corridors, across borders, or from key
points within the country, for humanitarian agencies to provide support to those
most in need.
The KNU, KNPP and CNF condemn the level of violence perpetrated by the Myanmar military since
the February 1st coup and we commend the Special Envoy's proposal for a coherent international
"humanitarian plus" approach. We commend also her idea of 'a humanitarian pause to allow safe
and unhindered access to those in need. We call for the joint creation by ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's
neighbours and friends in the international community, of internationally guaranteed safe zones and
humanitarian corridors. We hope that such an approach may both urgently expand the provision of
humanitarian assistance to the people of Burma/Myanmar, and at the same time utilise the urgent
need as a means to create a constructive dialogue between ASEAN and the international community
with all Burma/Myanmar stakeholders..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party, Karen National Union and Chin National Front
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
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"Mizzima was able to speak recently with the National Unity Government’s (NUG) Foreign Minister U Moe Zaw Oo, this is what was discussed.
MZM: May I know the comments from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government on the remarks of the next ASEAN chair Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen. According to the international media, the prime minister said he will visit Myanmar and meet with the chairman of Myanmar Military council because Myanmar is a member in ASEAN and has the right to attend ASEAN meetings.
U Moe Zaw Oo: Cambodian Prime Minister has officially taken over the rotating ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) presidency from Brunei and duties of the chairman of ASEAN will start from January next year. As we all know people’s uprising in Myanmar is a very important case within ASEAN. Brunei, the former chairman of ASEAN has not been able to take responsibility for this. Cambodia may have the intention to try and find a solution. I assume this is a good intention. However, if they want to try and find a solution, they need to know everything about the Military Council as the former ASEAN chairman was deceived by various tricks of the junta. As we all know, the Military chairman attended the ASEAN meeting but he did not follow any rules agreed at the meeting. And now, he said that he could not accept and follow the dialogue according to his last conference. Thus, they should carefully consider the intentions of the Myanmar Military council. When Cambodia’s Prime Minister goes and meets with them, he must be careful not to give legitimacy to them. While the military council is not Myanmar's legitimate government, such a visit of the Prime Minister level could be translated as a recognition of some legitimacy. We cannot accept that. Cambodia should reconsider the plan. A special envoy to deal with Myanmar issues [by ASEAN] has been appointed. The role of the special envoy remains the same and remains unchanged. Cambodia also needs to respect the mandate of the special envoy. Another point is that ASEAN is a union comprising ten member countries, and thus, it is necessary to abide by the decisions of all ten countries. For example, there have recently been resolutions for Myanmar called a special session in October and so Cambodia needs to follow and respect those resolutions. As a chairman of ASEAN, Cambodia cannot do what it wants to do. He has to cooperate with other ASEAN countries. Thus, we want to say that the Prime Minister of Cambodia has a responsibility to respect the decisions of other countries.
MZM: As you said, ASEAN did not invite the chairman of the military council to the ASEAN summit last October. Moreover, the military council was not invited to the China-ASEAN talks or the EU-ASEAN talks. While such absence of recognition was shown by most, what will be the main reasons that Cambodia’s Prime Minister is now saying he would go and meet with the Myanmar Military chairman against the policies of the ASEAN member countries?
U Moe Zaw Oo: Among ASEAN countries, as you know, some are authoritarian countries. Cambodia also has lacking standards when it comes to the will of the people and elections. There are various speculations about what would happen when Cambodia takes over the ASEAN leadership. My point of view is that Cambodia has the responsibility to cooperate and make decisions together with other countries concerning ASEAN issues. On the other hand, there may be issues Cambodia wants to try and solve, but it must understand the current situation and respect the decisions of other ASEAN countries.
Otherwise, no matter how hard they try, the military council will use these attempts to manipulate and exploit these attempts, and the results will be disappointing.
MZM: According to what you have explained, may I know your comments on the concerns if the military gets more recognition in ASEAN and what we need to watch closely?
U Moe Zaw Oo: We are following and watching that issue closely. There are also some ASEAN member countries who support us (NUG). We have also contacted these countries and they are aware of the current situation. We understand that the rest of the allied countries are also watching. As we all know, ASEAN has to work in unity and consensus, thus, there is a lot of disagreement in ASEAN, regarding the current situation in Myanmar. Inconsistencies are not good for ASEAN. I want to say that Cambodia has many responsibilities as a Chairman to prevent the situation from getting worse.
MZM: It is a time that various organizations and countries are pushing ASEAN to deal with the Myanmar issue more carefully. May I know your opinions if Cambodia's decision will bring more frustration towards ASEAN’s role and performance and if Myanmar's situation will become direr?
U Moe Zaw Oo: Recently, peaceful anti-coup protesters were killed by ramming military truck [into them]. Protesters are also being chased with guns. It is clear how serious these incidents need to be and how serious the human rights abuses are. Countries around the world, including the United Nations, have criticized these actions of the junta, saying it is not civilized. The first point of the ASEAN five-point consensus is to end violence. But, the violence has not stopped and is being perpetuated even in the cities in broad daylight. In addition, our leaders, President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were imprisoned on unspecified charges. These are not positive changes. We do not see any progress. We have to be very careful about showing any signs to legitimate the military council when we have not seen any progress. In particular, as a chairman of ASEAN, I would like to say that he should carefully consider the current situations and need to pay respect and adherence to ASEAN resolutions.
MZM: Will there be Chinese support from behind? Do you think that with the support of China, the Cambodian Prime Minister was able to make this decision about Myanmar with such courage? What do you think?
U Moe Zaw Oo: There are different countries' influences on ASEAN member countries. Some big countries have strong relationships with some countries in ASEAN. But, I think the important thing is that the influence of other big countries should be used positively. For example, I have no comment if he tries to find a solution to solve our country's issues with the help of any other big countries such as China, the United States and other EU countries. We just need help to coordinate and strengthen the current involvement of ASEAN to solve the problem. I just want to say that it should not have the kind of influence that complicates the current situation further.
MZM: Does the National Unity Government have any contact with Cambodia, chairman of the rotating ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly? Is there any plan for the NUG to communicate with Cambodia’s Prime Minister about his plans?
U Moe Zaw Oo: We are always trying to connect and work with all ASEAN countries. There are currently no direct talks with Cambodia. So what I want to say here at the same time is that if Cambodia becomes the chairman of ASEAN, it has an obligation to communicate with Myanmar’s official government, NUG, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and other ethnic armed groups from Myanmar because one of the five points of the ASEAN Common Agreement is to engage with all stakeholders. If Cambodia wants to communicate with all of us, we are always ready to talk and meet with Cambodia..."
Source/publisher:
Mizzima
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
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"Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong received a video call from Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen on 14 January 2022.
Prime Minister Hun Sen briefed Prime Minister Lee on Cambodia’s ASEAN Chairmanship priorities and agenda for 2022. Prime Minister Lee reaffirmed Singapore’s support for Cambodia’s ASEAN Chairmanship and thanked Prime Minister Hun Sen for the briefing on his recent visit to Myanmar.
Prime Minister Lee noted that there had not been any significant progress in the implementation of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus since its adoption on 24 April 2021 at a meeting at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta between ASEAN Leaders and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. Prime Minister Lee expressed his view that until there was significant progress in implementing the Five-Point Consensus, ASEAN should maintain its decision reached at the 38th and 39thASEAN Summits of inviting a non-political representative from Myanmar to ASEAN meetings. Any discussion to revise the ASEAN Leaders’ decision had to be based on new facts. Prime Minister Lee emphasised the need for the ASEAN Chair to engage all parties concerned, including the Tatmadaw and the National League for Democracy (NLD). The Tatmadaw had proposed a ceasefire with Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) only but the call for a cessation of violence in the Five-Point Consensus referred also, and indeed primarily, to violence against the Tatmadaw’s political opponents and civilians. Prime Minister Lee noted that just days after Prime Minister Hun Sen’s visit, there had been further attacks by the Tatmadaw against its political opponents, and additional prison sentences imposed on State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
Prime Minister Hun Sen made some proposals on how to coordinate a ceasefire in Myanmar and deliver humanitarian assistance to the Myanmar people. Prime Minister Lee said that he was unsure what role ASEAN or the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy on Myanmar could play in coordinating a ceasefire since we did not even have access to all parties. However, Singapore had no in-principle objections to such a mechanism if it could foster an end to violence. Prime Minister Lee said that there was a need for progress in the delivery of humanitarian assistance with the involvement of the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) and with the cooperation of the Tatmadaw. Prime Minister Lee agreed that these proposals raised by the ASEAN Chair should be further discussed among the ASEAN Foreign Ministers and Senior Officials.
Prime Minister Lee hoped that Cambodia would consider his views and those of other ASEAN Leaders. He reaffirmed Singapore’s commitment to work with Cambodia and other ASEAN Member States on the full implementation of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus and relevant ASEAN decisions..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-16
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"In her virtual discussion with H.E. Mr. Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar Ms. Noeleen Heyzer urged for immediate action based on strengthened United Nations - Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) cooperation to prevent further deterioration of the situation in Myanmar and address the desperate needs of its people. She expressed deep concern about continued intensification of military operations, including aerial attacks in parts of the country, emphasising that the people of Myanmar needed to see indicators and results on the ground, requiring any goodwill to be demonstrated in concrete terms.
As highlighted in her discussions with ASEAN Foreign Ministers, the Special Envoy appreciated the confidence of regional leaders in her trust-building efforts with all stakeholders in Myanmar and reliable assessment of the situation on the ground, based on regular contacts with affected communities across the country who continue to appeal for her support and urgent assistance.
The Special Envoy underlined her readiness to help strengthen regional efforts towards effective urgent implementation of the “Five-Point Consensus,” aligned with the will of the people of Myanmar. The Special Envoy stressed that a Myanmar-led process, that is guided by the will of the people, towards a peaceful, democratic and inclusive future needed to be supported by a coherent international approach grounded on regional unity
She committed to working closely with the Chair of ASEAN and its members towards this end, making available the wide array of comparative advantages and expertise of the United Nations to reinforce and complement regional action, grounded on the “Five-Point Consensus,” as a vital step.
The Special Envoy underlined the urgency for an expanded approach to providing humanitarian assistance. In this respect, she highlighted an UN-ASEAN “humanitarian plus” umbrella could coordinate and deliver assistance to affected communities through all existing channels, and address the multiple priority needs of the people across the country. This would include civilian protection as well as food security, socio-economic resilience, humanitarian and COVID assistance. The Special Envoy welcomed the Prime Minister’s invitation to co-facilitate such efforts.
She also stressed the importance of advancing the “Five-Point Consensus,” including an immediate cessation of violence, and for all parties to exercise utmost restraint. For this, the Special Envoy advocated for confidence-building measures involving all stakeholders, in addition to ethnic armed organizations. In this regard, she proposed the UN and ASEAN, as part of its “humanitarian plus” joint action, consider pursuing with all sides a humanitarian pause in targeted areas to allow safe and unhindered access.
The Special Envoy reiterated her offer to work closely with the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair. This meant bringing in broader support from the international community and United Nations system around a coordinated strategy towards creating an enabling environment for inclusive dialogue.
She emphasized solutions needed to derive from engaging directly with and listening carefully to all those affected by the ongoing crisis. For example, the Special Envoy encouraged the formation of an UN-ASEAN Women, Peace and Security platform to amplify the voices of women and young people, including from hard-to-reach areas. She looks forward to future discussions with the ASEAN Foreign Ministers to pave the way on the concrete recommendations for joint action..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
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The UN and Burma - news and commentary, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"Cambodia said on Wednesday it had postponed a meeting of foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) scheduled for next week, because some ministers had expressed “difficulties” in attending.
The meeting was the first under Cambodia's chairmanship of the 10-member bloc, which comes amid divisions on how to deal with reut.rs/30NQFot the military that seized power in Myanmar last year and has led a bloody crackdown on thousands of its opponents.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen met Myanmar's military ruler reut.rs/3ngcp4w Min Aung Hlaing last week, the first such visit by a head of government, sparking concern that it could undermine international efforts to isolate the junta.
“The postponement is because of many ASEAN ministers are having difficulties to travel to join,” Cambodia foreign ministry spokesperson Koy Kuong told reporters, without elaborating.
Asked separately by Reuters which ministers could not attend the Jan 18-19 meeting in Siem Reap and why, Koy Kuong said he “can’t speak for them”.
Under Brunei's chairmanship, ASEAN late last year took the unprecedented step of sidelining reut.rs/3n0roOZ Min Aung Hlaing from its annual leaders' summit over his failure to honour commitments he made towards ending violence and starting a dialogue process.
The exclusion reut.rs/3jwe8k4 angered the junta, which said outside powers had pressured ASEAN to break its own code of consensus and non-interference.
Brunei, Singapore, the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia had backed excluding the junta.
Cambodia, however, is taking "different approaches", reut.rs/3K36kC4 its foreign minister, Prak Sokhonn, and said on Saturday, while denying that Hun Sen's visit was an endorsement of the Myanmar military.
Prak Sokhonn was expecting to be appointed special ASEAN envoy to the Myanmar situation at the Siem Reap meeting.
On Saturday, he criticised the previous envoy, Erywan Yusof, as being unproductive in insisting on access to ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been convicted in recent weeks of several offences, including incitement.
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-12
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"11 January 2022: Myanmar’s would-be dictator Min Aung Hlaing has once again shown himself to be unrepentant and unaccountable to anyone after meeting with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The meeting occurred while junta forces were launching airstrikes and intensifying offensives in ethnic areas and only two days before State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi received a further four-year prison sentence for bogus charges including possessing unlicensed walkie talkies and allegedly violating coronavirus protocols while campaigning.
Prime Minister Hun Sen undertook an ill-advised and contested visit to Naypyitaw to meet with Myanmar junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on 7 and 8 January 2022. The visit was condemned by the Myanmar people, Myanmar and Cambodian civil society and ASEAN parliamentarians, on the grounds that it would be instrumentalised by Min Aung Hlaing to seek legitimacy for his illegal junta. That is what happened.
Prime Minister Hun Sen failed to consult or engage with democratic leaders President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, or other members of the National Unity Government. A joint statement issued after the visit by Prime Minister Hun Sen and Min Aung Hlaing did not once mention the cause of Myanmar’s current suffering – Min Aung Hlaing’s failed coup – and sought to deflect concern away from the nation-wide crisis to focus on the protracted civil wars between the military and Myanmar’s ethnic nationalities.
“The joint statement issued by Prime Minister Hun Sen and Min Aung Hlaing is manifestly duplicitous, having been drafted with clear intent to stymie ASEAN efforts and mislead the international community as to the reality of the conflict in Myanmar,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “It is an affront to the people of Myanmar and to ASEAN, to which we take great exception.”
The joint statement implicitly praised the junta for declaring a year-long “ceasefire” between the military and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs). Yet, junta forces were launching airstrikes and intensifying offensives in ethnic areas, displacing a reported 10,000 people from Loikaw, Kayah state, at the very same time that the meeting was taking place.
“Handing down the verdict and sentencing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi now, after having been delayed two or three times and barely two days after the Prime Minister’s visit, cannot be seen as anything but a deliberate, carefully timed attack on the Prime Minister designed to show him who’s in charge,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “If Hun Sen accepts this insult without response, he will be fatally wounded in his role as ASEAN Chair barely as he begins his term, and his influence and authority will be shredded for the full year ahead. The decision today is a direct challenge to Hun Sen: who calls the tune in ASEAN, the Chair or Min Aung Hlaing?”
Cambodia will hold the ASEAN chairmanship throughout 2022. The National Unity Government of Myanmar has publicly stated its commitment to working in partnership with ASEAN towards resolving the junta-made political, economic and humanitarian crises and its readiness to engage constructively with the new Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar.
“It seems the only person fooled by Min Aung Hlaing’s attempt to dress himself up as a rational civilian leader was Prime Minister Hun Sen,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “What was already clear to everyone else is that the only way forward for the ASEAN Chair in responding to the crisis is not through publicity seeking actions but proper engagement with all stakeholders– including the National Unity Government, EAOs and democracy groups, within the parameters already agreed by ASEAN — and in coordination with the newly appointed UN Special Envoy of the Secretary-General.
Prime Minister Hun Sen undertook a foolish initiative but, having done so, the onus is now on him to get results. He cannot afford to let Min Aung Hlaing’s insult to his honour stand. As ASEAN Chair, he must lead an initiative to engage all parties in Myanmar without exception in developing a way forward that will ensure a democratic, peaceful, inclusive Myanmar. He must bring all ASEAN pressure to bear on the military junta, including through diplomatic, economic and security isolation if necessary, to secure an immediate end to the violence and the release of all political prisoners. So, what now, Hun Sen?..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (NUG) expresses its extreme
disappointment at the decision of Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia to meet with Min Aung Hlaing in
Naypyidaw on 7 and 8 January 2022. Having inserted himself into the Myanmar crisis, Hun Sen must now
produce clear results for peace and democracy in Myanmar or he will be seen as having been manipulated by Min
Aung Hlaing.
While Hun Sen has since clarified that the bilateral visit in no way recognised the illegal military junta, his rogue
expedition, conducted without broad ASEAN support and outside the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, rewarded
the junta for its atrocity crimes against the Myanmar people and severely undermined ASEAN’s unity and
authority.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has quickly found himself the target of junta manipulation. The Joint Statement of 7
January and the Cambodian Foreign Minister’s press conference remarks of 8 January 2022 claim that the
Cambodian visit sought to ease the conflict and to facilitate humanitarian support. Yet both the escalating conflict
and its associated humanitarian crisis are junta induced.
On humanitarian assistance, the visit took no account of the junta’s weaponisation of the COVID- 19 pandemic
through its deliberate targeted attacks against medical workers and its denial of access to medical treatment and
vaccines. Nor was there recognition of the junta’s isolation o f communities from food, water and medicine as part
of its 'Four Cuts Strategy', further propelling the humanitarian crisis.
The Joint Statement speaks of a unilateral junta ceasefire with Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) at a time
when continuing junta airstrikes have killed and injured dozens of civilians and displaced hundreds of thousands
more in Magway and Sagaing Regions and in Kayin and Kayah States. The junta is reflexively reaching for its
tired old divide-and-conquer strategy, attempting to drive a wedge between EAOs unified in their opposition to
the illegal junta. The proposed participation of Prime Minister Hun Sen as ASEAN Chair in “ceasefire talks"
would see him and ASEAN further instrumentalised unless all parties, include the EAOs and the NUG, agree to
his role and his participation. Without the agreement of all parties, Hun Sen will be the instrument of one, the
illegal junta.
The Joint Statement and press conference remarks are also striking for what they omit. They make no mention of
democracy, human rights, or the popular will of the Myanmar people. They make no reference to the newly
appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar and her complementary role. They offer no
commitment to allow the new Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, Deputy Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, to meet with all other “concerned parties” as required by the Five-Point
Consensus. Unless Hun Sen makes good on these omissions, he leaves himself open to criticism that he has been
duped.
ASEAN again finds itself at a crossroads. The Five-Point Consensus expressed a commitment to seeking a
peaceful solution in the interests o f the Myanmar people. Yet since its failed coup d ’etat of 1 February 2021, the
junta has murdered no fewer than 1447 persons, increasingly through acts of terror. The junta-induced political,
economic and humanitarian crises in Myanmar, combined with the junta’s conduct as a terrorist organisation,
constitute a grave threat to regional security and to the interests of ASEAN Members and their populations.
ASEAN's decision to exclude representatives of the junta from its 2021 Summits was a clear response to the
contempt with which the junta continues to treat ASEAN and the Five-Point Consensus. ASEAN must now take
the necessary step of inviting the NUG, as the legitimate representative of the Myanmar people, to attend the
ASEAN Summit Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Seam Reap on 18- 19 January 2022.
In meeting the Five-Point Consensus, the NUG is committed to working in partnership with ASEAN to restore
democracy, to end the junta’s atrocity crimes, and to ensure the urgent provision o f humanitarian assistance to all
persons in need in Myanmar.
The NUG also stands ready to engage with the new Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar. This must
involve in-person meetings with NUG leaders including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi, whose continuing authority the UN Security Council, General Assembly, and Secretary-General
have each affirmed..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-10
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"Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen met Myanmar's military ruler Min Aung Hlaing on Friday amid criticism of the first visit by a head of government since the army seized power from an elected government last year.
Hun Sen was greeted by an honour guard and red carpet when he arrived on Friday, just as protests by coup opponents broke out in other parts of the country over fears his trip will provide more legitimacy to the ruling junta.
Myanmar state television later showed images of the two leaders bumping elbows and sitting down for talks in gilded chairs.
Hun Sen's two-day visit was the first by a head of government since the army overthrew the civilian administration of Aung San Suu Kyi on Feb. 1 last year, sparking months of protests and a bloody crackdown.
The Cambodian leader, who has been criticised over crackdowns on his political opponents at home, has said he was making the visit to press a Myanmar peace plan sponsored by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
Cambodia is current chair of the 10-member ASEAN, which adopted a five-point "consensus" peace plan in April.
Some other ASEAN countries including Indonesia have expressed frustration at the junta's failure to implement the plan, including allowing an envoy to meet Suu Kyi, who has been in detention since the coup.
In Myanmar, opponents of military rule have said Hun Sen, who seized power in Phnom Penh in a 1997 coup, is backing the junta by making the trip.
In Depayin, about 300 km (186 miles) north of the capital, Naypyidaw, protesters burned a poster of the Cambodian prime minister and chanted "Hun Sen don't come to Myanmar. We don't want dictator Hun Sen", photographs on social media showed.
There were also reports of protests in the second city of Mandalay and the Tanintharyi and Monywa regions.
In a speech on Wednesday before his trip, Hun Sen called for restraint from all sides in Myanmar and for the peace plan to be followed.
"Brothers in Myanmar, do you want your country to fall into a real civil war or want it solved?" he said.
After a phone call this week with Hun Sen, Indonesian President Joko Widodo said in messages on Twitter if there was no significant progress on the peace plan, then only non-political representatives from Myanmar should be allowed at ASEAN meetings.
HUMANITARIAN ACCESS
In October, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing was barred from attending an ASEAN summit for his failure to cease hostilities, allow humanitarian access and start dialogue, as agreed with ASEAN.
But in a further sign of divisions in the 10-member bloc, Hun Sen last month said junta officials should be allowed to attend ASEAN meetings.
Min Ko Naing, a leading activist in Myanmar, said in a social media post that Hun Sen would face massive protests over his visit, which would hurt ASEAN.
Hun Sen is one of the world's longest serving leaders and Western countries and human rights groups have long condemned him for crackdowns on opponents, civil rights groups and the media in Cambodia. His party now holds all seats in parliament after a court banned the main opposition party ahead of a 2018 election.
Amnesty International's Deputy Regional Director for Research Emerlynne Gil said the trip risked sending mixed messages to Mynamar's military leader and Hun Sen should instead lead ASEAN to strong action to address the country’s "dire human rights situation".
U.S.-funded Radio Free Asia cited a junta spokesman as saying Hun Sen would not meet Suu Kyi, who has been detained since the coup and is on trial, facing nearly a dozen cases that carry a combined maximum sentence of more than 100 years in prison..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-07
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"Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen turned out to be an unwelcome visitor to Myanmar as he began his two-day trip to the country on Friday, his arrival strenuously denounced by the people of the Southeast Asia nation for his engagement with the Myanmar regime, which has killed more than 1,300 people since seizing power last year.
Hun Sen landed in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw on Friday morning for a two-day visit at the invitation of the country’s coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. He met with the general and ……………., becoming the first foreign leader to meet the junta leadership since the coup.
Many fear his visit will confer on Min Aung Hlaing and his junta the legitimacy they have so far failed to establish, as Cambodia currently holds the rotating chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to which Myanmar belongs. They also questioned how someone with a record as a notorious violator of human rights could hold the junta to account for its abuses.
Since the moment it was announced last month, Hun Sen’s visit has been denounced by critics who warned his unilateral initiative could have far-reaching consequences for ASEAN, potentially undermining the regional bloc’s credibility to mediate a political solution.
Relations between ASEAN and Myanmar turned sour last year when the bloc excluded Min Aung Hlaing from its summit over his failure to implement a peace plan known as the Five Point Consensus, which he had agreed with the regional group. The agreed steps include an immediate cessation of violence in the country and allowing the bloc’s special envoy to visit, among others.
Hun Sen responded that he was just trying to bring Myanmar back into the ASEAN fold and urged his critics not to pre-judge his visit, adding that his goals were “not far from” the consensus.
His assurances failed to appease many in Myanmar, however. His visit has met with a level of denunciation unprecedented for a visiting foreign dignity.
A few days before his visit, a series of explosions occurred near the Cambodian Embassy in Yangon. Across the country, people have staged protests against his visit, holding placards reading, “We Don’t Need You Hun Sen,” and “You are Not Welcomed to Myanmar” while stepping on portraits of him. Hundreds of anti-junta groups issued a statement urging Hun Sen to call off the visit.
On the eve of his departure for Naypyitaw, Hun Sen experienced the condemnation up close and personal as Myanmar people flocked to his Facebook page to post angry comments about his visit under his 41st wedding anniversary post. Many left comments such as “Shame on You” or “We don’t need you Mr Hun Sen , you’re not welcome” accompanied by memes portraying Min Aung Hlaing and Hun Sen. Another said, “You dictator is ruling Cambodia against the will of Cambodians. Now trying to support Burmese military to be the same. Sorry your days are numbered.”
Hun Sen’s visit coincides with an escalation of the regime’s attacks on armed resistance forces, mainly made up of civilians who reject the regime’s rule in the country’s southeastern Kayah State.
Shortly before his visit, the Cambodian prime minister discussed developments in Myanmar via phone with Indonesian President Joko Widodo. The president later said in a Twitter post that during the call he reiterated clearly Indonesia’s position on the importance of implementing the five-point consensus to bring democracy back to Myanmar through inclusive dialogue.
“Should there be no significant progress on the implementation of 5PCs [the five-point consensus], Myanmar should only be represented by non-political level at ASEAN meetings,” he posted on Wednesday.
On Friday, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the parliamentary wing of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), said military leaders who commit human rights abuses and other violations should be isolated, adding that engaging with them could have no positive outcomes for Myanmar and its people.
“We reiterate our call for cooperation only with the legitimate institutions, including the CRPH comprising those elected by the people of Myanmar, and the NUG,” it said in its announcement.
Human Rights Watch said Hun Sen’s meeting as ASEAN chair with Myanmar’s military leadership is an affront to the people of Myanmar, who strongly oppose the visit.
Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said Hun Sen’s decision to meet, without preconditions, the leaders of Myanmar’s military will only lend underserved international legitimacy to the junta.
“A unilateral visit by Hun Sen is doomed to not yield solutions, especially if he won’t meet and confer with the representatives of the people elected to parliament in the November 2020 election, such as the National Unity Government, which has the support of most elected MPs,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-07
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"1. A high-level delegation led by the Cambodian Prime Minister
Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo HUN SEN is visiting
Myanmar at the invitation of the coup leader, Senior General Min
Aung Hlaing. We have learned that the visit is taking place from
January 7 to 8 to discuss bilateral cooperation issues and the
progress of the ASEAN.
2. Since 1st February 2021, the military junta has been perpetuating
their atrocities and crimes against humanity to secure their power.
Thus, the members of the CRPH urges the ASEAN Chair, the
Cambodian Prime Minister, who is meeting the coup leaders, to respect
the aspirations and efforts of the people of Myanmar for democracy.
3. The crisis in Myanmar today is the direct result of the power grab
by the selfish dictator Min Aung Hlaing and his military
collaborators. The junta’s security forces are arbitrarily arresting
and torturing the people of Myanmar. We are of the view that
dialogue with these military leaders committing human rights
abuses and other violations against our community will bring no
benefits to the Myanmar and its People.
4. As Prime Minister Hun Sen has also taken up ASEAN Chair
responsibilities for 2022, the people of Myanmar are outraged that
this visit will be construed by the military junta as leading towards
a change in ASEAN' position. This position was brought about
because the coup leader has refused to cooperate on the ASEAN’s five-point consensus agreed by the ASEAN leaders as an attempt to
find a peaceful solution for the interest of Myanmar. We urge
Cambodia, a neighbour of Myanmar, to maintain the existing good
relations and friendship between the two countries and their
people.
5. We reiterate our call for cooperation only with the legitimate
institutions including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu
Hluttaw comprising those elected by the people of Myanmar, and
the National Unity Government. The Committee Representing
Pyidaungsu Hluttaw will continue to stand for and represent the
will of the people of Myanmar, as the CRPH has the legitimate
electoral mandate from the people..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-07
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"၁။ မြန်မာ့အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီးမင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဖိတ်ကြားချက်အရ ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ် Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo HUN SEN ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အဆင့်မြင့်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသို့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၇ ရက်နေ့မှ ၈ ရက်နေ့အထိ လာရောက်လည်ပတ်မည် ဖြစ်ပြီး နှစ်နိုင်ငံ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေး ကိစ္စရပ်များနှင့် အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့၏ တိုးတက်မှုများအပေါ် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးသွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်ကို သိရှိရပါသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စ၍ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ်၌ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ၎င်းတို့အာဏာ တည်မြဲရေးအတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမည့် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်အတွက် အာဆီယံ၏ အလှည့်ကျဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ ကမ္ဘောဒီးယား ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်အနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းအား ထုတ်မှုများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။
၃။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော ပြဿနာများသည် အတ္တဆန်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များကြောင့်သာ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ရခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူ များအပေါ်၌ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်နေပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်း ဖက်မှုများပြုလုပ်နေသည့် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအား လူ့အသိုက်အဝိုင်းမှ ဖယ်ကျဉ်ထားရမည် ဖြစ် ပြီး ၎င်းတို့နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအတွက် အကျိုးတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ မရှိနိုင်ပါ။
၄။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် ထိရောက်သည့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုများဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာအဖြေရှာနိုင်ရေး အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များက သဘောတူညီထားသည့် ဘုံသဘော တူညီချက် (၅) ချက်အပေါ် လုံးဝပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း မရှိသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းခေါင်းဆောင်နှင့် တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုအပေါ် မြန်မာပြည်သူများက အလွန်ဒေါသထွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံတစ်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည့် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် တည်ရှိပြီးသော ဆက်ဆံရေး ကောင်းများနှင့် တည်ဆောက်ထားခဲ့သည့် နှစ်နိုင်ငံ ပြည်သူများအကြား ချစ်ကြည်ရင်းနှီးမှုများကို ထိန်းသိမ်းသွားရန် တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။
၅။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အရေးကိစ္စရပ်များနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုက ဆန္ဒမဲပေးရွေးချယ်ထားသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ တို့အပါအဝင် တရားဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်သာ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းပြီး မိမိတို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုက အပ်နှင်းထားသည့် အခွင့်အာဏာကို ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်ခြင်းကြောင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူ တို့၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောနှင့်အညီ ရပ်တည်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်အပ် ပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-07
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"As Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen prepares to visit Myanmar on 7-8 January, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research Emerlynne Gil called on him to prioritise human rights action over empty gestures:
“Hun Sen’s rogue diplomacy may do more harm than good by breaking ranks with ASEAN’s response to the Myanmar crisis and sending mixed messages to Myanmar’s coup leader General Min Aung Hlaing, who has been blocked from recent high-level ASEAN meetings in a rare rebuke.”
“If Hun Sen truly wants to help, he should cancel this trip and lead ASEAN to strong action to address the country’s dire human rights situation rather than indulge in empty gestures that will likely result in little more than a self-congratulatory photo op.”
“As the incoming chair of ASEAN, Cambodia should help revive the five-point consensus adopted in April last year that called for an immediate end to violence and work to expand it further to protect human rights and ensure accountability for abuses.”
If Hun Sen truly wants to help, he should cancel this trip and lead ASEAN to strong action to address the country’s dire human rights situation rather than indulge in empty gestures that will likely result in little more than a self-congratulatory photo op.
Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International's Deputy Regional Director for Research
“The nightmare has continued for the 55 million people of Myanmar. Last month security forces were accused of killing and burning more than 30 civilians, including two staff members of the humanitarian aid organization, Save the Children, in eastern Karenni State.”
“The international community cannot rely on ASEAN alone when it has repeatedly demonstrated that it is unable to take meaningful action to prevent such atrocities from recurring. The UN Security Council must urgently refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and impose targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo.”
Background
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is set to visit Myanmar on 7-8 January, the first head of state to make an official visit to the country since the military seized power in a coup on 1 February 2020.
The trip comes as Cambodia takes over as chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which rotates each year to one of the bloc’s 10 members. Cambodia was last chair in 2012.
ASEAN’s five-point consensus, adopted in April 2021, calls for an immediate end to violence, dialogue among all parties, aid access, the appointment of a special envoy from the bloc, and a visit by an ASEAN delegation. However, it fails to mention the need to protect human rights or call for accountability for violations. There has been little progress on the consensus, which was limited in scope even then.
Since seizing power, Myanmar’s military has killed more than 1,400 people and arrested or detained more than 10,000, many of them peaceful protesters. It has also unfairly tried many of Myanmar’s top civilian leaders who were ousted in the coup and sentenced them to lengthy prison sentences. Former de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to four years in December in one of many bogus cases against her..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-06
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"In response to media queries, the MFA Spokesperson said:
Singapore remains deeply concerned about recent developments in Myanmar and disappointed by the lack of tangible progress in the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus. We reiterate our call for the cessation of violence, constructive dialogue among all parties, and urge the Myanmar military authorities to cooperate with the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy on Myanmar to swiftly and fully implement the Five-Point Consensus, including by facilitating the Special Envoy’s visit to Myanmar to meet with all parties concerned. Singapore also calls for the release of all political detainees including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Win Myint and foreign detainees, and for the Myanmar military authorities to avoid actions that would be detrimental to eventual national reconciliation and restoration of peace and stability in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-08
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"The Burmese military regime’s unjust conviction of Aung San Suu Kyi and the repression of other democratically elected officials are yet further affronts to democracy and justice in Burma. The regime’s continued disregard for the rule of law and its widespread use of violence against the Burmese people underscore the urgency of restoring Burma’s path to democracy. We urge the regime to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all those unjustly detained, including other democratically elected officials. We reiterate our call for the regime to engage in constructive dialogue with all parties to seek a peaceful resolution in the interest of the people, as agreed to in the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus. We join the people of Burma in their aspirations for freedom and democracy and call on the regime to end the use of violence, respect the will of the people, and restore Burma’s democratic transition..."
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United States Department of State
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-07
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The 30th anniversary of China-ASEAN relations was marked by the reiteration of the mutually beneficial relationship that both enjoy. Is this a shadow play by China is yet to known?
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"China and ASEAN held a special summit to commemorate the 30th anniversary of their dialogue partnership (DP) on 22 November 2021. It was co-chaired by the Sultan of Brunei, and the Chinese President, Xi Jinping. It elevated the relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership. The event was held virtually even though the 30th anniversary Foreign Ministers meeting was held physically in Chongqing, on 7 June.
China made every effort to bring Myanmar to the Commemorative Summit. Ultimately, the ASEAN position to keep Myanmar’s leadership away from ASEAN summits till they kept their promises, prevailed.
The joint statement recognises ASEAN-China relations amongst the most dynamic and mutually beneficial partnerships for ASEAN amongst all its DPs. The relationship is guided by the Joint Statement of 1997, the Joint Declaration on the Strategic Partnership of 2003 and the vision of the strategic partnership for 2030 adopted in 2018.The preamble recognises ASEANs leading role in the regional security architecture and the inclusive principles of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). The 31-paragraph joint statement covers overall the Chinese-ASEAN relations, political-security cooperation, economic, and socio-cultural cooperation. The main takeaway is that ASEAN centrality is maintained and cooperation in the four areas identified in the AOIP is pursued.
The preamble recognises ASEANs leading role in the regional security architecture and the inclusive principles of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP).
‘Mutually-beneficial cooperation with the BRI’ is included. Chinese support to the ASEAN comprehensive recovery framework is emphasised. It proposes to enhance defence exchanges A specific paragraph to preserve Southeast Asia free from nuclear weapons perhaps draws reference to AUKUS, with which some of the ASEAN countries have been uncomfortable. There is a long paragraph upholding international law, including UNCLOS. Enhancing mutual trust and maintaining peace in the SCS are reaffirmed; freedom of navigation and overflight and self-restraint in the conduct of activities without threat or use of force are written in. This is interesting because they also go on to talk about implementing the declaration on the Code of Conduct (COC) which is still in force and look forward to the early conclusion of an effective and substantive COC in accordance with the 1982 UNCLOS within a mutually agreed but undefined timeline. The open multilateral trading system, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic partnership (RCEP) are welcomed. China’s support to the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) 2025 in correlation to the BRI is reiterated. Support from the AIIB is specifically mentioned. China’s support to the COVID-related public health processes and recovery and the positive role of the ASEAN-China centre in promoting socio-cultural and P2P exchanges are appreciated.
The commitment to multilateralism and an inclusive regional framework by supporting ASEAN centrality are indeed important. Xi mentioned in his speech to abide by most of these principles and said that China would not be the neighbourhood bully or hegemonic. They will live in peace and tranquillity with their neighbours; the Philippines President complained about transgressions against their ships and territorial waters. “This does not speak well of the relations between our nations,” President Duterte said.
China’s support to the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) 2025 in correlation to the BRI is reiterated.
During the 30th year, China is invoking its economic capabilities to enhance the partnership while challenging the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) which was designed to keep it out but instead the USA decided to leave! With ASEAN, it shows its policy of “Asia is where China must establish its prestige or “reputation for power.”
It is important to note the growth in China-ASEAN relations over the last 30 years. Trade increased by 80 times from US $8 billion to US $680 billion. Since 2009, China is ASEANs largest trading partner. During the pandemic, ASEAN became China’s largest partner. In 2021, trade grew by 48 percent in the first six months. At US $140 billion, the ASEAN trade is 15 percent of China’s global trade. China’s imports from Vietnam and Indonesia increased significantly manifesting the growing regional supply chains. Electronics, specially integrated circuits, contributed to the increase. China imported US $14.9 billion of ICs in 2020.
Chinese FDI into ASEAN increased 185 percent US $3.6 billion in 2010 to US $9.1 billion in 2019. This is 5.7 percent of ASEAN’s FDI inflows. In 2019, China was ASEAN’s fourth largest source of FDI, after the US, Japan, and the EU. People-to-people exchanges crossed 65 million before the pandemic, when there were nearly 4,500 weekly China-ASEAN flights. About 200 ASEAN cities have sister-city linkages with Chinese cities. 200,000 students participate in exchanges. 2017 was designated as the ASEAN-China Year of Tourism Cooperation and 2018 was the ASEAN-China Year of Innovation to enhance cooperation under the 4.0 Industrial Revolution. Similarly, 2019 was ASEAN-China Year of Media Exchanges and 2020 was designated as the ASEAN-China Year of Digital Economy Cooperation to promote digital transformation, infrastructure, AI, big data, smart cities and in using digital technologies to mitigate the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak.
2017 was designated as the ASEAN-China Year of Tourism Cooperation and 2018 was the ASEAN-China Year of Innovation to enhance cooperation under the 4.0 Industrial Revolution.
Chinese policy towards ASEAN currently can be seen working for a post pandemic world. Their ‘active cooperation and coalition building’ and ‘periphery diplomacy’ have become core policy. The world is certainly focusing on the Indo-Pacific, particularly the ASEAN. The Quad Summit Joint Statement is clear on this. The Chinese are much ahead of the curve in an organised manner. They have undertaken a broad four-pronged effort.
Priority To ASEAN
ASEAN is a priority in Chinese foreign policy. To maintain this, China promotes economic partnership with it. While prioritising ASEAN, China impresses upon them that their cooperation is practical and in mutual interest.
China is using the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party to project leadership in creating a better development matrix by opening its markets and providing economic impetus for ASEAN.
The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership would enmesh ASEAN into a stronger matrix through BRI, COC, and the 50 partnerships they have with China. While China desires inclusive approaches, all its efforts are exclusive of others. It is up to ASEAN to have openness of the region rather than let China be the determinant for its future. The ASEAN often seems allergic to challenging the Chinese hegemony as it will upset the current ‘stability’!
Spirit of partnership
Tackling major challenges in a spirit of partnership. Dealing with the pandemic of COVID-19 is the latest in the disaster management support that China has provided ASEAN. China is perceived as an effective partner in the fight against COVID and a reliable friend.
This is a gain for China, to receive such unequivocal faith from a region where it has grabbed several maritime resources including territory. It calls for Asian values to determine their relations. This allows acquiescence in coups in Thailand and Myanmar. ASEAN appears happy with the non-intrusive Chinese behaviour towards their domestic politics. For that they are often willing to sustain economic muscle flexing and rise in hidden debt.
Benefits for trade and investment
ASEAN believe that the China-ASEAN FTA and the emerging RCEP will benefit them. They don’t have apprehensions like India. ASEAN and China signed the ACFTA in 2002. They upgraded the ACFTA and developed linkages for value chains which can compete with the US and Europe. Today ASEAN countries attract RVCs related FDI for China-plus-one efforts from Quad partners too. The regional production bases that China envisages in ASEAN includes a joint production base for vaccines.
Focusing on ASEAN Comprehensive Recovery Framework, China pursues its objectives of 5G and beyond. China intends to keep ASEAN as the prime market for its digital technologies. The Quad intends to challenge this but China is quite ahead.
Focusing on ASEAN Comprehensive Recovery Framework, China pursues its objectives of 5G and beyond. China intends to keep ASEAN as the prime market for its digital technologies.
Develop mutual respect
The Chinese perception is that the aspiration of preserving regional peace and stability is shared. Despite China dragging its feet for years on the COC, ASEAN sees the situation as hopeful, rather than express frustration.
This is a marvel. Despite several ASEAN members losing island territories to China and suffering IUU in their waters, they still remain optimistic. The longer that COC discussions prolong, the more satisfied ASEAN appears to be! Contrast this with the India-China border talks.
China which is critical of the term Indo-Pacific and Quad policies, is benign in its view of the AOIP. Wang Yi told the media in 2019, after the ASEAN policy was enunciated, that it was part of regional cooperation and ‘adhering to ASEAN’s core positions’. China intends to use the expectation of the COC to temper ASEAN and avoid ‘unilateral actions’ by ASEANs other partners.
Assessment
The summit seems like a shadow play, to present a unified view in light of growing global dynamics. The ASEAN-China contradictions are papered over in the hope that they would be resolved sooner or later. For the long term, ASEAN interlocutors believe that this has set a tone for the diverse China-ASEAN partnership. This could become stronger. In the medium term, there is a sense of achievement within ASEAN that China has gone along with the AOIP and its principles. This is important, since China refrains from supporting references to the Indo-Pacific.
An immediate concern to ASEAN was whether China would abide by its decision on Myanmar. Despite Chinese efforts ASEAN is satisfied that the absence of Myanmar was maintained..."
Source/publisher:
Observer Research Foundation
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-04
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"(Bangkok/Johannesburg, 2 December 2021) ‒ Under the Chairmanship of Cambodia in 2022, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must meaningfully address the regressive human rights crisis in the region, including the rapidly deteriorating situation in Myanmar, said rights groups at a webinar today.
The webinar titled ‘Cambodia as ASEAN Chair: Prospects for Human Rights in 2022’ organised by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation and Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) discussed the human rights situation in the region and how the ASEAN has responded in 2021 as well as its trajectory as Cambodia spearheads ASEAN next year.
Eleven months after the coup and eight months since ASEAN leaders adopted the five-point consensus, the human rights and humanitarian crisis continues unabated in Myanmar ‒ at least 1,200 people including children have been killed and 10,568 arrested. The deteriorating situation affects not only the daily lives of the people on the ground but also the human rights and political discourse at the regional and international level.
Questions remain as to what extent the regional bloc can effectively bring immediate progress to the situation of Myanmar or if it will just be used to legitimise the military regime.
‘While we welcome the decision by ASEAN to exclude the military junta from ASEAN Summits, we are deeply concerned about the lack of substantive actions to mitigate the Myanmar crisis. The whole country is now dealing with a multi-level crisis. It is not sufficient for ASEAN alone to tackle this crisis. Therefore, we call on ASEAN to cooperate with the UN and international mechanisms to take immediate concrete actions. Further delays in actions will allow the junta to commit more atrocities and this means more bloodshed for the people on the ground,’ said Khin Ohmar, Chair of Progressive Voice.
‘As the next chair, Cambodia has a huge task ahead to ensure that ASEAN unity and credibility is not lost. If ASEAN allows the junta to continue in this manner, the Myanmar crisis will further impact the regional stability and development. ASEAN needs to understand that it is in its best interest to work with the National Unity Government and the people of Myanmar,’ she added.
‘We want ASEAN leadership to have a strategic vision and action plan. ASEAN will not be able to implement its five-point consensus alone, particularly after the junta military has blatantly denied their commitment in the consensus. Under the Cambodia Chairmanship, ASEAN must engage with NUG, the United Nations, dialogue partners, and civil society. What is happening is not only a crisis to Myanmar but a crisis to the credibility of ASEAN and threats to security in general,’ said U Bo Hla Tint, Myanmar National Unity Government Ambassador to ASEAN.
According to the CIVICUS Monitor, fundamental freedoms in half of ASEAN Member States are rated as ‘repressed’. The year 2021 has also shown how restrictive laws have been used to stifle dissent and prosecute human rights defenders in numerous ASEAN countries and new laws passed that would curtail civic space. Further there has been a crackdown on peaceful protests and the use of extra-legal tactics, including online surveillance and smear campaigns, as well as torture and ill-treatment. In Cambodia specifically, CIVICUS documented the arbitrary arrest of dozens of activists, judicial harassment, and intimidation of opposition party CNRP members and families, and reprisals on journalists.
‘It is difficult to see how ASEAN would meaningfully progress on human rights issues with Cambodia at the helm. It has become a de facto one-party state after dismantling the opposition. Civic space has also continued to shrink in the country and those speaking up have faced blatant judicial harassment and at times outright violence. At the same time, we need to keep the pressure on them and support Cambodian civil society,’ said Josef Benedict, Asia Pacific Researcher of CIVICUS.
Under the pretext of COVID-19, Cambodia has introduced draconian measures such as the National Internet Gateway to increase online surveillance. This adds to the long list of concerns including the arbitrary arrest and judicial harassment of defenders and political opposition in the country. Cambodia’s degrading human rights record raises concerns about whether it has the political will to take the steps needed to improve on the human rights situation of ASEAN.
‘Cambodia should strive to improve the dire human rights situation it is facing domestically – especially considering the fact that elections are fast approaching – while also seeking to ensure regional peace and stability. As ASEAN chair, Cambodia must rally its ASEAN partners to answer the calls for support coming from Myanmar, and take concrete action rather than hide behind the argument of non-interference,’ said Sopheap Chak, the Executive Director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR).
ASEAN’s prospects of human rights in 2022 remain rocky and uncertain, reflecting on the domestic situation ASEAN Member States, particularly its Chair, must deal with. Nevertheless, the panelists called on civil society and various actors to keep monitoring the progress, or lack thereof, by ASEAN in responding to the situation of human rights and civic space in the region, particularly on immediate measures to bring an end to the crisis in Myanmar.
***
For the PDF version of this press release, click here
CIVICUS is a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society around the world with 8,500 members in more than 175 countries. Based out of Johannesburg, CIVICUS has offices in New York and Geneva. www.civicus.org
The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 82 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-04
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"During 1 Feb–26 Nov, there were 6,675 armed clashes and attacks on civilians, a 632% increase from the same period in 2020. The junta’s crimes resulted in a massive increase in displaced persons, including around 50,000 just in Chin, Sagaing, and Magway since May 2021. Junta courts handed down lengthy sentences to high-profile NLD leaders. Sham trials against Aung San Suu Kyi moved forward, but the court delayed two verdicts without explanation. Junta military courts sentenced 21 people to death and 29 to life in prison. The junta ordered its soldiers in Sagaing, Tanintharyi, and Mandalay Regions to shoot at any male passenger on a motorbike..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-BURMA
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-03
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Articles and reports about the NLD, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has for the first time invited a minister from Myanmar’s parallel government to an international conference organized by the regional bloc. The move is a significant sign that the 10-member grouping is starting to officially engage with the National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed as the country’s rightful government by elected lawmakers from Myanmar’s ousted National League for Democracy and its ethnic allies after February’s military coup.
Dr. Tu Hkawng, the NUG’s minister of natural resources and environmental conservation, will join the three-day Third Climate Smart and Disaster Resilient ASEAN conference on Tuesday. He will attend the meeting as the minister from Myanmar along with ministers from other ASEAN countries and international experts.
The move came after ASEAN’s attempt to mediate the political crisis sparked by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s takeover in February stalled due to his regime’s lack of cooperation with the regional bloc.
In October, the organization excluded Min Aung Hlaing from its summit over his failure to cooperate. On Monday, he was also barred from the ASEAN-China Special summit due to the regional bloc’s opposition.
While it has excluded the junta leader from its summits, ASEAN had until recently continued to invite the regime’s cabinet ministers to participate in ASEAN-related meetings. However, the regime minister’s name was nowhere to be seen on the announcement of Tuesday’s climate change meeting. Instead, Dr. Tu Hkawng’s name appeared, with the title “Minister, Myanmar.”
The NUG minister told The Irrawaddy that he took the move as ASEAN’s recognition of the NUG as the rightful government of Myanmar.
“I will have a chance to discuss as a minister along with others from ASEAN member states. I take it as a success [for the NUG],” he said.
ASEAN has not made a statement on Dr. Tu Hkawng’s inclusion.
Since its formation in April, the NUG has been pushing ASEAN and other countries to recognize it as the rightful government of Myanmar and has sought to be included in its meetings as the country’s representative..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-23
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"People in Myanmar are on the brink of starvation and in urgent need of medical supplies and food after months of sustained assaults by junta forces, SAC-M has learned. The UN Security Council must finally issue a resolution to consolidate international action towards resolving the crisis.
A representative of the Mindat People’s Administration spoke of his people’s desperation in Mindat, Chin state, at a panel discussion hosted by SAC-M today. Mindat has been subjected to months of sustained attacks by the Myanmar military.
“We want the world to act within the spirit of humanitarian assistance. For four months we’ve had our supplies destroyed, we’re running out. We will either die of starvation or die fighting. Those are our two choices,” said the representative of Mindat People’s Administration, who cannot be named for security reasons.
The Myanmar military has cut off access to the region in northwest Myanmar, restricting food supplies. Thirty-three people have already died from malnutrition and lack of medicine, according to the representative.
“Our people can’t withstand another month in this situation, so if we are to continue resisting the military, we need medical supplies, we need everything,” he said.
The statement comes as the military has launched a so-called clearance operation in the northwest of Myanmar on a scale potentially not seen in modern times. Other parts of Myanmar, including Karenni (Kayah) state in the east are also under severe attack.
The Foreign Minister of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, H.E. Daw Zin Mar Aung told the panel that the crisis is having a destabilizing effect on the region and is not only an issue for Myanmar.
“We are being threatened every second of every minute. Our human security is under constant threat. We need ASEAN, the Security Council and the rest of the international community to work with us to find a solution to this crisis,” said the Foreign Minister.
Marzuki Darusman, founding member of SAC-M and former chair of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, said the ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar must meet with the UN Security Council in New York and request it issue a resolution that consolidates the actions of the international community on one single track.
“The resolution must, as a starting point, recognise the illegality of the coup and the need to enforce arms embargos, sanctions, an end to impunity and the release of all political prisoners,” said Marzuki Darusman. “It must commit all parties to implementation of the ASEAN five-point consensus. Of no less importance is the great need for humanitarian assistance.”
Yanghee Lee, founding member of SAC-M and former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar responded by saying that “I certainly hope that the people in New York, especially those sitting in the UN Security Council, are listening.”
Both Yanghee Lee and Marzuki Darusman commented on Min Aung Hlaing’s failed leadership, noting that cracks are starting to show, and the crisis may be at a tipping point.
“The junta has driven itself into a corner. For the first time we’re seeing the junta is under considerable pressure from both within and from outside Myanmar. The junta is running out of options,” said Marzuki Darusman. “But time is of the essence.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-02
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"The 16th East Asia Summit (EAS) was held via video conference on 27 October The Summit was chaired by His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah, Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam. The Director-General of the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO) briefed the Summit.....
We reaffirmed our commitment to the 2020 Ha Noi Declaration on the Fifteenth Anniversary of the East Asia Summit, which underscores the role of the EAS as the premier Leaders-led forum for dialogue and cooperation on broad strategic, political and economic issues of common interest and concern with the aim of promoting peace, stability and economic prosperity in East Asia..."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Jakarta)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-29
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"Noeleen Heyzer, a former United Nations (UN) Under-Secretary-General who had a warm relationship with Myanmar’s previous military regime and its proxy government, was appointed on Monday as the new UN Special Envoy for Myanmar.
The 73-year old Singaporean is the successor to Christine Schraner Burgener. As well as inheriting the mission to tackle the Rohingya Muslim issue in Rakhine State in western Myanmar, she must also continue with the task of trying to persuade the Myanmar junta leaders to engage in dialogue to settle the ongoing political and social turmoil caused by their February 1 coup.
Unsurprisingly, Noeleen Heyzer’s appointment as the new UN Special Envoy has drawn considerable interest from Myanmar’s politicians. The Irrawaddy talked to some local politicians – including one from Myanmar’s parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG) – and a political analyst to find out what they think of the UN’s latest appointee.
Sai Leik, General Secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy
The appointment of a Singaporean to tackle Myanmar affairs is because of the country’s influence on Myanmar, such as in financial or social issues including labor and education. We hope that she will be able to put more pressure on the current military government than her predecessor. At the very least, she should be allowed to visit the country and hold talks.
Zin Mar Aung, NUG Foreign Minister
From a diplomatic point of view, Myanmar’s issues are not easy for anyone to tackle. We see it as a huge challenge to engage with a dictator who thinks only of staying in power, who is extremely stubborn when it comes to tackling political issues and who puts his own personal power above the interests of the country.
No matter how good the diplomats are, there will be challenges for them. Rather than focusing on individual efforts, Myanmar’s issues need to be addressed by the international community with a really well-coordinated approach.
U Pe Than, Former Rakhine Lawmaker
No matter who is the new UN Special Envoy, it will be very difficult for them at this time to work inside the country as the junta will not permit that. The regime is under diplomatic pressure from all the international community, including the UN, the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
If the UN envoy is allowed to visit Myanmar, they [the military] will suffer even more. There may be more demands from the UN, just as ASEAN’s Special Envoy is demanding to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and calling for the release of political prisoners.
The junta has no willingness to comply with these demands. Thus, the UN envoy will be limited in what she can do. No matter who holds the position of envoy, they will not be able to do very much in practice.
U Aung Thu Nyein, Political Analyst
She is a veteran ambassador from Singapore. She came to Myanmar to help during Cyclone Nargis [in 2008]. She also had a good relationship with former prime minister U Thein Sein in 2009.
Her predecessor as UN Special Envoy was not allowed to enter Myanmar [after the coup], and it was challenging for her.
Noeleen Heyzer’s strengths are her close ties to the previous regime and its proxy government. I think the UN appointed her on the grounds that Singapore, as an Asian country, is in a better position to talk to Myanmar. But success or failure does not depend on her alone. It has to do with all aspects.
All the stakeholders need to engage in dialogue. The talks need to include the junta, local political parties and all opposition groups, including ethnic groups..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-28
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"Last week in East and Southeast Asia, Myanmar military forces clashed with the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army (KNU/KNLA) in Kayin state. Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) barred the head of the Myanmar military regime from attending the ASEAN summit beginning on 26 October, instead offering an invite to a non-political representative. In Indonesia, state forces shot a Papuan miner during an eviction operation at a mining site. North Korea test-fired a new type of submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM). In South Korea, workers affiliated with the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) held mass rallies across the country to demand better work conditions. Lastly, in Taiwan, a series of rallies were reported ahead of a vote to recall a legislator on 23 October.
In Myanmar, clashes between the Myanmar military and the KNU/KNLA broke out in Kawkareik and Kyainseikgyi townships in northern Kayin state last week. On 20 October, military forces reportedly pushed into KNU-controlled territory in Kyainseikgyi township, prompting the firefight. The clash came as military sources confirmed reports that additional troops had been deployed to northern Kayin state to counter the KNU/KNLA, which the regime has accused of providing military training to People’s Defense Force (PDF) members (Karen News, 18 October 2021).
Meanwhile, ASEAN announced on 16 October that the regime chief, Min Aung Hlaing, would not be invited to attend the ASEAN summit starting on 26 October. ASEAN cites a lack of cooperation from the regime in taking action on the agreed points in the Five-Point Consensus reached between them in April (RFA, 19 October 2021). The Five-Point Consensus calls for an immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar, constructive dialogue among all stakeholders, the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy, the provision of humanitarian assistance, and a visit by the envoy to Myanmar. The decision marks a rare move by the bloc, known for its united decision-making, non-interference, and engagement (Reuters, 26 October 2021). The regime has since responded sharply to the decision, asserting its right to a ministerial representative at the summit according to the ASEAN charter. The regime vows to pursue “due processes under the ASEAN Charter and the Protocol to the ASEAN Charter on Dispute Settlement Mechanisms in resolving the differences on Myanmar’s representation at the ASEAN Meetings” (RFA, 25 October 2021)..."
Source/publisher:
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-28
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"The decision of ASEAN to block coup-maker and junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing from attending its ongoing summit, which started Tuesday and ends on Thursday, has taken the world by surprise. ASEAN does not normally make any decision that could be seen as “interference” in one of its 10 member states’ internal affairs. The military-appointed Foreign Ministry in Naypyitaw issued a statement saying that the decision “was done without consensus and was against the objectives of ASEAN.” Junta spokesman Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun, not surprisingly, blamed foreign powers for the snub, claiming that the United States and the European Union had pressured ASEAN to exclude Min Aung Hlaing from the online meeting.
But it may be much ado about nothing because the leaders of Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, are in the long run unlikely to pay much attention to what ASEAN does or doesn’t do. The generals’ decision to join the grouping in 1997 had more to do with finding allies in their altercations with critical Western powers than a desire to change their ways. There is, in fact, only one foreign power that has the power and the means to influence and manipulate the internal situation in Myanmar: the People’s Republic of China.
China is also the only neighboring country that has fundamental strategic and economic interests in Myanmar—and it is prepared to do whatever it takes to protect those interests. We all know about the multi-trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which President Xi Jinping launched in 2013. Described as a global infrastructure development strategy, it includes investments in nearly 70 countries worldwide as well as some international organizations, such as those engaged in protecting the environment and even wildlife.
The aim is evidently to connect China with the outside world in a way that has never been done before and, ultimately, make China the world’s foremost superpower. But it is often forgotten that this policy of finding new outlets for trade with the outside world predates the BRI—and that it was first conceived in the 1980s in relation to Beijing’s plans to exert a new kind of influence in Myanmar. I have written a lot about this in the regional and international media, but it’s worth reminding readers of an article outlining those plans which I have quoted numerous times in the past.
The article appeared, at the time almost unnoticed, in the Beijing Review as early as Sept. 2, 1985. Titled “Opening to the Southwest: An Expert Opinion,” it was written by the former Vice Minister of Communications Pan Qi and outlined, in detail, the possibilities of finding an outlet for trade from China, through Myanmar, to ports at the coast of the Indian Ocean. Pan mentioned the Myanmar railheads of Myitkyina in Kachin State and Lashio in northeastern Shan State as possible conduits for the export of Chinese goods. But he refrained from mentioning that all relevant border areas were then not under central Myanmar government control.
At that time, nearly the entire, 2,192-km Sino-Myanmar frontier was actually controlled by the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) and other non-state armed groups who had ties―political, ethnic or both―to China. But by early 1987, the Tatmadaw had managed to recapture a few CPB strongholds along the frontier, including the booming border town of Panghsai, where the fabled “Burma Road” crosses into China at Wanding, east of the city of Ruili. At the same time, the Chinese, whose policies had changed dramatically since the Cultural Revolution, had already begun to penetrate local markets through an extensive economic intelligence reporting system within Myanmar. This network monitored the availability of domestically manufactured Myanmar products, as well as the nature and volume of illegal trade from other neighboring countries such as Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and India. China could then respond to the market conditions by producing goods in its state sector factories. Before long, more than 2,000 carefully selected items were reported to be flooding the Myanmar market. Chinese-made consumer goods were not only made deliberately cheaper than those from other neighboring countries, but were also less expensive than local Myanmar products.
Then, in March-April 1989, to the surprise of many, the hill tribe rank and file of the CPB’s army mutinied and drove the party’s Maoist leadership into exile in China. The mutiny came after years of simmering discontent between the hill tribe cannon fodder, who had been forcibly recruited into the CPB’s army, and the ageing Burman intellectuals who were still clinging to their orthodox Maoist ideals. The government in Yangon quickly and shrewdly exploited the mutiny: the leaders of the new forces that emerged from the ashes of the old CPB, primarily the United Wa State Army (UWSA), were promised that they could engage in any kind of business, if they agreed to a ceasefire with the government.
The most potent military threat to the regime was neutralized, and, as a result, the cross-border trade flourished—and so did the newly won friendship between the leaders of two of Asia’s most repressive regimes. At the same time, China could, through its peculiar two-tier foreign policy, maintain government-to-government relations not only with the ruling military, but also party-to-party relations with Myanmar’s many ethnic armed groups, including the UWSA. In more recent years, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has established relations with both the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the National League for Democracy. It is important for the leaders in Beijing not to put all their eggs in one basket because no one knows who will rule, or be influential, in Myanmar in the future.
In the early 1990s, I was at Jiegao, a small enclave of Chinese territory on the south side of the Shweli River opposite Muse and saw a giant monument showing four figures wheeling a circular object between them, their determined faces pointing south. The Chinese characters on the base say “Unite, Blaze Paths, Forge Ahead!” Or, in more mundane terms: “Southeast Asia, here we come!” There was no doubt that the monument and the message on its base appeared provocative to people in Myanmar. In the early 1990s, there was little more than bamboo huts and rice fields in the Jiegao enclave. But today, 25 years later, Jiegao is full of high-rise buildings, luxury hotels, and stores selling all kinds of wares. There is also a huge jade market where buyers from all over China come to shop for the precious stone, which is found in its imperial green form only in northern Myanmar.
Every morning—until the COVID-19 pandemic forced a closure of the border—caravans of trucks laden with Chinese consumer goods left Jiegao through a border gate for points beyond Muse: the towns of Lashio, Mandalay and Yangon, and even as far as Moreh on the Indian border. Not only Myanmar but also northeastern India was being flooded with cheap Chinese merchandise. And not far from Ruili are pipelines through which oil and gas are being transported from the Myanmar coast to Yunnan.
It is not clear when the border will be open for trade again, but given the strategic importance of what’s now known as the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC), Beijing is not likely to abandon its long-term plans for Myanmar and the region. Myanmar is the only neighboring country that provides China with direct access to Indian Ocean ports, bypassing the contested South China Sea as well as the congested Malacca Strait. The CMEC is one of the most important pillars of Xi’s BRI; without it, China would not be able to fulfill its plans for global dominance. For that very reason, whatever government is in power in Naypyitaw, China would court it in order to safeguard those strategic interests. Beijing may prefer a like-minded authoritarian regime, but we also have to remember that it was State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who signed up to the BRI when she attended the Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing in May 2017.
But how—and where—do the ethnic armed groups, with which China also maintains close relations through its security services, fit into the picture? If we venture further back in history, and then before Pan Qi wrote his article for the Beijing Review, Myanmar was also of utmost strategic importance to Beijing, but then at a time when China wanted to export revolution, not consumer goods. The CPB’s 20,000-sq.-km base area along the Sino-Myanmar border was there not only to support the intended revolution in Myanmar, but also to serve as a springboard from where Maoist communism, the CPC hoped, would spread to other parts of Southeast Asia. The mastermind behind that plan was Kang Sheng, a dreaded hardliner who, during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and early 1970s, worked for China’s internal security and intelligence apparatus—and was in charge of the CPC’s contacts with fraternal Maoist parties in Asia and beyond.
The plan—and CPB Chairman Thakin Ba Thein Tin told me this when I interviewed him at the party’s Panghsang headquarters in 1987—was to link up with the Communist Party of Thailand’s (CPT) guerrillas; the Communist Party of Malaya, which was led by Chin Peng, a hero of the struggle against the Japanese during World War II; the Communist Party of North Kalimantan (the Malayan communists did not recognize the Malaysian Federation, so there was a separate communist party in Sarawak and Sabah); the once powerful Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI); and, eventually the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), actually a tiny Maoist party led by Edward Fowler Hill, a fairly prominent lawyer and barrister.
Thakin Ba Thein Tin and Hill met in Beijing, relations with Chin Peng were maintained through intermediaries in Kunming, and CPT activist stayed in Panghsang until they returned to Thailand in 1983. When I was at Panghsang in 1986-87, I saw a concrete well with Thai writing on it, built by CPT cadre. When I was out in the field with the CPB’s troops, I heard numerous stories about “the Indonesian comrades” and their exploits. Among them were two daughters of PKI chairman D.N. Aidit, who was killed in Indonesia in 1965. The CPC had sent a dozen or so PKI militants, who happened to be in China in the 1960s, down to the CPB’s base area where they were going to learn guerrilla warfare. CPB leaders told me they were used as radio operators during battles with the Tatmadaw when messages could not be encrypted. The Tatmadaw interceptors did now know what they were saying—because they spoke in Bahasa Indonesia. The PKI militants had left when I was there, and I was told they had gone into exile in the Netherlands and Canada.
Following the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 and Deng Xiaoping’s return to the political fold, China changed its policy towards the region. However, whether China wants to export revolution or expand and protect commercial interests, to safeguard and even control the “Myanmar corridor” has always been of vital importance to Beijing’s security planners. In the past, the epicenter for that policy was Panghsang. Today it is Jiegao.
But the ethnic armed organizations are also important. A strong UWSA provides China with a strategic advantage and is also a bargaining chip in negotiations with Naypyitaw. Significantly, when President’s Office Minister Aung Min visited Monywa in November 2012 to meet local people protesting a controversial Chinese-backed copper mining project at Letpadaung northwest of Mandalay, he openly admitted: “We are afraid of China… we don’t dare to have a row with [them]. If they feel annoyed with the shutdown of their projects and resume their support to the communists, the economy in border areas would backslide.”
Aung Min was right, but by “the communists” he clearly meant the UWSA and its allies, the Kokang-based Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, the Palaung Ta’ang National Liberation Army, the Shan State Army of the Shan State Progress Party, whose weaponry and vast quantities of ammunition had been supplied by the UWSA. The Kachin Independence Army has also benefited from some support from the UWSA, but not to the same extent as the other groups in what is usually referred to as the Northern Alliance. While the UWSA is not engaged in any fighting itself, it has become a major source of the weaponry that is being used in the war in northern Myanmar.
The Chinese may be denying giving any material support to the UWSA and indirectly supporting its allies, but what the Wa have received from China is not the kind of equipment that “falls off the back of a truck”, or could be sent to them by some local officials in Yunnan. The deliveries were almost certainly directed from the highest level of China’s intelligence and military authorities in Beijing. And it is no secret that Chinese security officials have had several meetings with representatives of the Northern Alliance—and told them not to fight too close to the border or to damage the oil-and-gas pipelines.
The CPC’s position above the government as well as the military, the People’s Liberation Army, in the Chinese hierarchy explains why China could publicly praise Myanmar’s now collapsed peace process while quietly providing the UWSA with heavy weaponry. Support for the UWSA and its allies serves as a “stick” in Beijing’s relationship with Myanmar, while diplomacy and promises of aid and investment are the “carrot.”
In the official rhetoric in Beijing as well as Naypyitaw, relations between China and Myanmar have always been characterized by pauk-phaw, a Burmese word for siblings, but nothing could be falser than that cliché. Sino-Myanmar relations have always been anything but brotherly, and decades of history show us how China plays games with Myanmar to achieve whatever strategic goals the leaders in Beijing might have. Forget about ASEAN’s actions, statements and awkward attempts at exercising influence. It is China and its plans and strategic maneuvers that count.
Bertil Lintner is a Swedish journalist, author and strategic consultant who has been writing about Asia for nearly four decades..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-28
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, “One Belt, One Road” initiative, ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations, Political History
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"Excellencies,
The National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
extends its greetings and good wishes to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) Summit 2021.
The NUG expresses its appreciation to ASEAN Member States for their continued
efforts to resolve the military junta-induced crises in Myanmar. These crises - political,
economic, humanitarian, and human rights - constitute a grave threat to regional
security and the interests of ASEAN Members and their populations.
The NUG regrets, however, that I, the Acting President of the NUG, am unable to be
present at the Summit in-person to deliver this address. The decision of the ASEAN
Foreign Ministers on 15 October 2021 to reject the representatives of the illegal military
junta is welcome. However, it follows that an invitation should have been extended to
the NUG. As for the interim step of inviting a "non-political" representative, the NUG
remains of the strong view that it is for Myanmar alone to determine its representatives
and that this decision must rest with the NUG as the legitimate Government.
The NUG is constituted of and was established by parliamentarians elected
democratically less than a year ago and it enjoys the popular support of the Myanmar people. The United Nations Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Secretary-
General have affirmed the continuing authority of our President U Win Myint and our
State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Furthermore, the NUG's Permanent
Representative to the United Nations continues to represent Myanmar in the United
Nations fora.
The NUG stands ready to partner with ASEAN in restoring democracy to Myanmar and
stability to our region. We welcome the concerted efforts of Special Envoy Erywan Yusof
and thank him for those efforts. We have been cooperating fully with him and will
continue to do so. In line with the Five-Point Consensus, we are committed to working
with ASEAN to secure the delivery of urgently needed humanitarian assistance.
While the NUG extends these commitments to you, the military junta is doing
everything possible to undermine ASEAN. It has reneged on its commitments, and it
has sabotaged the Special Envoy's efforts. It has weaponized COVID-19 with a deadly
intent that threatens the entire region.
And as I address you today, the military junta is massing troops in preparation for an
escalation of the slaughter. Frustrated by its failure, the military has defaulted to the
methods it knows best - terrorism and brutality. ASEAN will be forced to bear witness
to what follows, as it has in the past - murder, torture, sexual violence, disappearances,
and displacement, potentially on an unprecedented scale in modern Myanmar. Only a
determined, unflinching regional and international response will prevent it.
Excellencies,
The NUG will continue to serve in a way true to its name: it will govern the nation in
unity. Alongside an inclusive National Unity Consultative Council, we are committed to
the shared vision of a peaceful Federal Democratic Union grounded in freedom, justice,
and equality. On this foundation, the NUG has developed its roadmap to full democracy over three stages: an interim period, a transition period, and, ultimately, the full
achievement of Federal Democracy.
We are currently in the interim period and will remain so until a democratic civilian
government is restored. This does not mean the generals trading their military fatigues
for the civilian dress. It means NUG governance.
In the nine months since the failed military coup d'etat, the Committee Representing
Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) has enacted a Federal Democracy Charter, constituted a
National Unity Consultative Council, and appointed a representative democratic
Government. Collectively, we have strived to address the shameful failures of the past,
most notably, atrocities against the Rohingya and other minorities. We have actively
pursued accountability, empowering the International Criminal Court's investigations
and pledging support to the deliberations of the International Court of Justice. We have
established diplomatic relations with States. And, while calling on the people to rise
and defend themselves against the junta's atrocities, we have been direct in insisting
that all defensive actions must respect international norms; this is our obligation, and
it distinguishes us from the terrorist military.
Excellencies,
In the NUG, you have a partner committed to the Myanmar people, committed to
working with its ASEAN partners, committed to the development, and committed to
stability and the betterment and prosperity of our region. We will advance the
constitutional process, we will rebuild the economy, we will restructure the security
services and bring them under full civilian control, and we will place at the heart of
these efforts' inclusion, acceptance, justice, and equality.
The military junta, for its part, will continue to bring you war and plague that spills
across borders and seas and undermines regional and international peace and security.
It will offer you empty promises and bring continued shame and strife to our region.
The NUG, therefore, calls on its ASEAN partners:
1. to acknowledge us as the legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar.
2. to coordinate with us urgently in delivering humanitarian aid and medical care
to the rapidly rising number of people in desperate need; and
3. to assist us in starving the military junta - of its weapons, of its cash, of its
impunity. The damage wrought on the Myanmar people is harm inflicted on all
the peoples of ASEAN.
The NUG stands committed to Myanmar's responsibilities as an ASEAN Member State
and to working together to meet our common interests of peace and prosperity. The
NUG also hopes that ASEAN Summit will become the starting point of a new
democratic transition in Myanmar. Together we can resolve this multi-dimensional,
junta-induced crisis for our people and the region.
I thank you.."
Source/publisher:
President Office, National Unity Government
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-27
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Type:
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National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"ဂုဏ်သရေရှိနိုင်ငံခေါင်းဆောင်များခင်ဗျာ
ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG)မှ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အရှေ့ တောင်အာရှနိုင်ငံများအသင်း (အာဆီယံ) ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးသို့ တက်ရောက်လာသူများအားလုံးကို ရွှင်လန်းချမ်းမြေ့ပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်း နှုတ်ခွန်းဆက်သအပ်ပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စုကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပါ်လာသည့် အကျပ်အတည်းများကို ဖြေရှင်းရန် ဆက်လက် ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်မှုများအတွက် အာဆီယံ အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများအပေါ် ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိကြောင်း NUG အနေဖြင့် ပြောကြားလိုပါသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းများက ဒေသတွင်း လုံခြုံရေးအပေါ် သာမက အာဆီယံအဖွဲ့ဝင် နိုင်ငံများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ကြီးမားသော ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှု တစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်နေပါသည်။
ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွင် NUG ၏ ယာယီသမ္မတအဖြစ် ထမ်းဆောင်နေသူ ကျွန်တော် လူကိုယ်တိုင် တက်ရောက်ကာ မိန့်ခွန်း မပြောကြားနိုင်သည့်အတွက် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ NUG အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် စိတ်မကောင်း ဖြစ်မိပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၅ ရက်တွင် အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများအနေဖြင့် တရားမဝင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စု ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များကို ငြင်းပယ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကို ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ဤဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်၏ နောက်တွင် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ NUG အစိုးရကို တက်ရောက်ရန် ဖိတ်ခေါ်သင့် ပါသည်။ “နိုင်ငံရေးအရ ကိုယ်စားမပြုသူ” တစ်ဦးကို ဖိတ်ကြားရန်ဆိုသော ကြားကာလ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက် ကို ပြောရလျှင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ တစ်ဦးတည်းသာလျှင် မိမိကိုယ်စားလှယ်များကို ရွေးချယ်ဆုံးဖြတ်ရမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး တရားဝင် ခိုင်မာသော အစိုးရဖြစ်သည့် NUG ကသာလျှင် ဤဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်ကို ချမှတ်ရမည် ဆိုသည့် အချက်ကို NUG က ဆက်လက် ခိုင်မာစွာ ခံယူထားပါသည်။
လွန်ခဲ့သော တစ်နှစ်မပြည့်ခင်က ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံထားရသော လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် NUG ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင်ထားခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ တစ်ခဲနက် ထောက်ခံမှုကို ရရှိထားပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော် အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်တို့တွင် လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အာဏာ ဆက်လက်ရှိနေကြောင်းကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေး ကောင်စီ၊ အထွေထွေညီလာခံနှင့် အထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်တို့က အတည်ပြုထားကြပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအစည်းအဝေးများတွင် NUG ၏ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ အမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ်မှ ဆက်လက်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို ကိုယ်စားပြုလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး နှင့် ဒေသတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်မှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးအတွက် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ NUG က အာဆီယံ နှင့် မိတ်ဖက်ဖွဲ့ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် အသင့်ရှိပါသည်။ အထူးသံတမန် အာရီဝမ် ယူဆော့ဖ်၏ ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှုများကို ကြိုဆိုပြီး ၎င်းကြိုးစားမှုများအတွက် ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိကြောင်း ဖော်ပြလိုပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် သူနှင့် အပြည့်အဝ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပြီး ဆက်လက်၍ ပူးပေါင်းလုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တူညီဆန္ဒငါးရပ်နှင့်အညီ အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်နေသော လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ၊ သေချာစွာ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အာဆီယံနှင့် အလုပ်လုပ်သွားရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ သန္နိဋ္ဌာန် ချထားပါသည်။
NUG က ထိုကတိကဝတ်များကို အဆွေတော်တို့ထံ ကမ်းလှမ်းနေချိန်တွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် အာဆီယံကို အားနည်းအောင် လုပ်နိုင်သမျှ အမျိုးမျိုးလုပ်ဆောင်နေပါသည်။ သူတို့ ပေးထားသော ကတိကဝတ်များကို လုပ်ဆောင်ရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခဲ့ပြီး အထူးသံတမန်၏ ကြိုးပမ်း အားထုတ်မှုများကိုလည်း ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးစေခဲ့ပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဒေသတစ်ခုလုံးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက် နေသည့် အသက်အန္တရာယ်ကို ထိပါးစေလိုသော ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါကိုလည်း လက်နက် သဖွယ် အသုံးချနေပါသည်။
ယနေ့ အဆွေတော်များကို ယခုကဲ့သို့ မိန့်ခွန်းပြောနေချိန်တွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စုက လူပေါင်းများစွာ ကို ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်နေမှုကို တိုးမြှင့်နိုင်ရန် ကြိုတင်ပြင်ဆင်မှုအဖြစ် တပ်ဖွဲ့များကို စုစည်းနေ ပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့ စစ်ရှုံးနေသောကြောင့် စိတ်ပျက်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုစသည့် သူတို့ အကျွမ်းကျင်ဆုံး နည်းလမ်းများကို တစ်ကျော့ပြန် အသုံးပြုလျက် ရှိပါသည်။ အတိတ်၌ ဖြစ်ပျက်ခဲ့သည့် လူသတ်မှု၊ နှိပ်စက်ညှင်းပန်းမှု၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု၊ လူပေါင်းများစွာ ပျောက်ဆုံးမှုနှင့် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ဖြစ်မှုများ ခေတ်သစ်မြန်မာပြည်တွင် တစ်ကြိမ်မှ မကြုံဖူးခဲ့သည့် အတိုင်းအတာဖြင့် များပြားစွာ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာမည့် အလားအလာကို အာဆီယံကလည်း မျက်မြင်သက်သေအဖြစ် မြင်တွေ့ သက်သေခံရပါတော့မည်။ ဒေသတွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ အလျှော့ မပေးဘဲ ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသား တုန့်ပြန်မှသာလျှင် ၎င်းတို့ကို တားဆီးနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။
နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များခင်ဗျာ
NUG သည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရဟူသည့် နာမည်နှင့်အညီ ဆက်လက် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင် သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်ကို စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်ခြင်းအားဖြင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ပါမည်။ အားလုံးပါဝင်မှုရှိသော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီနှင့်အတူ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တန်းတူညီမျှမှုကို အခြေခံပြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတစ်ခု တည်ဆောက်ရေး၊ တူညီသော မျှော်မှန်းချက်ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချမှတ်ထားပါသည်။ ထိုအခြေခံအုတ်မြစ်ပေါ်တွင် NUG က ဒီမိုကရေစီ အပြည့်အဝ ရရှိရေးအတွက် ကြားကာလ၊ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းကာလနှင့် နောက်ဆုံး ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အပြည့်အဝ ရရှိအောင်မြင်ပြီးကာလ ဟူ၍ အဆင့်သုံးဆင့်ဖြင့် လမ်းပြမြေပုံကို ရေးဆွဲထားပါသည်။
ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် ကြားကာလအတွင်း၌ ရောက်ရှိနေပြီး ဒီမိုကရက်တစ် အရပ်သား အစိုးရ ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်နိုင်သည့်အထိ ဆက်လက်ရှိနေမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ဆိုရာတွင်စစ်ဗိုလ်ချုပ်များ စစ်ဝတ်စုံကို အရပ်သားဝတ်စုံအဖြစ် ပြောင်းဝတ်ပြခြင်းကို မဆိုလိုပါ။ NUG ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုကိုသာ ရည်ညွှန်းခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။
စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု မအောင်မြင်ခဲ့သည့် (၉)လအတွင်း ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH)က ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခဲ့ပြီး အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းကာ ကိုယ်စားပြုမှုရှိသော ဒီမိုကရက်တစ် အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်ကို ခန့်အပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ အတိတ်က အရှက်ရဖွယ် ကျရှုံးမှုများ - အထူးသဖြင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးများနှင့် အခြား လူနည်းစုများအပေါ် ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများကို ဖြေရှင်းရန် စုပေါင်းအင်အားဖြင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ကြိုးပမ်းလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုရရှိရေးအတွက် တက်ကြွစွာ ဖော်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိပြီး အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်ခုံရုံး၏ စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများကို အားကောင်းလာစေရန်နှင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ တရားရုံး၏ စစ်ဆေးသုံးသပ်မှုများကို ပံ့ပိုးကူညီရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံများနှင့်လည်း သံတမန် ဆက်ဆံရေးများ တည်ထောင်ထားပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုများ ကို ပြည်သူများက ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး ခုခံကာကွယ်ကြရန် နှိုးဆော်နေချိန်တွင် ခုခံကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ဆောင် ချက်များအားလုံးသည် နိုင်ငံတကာစံနှုန်းများကို လိုက်နာရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာ တိကျရှင်းလင်းစွာ တောင်းဆိုထားပါသည်။ ဤအချက်သည် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ တာဝန်ဖြစ်ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်နှင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အစိုးရ၏ ခြားနားချက်လည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များခင်ဗျာ
အဆွေတော်တို့အတွက် NUGဟုဆိုရာတွင် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအတွက် သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချထားသော၊ အာဆီယံ မိတ်ဖက်များနှင့် အတူ လက်တွဲ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန်၊ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေး၊ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ဒေသအတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်ရေး၊ ပိုမို တိုးတက်ကောင်းမွန်ရေးနှင့် သာယာဝပြောရေးအတွက် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုထားသော မိတ်ဖက်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေရေးဆွဲရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို တိုးတက်အောင်လုပ်ပြီး စီးပွားရေးကို ပြန်လည်တည်ဆောက်ကာ လုံခြုံရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကို ပြန်လည် ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ထောင် ပြီး အရပ်ဘက် ထိန်းချုပ်မှုအောက်သို့ လုံးလုံးလျားလျား ခေါ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကာ ထိုကြိုးစား အားထုတ်မှုများ အားလုံး၏ အနှစ်သာရအနေဖြင့် အားလုံးပါဝင်မှု၊ လက်ခံမှု ၊ တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တန်းတူညီမျှမှုတို့ကို ထားရှိမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းအုပ်စုအနေဖြင့်မူ အဆွေတော်များထံသို့ နယ်စပ်များနှင့် ပင်လယ်များကို ဖြတ်ကျော် ယိုဖိတ်လာမည့် စစ်မက်ရန်ပွဲနှင့် ကပ်ရောဂါဆိုးများကို ဆက်လက် သယ်ဆောင်လာမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး ဒေသတွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးကိုပါ ထိခိုက်လျော့ပါးစေမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ သူတို့သည် အနှစ်သာရမဲ့သည့် အတုအယောင် ကတိကဝတ်များပေးပြီး ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ဒေသအတွင်းသို့ အရှက်တရားနှင့် စစ်မက်ရန်ပွဲကိုသာ ဆက်လက် ယူဆောင်လာမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ထို့ကြောင့် NUG က မိမိတို့၏ အာဆီယံ မိတ်ဖက်များအား အောက်ပါအချက်များကို တောင်းဆိုလို ပါသည် -
၁။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အား မြန်မာပြည်သူများကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုပေးရန်။
၂။ အရေအတွက်တိုးလာသော အကူအညီ အလွန်အမင်းလိုအပ်နေသည့် ပြည်သူများအား လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီပေးနိုင်ရေး နှင့် ဆေးဝါးအကူအညီပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နှင့် အမြန်ဆုံးပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန်။
၃။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်း အုပ်စုကို ၎င်းတို့၏လက်နက်များ၊ ငွေကြေးများနှင့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်မဲ့ ကင်းလွတ်နေမှု များကို ခမ်းခြောက်သွားအောင် အကူအညီပေးရန်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ထိခိုက် ပျက်စီးမှုများသည် အာဆီယံ ပြည်သူအားလုံးအပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် ဒုက္ခဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ASEAN အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် လိုက်နာရမည့် တာဝန်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံများ၏ ဘုံအကျိုးစီးပွားဖြစ်သည် တည်ငြိမ်အေးချမ်းရေးနှင့် တိုးတက်ဝပြောရေးအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် NUG အနေဖြင့် အပြည့်အဝရပ်တည်သည်။ ယခုကျင်းပ ပြုလုပ်သည့် အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေး လမ်းသစ်၏ တာထွက်ဖြစ်လာစေရန်လည်းမျှော်လင့်ပါသည်။ ကဏ္ဍပေါင်းစုံမှ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကြောင့် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာသည့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ပြည်သူများနှင့်ဒေသ၏ ပဋိပက္ခများ ကို ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ဖြေရှင်းနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ကျေးဇူးတင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
President Office, National Unity Government
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-27
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"WE, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United States of America, met via videoconference, on 26 October 2021, under Brunei Darussalam’s 2021 ASEAN Chairmanship, on the occasion of the 9th ASEAN – U.S. Summit;
RECOGNISING the important role that smart digital development can have in creating economies that are resilient to the Coronavirus Disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and other economic shocks, ensuring that economic gains can be accessed by all sectors of the population and potentially enabling a sustainable, inclusive and resilient economic growth, especially during and in the post-pandemic era;...."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Jakarta)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-27
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"JAKARTA – Southeast Asian parliamentarians call on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to use this week’s ASEAN Summit to take concrete actions to resolve the disastrous situation in Myanmar, including by immediately engaging with the National Unity Government (NUG).
“We’re soon approaching one year since the Myanmar military conducted its coup and launched unspeakable violence and terror against the people, and devastated millions of lives,” said Charles Santiago, chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) and a Malaysian Member of Parliament (MP). “This week’s Summit must be the occasion for the bloc to put in place concrete steps to help the people of Myanmar, who everyday since February 1 have so bravely displayed to the world that they do not accept this murderous junta.”
APHR is encouraged by ASEAN’s decision to exclude coup leader Min Aung Hlaing from attending this week’s ASEAN Summit, citing a lack of progress on the Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar agreed in April, but called for much more to be done.
“We recognize that ASEAN took a major step in disinviting Min Aung Hlaing and letting him know that his toying with them doesn’t come free of consequences. Now our regional leaders must use this unprecedented opportunity to step up their response even further, and make real progress on putting Myanmar back on the democratic path. First and foremost, ASEAN must meet officially and publicly with representatives of the duly elected NUG.” said Santiago.
ASEAN’s credibility depends on its ability to act decisively and bring the Myanmar military junta to end its relentless campaign of violence against the people of Myanmar, APHR said. In particular, it must hold the Myanmar military to the Five-Point Consensus agreed between the leaders of nine ASEAN Member States and Min Aung Hlaing in April.
Further, ASEAN must discontinue inviting any other junta representatives to all ASEAN official meetings until there is an end to violence, all political prisoners are freed, and the will of the people for fully-fledged democracy has been heard, the group said.
ASEAN member states, in particular Thailand, must also be supported by the region and ASEAN Dialogue partners to respond to the movement of refugees in a way that respects human rights, including by providing humanitarian assistance and by allowing those fleeing Myanmar to seek asylum, APHR said.
“As well as threatening regional stability and peace, let’s not lose sight of the fact that Myanmar’s junta leaders are also accused of the worst crimes imaginable, including genocide. There’s only one place Min Aung Hlaing belongs: not at ASEAN’s next meeting, but in an international court of justice,” Santiago said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met virtually today with Burmese NUG representatives Duwa Lashi La and Zin Mar Aung. Mr. Sullivan underscored continued U.S. support for the pro-democracy movement in Burma and they discussed ongoing efforts to restore Burma’s path to democracy. Mr. Sullivan expressed concern over the Burmese military’s brutal violence and noted that the U.S. will continue to promote accountability for the coup. Mr. Sullivan also expressed concern over the recent arrest of pro-democracy activist Ko Jimmy and noted the U.S. will continue to advocate for his release and the release of all those unjustly detained. They also discussed regional and international engagement, and Mr. Sullivan reiterated U.S. support for ASEAN efforts to hold the Burmese military regime to its obligations under the Five-Point Consensus. Mr. Sullivan and the NUG officials discussed the COVID-19 pandemic in Burma and ongoing U.S. efforts to provide humanitarian assistance directly to the people of Burma. Mr. Sullivan underscored that the U.S. will continue to support the people of Burma in this moment of need..."
Source/publisher:
The White House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, USA-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
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Description:
"Atrocity Alert is a weekly publication by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect highlighting situations where populations are at risk of, or are enduring, mass atrocity crimes.
UN WARNS OF MILITARY-LED “CLEARANCE OPERATIONS” IN MYANMAR
On 8 October the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights raised alarm about the likelihood of an escalation of violence against civilians in upper Myanmar (Burma). Recent reports indicate that more than 3,000 troops from Myanmar’s military – the Tatmadaw – and substantial heavy weapons have been deployed to Chin State and Magway and Sagaing regions. Civilian opposition to military rule – largely in the form of grassroots militias called People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) – has been especially active in this part of the country. There are mounting warning signs that the military is preparing to perpetrate large-scale “clearance operations” in the region.
The Tatmadaw has historically used the term “clearance operations” to describe violent campaigns against civilians. So-called clearance operations perpetrated in Rakhine State during 2017 were characterized by attacks against the Rohingya population, including indiscriminate killings, sexual violence and the forced displacement of more than 745,000 people. In 2019 the UN Human Rights Council-mandated Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar concluded that senior members of the military should be prosecuted for crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide against the Rohingya.
The threat of imminent large-scale attacks and fighting between the military and PDFs has intensified since the National Unity Government declared a nationwide uprising against the junta on 7 September. According to recent reporting, the military continues to perpetrate killings, abductions, raids, arson and other violent crimes against civilians around the country. Large convoys have been seen traveling throughout Chin State in particular, with witnesses reporting seeing over 80 military trucks traveling from Magway region.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) decided on 15 October to exclude Myanmar military representatives from its upcoming summit set for 26-28 October, and instead extended the invitation to a “non-political representative.” This move underscores the gravity of the situation in Myanmar, as the decision breaks from ASEAN’s policies of non-interference. Following ASEAN’s decision, the military announced on 18 October that it would release 5,600 of the more than 7,000 people who were detained for taking part in anti-coup protests. Many of those who were released were re-arrested.
On 18 October the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, once again called on the international community to act, reiterating that, “sustained pressure on all three fronts – money, weapons and legitimacy – is the best way the international community can support the people of Myanmar to protect their human rights and save their country.” The international community should respond to the alarming reports of the impending clearance operations by intensifying pressure on the junta to prevent further atrocities against populations in Myanmar.
UN EXPERTS FIND EVIDENCE OF WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN LIBYA
On 4 October the UN Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on Libya presented its first report to the Human Rights Council, alleging that war crimes and crimes against humanity have likely been committed in Libya since 2016. The report details that all parties to the conflict, including third state parties, foreign fighters and mercenaries, have committed violations of International Humanitarian Law. The violations include murder, torture, extrajudicial killings and rape.
Libya has been marred by recurrent conflict and atrocities since the 2011 overthrow of then President Muammar Qaddafi. Despite a UN Security Council-mandated arms embargo, multiple states, including permanent members of the Council, provided arms to several parties to the conflict, which prolonged the fighting. Civilians have been caught in the crossfire of armed confrontations throughout the country since 2016, and in particular when fighting escalated during 2020 in Tripoli. The intensification of hostilities displaced over 270,000 people and left 900,000 in need of humanitarian assistance. Hundreds of bodies have been exhumed from mass graves around the city of Tarhuna, southeast of Tripoli. Attacks on healthcare and other civilian centers have also been prevalent. After years of setbacks, a unified government was established in March and presidential elections are scheduled for December.
The FFM’s findings were presented amidst an unprecedented crackdown by Libyan authorities and ongoing abuses against migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, who are languishing in Libya’s infamous detention centers. On 1 October more than 5,000 migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, including children and women, were arrested during a series of raids. The UN received reports of unarmed migrants being harassed in their homes, beaten and shot. On 9 October guards at Al Mabani detention center opened fire on migrants attempting to escape inhumane and crowded conditions, killing six people. Al Mabani is currently hosting 4,000 detainees – four times its occupancy limit.
According to the FFM’s investigation, non-state actors – with the encouragement of government officials – committed widespread violations against migrants that may amount to crimes against humanity. The FFM detailed myriad abuses suffered by migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, including rape and sexual violence, murder, torture and enslavement. Such abuses have taken place in detention, with traffickers or while attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe.
Sarah Hunter, Communications and Digital Media Officer at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “in order to build on recent political progress, Libya’s leaders must end ongoing abuses against migrants, reconcile past atrocities and provide credible justice for victims and survivors. Libya’s justice system needs sustained international support for these efforts to succeed.”
ANGLOPHONE CRISIS IN CAMEROON CONTINUES TO DETERIORATE FIVE YEARS ON
On Thursday, 14 October, a five-year-old girl was killed on her way to school at a checkpoint in Buea, the capital of the Anglophone south-west region of Cameroon, when a gendarme allegedly fired warning shots at the vehicle she was traveling in. Hundreds of people took to the streets in protest and carried the body of the girl to the governor’s office. This incident is part of a pattern of increased militarization and intimidation against the Anglophone minority in the north-west and south-west regions by the Francophone-dominated government.
The conflict over cultural rights and marginalization in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions began five years ago in October 2016. Since then, over 4,000 civilians have been killed and more than 780,000 have been displaced. Clashes between government forces and armed separatist groups have resulted in atrocities, including extrajudicial killings, kidnappings and torture. There has also been widespread destruction of villages, schools and hospitals throughout the north-west and south-west regions. Both sides of the conflict have been accused of grave violations and abuses of human rights. Since the beginning of this year, the government has intensified its attacks against armed separatist strongholds in an attempt to end the conflict. Armed separatists have retaliated by using more deadly weapons, including improvised explosive devices and anti-tank rocket launchers.
Amidst the conflict, populations are often denied access to basic services, while aid workers are routinely attacked or kidnapped. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that 1.1 million people are severely food insecure in the north-west and south-west regions.
Juliette Paauwe, Senior Research Analyst at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, said that, “while only certain incidents make the international news, populations in the Anglophone regions live in constant fear of atrocities. Without effective action, the conflict will only escalate further. The African Union’s Peace and Security Council and the UN Security Council should urgently help facilitate a ceasefire and inclusive dialogue between the government and separatist groups, mediated by a neutral player on neutral territory.”..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
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The announcement follows the bloc’s decision to bar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, citing a lack of cooperation.
Description:
"Myanmar will send a “non-political, high-level” envoy to next week’s Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit, an official said Tuesday, after the bloc barred junta chief Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing from attending, citing a lack of cooperation by the military regime.
Junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun told RFA’s Myanmar Service that an official from the foreign ministry will attend the three-day summit, which kicks off on Oct. 26 in Brunei, after getting the green light from ASEAN representatives. He declined to provide the name and position of the envoy.
The announcement follows a decision by ASEAN foreign ministers at an emergency meeting on Oct. 15 to deny Min Aung Hlaing a seat at the table for next week’s gathering because he had reneged on implementing steps to restore peace and democracy following the military’s Feb. 1 coup, as reported by BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.
The bloc also cited the junta’s refusal to allow ASEAN special envoy Erywan Yusof access to detained former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD) government.
Min Aung Hlaing had agreed to allow the special envoy meet with all stakeholders as part of a five-point consensus reached at an ASEAN meeting in April that was called to discuss the post-coup situation in Myanmar. Yusof, who was appointed on Aug. 4, canceled his trip to Myanmar this week after being refused the meetings.
In response to last week’s decision, Myanmar’s junta issued a statement alleging the decision was taken without all members’ agreement—ASEAN decides on issues and actions based on consensus.
On Monday, in an emergency address, Min Aung Hlaing said Yusuf’s demands were a “not negotiable,” but that his government would cooperate “as much as possible.”
“The ASEAN special envoy’s visit to Myanmar is still under discussion due to various proposals,” he said.
“A country is governed jointly by the legislature and the judiciary. Apart from special laws issued as required, the two bodies must make everything work in unison. The demands of the ASEAN envoy are not negotiable. In any case, our country is a member of ASEAN, and we will do our best.”
Min Aung Hlaing blamed the international community for pressuring the military, while remaining silent about “violence” committed by the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), Parliament’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Committee of Representatives (CRPH), and the anti-junta People’s Defense Force militia.
Ruined credibility
In the more than eight months since the coup, security forces have killed 1,181 civilians and arrested at least 7,190, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners—mostly during crackdowns on anti-junta protests.
The junta says it unseated the NLD government because, they claimed, the party had engineered a landslide victory in Myanmar’s November 2020 election through widespread voter fraud. It has yet to present evidence of its claims and public unrest is at an all-time high.
On Monday, the junta released 5,636 political prisoners in what observers said was a bid to ease pressure from ASEAN and the international community—claims Zaw Min Tun denied.
Speaking to RFA on Tuesday, political analyst Dr. Sai Kyi Zin Soe said it would be best for the junta to comply with ASEAN demands after ruining its credibility by going back on its promises.
“I don’t think it will be easy now for the junta to act as it wants while trying to make the international community accept it, so now things depend on how many international requests it will accept,” he said.
“It hasn't accepted any yet. If it continues to refuse to agree to implement the five points previously agreed upon, ASEAN might impose some kind of action or punishment, which it has never done before.”
Call for dialogue
Moe Thuzar, an expert on ASEAN affairs, said the bloc had stepped up its diplomatic pressure because it wants to give a stern warning to the junta not to take advantage of its cooperation, despite a long-standing relationship with the military.
“ASEAN has led the international community to support recommendations in the hope of bringing about a positive outcome in Myanmar,” she said.
“In this situation, ASEAN will not decide on an excessive action that might break mutual ties. But ASEAN might take a firmer stand to make sure its constructive approach is not taken advantage of.”
However, she added that pressure was unlikely to result in the junta making any immediate changes to its attitude or holding a meaningful political dialogue anytime soon. She said ASEAN and the international community “still need to do more” to push the junta on holding talks.
Kyaw Htwe, a member of the NLD Central Committee and a former member of parliament for Zabu Thiri township, said it is imperative that all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, be released before meaningful political talks could be held.
“A positive and open dialogue for the good of the country needs to be inclusive,” he said.
“For the talks to be truly meaningful, all current detainees must be released unconditionally, and all legitimate political parties must be able to function without disrupting the political process.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-20
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Type:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Myanmar’s Representation at the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits in October 2021 - ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာတွင် ကျင်းပမည့် ၃၈ ကြိမ်မြောက်နှင့် ၃၉ ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစည်းအဝေးများအတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကိုယ်စားပြုမှု
Description:
"Republic of the Union of Myanmar
National Unity Government
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Statement No. (6 / 2021)
Myanmar’s Representation at the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits in October 2021.
October 17, 2021
================
The National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar appreciates the decision during the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on October 15, 2021, to invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits scheduled to take place on October 26-28, 2021.
We welcome ASEAN's recognition of the Military Junta's insufficient progress in implementing the Five-Point Consensus, particularly the Junta leadership's lack of commitment to allowing the ASEAN envoy to engage all concerned parties. We realize this is an unprecedented and positive step by ASEAN for the people of Myanmar. Since its illegal seizure of power on February 1, the Junta has continued to take advantage of the ASEAN principles to prevent meaningful engagement to resolve the current political crisis while attempting to consolidate control of the country by force and violence. The Junta has betrayed not only its own people but also the leadership of the ASEAN.
In line with the ASEAN's decision for Myanmar's non-political representation at the upcoming summits, the NUG wishes to convey the following:
1. We urge the ASEAN to prevent not only the participation of SAC officials but also any individuals and organizations associated with them. ASEAN must ensure the Myanmar representative could objectively represent the interest of Myanmar and its people.
2. We stand ready to provide recommendations for non-political representative for ASEAN’s evaluation and consideration.
We continue to take our membership of ASEAN seriously and with the utmost respect. The NUG has consistently reiterated its commitment to engage and cooperate with the ASEAN in finding solution bring democracy and stability back in the country so Myanmar can be a constructive partner in the region.....ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန
ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာတွင် ကျင်းပမည့်
၃၈ ကြိမ်မြောက်နှင့် ၃၉ ကြိမ်မြောက်
အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစည်းအဝေးများအတွက်
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကိုယ်စားပြုမှု
အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၇ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်
===========================
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အောက်တိုဘာလ (၁၅) ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျင်းပခဲ့သော အာဆီယံနိုင်ငံများ၏ နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးများ အစည်းအဝေး၌ ချမှတ်လိုက်သည့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အနေဖြင့် လာမည့် အောက်တိုဘာလ (၂၆) ရက်မှ (၂၈) ရက် အထိကျင်းပမည့် (၃၈) ကြိမ်မြောက်နှင့် (၃၉) ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများနှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစည်းအဝေးများသို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် ကိုယ်စားပြုတက်ရောက်ရန်အား နိုင်ငံရေးနယ်ပယ်မှ မဟုတ်သော ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကိုသာ ဖိတ်ကြားမည်ဟူသည့် အစီအစဥ်အား ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
အာဆီယံအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ သက်ဆိုင်သူအားလုံးနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံပေးစေရေး ကတိကဝတ်ကို စစ်ကောင်စီ ခေါင်းဆောင်အနေဖြင့် ပျက်ကွက်နေခြင်း အပါအဝင် အာဆီယံ၏ ဘုံသဘောတူညီချက် (၅) ရပ်ကို စစ်ကောင်စီမှ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ခြင်း လုံးဝ မရှိကြောင်းကို အာဆီယံမှ သိရှိသဘောပေါက်သည်ကိုလည်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့မှ အထူးကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ဤသည်ပင် မြန်မာပြည်သူပြည်သားတို့အတွက် အာဆီယံဘက်မှ ထူးထူးကဲကဲ မကြုံစဖူး အပြုသဘော ဆောင်သည့် ခြေလှမ်းတစ်ရပ်ကို စတင်လိုက်ခြင်းဟု ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ကောက်ချက်ချမိပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးသည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျပ်အတည်းအား ဖြေရှင်းရန် အင်အားသုံးအကြမ်းဖက် ချုပ်ကိုင် ခြင်းဖြင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ပြည့်ဝသော ဆက်ဆံရေးတစ်ခုဖြစ်ပေါ်လာနိုင်မှုအား အဟန့်အတားဖြစ်စေပြီး အာဆီယံ၏ အခြေခံမူများအပေါ် အခွင့်ကောင်းယူ အလွဲသုံးစားလုပ်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ ယင်းလုပ်ရပ် သည် စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူ၊ပြည်သားများကို သစ္စာဖောက်ရုံမျှမက အာဆီယံ၏ ဦးဆောင်ဦးရွက်ပြုမှုကိုပါ အများအယုံအကြည်မဲ့အောင် ပြုလုပ်လိုက်ခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
လာမည့်ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးများတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကိုယ်စားပြုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနယ်ပယ်မှ မဟုတ်သောကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကို တက်ရောက်စေသည့် အာဆီယံ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်နှင့် စပ်လျဥ်း၍ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဆန္ဒကို တင်ပြလိုပါသည်။
၁။ အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ အရာရှိများ၏ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်ခြင်းကို တားမြစ်ရုံသာမက ၄င်းတို့နှင့် ဆက်နွယ်နေသော မည်သည့် တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်/အဖွဲ့အစည်းတို့၏ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက် ခြင်းကို လုံးဝ(လုံးဝ) တားမြစ်ရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့မှ တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ အာဆီယံ ရွေးချယ်ဖိတ်ခေါ် လိုက်သည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူ ပြည်သားတို့၏ အကျိုးနှင့်ဆန္ဒကို လိုလား ကိုယ်စားပြုသူသာ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့်ခိုင်မာ သေချာရပါမည်။
၂။ အာဆီယံမှ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးနယ်ပယ်မှ မဟုတ်သော ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား ရွေးချယ်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အကြုံပြုချက်များပေးနိုင်ရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ အဆင်သင့်ရှိနေပါသည်။
ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် အာဆီယံ အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်ခြင်းကို အထူးပင် အလေးအနက်ထားပြီး အာဆီယံ အပေါ် အစွမ်းကုန်လေးစားသမှုဖြင့် ရှေ့ဆက်သွားလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတွင်းတည်ငြိမ်အေးချမ်းမှု အမြန်ဆုံး ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးတို့အတွက် အာဆီယံနှင့် အတူပူးပေါင်းကာ အဖြေရှာရန် ကတိကဝတ်ပြုပါ ကြောင်းနှင့် သို့မှသာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည်လည်း အာဆီယံဒေသတွင်း အကျိုးဖြစ်ထွန်းသော မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံ ဖြစ်လာမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကိုလည်း ထပ်လောင်း ပြောကြားလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-18
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Regional bloc has a bevy of good reasons to block junta representatives from attending this month's summit meeting
Description:
"Has the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for the first time foregone its longstanding policy of “non-interference” in the internal affairs of one of its ten member states by blocking a representative of Myanmar’s junta from attending the bloc’s upcoming summit in Brunei? And, if so, why?
Is it concern over a February 1 coup and the brutal repression of massive public opposition to the military power grab, which has left more than a thousand dead and many more who have been arrested and tortured?
Or is it simply a face-saving gesture from a regional bloc that has come under increasing criticism for being ineffective and therefore is losing its credibility at a time when global superpowers are playing a rising role in the region’s power politics?
ASEAN is heavily dependent, especially on what may come after the pandemic, on the goodwill of the US and other Western nations that in no uncertain terms have condemned Myanmar’s coup and urged the bloc to do more to restore normalcy in the country.
Myanmar demonstrators have also condemned the bloc for its inactivity and set ASEAN flags alight at public protests in the old capital of Yangon.
To be sure, ASEAN can hardly be described as a gathering of liberal democracies. The bloc’s current chair, Brunei, is an absolute monarchy. Two of its members — Vietnam and Laos — are communist-ruled one-party states.
Cambodia is governed by Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has recently outlawed the political opposition and in the process made the country into an even harsher autocracy.
Singapore also lacks fundamental freedoms when it comes to the media and civil rights and Malaysia is best described as a semi-democracy. Rodrigo Duterte, the president of the Philippines, is known for his disdain of the media and all opposition to his rule.
In Thailand, the military has staged several coups to oust elected governments and retains an outsized political role despite 2019 elections. That leaves, ironically given its history of autocratic rule, Indonesia as the most, some would argue the only, democratic ASEAN member.
ASEAN’s two cardinal principles, non-interference and consensus, have until now made it impossible for the bloc to take any decisive action when there has been trouble in or between its non-democratic member states. But it is also clear that ASEAN leaders are running out of patience with the Myanmar junta, known as the State Administration Council (SAC).
Its leader and now self-appointed prime minister, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, paid a one-day visit to Jakarta on April 24, where he and his ASEAN partners agreed on what was called “a five-point consensus” comprising calls for an immediate cessation of violence and the exercise of utmost restraint and a dialog among all parties concerned to seek a peaceful solution to the crisis.
It was also decided to appoint a special envoy by the ASEAN chair to “facilitate mediation in the dialogue process” and to provide humanitarian assistance through AHA, the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management.
Even Min Aung Hlaing agreed that the special envoy and his delegation should be given the right to visit Myanmar and there meet with “all parties concerned.”
ASEAN’s decision to prevent junta representatives from participating in the summit, which is scheduled to take place on October 26-28 via videoconference, was explained in a statement issued at the bloc’s foreign ministers’ meeting — also online — on October 15.
While noting “the principles enshrined in the ASEAN charter”, meaning non-interference, the ministers stated that “the situation in Myanmar was having an impact on regional security as well as the unity, credibility and centrality of ASEAN as a rules-based organization.”
ASEAN would, therefore, “invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to the upcoming Summits.” Who that “non-political” individual will be is unclear, nor how and by whom he or she would be appointed.
The junta’s response was that it had cooperated on the five-point consensus by accepting the appointment of Brunei’s Foreign Minister Erywan Pehin Yusof as ASEAN’s special envoy — and that it had distributed aid delivered through AHA “to those in need.” But the envoy was not allowed to meet the deposed and detained president Win Myint and state counselor Aung San Suu Kyi because they are facing criminal charges in Myanmar courts.
In other words, the SAC has closed the door to any dialogue with the ousted leaders and opponents to military rule. The Myanmar foreign ministry also remarked that Myanmar “hopes that he [the ASEAN envoy] will be able to avoid actions from anyone with the intention of putting politically motivated actions and pressures on Myanmar.”
SAC has always claimed that it assumed power constitutionally, because the president had decided to hand over power to the generals, which he has the right to do under the country’s 2008 constitution.
According to the SAC, the military-appointed First Vice President Myint Swe, a retired lieutenant-general, had taken over the presidency from Win Myint, who the military body claimed had resigned for health reasons.
But during court testimony on October 12, Win Myint let it be known that he was in good health. According to his lawyer Khin Maung Zaw, the military had tried to force him to relinquish his post hours before the February 1 coup by warning him he could be seriously harmed if he refused.
Win Myint replied that he “would rather die than consent”, the lawyer stated in an English language text message sent to reporters. That undermined any SAC claim of legality, even under the 2008 constitution, which was drafted under the auspices of the military.
ASEAN’s initiative to block Myanmar appears to have been taken by Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah who, on October 6, even said that his country is ready to consider holding dialogue with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG) — consisting of ousted MPs and other opposition figures — if SAC does not fully cooperate with the five-point consensus.
Indonesia’s outspoken Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi went even further in a Twitter message on October 15 that said Myanmar “should not be represented at the political level until Myanmar restores its democracy through an inclusive process.”
But, regional security analysts argue, ASEAN’s annoyance with the SAC’s intransigence and the bad rap the bloc has received because of Myanmar’s membership may not be directed solely by concerns about democracy and human rights.
Malaysia and Indonesia have for years been at the receiving end of a flood of Muslim Rohingya refugees from Myanmar. According to UNHCR, at the end of August, there were 179,390 refugees and asylum seekers registered with the international body in Malaysia.
Of those, 102,990 are Rohingyas, 22,470 Chins (a mainly Christian minority) and 29,390 from other ethnic groups from conflict-affected areas in Myanmar. Although the exact number is unknown, thousands of Rohingya refugees have also ventured in rickety boats to Indonesia.
Attempts to have them repatriated have failed; neither Malaysia nor Indonesia is in a position to integrate the high number of people fleeing oppression and persecution in Myanmar.
The February 1 coup has also been bad for intra-ASEAN business. Singapore exported US$2.7 billion worth of goods to Myanmar in 2020, mainly mineral fuels, oil, electronics and machinery. But companies from Singapore and other ASEAN members may now face sanctions and boycotts for dealing with Myanmar.
Trade with Vietnam was also booming before the coup, with Vietnamese companies investing in real estate and a huge new modern shopping mall in Yangon. Mytel, one of Myanmar’s top telecom operators, is a joint venture between the military-controlled Myanmar Economic Corporation and Viettel, which is owned by the Vietnamese military.
Vietnam, hardly a democracy, would not normally have cared about a military takeover in a foreign country, but the Vietnamese can hardly be pleased to see their co-owned communication towers being blown up by anti-junta protestors and other investments being ruined because of the coup.
No serious observer of the post-coup situation in Myanmar believes that the SAC would ever engage in a meaningful dialogue with Win Myint, Aung San Suu Kyi and other ousted — and now detained — leaders.
So ASEAN is stuck with an ostracized member that had dragged its reputation in the mud and there is little it can do about it than what it has done already: wait and see what happens next.
In true ASEAN manner, the foreign ministers’ statement “reiterated that Myanmar is an important member of the ASEAN family” so Myanmar should be given “the space to restore its internal affairs and return to normalcy.”
But not many will be holding their breath on that one. Myanmar is in turmoil, and there is very little ASEAN can do about it apart from symbolic summit snubs..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-18
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"The ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (APF) 2021 second day has been
successfully commenced under the conference’s theme
for Collective Actions to Address Rising Inequality and Shrinking Civic Space in South East Asia.’
was intended to promote solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar and to discuss the chall
solutions from the ground against the shrinking civic space in South East Asia.
After the recap of day one, day two started with a plenary session, titled
the Collective Humanity: Justice Must be Served fo
diverse backgrounds including the His Excellency U Aung Myo Min of National Unity Government (NUG), former
foreign minister of Thailand Kasit Piromya
Nneng -Kuki Woman from Women League of Burma (WLB), and Ye Wai Phyo Aung of General Strike Committee.
The panel has highlighted the root of February’s attempted coup is the military’s total impunity. And the panel
rang the alarm on the passivity, and in some cases total inaction by the international community, in particular
ASEAN, to pursue justice and accountability has further emboldened the military in their continued commission
of atrocity crimes today in Myanmar.
Kasit Piromya called for the transformation of ASEAN into a democratic space where freedom of expression
and human rights as core values. He said,
the people”.
Aung Myo Min said within Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is a national issue to address impunity.
Military has responded to the revolution with brutality and terrorism, it is regarded that
taking place against people of the country
culture of impunity is well established . So far,
their communities – now became IDPs and Refugees.
current atrocities. Crimes against the few are now crimes against the many.
military accountable for all the crimes committed
international accountability mechanisms.
Ye Wai Phyo Aung said the Military is the oppressor of the people
been used to keep it in power. So far,
military and political system created. Our
transitional justice and human rights must be at the core of the new Myanmar
Nga Ngai Nneng said 60 percent of all prote
to torture, sexual assault, verbal abuse and intimidation.
violence against women – including sexual violence
committed while rape is used as an instrument of war to demoralize and destroy communities.
ASEAN to ensure that the release of all pol
against female detainees, to end military violence and terror camp
atrocity crimes. She also call on international commu
embargo with monitoring mechanism, and to
– focus on ethnic peoples.
ACSC/APF 2021
Day 2 Press Release
17.10.2021
The ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (APF) 2021 second day has been
successfully commenced under the conference’s theme ‘Authoritarianism, Militarism, and Covid
for Collective Actions to Address Rising Inequality and Shrinking Civic Space in South East Asia.’
was intended to promote solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar and to discuss the chall
solutions from the ground against the shrinking civic space in South East Asia.
After the recap of day one, day two started with a plenary session, titled “Culture of Impunity
Justice Must be Served for Peoples of Myanmar”. Panel speakers are varied from
diverse backgrounds including the His Excellency U Aung Myo Min of National Unity Government (NUG), former
ailand Kasit Piromya - the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rig
Kuki Woman from Women League of Burma (WLB), and Ye Wai Phyo Aung of General Strike Committee.
The panel has highlighted the root of February’s attempted coup is the military’s total impunity. And the panel
passivity, and in some cases total inaction by the international community, in particular
ASEAN, to pursue justice and accountability has further emboldened the military in their continued commission
ed for the transformation of ASEAN into a democratic space where freedom of expression
and human rights as core values. He said, “We cannot wait for ASEAN politicians to lead this charge, has to be
ithin Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is a national issue to address impunity.
on with brutality and terrorism, it is regarded that
taking place against people of the country. The culture of human rights is not respected by military
. So far, thousands of ethnic peoples including Rohingya
IDPs and Refugees. It is clear that previous atrocities laid the groundwork for
current atrocities. Crimes against the few are now crimes against the many. We will bring justice and make the
military accountable for all the crimes committed over six decades in the country by
international accountability mechanisms.
Military is the oppressor of the people – historic overview
people have not been able to enjoy any kind of democracy due to the
Our goal is a federal democratic union. He also stressed that
transitional justice and human rights must be at the core of the new Myanmar”.
60 percent of all protesters are women. Those Woman detainee
to torture, sexual assault, verbal abuse and intimidation. It is the Long history of violence of Myanmar military
including sexual violence. War crimes and crimes agains
ape is used as an instrument of war to demoralize and destroy communities.
elease of all political detainees and protesters, end the use of sexual violence by junta
to end military violence and terror campaign against the people to prevent further
international community to investigation crimes and take a role on
bargo with monitoring mechanism, and to refer situation of Myanmar to `International Criminal Court (
The ASEAN Civil Society Conference (ACSC) / ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (APF) 2021 second day has been
Authoritarianism, Militarism, and Covid-19: Challenges
for Collective Actions to Address Rising Inequality and Shrinking Civic Space in South East Asia.’ The second day
was intended to promote solidarity with the peoples of Myanmar and to discuss the challenges and seek
“Culture of Impunity – A Threat to
. Panel speakers are varied from
diverse backgrounds including the His Excellency U Aung Myo Min of National Unity Government (NUG), former
the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR), Nga Ngai
Kuki Woman from Women League of Burma (WLB), and Ye Wai Phyo Aung of General Strike Committee.
The panel has highlighted the root of February’s attempted coup is the military’s total impunity. And the panel
passivity, and in some cases total inaction by the international community, in particular
ASEAN, to pursue justice and accountability has further emboldened the military in their continued commission
ed for the transformation of ASEAN into a democratic space where freedom of expression
“We cannot wait for ASEAN politicians to lead this charge, has to be
ithin Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is a national issue to address impunity. Since the
on with brutality and terrorism, it is regarded that International crimes are
culture of human rights is not respected by military while the
Rohingya have had to flee
revious atrocities laid the groundwork for
will bring justice and make the
over six decades in the country by fully cooperate with
historic overview while Constitution has
eople have not been able to enjoy any kind of democracy due to the
He also stressed that “democracy,
Woman detainee are being subjected
Long history of violence of Myanmar military –
War crimes and crimes against humanity are being
ape is used as an instrument of war to demoralize and destroy communities. She also urges the
nd the use of sexual violence by junta
aign against the people to prevent further
and take a role on total arms
`International Criminal Court (ICC)
The day continued with two convergence spaces with the thematic 1) Environmental Justice, Land Rights and
Climate Change and 2) COVID-19 impact social, political, cultural, and economic issues. One workshop conducted
under convergence space 3 was discussing a food system based on environmental and social justice through
recognition, securing land rights, and ecological sustainability in Timor Leste, Myanmar and Laos. The speakers’
discussed many obstacles and a substantial number of policies for the agriculture development, food security and
social reality is concerning in the country and the region, especially, like the country of Timor Leste and Laos who
are depending on agricultural production. The workshop also emphasized the Indigenous Peoples are agents of
change in the face of climate change.
“Indigenous Peoples (IPs) and their communities are nurturing a close relationship with their natural
environment, which is intimately tied to their livelihoods. As IPs depend on biodiversity for their well-being,
they are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change, says the speakers from Myanmar (Unnamed).”
Therefore, the discussion synthesizes with a few important points. In the longer run, ASEAN and its member
countries must strive to put in place resilient farming systems. They should develop sustainable food systems that
place small farmers at their very heart and are inspired, inter alia, by agro-ecology. Further food security systems
and mechanisms must also be set up. A certain emphasis should be put on the diversification of food sources
thereupon. Also, mechanisms should be put in place to monitor and evaluate the commitments of ASEAN as well
as its member countries in tackling climate change.
There are 3 workshops under the convergence space 4 on the 1) social, political, cultural, and economic of
COVID-19, 2) Striving for establishing a welfare state in ASEAN countries. One of the good practices advocacy and
campaign were stressed by the Universal Basic Income Movement in Indonesia was the relevance of the
momentum, rights-based income model for the marginalized groups, the transition where the basic income can
be floor and basic safety net for the citizen and the synergy in its implementation and it can improve welfare
policy efficiency, 3) Challenges to solidarity with migrant workers in Southeast Asia. The participants reflected on
the importance of investing in the rights and welfare of children, girls, youth, and women as an important of a
welfare state and social reforms. The workshop opportunities in solidarity building with migrants’ rights activists
and migrant leaders who have been advocating in the ASEAN region. This workshop became a platform for
various inputs from the region on human, and migrants’ rights affected by the pandemic. The workshop urged
ASEAN member states to ratify the ILO Convention 189 on Domestic Workers and ILO Convention 190 on
Violence and Harassment Convention. This includes the ratification of CEDAW and CRC.
More than 160 participants from across 11 countries in Southeast Asia together with other 15 countries from
various regions attended the plenary and the plenary has reached more than 50,000 people across ASEAN
through our media partners Myanmar Nowม Khit Thit Media and other local media channels.
The session will continue again until 17 October and to discuss the impacts of COVID-19 on human rights and
the economic projections in ASEAN rebuilding post-COVID-19 and moving forward for the recovery better, in
solidarity with hope..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Peoples’ Forum
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-17
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"The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, the Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste, the United Kingdom, and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, on behalf of the European Union, in support of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar.
Begin Text:
The Governments of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, the Republic of Korea, Timor-Leste, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, on behalf of the European Union, remain deeply concerned about the dire situation in Myanmar, its growing toll on the people of Myanmar, and its worsening implications for regional stability. A peaceful and non-violent resolution of the crisis and return to democracy is a matter of urgency.
Recognising ASEAN’s central role in the Indo-Pacific region, we reaffirm our strong endorsement of ASEAN’s ongoing efforts to chart a course out of the current crisis in Myanmar. We welcome the prospective visit to Myanmar by the Minister of Foreign Affairs (II) of Brunei Darussalam, Dato Erywan, as the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, and are committed to supporting his efforts to facilitate Myanmar’s full and urgent implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, as decided by ASEAN Leaders and the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar military on 24 April. We emphasise support for the objectives of Dato Erywan’s visit, including his intention to meet all parties in line with the Five-Point Consensus, and call on the regime to facilitate his access. We reiterate our support for the Special Envoy role going forward, and stand ready to support ASEAN’s efforts across Chairs.
We call on Myanmar to engage constructively with the ASEAN Special Envoy to also implement other aspects of the Five-Point Consensus swiftly and completely. In line with the Five-Point Consensus, we call on the military to immediately cease violence; engage in constructive, inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders; and to facilitate safe, unimpeded access for humanitarian assistance, including by ensuring the safety of humanitarian and health workers. We also call for full respect for human rights, including the immediate release of those unjustly detained, including foreigners. We further call on the military to facilitate regular visits to Myanmar by the ASEAN Special Envoy, and for him to be able to engage freely with all stakeholders..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-17
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"Myanmar's ruling military has not blocked a special Southeast Asian envoy from visiting the country but will not allow him to meet detained former leader Aung San Suu Kyi, because she is charged with crimes, the junta's spokesman said.
A delay in the United Nations approving the military government's U.N. ambassador nomination was politically motivated, spokesman Zaw Min Tun added, saying the U.N. and other countries and organisations "should avoid double standards when they are engaging in international affairs".
The spokesman's remarks, issued by the military in a summary dated Wednesday, come as international pressure builds on the junta to implement a five-point peace plan its top general Min Aung Hlaing agreed to in April with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
Myanmar has been in political and economic paralysis since the military's Feb. 1 coup, which triggered an outpouring of anger and protest that has not abated, with some civilians forming militias to take on the powerful army.
The junta's inaction on the ASEAN plan was "tantamount to backtracking" and some member countries were "deep in discussions" about excluding Min Aung Hlaing from a summit this month, Erywan Yusof, the bloc's special envoy, said last week.
Erywan earlier this week said he was in consultations with parties in Myanmar, does not take sides or political positions and looks forward to a visit.
The junta spokesman also insisted Myanmar's judicial system was fair and independent would handle Aung San Suu Kyi's case accordingly, adding the chief justice was appointed by the previous government..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-16
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"The emergency ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting was held on 15 October 2021 via videoconference to discuss preparations for the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits, which will take place on 26-28 October 2021 via videoconference.
The Meeting was presented with the report of the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar on his work to facilitate Myanmar’s implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, which was adopted by the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting held on 24 April 2021, at the ASEAN Secretariat, in Jakarta, Republic of Indonesia. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers expressed appreciation for the continued work of the Special Envoy, and while noting the importance of a visit of the Special Envoy to Myanmar, they also emphasised the importance of access to all parties concerned and upholding the FivePoint Consensus.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers listened carefully to Myanmar’s explanation of its implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, including its views that the Special Envoy should avoid engagement with parties currently undergoing legal proceedings, such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Win Myint, as well as those declared as illegal and unlawful entities, such as the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People’s Defence Forces (PDF). The ASEAN Foreign Ministers welcomed Myanmar’s continued readiness to work closely with the Special Envoy, while emphasising the need to exercise flexibility to build trust and confidence as well as the importance of access to all parties concerned.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers noted the importance of upholding the principles enshrined in the ASEAN Charter while at the same time acknowledging that the situation in Myanmar was having an impact on regional security as well as the unity, credibility and centrality of ASEAN, as a rules-based organisation. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers reiterated that Myanmar is an important member of the ASEAN family.
As there had been insufficient progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus by Myanmar as well as concerns over Myanmar’s commitment, in particular on establishing constructive dialogue among all concerned parties, some ASEAN Member States recommended that ASEAN give space to Myanmar to restore its internal affairs and return to normalcy in accordance with the will of the people of Myanmar.
ASEAN Member States considered the question of Myanmar’s representation at the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits. It was also noted that some ASEAN Member States had received correspondence from the NUG requesting to be invited to the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits. Following extensive discussions, there was no consensus reached for a political representative from Myanmar to attend the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits in October 2021.
Therefore, in view of the competing claims to attend the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits and Related Summits, while reaffirming the principle of non-interference in internal affairs of another Member State, and to allow Myanmar the space to restore its internal affairs and return to normalcy, the Meeting accepted the decision to invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to the upcoming Summits, while noting the reservations from the Myanmar representative..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brunei Darussalam
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-16
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"Ahead of the ASEAN Summit on 26 October, the European Union reiterates its strong support for ASEAN’s efforts in finding a peaceful solution to the current crisis and stresses the need for Myanmar to implement swiftly and faithfully the five-point consensus, in order to begin a process of de-escalation and return to democracy. The EU has welcomed the appointment of the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy, Brunei Darussalam’s Minister of Foreign Affairs II, Erywan Yusof, and stands ready fully to support the Special Envoy in facilitating a constructive and inclusive dialogue with all key stakeholders, in all regions of the country, and in partnership with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
The European Union calls on Myanmar to engage constructively with the ASEAN Special Envoy to implement fully and completely the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. It stresses the need for the military to facilitate regular visits to Myanmar by the ASEAN Special Envoy, and for him to be able to engage freely with all he wishes to meet.
The European Union underlines that a meaningful political dialogue must include all relevant stakeholders, including the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Government (NUG), ethnic groups, political parties and other pro-democracy forces committed to working towards a peaceful resolution of the current crisis. Only a truly inclusive dialogue from the outset can ensure a peaceful and sustainable future for Myanmar.
The European Union is deeply concerned about the escalation of armed conflict, significant deployment of the armed forces in rural areas, and an increase in clashes, causing civilian casualties and displacement, and calls for an immediate end to the violence and the full respect of human rights. The European Union firmly stands with the people of Myanmar/Burma and reiterates its call for the immediate and unconditional release of President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and all those detained in connection with the coup, the establishment of a genuine political dialogue and a peaceful return to the country’s democratic path. This can only be achieved by respecting the will of the overwhelming majority of the people in the country.
The European Union will continue to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, including urgent aid to contain the outbreak of COVID-19 in the country. It urges the military authorities to ensure rapid, safe and unhindered access to all displaced persons and people in need, including by ensuring the safety of humanitarian and health workers. The EU stands ready to cooperate with international partners, including the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance, to provide such aid..."
Source/publisher:
European Union
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-15
[field_licence]
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European Union-Burma relations (commentary/analysis), ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"To: ASEAN Leaders
H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei
H.E Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia
H.E Joko Widodo, President of Indonesia
H.E Thongloun Sisoulith, Prime Minister of Laos
H.E Dato’ Sri Ismail Sabri, Prime Minister of Malaysia
H.E Rodrigo Roa Duterte, President of the Philippines
H.E Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore
H.E Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister of Thailand
H.E. Nguyen Xuan Phuc, Prime Minister of Vietnam
CC: ASEAN Dialogue Partners
H.E. Will Nankervis, Ambassador of Australia to ASEAN
H.E. Diedrah Kelly, Ambassador of Canada to ASEAN
H.E. Deng Xijun, Ambassador of China to ASEAN
H.E. Igor Driesmans, Ambassador of the European Union to ASEAN
H.E. Shri Jayant N. Khobragade, Ambassador of India to ASEAN
H.E. Chiba Akira, Ambassador of Japan to ASEAN
H.E. Lim Sungnam, Ambassador of Korea to ASEAN
H.E. Pam Dunn, Ambassador of New Zealand to ASEAN
H.E. Alexander Ivanov, Ambassador of Russia to ASEAN
H.E. Melissa A. Brown, Chargé d’Affaires, a.i., U.S. Mission to ASEAN
13 October 2021
Re: Myanmar’s presence at the ASEAN Summit
Your Excellencies,
We, the undersigned organisations, write to you to urge you not to extend an invitation to Myanmar’s military junta to the upcoming ASEAN Summit on 25 to 28 October because of the military’s blatant disregard for the Five Point Consensus agreed at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting and continuing refusal to cooperate with ASEAN towards its implementation.
We welcome the remarks made by the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia and Malaysia who questioned whether the junta should be invited to the Summit and urge the other Member States to come to the same conclusion.
ASEAN’s credibility depends on its ability to act decisively and bring an end to the Myanmar military junta’s relentless violence against the people of Myanmar. A lack of decisiveness and consequences for the military’s total contempt for the ASEAN’s leaders’ agreement risks undermining the bloc’s legitimacy as a key regional player that can bring peace and stability.
On 24 April 2021, the leaders of nine Member States and the Myanmar junta, represented by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, agreed on a consensus that included the “immediate cessation of violence”, constructive dialogue among all parties, the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar, humanitarian assistance to be delivered to the country, and for the Special Envoy and delegation to visit Myanmar to “meet with all parties concerned“.
Myanmar’s junta has failed to respect this consensus on every single count.
Since the Myanmar junta agreed to immediately cease the violence on 25th April till the end of September there have been 3,534 attacks either on civilians by the military or armed clashes that failed to protect civilians – that’s an 840% increase from the same period in 2020 (376). Thousands have been forced to flee their homes in search of safety. Violent acts amounting to crimes against humanity have been documented. It is clear that junta leader Min Aung Hlaing will not stop in his attempts to crush the democratic opposition to his rule.
The military junta has also continually opposed any form of dialogue. Zaw Min Tun, the military’s spokesman, recently said that dialogue between the ASEAN Special Envoy and the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, the National Unity Government and People’s Defence Forces could not take place because they have been declared by the junta as “illegal organizations”. The junta’s stalling tactics also contributed to the delay in announcing Brunei’s Foreign Affairs Minister II Erywan Yusof as ASEAN’s special envoy to Myanmar.
While we note aid commitments made to the AHA Centre and delivered through the Myanmar Red Cross, it is important to recall that the Myanmar military’s own actions are creating the current humanitarian crisis engulfing the country. According to the United Nations (UN), three million people require assistance. That number has tripled over the last eight months. In addition to that, there are now 20 million people living below the poverty line – nearly half the population. Yet, the military junta is weaponizing humanitarian aid; blocking the distribution of supplies, placing travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, hoarding and destroying aid, and attacking civilians, health and humanitarian aid workers.
It is clear that Myanmar’s military has displayed a flagrant lack of respect for ASEAN, and in fact since the coup, it appears to have used the bloc to try to gain legitimacy while at the same time increasing its brutal reprisals against the people.
The UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has also warned that the opportunity to prevent the Myanmar junta from entrenching its rule could be narrowing. He has called for unified regional and international action to prevent the crisis from becoming a large-scale conflict and multi-faceted “catastrophe” in Southeast Asia and beyond.
It is time for ASEAN to act decisively. This starts by denying the Myanmar junta the legitimacy it craves, and which has been rejected constantly by the people of Myanmar. The junta has refused to cooperate with regional and international neighbors, failed to stand by the commitments it has made, and exposed to the world not only its barbaric brutality but also an inability to deal with the deepening social and economic disaster currently taking place in the country, which includes the dereliction of public health services amid the global pandemic.
Reiterating the remarks of Malaysia and Indonesia’s foreign ministers, a firm united response by the other Member States is required. The Myanmar junta’s actions must not be accepted as “business as usual.” They are endangering the stability, prosperity, peace and health of the region.
We therefore call on ASEAN leaders to deny the head of the Myanmar military junta a seat at the table and display to him that his callous disregard for the people, and his regional neighbors, does not come free of consequences..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-13
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"BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN, Oct 6 (Reuters) - Southeast Asian countries are discussing not inviting the head of Myanmar's junta to a summit later this month, due to a lack of progress on an agreed roadmap to restore peace in the strife-torn country, a regional envoy said on Wednesday.
The junta's inaction on a five-point plan it agreed in April with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was "tantamount to backtracking", Erywan Yusof, the bloc's special envoy to Myanmar, told a news conference.
Myanmar has been in turmoil since a Feb. 1 coup led by military chief Min Aung Hlaing that ended a decade of tentative democracy and the return of military rule has prompted outrage at home and abroad.
Erywan, the second foreign minister of ASEAN chair Brunei, said the bloc was in "deep in discussions" about not inviting the junta to participate in a virtual summit on Oct. 26-28, after the issue was raised by Malaysia and some other member countries.
"Up until today there has been no progress on the implementation of the five-point consensus, and this has raised a concern," Erywan said.
Myanmar junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun did not respond to calls from Reuters on Wednesday. Last week he told a news conference that Myanmar was cooperating with ASEAN "without compromising the country's sovereignty".
The bloc's effort to engage with Myanmar's military has been criticised by supporters of democracy, with a committee of ousted Myanmar lawmakers declaring the junta a terrorist group and saying ASEAN's engagement would give it legitimacy.
Still, excluding a leader from the summit would be a big step for ASEAN, which operates under consensus decision-making principles and prefers engagement, rather than confrontation, with member countries.
Erywan said the junta had not directly responded to his requests to meet detained former leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government was overthrown in the coup.
He added that he had proposed a programme for his visit to Myanmar to the military appointed foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin last week, but the junta has not yet responded.
A source close to the Malaysian government said the ASEAN envoy was unlikely to visit Myanmar before the summit as the bloc had initially targeted.
More than 1,100 people have been killed since the coup, according to the United Nations, many during a crackdown by security forces on pro-democracy strikes and protests, during which thousands have been arrested. The junta says that estimate is exaggerated and members of its security forces have also been killed.
The ASEAN roadmap included a commitment to dialogue with all parties, allowing humanitarian access and ceasing hostilities.
Myanmar's long history of military dictatorship and alleged human rights abuses has been ASEAN's most tricky issue, testing the limits of its unity and its policy of non-interference.
But the foreign ministers meeting virtually on Monday voiced disappointment about the lack of progress made by the State Administrative Council (SAC), as Myanmar's junta is known.
On Monday, Malaysia's top diplomat Saifuddin Abdullah on Twitter said that without progress, "it would be difficult to have the chairman of the SAC at the ASEAN summit".
He reiterated this stance in parliament on Wednesday and said the ASEAN envoy was doing "whatever is humanly possible" to make progress on the roadmap..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-06
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"Myanmar’s military regime has rejected a request for a meeting later this month between the country’s ousted leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) special envoy to Myanmar.
Instead of meeting with the detained State Counselor, ASEAN envoy Erywan Yusof has been offered a meeting with former Vice President Henry Van Thio and the former Lower House speaker T Khun Myat, sources said.
ASEAN’s envoy has been in talks with the regime since last month over the terms of a visit to Myanmar. Top of his list was a request to talk to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Myanmar’s military seized power from the Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a February 1 coup.
Erywan Yusof, Brunei’s Second Minister for Foreign Affairs, was chosen as ASEAN’s special envoy to Myanmar in August after lengthy wrangling. He has called for full access to all parties when he visits the country, but his efforts to open dialogue between the military regime and the ousted government have failed so far.
“There is an urgent need to go now to Myanmar. But I think before all that, I need to have assurances,” the envoy told Reuters last month.
The envoy added that he has asked the State Administration Council – the junta’s ruling body – for access to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
In September, the regime’s spokesperson Major General Zaw Min Tun told AFP, “We will allow meetings with official organizations.”
Erywan Yusof plans to visit Myanmar this month, ahead of an ASEAN summit later this month. But the regime has reportedly told him that he will only be allowed to meet Henry Van Thio and T Khun Myat.
Both Henry Van Thio, an ethnic Chin former army officer, and T Khun Myat, an ethnic Kachin, are under house arrest, although no charges have been brought against the men. T Khun Myat previously served as an executive member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.
With most of the NLD’s leadership in detention, it is expected that they will not support the ASEAN envoy meeting Henry Van Thio and T Khun Myat.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, 76, is being detained by the junta at an unknown location in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw. She faces a raft of charges including breaching COVID-19 regulations, sedition, illegal possession of walkie-talkies and a number of corruption cases..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-04
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" ASEAN, led by its Secretary-General Dato Lim Jock Hoi, handed over USD 1.1 million worth of medical supplies and equipment ready to be distributed by the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) for immediate support to the COVID-19 response, in a handover ceremony held virtually today.
The delivery of the first batch of ASEAN’s Humanitarian Assistance in Myanmar was a follow up to the Pledging Conference held on 18 August. The items delivered in this batch were supported by the Governments of Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, Turkey, and Temasek Foundation International.
In his remarks, Dato Lim Jock Hoi underscored the importance of the initiative to showcase the solidarity in the spirit of ‘One ASEAN, One Response’ to extend a helping hand to the people of Myanmar in the realisation of a people-oriented, people-centred ASEAN Community.
He thanked the four donor countries and Temasek Foundation International, and expressed his confidence that the assistance would alleviate the sufferings of the people of Myanmar in this critical time. He further called for other countries to contribute to the humanitarian efforts for Phase 1 urgently and Phase 2 at a later stage. The next batch for Phase 1 is expected to be provided by support from Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Singapore and Viet Nam, along with other donor countries and organisations.
The Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, Dato Erywan Pehin Yusof, in his recorded remarks further emphasised that COVID-19 pandemic is “the common enemy” that has exposed the vulnerabilities not only of our socio-economic structures, but the fragility of human life. In his remarks, he urged the international community to continue giving support and complement ASEAN’s efforts, further highlighting that the “provision of humanitarian assistance is a true reflection of the “ASEAN Way”, and demonstrates our commitment to help our ASEAN family when they are in need”.
The Executive Director of the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre), representatives of ASEAN Member States, donor countries and other organisations attended the ceremony.
Contributing to the implementation of the “Five Point Consensus” on Myanmar agreed at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting in April this year, the ASEAN’s Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar aims to address the most pressing humanitarian needs of the people of Myanmar.
The AHA Centre, as the operational lead, facilitates the delivery of assistance. Meanwhile, the MRCS, as a local partner, supports ASEAN by providing last mile distribution of the medical supplies and equipment to the communities in need in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Jakarta)
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-17
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"Re: Australia’s response to the crisis in Myanmar
Dear Prime Minister,
We, current and former parliamentarians from Southeast Asia, are writing to you to urge the Australian Government to take urgent action to support human rights and democracy in Myanmar, and to express our deepest concern at Australia’s stated policy to wait on action by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
As elected representatives of the people of the ASEAN region, we would like to respectfully urge you to anchor Australia’s response to the military coup in Myanmar to what its people have been demanding, and what other democratic nations have done, not ASEAN’s lack of action.
More than six months since the military coup and the subsequent campaign of violence unleashed by the Myanmar Army, ASEAN has failed in its responsibility to the people of Myanmar, and the broader international community.
Despite an initial meeting on 24 April 2021, during which ASEAN Member States reached a Five-Point Consensus, little further action has taken place. It took four months for ASEAN to reach an agreement to appoint on 2 August the second Foreign Minister of Brunei Darussalam, Erywan Yusof, as its Special Envoy.
We would, however, welcome with caution this appointment. It is important to keep in mind that the Minister, as the representative of ASEAN’s Chair, has led the bloc’s ineffective response so far, including a delegation to Myanmar in June, during which he not only met solely with the junta, but also pushed their narrative that elections could take place, even suggesting that ASEAN sends monitors. We are also concerned that the Minister of an absolute monarchy that does not abide by international human rights standards has been tasked with convincing a murderous army to respect these principles.
Furthermore, no humanitarian aid has been provided so far, and ASEAN is still yet to engage all relevant parties in Myanmar, in particular the National Unity Government.
ASEAN’s actions even raise questions as to whose interests it is truly representing when it invites Myanmar Army representatives to its official meetings, granting them political and regional legitimacy, or works to water down a UN General Assembly Resolution calling for the prevention of arms sales to the Myanmar military.
Meanwhile, the situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate. Both the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar and Human Rights Watch recently concluded that since the coup the Myanmar military has committed the crimes against humanity of murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering.
In recent weeks as Myanmar has witnessed a rapid spike in coronavirus cases, the junta has confiscated oxygen, and attacked healthcare workers and facilities, actions that risk turning a crisis into a disaster.
Yet, ASEAN’s very own principles of non-interference and consensus-based decision making prevent the bloc from taking any meaningful steps towards an end of violence in Myanmar. Even its provisions of humanitarian aid, if it takes place, risks further legitimizing the junta, and not reach those in need.
In that regard we would like to echo the findings of our fellow parliamentarians from Australia who in their recent Inquiry into certain aspects of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Annual Report 2019-20 – Myanmar noted that: “there are complex relations within and between ASEAN nations, and that this led to concerns that ASEAN would not intervene decisively on the Myanmar crisis.”
ASEAN’s limiting founding principles and division among its Member States have allowed Myanmar’s military to stall the little efforts it has made so far and to use ASEAN as a shield to strengthen the junta’s position regionally and internationally.
Therefore, we are writing to you to ask you bluntly, is this really what Australia wants to align its foreign policy with? Instead, we would like to ask you to be a regional partner to the people of Myanmar and the people of ASEAN, not the authoritarian leaders of our region, who are working together to protect themselves from scrutiny and accountability.
We believe that, given Australia’s position in the region, strong democratic institutions, and its close ties with both ASEAN and democracies elsewhere in the world, it is perfectly placed to play a leading role in helping to put an end to the violence and support the desire of the people of Myanmar to live in a democracy that fully respects human rights of all.
That is why, while we call on your government to demand action by ASEAN, we urge you not to wait to follow the bloc’s lead. Instead, as a starting point, Australia must urgently use its position to impose targeted sanctions on the generals leading the junta, and the economic entities they control, as recommended by the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, implemented by Australia’s key partners such as the EU, US, UK, and Canada, and most importantly requested by the people of Myanmar.
In contrast to ASEAN’s actions so far, we also call on your government to not legitimize the military junta’s authority in any way, and instead follow the recommendations set out by Australia’s Parliament by formally engaging with the democratically-elected representatives of Myanmar, including the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and the National Unity Government (NUG)..."
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-09
[field_licence]
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"Myanmar’s parallel National Unity Government (NUG) has said that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) special envoy to the country should have got an agreement from the military regime to cease civilian arrests, as well as an assurance to allow him to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, before calling for a ceasefire to enable the delivery of humanitarian aid.
On Saturday, ASEAN’s special envoy for Myanmar, Erywan Yusof, told Kyodo News that he had proposed a four-month ceasefire until the end of this year to the junta-appointed Foreign Minister, U Wunna Maung Lwin, last Tuesday, and that the regime had accepted it.
The Brunei diplomat said that it was not a political ceasefire but to ensure safety, as well as the security of humanitarian workers distributing aid.
Erywan Yusof, Brunei’s second minister for foreign affairs, was appointed by ASEAN last month as a special envoy to Myanmar, as the regional bloc steps up its efforts to end the violence in Myanmar by encouraging dialogue between the regime and its opponents.
But the NUG’s Human Rights Minister, U Aung Myo Min, said that the current turmoil in Myanmar was political, and that humanitarian issues should be dealt with later.
“The human rights violations by the military persist and these abuses should not be forgotten, even though we understand the ASEAN special envoy wants to provide humanitarian assistance quickly and effectively,” said U Aung Myo Min, referring to the regime’s ongoing raids, arrests and killings of anti-coup protesters.
As of Sunday, the junta has killed 1,046 civilians, arrested 7,879 people and issued arrest warrants for another 1,984 people during brutal crackdowns against peaceful pro-democracy protesters. Some 6,230 people are still being detained, including ousted State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, who were both arrested in the early hours of the junta’s February 1 coup.
Myanmar has been in crisis since the military takeover and the ousting of the National League for Democracy government led by Daw Aung Suu Kyi. Armed resistance to the regime by civilian fighters and ethnic armed organizations (EAO’s) has spread to every part of the country, apart from Rakhine State.
On Sunday, the NUG called on the international community to help stop the junta’s crimes against innocent civilians.
The NUG requested that the international community work effectively to stop the military’s operations “as soon as possible, to end the suppression and torture of innocent civilians, and to bring an end to the coup d’état and hold it [the regime] accountable for the crimes it has committed”.
Myanmar junta forces are “waging military offensives with excessive force in EAO-controlled areas”, despite the pledges of the coup leaders and the State Administration Council, the junta’s governing body, that they are working for peace, added the NUG.
The request coincided with the ceasefire call by ASEAN’s special envoy.
Special envoy Erywan Yusof said that the first batch of aid consists of medical equipment that is urgently needed to fight the COVID-19 pandemic, including oxygen compressors and personal protective equipment, and that it will go to “all the people of Myanmar”.
Humanitarian aid bound for border areas controlled by EAO’s may be routed by land via neighbouring Thailand, added the envoy.
Erywan Yusof said that he hopes to visit Myanmar this month and that he had requested a meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. However, the military regime has not yet said if he will be allowed to do so..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-06
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"Myanmar’s committee of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians has condemned ASEAN for excluding it from the regional body’s Inter Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and inviting a junta representative as an observer instead.
On Saturday, representatives from ASEAN’s parliaments convened for the 42nd assembly in Brunei. The meeting lasts until Wednesday.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) or CRPH was formed mostly by NLD lawmakers after the military coup in February. In April they formed the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), claiming to be the legitimate civilian government of Myanmar. Since their formation, both the CRPH and NUG have received huge popular support at home but struggle to gain international recognition despite engaging with other countries, including the US.
It is not the first time ASEAN has refused to recognize Myanmar’s democratic representatives. In April, the NUG’s representative was not invited to ASEAN’s special summit on Myanmar. Instead, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, attended the meeting where ASEAN set out five points to resolve Myanmar’s turmoil.
By THE IRRAWADDY 23 August 2021
Myanmar’s committee of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentarians has condemned ASEAN for excluding it from the regional body’s Inter Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) and inviting a junta representative as an observer instead.
On Saturday, representatives from ASEAN’s parliaments convened for the 42nd assembly in Brunei. The meeting lasts until Wednesday.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) or CRPH was formed mostly by NLD lawmakers after the military coup in February. In April they formed the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), claiming to be the legitimate civilian government of Myanmar. Since their formation, both the CRPH and NUG have received huge popular support at home but struggle to gain international recognition despite engaging with other countries, including the US.
It is not the first time ASEAN has refused to recognize Myanmar’s democratic representatives. In April, the NUG’s representative was not invited to ASEAN’s special summit on Myanmar. Instead, the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, attended the meeting where ASEAN set out five points to resolve Myanmar’s turmoil.
The CRPH on Sunday said the AIPA president, who also is the speaker of the Brunei Legislative Council, ignored its letter of nomination and approved the junta’s representative as an observer at the meeting. Last month, Myanmar’s junta revoked the 2020 election results and Min Aung Hlaing installed himself as prime minister earlier this month.
The CRPH said the APIA’s action “has steered the ASEAN parliamentary family on an undemocratic and unrepresentative course … choosing dictatorship over democracy … cowardice over political principles”.
The CRPH asked other ASEAN parliamentary delegates at this week’s assembly to call for the inclusion of Myanmar’s delegation.
ASEAN’s recognition is seen as important to establish the NUG’s legitimacy. ASEAN is yet to officially recognized the regime.
The CRPH said the exclusion of Myanmar’s delegation “will grievously impugn AIPA’s parliamentary independence and its standing among the global family of parliaments”.
Myanmar’s people condemned ASEAN online. “We have no trust in you,” said a comment.
Another said: “ASEAN is under influence and is biased. It should respect democracy and the elected government.”
Early this month, ASEAN appointed Brunei’s deputy foreign affairs minister, Erywan Yusof, as a special envoy to Myanmar. However, there is little hope ASEAN will work effectively to resolve the crisis..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, ASEAN-Burma relations, National Unity Government (NUG)
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The Statement of CRPH regarding the approval of unrepresentative military junta person to be an observer at 42nd General Assembly - အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော်ညီလာခံတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား လေ့လာသူအဖြစ် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၏ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description:
"အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော်ညီလာခံတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အား လေ့လာသူအဖြစ် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ပြုခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၏ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) သည် (၄၂) ကြိမ်မြောက် အာဆီယံပါလီမန်များ ညီလာခံ (AIPA) အစည်းအဝေးတွင် မြန်မာလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အားတက်ရောက်ခွင့် မပြုခြင်းအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုတ်ချ လိုက်ပါသည်။
ယင်းကိစ္စရပ်နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ တစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များမှလည်း ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုတ်ချလျက်ရှိသည်။
အာဆီယံပါလီမန်များညီလာခံ (AIPA)သည် အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော်များအတွက် အမြင့်ဆုံးလွှတ်တော် အဖွဲ့အစည်း တစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ပြီး (၄၂) ကြိမ်မြောက်ညီလာခံအား ဘရူနိုင်းနိုင်ငံတွင် ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၂ ရက်မှ ၂၅ ရက်အထိ ကျင်းပရန် စီစဉ်ထားသည်။ မြန်မာလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့် CRPH ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ ဦးအောင်ကြည်ညွန့်၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဆက်ဆံရေးကော်မတီမှ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များဖြစ်သည့် ဒေါ်မြတ်သီတာထွန်းနှင့် ဦးစည်သူမောင်တို့မှ တက်ရောက်ရန် အမည်စာရင်း တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။
အာဆီယံပါလီမန်ညီလာခံ အလှည့်ကျဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ ဘရူးနိုင်းဥပဒေပြုကောင်စီ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ H.E. Pehin Dato Abdul Rahman Taib သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့၏ အမည်စာရင်းတင်သွင်းမှု အကြောင်းကြားစာအား လွှတ်တော်ဆိုင်ရာ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုနှင့်အညီ ပြန်ကြားခဲ့ခြင်းမရှိသေးပါ။ ထိုသို့ အကြောင်း တစ်စုံတစ်ရာ ပြန်ကြားခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ချန်လှပ် ထားသည့် AIPA ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ၏ လုပ်ဆောင်မှုသည် အာဆီယံလွှတ်တော် အသိုက်အဝန်းအား ဒီမိုကရေစီစံနှုန်းနှင့်မညီသော၊ ကိုယ်စားပြုနိုင်မှုမရှိသည့် လမ်းစဉ်တစ်ခုသို့ ဦးတည်စေခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်ဟူ၍သာ မှတ်ယူပါသည်။
ပို၍ဆိုးရွားသည်မှာ AIPA ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ အနေဖြင့် ရွေးကောက်ခံမဟုတ်သော ကိုယ်စားပြုမှုမရှိသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်မှ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တစ်ဦးအား လေ့လာသူအဖြစ် အတည်ပြုခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ဤဖြစ်ရပ်သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီကိုကျော်လွန်ပြီး အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ရွေးချယ်ခြင်း၊ လိုက်နာရမည့် နိုင်ငံရေးစည်းမျဉ်းကို ကျော်လွန်ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးသတ္တိကြောင်မှုကို ရွေးချယ်ခဲ့ခြင်းသာဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အား ချန်လှပ်ထားခြင်းသည် AIPA ၏ လွှတ်တော်ဆိုင်ရာလွတ်လပ်မှုနှင့် ကမ္ဘာ့လွှတ်တော် အသိုက်အဝန်းအကြား ၎င်း၏ ရပ်တည်မှုကို ဝမ်းနည်းဖွယ် ထိခိုက်စေလိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။
AIPA သည် အာဆီယံဒေသတွင်း၌ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် သာယာဝပြောမှု စသည့် အခြေခံစည်းမျဉ်းများကို မြှင့်တင်ရန် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကို ၎င်း၏ဥပဒေများတွင် ထည့်သွင်းထားသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာစာတမ်း၏ ပုဒ်မ (၂၁) တွင်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထုက ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်စားပြုသူများကို လွတ်လပ်စွာ ရွေးချယ်ရန် အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားသည်။ ထိုအချက်များကို ဟန်ပြသက်သက်သာ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် (သို့မဟုတ်) မိမိ၏ အခြေခံမူဝါဒ ကို ကျော်လွန်ရွေးချယ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ပါက ဤ (၄၂)ကြိမ်မြောက် AIPA ညီလာခံသည် ရှက်ဖွယ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် မှတ်တမ်းဝင်သွား လိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
နားလည်မှုတစ်စုံတစ်ရာ လွဲချော်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါက အလျင်အမြန်ရှင်းလင်းရန်လိုအပ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အား ဖိတ်ခေါ်ရန် ဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ပါက ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် အစည်းဝေးသို့ အလေးထားစွာဖြင့် ပါဝင်တက်ရောက်ရန် အဆင်သင့်ရှိပါသည်။ အစည်းအဝေးတက်ရောက်မည့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် အဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့်လည်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့အား ညီလာခံသို့ တက်ရောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် တောင်းဆိုပေးပါရန် လေးလေးနက်နက်တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါ သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-22
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Individual Documents
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Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"On August 18, 2021, State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi had a phone conversation with Special Envoy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to Myanmar and Bruneian Second Minister of Foreign Affairs Erywan bin Pehin Yusof at request.
Wang Yi expressed his appreciation for Brunei's contribution to the development of China-ASEAN relations as the rotating chair of ASEAN, and thanked Brunei for its support in elevating the positioning of China-ASEAN relations. He hopes that Brunei will continue to play a positive role to ensure that a commemorative meeting marking the 30th anniversary of the establishment of dialogue relations between China and ASEAN will be successful and achieve more important results.
Noting that September marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Brunei, Wang Yi expressed his hope that the two sides will take this opportunity to carry forward traditional friendship, deepen the Belt and Road cooperation, and push for the new development of China-Brunei strategic cooperative partnership. Anti-pandemic cooperation remains a top priority currently, China attaches great importance to the needs of Brunei, and will send a batch of vaccines to Brunei and deliver them as soon as possible, and lend a helping hand to Brunei when the country needs it most.
After listening to Erywan's views on the current situation in Myanmar, Wang Yi said that both China and ASEAN countries are friends of Myanmar and all hope that Myanmar will achieve peace and stability. China welcomes the appointment of you as ASEAN's special envoy to Myanmar, and I believe that you can uphold the ASEAN way and play a unique role in accordance with ASEAN's five-point consensus on Myanmar to help different parties in Myanmar find a political solution within the constitutional framework through dialogue. China has the following suggestions.
First, deal with all parties in Myanmar in a rational and pragmatic manner and gradually build trust; second, give top priority to helping Myanmar in its fight against COVID-19, and ensure the accessibility and effectiveness of the anti-pandemic assistance; third, remain patient and determined, stick to the direction of promoting peace through talks, return state power to the people in an orderly manner and restart the democratic process, which not only serves the interests of Myanmar but also meets the expectations of the international community; fourth, stay vigilant against and oppose interference in Myanmar's internal affairs by extraterritorial forces, and earnestly respect Myanmar's sovereignty and the choice of its people.
Wang Yi stressed that China's friendly policy toward Myanmar is always for all the people of Myanmar. We will provide urgently-needed help to Myanmar through various channels. China will fully support ASEAN's special envoy in performing his duties and is willing to continue to play a constructive role in promoting a political settlement of the Myanmar issue.
Erywan thanked China for its continuous assistance of medical supplies and vaccines to Brunei when Brunei is confronting a new wave of COVID-19 pandemic. He hopes that the two countries can mark the 30th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic ties as a milestone, to give full play to the role of the China-Brunei intergovernmental joint steering committee, and further deepen cooperation in various fields, such as energy, agriculture and fishery.
Erywan said Myanmar is an important member of the big ASEAN family. As ASEAN's special envoy to Myanmar, I will be dedicated to pushing forward the implementation of the five-point consensus, advancing dialogue among relevant parties in the ASEAN way, stopping violence, promoting inclusiveness, and helping Myanmar better fulfill its commitments to the international community. ASEAN appreciates and supports China's continuous crucial role in the Myanmar issue, and is willing to strengthen coordination and carry out cooperation with China..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People's Republic of China
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Since the 1 February coup, Myanmar’s military government is attempting to gain international recognition and legitimacy while the country’s people continue to oppose it. The international community has emphasised the need for a peaceful resolution. Against the backdrop of this political impasse, the politics of recognition is taking centre stage — but is this helping anybody?
The contentious situation is challenging governments if and how they should engage with Myanmar’s military regime. The international community represented by member states at the United Nations appears unable to arrive at an effective consensus towards the turmoil in Myanmar. As states navigate diplomacy and realpolitik, their engagements with Myanmar are coming under increasing scrutiny.
The impasse is drawing attention to any diplomatic signs of movement in the international community towards Myanmar, such as Myanmar’s relationship with the United Kingdom, China’s position and the composition of Myanmar’s participation in April’s ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. It boils down to the politics of recognition and who can speak on behalf of whom.
In the realm of diplomacy, nuance matters. There is a diplomatic practice that countries recognise states, not governments. This practice provides countries flexibility in their diplomatic engagements, particularly when dealing with a state whose military has taken control of government and is deemed illegitimate by its own people and the international community.
It is over this point that the diplomatic world and the public are diverging. Many people see any recognition of a military appointee as affording the military with recognition to run the country at the expense of its democratically elected government.
Back in April, ASEAN faced this challenge over whether the presence of a military representative at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting would constitute the regional body officially recognising the military as the government of Myanmar. At the meeting, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended in his position as Commander-in-Chief but was not afforded official recognition as Head of Government.
While this diplomatic ambiguity allowed ASEAN to initially agree on a regional approach to help address the Myanmar crisis, it is yet to break the impasse towards a peaceful settlement. The only agreement that the five permanent members of the UN Security Council have reached through public statements is that the international response to the situation in Myanmar should be led by ASEAN.
Six months after the coup, over 900 people have been killed and over 5300 arrested, charged or sentenced by the military. COVID-19 is rampant, and many are going without the medical attention they need. Some vaccines and medical equipment are supplied by China, the European Union, Singapore and Japan, but not nearly enough for those most in need. Food prices are also rising and the devastating impact of insufficient access to necessities is taking hold.
As Myanmar faces the grim consequences of dual political and pandemic crises, more questions will be raised about the ability of the international community to help people who are suffering. Pressure will continue to mount on ASEAN to act and see through the implementation of its Five-Point Consensus.
So it will be for other countries like the United Kingdom that have been at the forefront in opposing the military regime. China has supplied two million vaccines to Myanmar and 10,000 to the Kachin Independence Army-controlled areas as well as the Wa autonomous region on its border. China has interests and levers to influence the military in Myanmar and concurrently engages with ethnic army-controlled areas as local authorities. How these countries will calibrate their diplomatic engagement with the military regime in Myanmar while attempting to alleviate the worsening humanitarian situation remains to be seen.
Given the efforts initiated by ASEAN to break the impasse in Myanmar, the international community should work with the regional body to fulfil the Five-Point Consensus to support those most in need. The focus needs to be people-centred to engage entities that can deliver assistance directly. This means engaging established networks with access to affected people like China has done in its vaccine distribution. The international community can use trusted partners like the Red Cross Movement, relevant UN agencies and local partners. ASEAN has the potential to provide a platform for engagement to facilitate access to support these efforts.
ASEAN is supported by the international community to facilitate engagement with all parties including the military, the National Unity Government, the Civil Disobedience Movement and ethnic armed groups de facto recognised in the Five-Point Consensus. The Five-Point Consensus provides the framework for action — it is time now for ASEAN to provide a supportive ecosystem to move from words to actions.
While the people of Myanmar remain resilient in the face of adversity, their neighbours and the rest of the international community must focus on helping them deal with the crisis beyond the politics of recognition. While the world of diplomacy is defined largely by the nuanced positions states take for national interest, actors must balance this ambiguity with the need to invest in a more substantive and consistent agenda to find a political resolution and support the people in Myanmar.
Alistair DB Cook is Coordinator of the Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Programme and Senior Fellow at the Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies, S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
Mely Caballero-Anthony is Professor, President’s Chair in International Relations and Security Studies and Head of the Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"August 11, 2021, Myanmar: Brunei’s state-owned oil company is in business with the Myanmar military junta controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) and crony conglomerate IGE Group, in a further sign of the unsuitability of Brunei’s second foreign minister Dato Erywan Pehin Yusof’s appointment as ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar.
BRUNEI Energy Myanmar, a company fully owned by the Brunei state, has a share in three oil and gas fields that were awarded in 2014 under the Myanmar military’s proxy government led by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). BRUNEI Energy’s local business partner is the IGE Group, owned by the son of former USDP Secretary 1 and minister Aung Thaung. The three blocks are I0R-5 in Htantabin, IOR-7 in Shwepyitha and EP-1 in Kyaukkyi-Mindon, Magwe Region.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Brunei’s business with the Myanmar junta and its notorious cronies makes a mockery of their second foreign minister’s role as ASEAN Special Envoy. Dato Erywan Pehin Yusof cannot be considered a neutral mediator when he is also representing Brunei’s business interests with the junta and its cronies. These concerns add to the serious problems already raised by civil society over the appointment of Erywan Yusof, including a lack of transparency and a failure to consult with Myanmar stakeholders, namely the National Unity Government and ethnic armed organisations. We call on the UN to urgently intervene in the humanitarian and human rights crisis created by the military’s attempted coup and campaign of terror. Relying on ASEAN will only cause more tragedy for the Myanmar people.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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208.01 KB 116.84 KB
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Sub-title:
An empty chair in New York would be a potent reflection of the situation on the ground in post-coup Myanmar.
Description:
"Across Myanmar, the battle continues between the military and those opposed to the military coup d’etat of 1 February 2021. Opposition to the coup began with non-violent resistance in the form of the Civil Disobedience Movement. The aim is now revolution and an end to the military’s decades-long dominance of political life. The revolutionaries have brought within their fold some of the armed ethnic organisations that have long fought against the military in the country’s borderlands. Civil war is looming.
A different battle for Myanmar is being fought in the United Nations.
On 14 September, the 75th UN General Assembly (UNGA) will meet in New York. Presidents, prime ministers and dictators from across the world – or their representatives – will gather to discuss, debate and make recommendations on global issues. The question de jour is who will represent Myanmar – the military’s representative or the representative of the democratically elected, ousted government?
It is the job of a nine-country Credentials Committee to make a recommendation to the UNGA about whose credentials to accept. It is rare for the Committee to accept the credentials of an ousted government that does not hold power or control territory, but it is not unprecedented (Haiti in 1992, Sierra Leone in 1997). In some contentious cases, the Committee has deferred making any decision at all (Afghanistan in 1996 and Cambodia in 1997).
What happens in the UNGA is another matter again. It is common practice for the UNGA to accept the recommendations of the Credentials Committee without a vote. But there is no rule that it must. In 1973, the UNGA voted to reject the credentials of the representatives of South Africa because of the country’s anti-democratic apartheid regime.
In the case of Myanmar, the UNGA stands with the democratically elected government. In June 2021, the UNGA passed a resolution calling on Myanmar’s armed forces to respect the will of the people – as freely expressed in the 8 November 2020 election – and called on all countries to end arms dealing with Myanmar. The resolution is not binding but it is significant – the UNGA very rarely condemns coups. The resolution was passed with only one vote against – that of Belarus – and with the support of more than half the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states.
A vote in the UNGA about the credentials of the Myanmar appointee would probably go the way of the ousted government.
In the run-up to September, Myanmar’s government-in-exile, the National Unity Government (NUG), is engaged in a worldwide lobbying effort for diplomatic recognition. Recognition – by powerful states or by many states – would boost the NUG’s case for recognition by the Credentials Committee.
Recognition of a government on a state-to-state basis is a unilateral political act – states are entitled to recognise whichever government they want. The general practice is that states recognise the government that exercises military control over the territory of the state – and holds the capital city. On this count, in Myanmar’s case, the military’s claim is stronger.
The military controls Myanmar’s airspace and while it does, the revolutionaries cannot win the battle for territory. China, Russia and many of Myanmar’s neighbours in ASEAN have effectively recognised the governing authority created by the military, the State Administrative Council (SAC).
The NUG is pursuing the argument that states should recognise the body that best represents the will of the people – and their right to self-determination. On this count, the NUG’s claim is undoubtedly the stronger. The National League for Democracy (NLD) was the clear winner of the 2020 election, despite the military’s claim that the election was tainted by irregularities. Key NLD members such as State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint form part of the NUG. Other members include parliamentarians from the ousted government and representatives of most of the country’s many ethnic states – and a Rohingya representative.
No state has yet granted recognition to the NUG, though many have met with NUG representatives. In recent meetings of the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organisation, neither the NUG nor the SAC has been given a seat. This may be the outcome in the UNGA as well.
It would be a historic moral victory for the men and women fighting in Myanmar if a representative of the NUG were to take the seat of Myanmar in September. But it would also seriously undermine the prospect of bringing the crisis to an end. With the symbolic support of the UN behind them, those on the ground in Myanmar would fight harder for a costly and improbable victory. The military, ostracised still further, would have fewer reasons to move forward with the only concession it has made to date – the Five-Point Consensus adopted at the ASEAN Leaders Meeting on 24 April.
ASEAN has now appointed a Special Envoy to Myanmar and the UN has committed to working with the Envoy to alleviate Myanmar’s growing humanitarian crisis. Leaving Myanmar’s seat vacant in the UNGA is the best representation of what is happening on the ground. It also provides the best chance of stemming the tide of civil war..."
Source/publisher:
The Interpreter
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-10
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Protests against Myanmar's military government broke out across the nation on Sunday, the anniversary of the bloody suppression of a 1988 uprising against a previous army junta.
At least six separate protests were documented on Facebook pages of opponents of the military, which seized power from the elected government six months ago and detained its leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and several other key officials.
The Feb. 1 coup ended a brief, decade-long experiment in democracy in the Southeast Asian nation of 53 million, shattering hopes that it would emerge from more than half a century of military rule.
The new government led by Min Aung Hlaing, the military's most senior general who assumed the post of interim prime minister a week ago, says it acted within the constitution to remove Suu Kyi's government after disputing the election her party won, though the election commission said the vote was fair.
Many of Sunday's protests made reference to the “8-8-88” democracy uprising on August, 8, 1988, which the then-military regime crushed. Opponents of the military say an estimated 3,000 people were killed during that crackdown.
"The old debt from 88, we must get it all in this 21," chanted protesters in Wundwin township in Mandalay region, recorded on Facebook videos.
Another anti-protest in Myaing township featured placards reading: "Let's struggle together toward the unfinished 8.8.88 people's liberation."
A military government spokesman could not be reached on Sunday for comment on the protests.
The 1988 uprising was at the time the biggest challenge to army rule that had last since 1962.
Min Aung Hlaing on Sunday released a statement praising another anniversary - the founding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 54 years ago.
The statement did not mention the special ASEAN envoy ton Myanmar that the 10-member regional bloc appointed in recent days, who has been tasked with ending post-coup violence and fostering talks between the military and its opponents.
The new envoy, Brunei diplomat Erywan Yusof, said on Saturday he should be given full access to all parties when he visits Myanmar, a trip that has not yet been scheduled..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
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"06 Aug 2021: The newly appointed ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar must secure an end to the Myanmar military junta’s violence and engage with true representatives of the people of Myanmar, starting with the National Unity Government (NUG), says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The appointment of Erywan Yusof, Foreign Affairs Minister II of Brunei Darussalam, as the ASEAN Special Envoy to Myanmar must mark a turning point in ASEAN’s efforts to resolve a crisis caused six months ago by junta leader Min Aung Hlaing. ASEAN took three months to appoint the Special Envoy after reaching its five-point consensus and neglected to consult anyone other than the junta.
“After months of delay and hundreds of deaths, there’s no time to be lost. Implementation of the five-point consensus is now urgent,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “It should start with the Special Envoy securing an immediate total nationwide ceasefire by the military and the withdrawal of the military to barracks.”
The new Special Envoy has already been leading the 10-country regional bloc’s efforts to resolve the crisis in his capacity as representative of the ASEAN Chair.
During this time, the killing of almost 1,000 democracy activists, peaceful protesters and other civilians by the junta have been verified. More than 5,000 more have been detained. Months of devastating air strikes and artillery fire by the military in massive assaults on civilian areas have killed many more and displaced at least 230,000. Entire villages are either deserted or in ruins.
The junta’s atrocities have only strengthened the people’s commitment to resistance and the democracy movement, represented by the NUG. There is no going back to the quasi-democratic system in place before the coup.
“ASEAN’s efforts thus far, waiting for Min Aung Hlaing’s consent before acting, have been unacceptable,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “After six months, it is clear that the junta has neither the military nor the political might to overcome the democracy movement. To ensure any progress, the Special Envoy must engage in dialogue with the NUG, as well as the junta.”
The need for engagement with true representatives of the Myanmar people has been made clear by the catastrophic third wave of COVID-19 in Myanmar, which the junta not only allowed to run free but weaponised for its own political gain.
A decentralised network of local responders, ethnic service providers, civil society organisations, humanitarian groups and others aligned to the democracy movement has been fighting to keep people alive in the vacuum left by the junta’s inability to establish ordinary government functions or assert even a semblance of control. The NUG and Ethnic Health Organisation COVID-19 Task Force is directing cross-border efforts to get life-saving assistance into Myanmar and distributed to where it is needed.
“ASEAN’s inertia has already emboldened the junta as it commits atrocities that amount to crimes against humanity,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “If the Special Envoy continues to engage only with the junta, he will be taken for a ride while the people of Myanmar suffer the consequences.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-06
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"Your Excellency,
The National Unity Government (NUG) is closely following the discussion at the 54th
ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting, particularly on Myanmar. We noted the 54th AMM Joint
Communique and believed that Brunei Darussalam’s Chairmanship will be able to bring
ASEAN to a more peaceful, stable, and resilient Community with enhanced capacity to
respond effectively to challenges. We also welcomed your appointment as the ASEAN Special
Envoy for Myanmar. We believe your able leadership would bring differences in this situation
that the people of Myanmar are facing.
On behalf of the NUG, I wish to reiterate that our government continues to be
committed to engaging and working closely with ASEAN to ensure the success of ASEAN’s
objectives to create a humanitarian space and start an inclusive process towards resolving
Myanmar’s current political crisis. The NUG fully appreciates that these are long-term
commitments that ASEAN Member States have made towards a fellow member state.
Your Excellency,
In this regard, I would like to highlight a couple of points for your kind information
and consideration. First, while the NUG deeply appreciates the support and commitment of
ASEAN Member States to assist Myanmar and her people, we nevertheless remain greatly
concerned that the military junta gets to continuously representing Myanmar in many of
ASEAN platforms. I wish to highlight that the military junta has clearly put its own people
and other people in this region at risks by disrespecting Article 1 and Article 2 of the ASEAN
Charter. It has evidently belittled the 'Purpose' and ' Principles’ of our association. ASEAN
Charter is the main legally binding instrument that holds us and our people together, clear
violation of these purposes and principles clearly undermining all ASEAN Member States
goodwill in building a better region.
Secondly, while we appreciate greatly ASEAN’s efforts in creating an inclusive
platform for dialogue, the NUG would like to stress that there are pre-conditions for a
possible constructive dialogue with the military junta.
Thirdly, like many other ASEAN Member States understand and as widely reported in
many international media; the civil resistance movements persist despite continues
atrocities by the military junta which led to deteriorating humanitarian situation, economic
collapse, and more recently the rapid spread of the COVID-19 across the country. Our people
are dying every day. We plead your cooperation to support us in addressing humanitarian
and COVID-19 crisis. This has to be made into ASEAN's priority. The NUG has adopted a
people-centred response to prevent, mitigate, and control the spread of the COVID-19 within
Myanmar and at the border areas. We have set-up the Covid-19 Task Force (CTF) on 21st of
July in collaboration with Ethnic Health Organizations. We are looking forward to
collaborating with ASEAN, collectively through the AHA Centre, and in any possible bilateral
cooperation.
Your Excellency,
I understand the weight ASEAN is carrying, the complexity of the region. On behalf of
the people of Myanmar and as part of ASEAN family, I would like to extend our full
cooperation with ASEAN, especially in addressing the humanitarian and COVID-19 crisis we
are facing.
Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-06
[field_licence]
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Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Kyaw Moe Tun, who has defied regime attempts to sack him, tells UN it must take action over killings in remote Sagaing area
Description:
"Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, who has refused to leave his post despite being fired by the junta after the February coup, has alerted the world body to a “reported massacre” by the military.
Kyaw Moe Tun sent a letter to the UN secretary general, António Guterres, on Tuesday saying 40 bodies had been found in July in the Sagaing area of north-western Myanmar.
The junta has denied the massacre in the township of Kani, while news agencies have not been able to independently verify the reports due to mobile networks being cut in the remote region.
The representative wrote that soldiers tortured and killed 16 men in a village in the township around 9-10 July, after which 10,000 residents fled the area.
He said a further 13 bodies were discovered in the days after clashes between local fighters and security forces on 26 July.
Kyaw Moe Tun added that another 11 men, including a 14-year-old boy, were killed and set on fire in a separate village on 28 July.
In the letter, the ambassador repeated his call for an arms embargo on the ruling junta and “urgent humanitarian intervention” from the international community.
“We cannot let the military keep on doing this kind of atrocity in Myanmar,” Kyaw Moe Tun said.
“It is time for the UN, especially the UN security council, to take action.”
It came as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) on Wednesday appointed an envoy to Myanmar after a months-long delay in diplomatic efforts to resolve the coup crisis.
Asean’s foreign ministers said in a joint statement, delayed by internal wrangling, that they welcomed the appointment of Brunei second foreign minister, Erywan Yusof, as the bloc’s special envoy. Asean, which operates on a premise of consensus and non-interference, has been under global pressure to help resolve the crisis.
The appointment of an envoy is expected to clear the way for Aseasn to send emergency aid to help authorities cope with a severe Covid-19 outbreak.
Myanmar has been in turmoil since the army ousted the civilian leadership on 1 February, launching a crackdown on dissent that has killed hundreds of people.
Kyaw Moe Tun has passionately rejected the coup and brushed aside the junta’s claims that he no longer represents Myanmar. The United Nations still considers him as the rightful envoy.
The representative was sacked by the junta in February a day after he gave a three-finger salute at the UN general assembly following an impassioned speech calling for the return to civilian rule.
The “Hunger Games” gesture was widely used by pro-democracy demonstrators.
Kyaw Moe Tun, who has repeatedly called for international intervention to help end unrest in Myanmar, said on Wednesday that US authorities had boosted his security after an apparent threat was made against him.
“There was a reported threat against me,” he said. “The police and the security authorities here in New York are working on it,” he added, without giving details about the nature of the threat.
Myanmar’s junta chief said on Sunday elections would be held and a state of emergency lifted by August 2023, extending the military’s initial one-year timeline announced days after the coup..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-06
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"The people of Myanmar face an unparalleled national three Cs (coup, COVID and climate change) crisis today as we confront a failed military coup, catastrophic third COVID-19 wave, and natural disasters engineered by changes in the climate. As the third wave of COVID-19 spreads rampantly throughout Myanmar, it is possible that the next COVID-19 variant could arise out of Myanmar; this is a major threat to regional and global public health security, a threat that must be immediately addressed by ASEAN and Myanmar’s neighboring countries as well as the international community.
For six months, the military junta has robbed the people of Myanmar of their sense of security and dignity. The military has murdered 940 people, including over 70 children as young as 6 years old. They have arbitrarily detained over 5,400 people. Of those, 19 percent are women who have been at the forefront of leading anti-junta protests on the streets. The Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs has reported rape and sexual violence against girls and women in detention. Along with peaceful LGBTIQ protesters, they have been sexually assaulted and harassed, made to conduct humiliating and degrading acts that amount to torture in detention.
Meanwhile, food insecurity is growing, the banking sector is in crisis, and the economy is collapsing with the World Bank forecasting Myanmar’s economy to shrink by 18 percent, and the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the decades of military rule, and the mismanagement of essential administration, including in the health sector. Instead of funding education and health, the military focused on stealing wealth from the people of Myanmar to fund their decades-long civil war against ethnic communities, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in ethnic areas and genocide against the Rohingya with impunity. As a result, more than half a million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar. This is the reason why Myanmar requires such dire levels of international assistance today.
In the face of these challenges, the people of Myanmar, and the National Unity Government (NUG) have repeatedly called on ASEAN and the international community for rapid and expanded humanitarian aid intervention. We welcome the generous support that has been provided by the regional and international community in response to the humanitarian crisis so far, particularly in dialogue with the NUG and NUG-aligned administrative bodies, as well as civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs), but the needs are far greater and require a more robust and coordinated intervention.
Responsibility for this human rights and humanitarian crisis rests squarely with the military junta, which, rather than tackling these issues to the benefit of the people of Myanmar, continues to weaponize COVID-19 and humanitarian aid for its own political gain.
It is vital that humanitarian assistance programs be designed and implemented in a way that ensures that they are not being used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta.
ASEAN and the wider international community must coordinate with and empower existing governance structures that are supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, particularly through NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas for localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground.
The NUG’s people-centered response to humanitarian aid prioritizes the immediate needs of the people of Myanmar. The “People First” approach places the people’s well-being and health services as our first priority, as we endeavor to work with all UN agencies and development partners to bring equitable access to healthcare and COVID-19 vaccination for all people of Myanmar in accordance with international standards, including those laid out by the WHO and UNICEF.
We urge ASEAN, and its humanitarian assistance through the AHA Center, to adhere to certain principles in provision of humanitarian aid. While the people in Myanmar are in desperate need of assistance, support must reach those most in need in a way that does not legitimize the junta, which is the cause of the people’s suffering.
While recognizing that communication with the military may be unavoidable in some instances in providing humanitarian aid, all ASEAN, UN and international partners are strongly urged to avoid communications with the military junta, which will imply or provide it with legitimacy or recognition. To this end, we strongly urge ASEAN to have regular, meaningful and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders as set out in its five point consensus, in particular by holding dialogue with the NUG and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) as well as ethnic armed organizations.
By AUNG MYO MIN 5 August 2021
The people of Myanmar face an unparalleled national three Cs (coup, COVID and climate change) crisis today as we confront a failed military coup, catastrophic third COVID-19 wave, and natural disasters engineered by changes in the climate. As the third wave of COVID-19 spreads rampantly throughout Myanmar, it is possible that the next COVID-19 variant could arise out of Myanmar; this is a major threat to regional and global public health security, a threat that must be immediately addressed by ASEAN and Myanmar’s neighboring countries as well as the international community.
For six months, the military junta has robbed the people of Myanmar of their sense of security and dignity. The military has murdered 940 people, including over 70 children as young as 6 years old. They have arbitrarily detained over 5,400 people. Of those, 19 percent are women who have been at the forefront of leading anti-junta protests on the streets. The Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs has reported rape and sexual violence against girls and women in detention. Along with peaceful LGBTIQ protesters, they have been sexually assaulted and harassed, made to conduct humiliating and degrading acts that amount to torture in detention.
Meanwhile, food insecurity is growing, the banking sector is in crisis, and the economy is collapsing with the World Bank forecasting Myanmar’s economy to shrink by 18 percent, and the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the decades of military rule, and the mismanagement of essential administration, including in the health sector. Instead of funding education and health, the military focused on stealing wealth from the people of Myanmar to fund their decades-long civil war against ethnic communities, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in ethnic areas and genocide against the Rohingya with impunity. As a result, more than half a million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar. This is the reason why Myanmar requires such dire levels of international assistance today.
In the face of these challenges, the people of Myanmar, and the National Unity Government (NUG) have repeatedly called on ASEAN and the international community for rapid and expanded humanitarian aid intervention. We welcome the generous support that has been provided by the regional and international community in response to the humanitarian crisis so far, particularly in dialogue with the NUG and NUG-aligned administrative bodies, as well as civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs), but the needs are far greater and require a more robust and coordinated intervention.
Responsibility for this human rights and humanitarian crisis rests squarely with the military junta, which, rather than tackling these issues to the benefit of the people of Myanmar, continues to weaponize COVID-19 and humanitarian aid for its own political gain.
It is vital that humanitarian assistance programs be designed and implemented in a way that ensures that they are not being used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta.
ASEAN and the wider international community must coordinate with and empower existing governance structures that are supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, particularly through NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas for localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground.
The NUG’s people-centered response to humanitarian aid prioritizes the immediate needs of the people of Myanmar. The “People First” approach places the people’s well-being and health services as our first priority, as we endeavor to work with all UN agencies and development partners to bring equitable access to healthcare and COVID-19 vaccination for all people of Myanmar in accordance with international standards, including those laid out by the WHO and UNICEF.
We urge ASEAN, and its humanitarian assistance through the AHA Center, to adhere to certain principles in provision of humanitarian aid. While the people in Myanmar are in desperate need of assistance, support must reach those most in need in a way that does not legitimize the junta, which is the cause of the people’s suffering.
While recognizing that communication with the military may be unavoidable in some instances in providing humanitarian aid, all ASEAN, UN and international partners are strongly urged to avoid communications with the military junta, which will imply or provide it with legitimacy or recognition. To this end, we strongly urge ASEAN to have regular, meaningful and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders as set out in its five point consensus, in particular by holding dialogue with the NUG and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) as well as ethnic armed organizations.
It is crucial that resources be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively meet the needs on the ground in a way that does not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta. By resourcing CSOs, CBOs, ethnic administrations, and in some circumstances services through CDM health professionals, ASEAN and international support can meet the needs of the people without causing greater harm. This can also ensure that COVID-19 support and vaccinations are not used as a weapon against the people and those participating in the CDM.
Commitment to providing cross-border assistance is key to meeting the urgent needs of the people of Myanmar. Cross-border aid can be delivered through CSOs and CBOs with decades of experience in provision of essential services, particularly in ethnic administrations. The COVID-19 Task Force set up by the Ministry of Health, NUG and ethnic health organizations is central to such provision of assistance at this time.
Decentralized and localized aid is reflective of the emerging federal democratic union that we aspire to build and cross-border aid is currently essential in the realization of inclusive and equitable provision of aid.
These above positions of the NUG in regards to humanitarian aid are clearly laid out in the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management position paper issued on June 19. On July 18, reiterating these calls, the NUG sent a letter to the UN Secretary General, requesting a robust and well-designed intervention from the international community.
Every day that passes without ASEAN and the international community’s urgent action is a day that we lose more lives. The military exists to serve its own interests and has demonstrated over the past six months that it will not act in the best interest of the people of Myanmar. Rather, it serves to perpetuate its own status quo, which will only be further emboldened by the inaction of ASEAN and the wider international community.
The attempted coup has failed. It is the people of Myanmar, despite the immense challenges and against all odds, who are keeping the future of Myanmar from falling into decades-long military rule once again. But we require immediate support.
ASEAN must act, and it must act NOW. Not only for the sake of the people of Myanmar but for the sake of ASEAN. Their continuing insistence on working through the junta is an affront to its own founding Charter, with its declaration of “adhering to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”.
History is repeating itself once again. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is an aspiring dictator, a third-generation military chief who is following in the footsteps of previous dictators, appointing himself as the “caretaker” of Myanmar. This is a threat to global stability and security, and while ASEAN has an important role to play, the world must no longer wait for ASEAN to act. The current human rights, humanitarian and COVID crisis requires robust and immediate action by the UN Secretary General and the UN Security Council. Their immediate action is needed to save lives.
Aung Myo Min is Minister of Human Rights in the National Unity Government of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, ASEAN-Burma relations, National Unity Government (NUG), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Southeast Asian parliamentarians have responded warily to the decision by ASEAN to appoint Brunei’s Foreign Affairs Minister II Erywan Yusof as its special envoy to Myanmar, urging him to take immediate and decisive action to put an end to the military’s bloodshed and chaos.
“While we are satisfied that ASEAN has, at last, appointed a special envoy, there are legitimate concerns with the appointment of Erywan Yusof. Let us not forget that the Minister, as the representative of ASEAN’s Chair, has led the bloc’s ineffective response so far, including a delegation to Myanmar in June, during which he not only met solely with the junta, but also pushed their narrative that elections could take place,” said Kasit Piromya, a Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) and former Thai Member of Parliament (MP). “It is also unnerving that a Minister of an absolute monarchy that does not abide by international human rights standards has been tasked with convincing a murderous army to respect these principles.”
This week, Erywan Yusof, Brunei’s second minister for foreign affairs, was appointed as ASEAN’s special envoy to Myanmar, following several months of negotiations between the bloc and the Myanmar military junta. The role was agreed at the ASEAN Leaders’ Summit in Jakarta in April, during which Member States reached a Five-Point Consensus, which has seen little progress until this point.
“Until now, ASEAN’s response to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar has been deeply, deeply disappointing. With this appointment ASEAN cannot hide behind the excuse of not having a Special Envoy anymore,” Piromya said. “The bloc must ensure that the new Envoy finally gives the bloc the leadership we have so desperately craved in this crisis. Not only do the Myanmar people depend on it, but so does ASEAN’s entire reputation.”
“The Envoy must act promptly, and show skillful diplomacy to ensure he does not become a pawn in the junta’s game to pretend it is taking action, all while maintaining its grip on power and subjecting the people more and more to its oppressive rule. He cannot play into Min Aung Hlaing’s game of using ASEAN to gain international and regional legitimacy anymore, but instead must secure solutions that help the people of Myanmar reach the democracy they have spent the last six months showing the world they so desperately crave,” Piromya said.
The new Special Envoy for Myanmar must change ASEAN’s course of action, and immediately step up action to end violence; secure the release of all political prisoners in the country; immediately meet with Myanmar’s National Unity Government and Ethnic Armed Organization; as well as work with the UN Special Envoy and its international partners to provide much-needed humanitarian assistance to Myanmar, not through its AHA Centre nor the junta, but through independent humanitarian organisations already operating in the country, as well as ethnic health organizations and local health providers, said APHR..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the rest of the international community must provide humanitarian assistance through the COVID-19 Task Force set up by the Ministry of Health under interim government of Myanmar – the National Unity Government (NUG) – and Ethnic Health Organizations, as well as through cross-border channels, local humanitarian networks, ethnic service providers, and community-based organizations, said Progressive Voice and the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) in a joint statement today.
One hundred days have passed since ASEAN leaders and Myanmar’s junta chief Min Aung Hlaing reached the Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar during the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021, yet little progress has been made by ASEAN towards the realization of the consensus.
The consensus placed the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) as the main vehicle through which ASEAN shall provide humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. However, civil society are concerned about the capacity and independence of AHA Centre, as its Governing Board is currently represented by the Myanmar junta’s delegation, which would allow the junta to dictate the terms under which AHA Centre operates. This adds to the on-going criticism on the AHA Centre’s failures in regards the situation of Rohingya in Rakhine State after 2017. A solution beyond AHA Centre is needed.
“The AHA Centre’s operations are marred by its response to the genocide against Rohingya in Rakhine State. The AHA Centre failed to acknowledge the atrocities committed by the Myanmar military and their negligence entrenched the apartheid conditions that Rohingya continue to suffer today,” said Khin Ohmar of Progressive Voice.
“The AHA Centre do not have mandate nor capacity to deliver aid to the people of Myanmar in a way that does not lend tactical and political advantage to the junta. The people of Myanmar are in dire need of support from the regional and international community, but tackling the current crisis through the AHA Centre is to allow the military junta, perpetrator of this humanitarian crisis, to control funding and channel the assistance as they please to their political advantage.”
In a new briefing paper Great Expectations: Analysis of the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management, FORUM-ASIA and Progressive Voice examined the dire humanitarian crisis created by the Myanmar military since the coup on 1 February, and analyzed the role of the AHA Centre, exploring the humanitarian implications for ASEAN and the wider international community.
The paper found that not only is the AHA Centre ill-equipped to handle a so-called “man-made” disaster in Myanmar, its Standard Operating Procedure allows the Myanmar junta to “exercise the overall direction, control, coordination and supervision of the assistance within its territory.” As ASEAN has continued to engage with the brutal and illegitimate junta, refusing to meet with other stakeholders in affront to its own Five Point Consensus, it is likely that ASEAN will work with the junta in provision of humanitarian aid as outlined by the AHA Centre’s procedures.
According to the paper, providing humanitarian aid through the AHA Centre would risk strengthening the junta’s position regionally and internationally and emboldening the junta that have so far killed at least 945 people, arrested 7,026, detained or sentenced 5,474 and displaced at least 230,000 ethnic minorities by aerial bombing and artillery shelling since 1 February.
The human rights and humanitarian disasters have been further compounded by the third wave of COVID-19 and recent flooding, incidences which have been weaponized by the junta for their own political gain, including by calling on the international community to support their relief efforts in a ploy to gain legitimacy. On the ground, the junta has continued to arrest healthcare workers, detain those with expertise on COVID-19 and vaccine rollout, and attack medical facilities.
“It is essential to ensure that the junta does not weaponize the access to humanitarian aid to seek legitimacy from the international community. Civil society, the international community, and particularly ASEAN must recognize and cooperate with NUG, and collectively ensure direct access to people in need without junta’s intervention,” said Shamini Darshni Kaliemuthu, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.
“ASEAN and the international community must recognize and engage with the NUG, and disengage with the junta in provision of humanitarian assistance to prevent them from weaponizing humanitarian aid. We also call on ASEAN to work with the UN and international community to ensure that independent humanitarian organizations and agencies can deliver medical and humanitarian assistance, especially much needed COVID-19 related health support including personal protective equipment, ventilators, oxygen concentrators, and vaccines doses,” said the rights groups..."
Source/publisher:
FORUM-ASIA and Progressive Voice
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-04
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ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Statement on the 100th day of the ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus on Myanmar
We, activists, organizers, and allied organizations of the Milk Tea Alliance - who have kindled,
supported, and mobilized recent and emergent protest movements against authoritarian rule
and oppression across Asia and beyond - releases this statement to strongly condemn ASEAN
for its utter incompetence in responding to the current humanitarian and political crisis in
Myanmar.
ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, which was announced exactly 100 days ago, has proven to be
futile. The consensus was weak in addressing issues critical to de-escalating the crisis - such
as release of the political prisoners. Yet, despite the low bar it set, not a single point on the
consensus has been implemented thus far. Myanmar military has continued to repress,
threaten, and murder innocent civilians with impunity and is now weaponzing the pandemic
against its own people. Overall, the consensus only undermined the struggle of the people of
Myanmar, rather than deliver the promises it claimed it would serve.
Moreover, it is obvious that the bloc itself is disinclined to take any tangible and effective
measure to deter the military in Myanmar. Not only has the ASEAN been unhelpful in resolving
the crisis, it has been an obstacle. It has shielded the Myanmar military from a more
comprehensive international resposne, even giving a veil of international legitimacy by engaging
with them.
In this regard, we urge the wider international community to stop centering ASEAN for a
resolution of the crisis in Myanmar and instead to step up with stronger, more effective
measures against the military themselves..."
Source/publisher:
Milk Tea Alliance via Progressive Voice
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
The Writer Says That Asean Must Deliver Humanitarian Aid Directly To The People Of Myanmar Without Waiting For The Junta's Consent.
Description:
"Three months have passed since Asean agreed to a five-point consensus plan on how to respond to the crisis in Myanmar. During this time, the situation in Myanmar has drastically deteriorated.
Yet, the five-point plan remains little more than a piece of paper, with few signs to date of any steps towards implementation.
Meanwhile, the bodies are still, quite literally, piling up on the streets of Myanmar. Earlier this year, the police and soldiers massacred hundreds who joined peaceful protests against the military coup. These days, it is the junta's deadly weaponising of a third wave of the coronavirus that is filling up morgues and causing untold destruction.
The pandemic is wreaking havoc across the country. Acute oxygen shortages and a collapsed healthcare system mean that very few people are getting the treatment they need. The five-point consensus included an agreement that Asean would provide humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. That has still not materialised, even as the need for life-saving aid has become ever-more desperate.
This week, Brunei will host the 54th Asean Foreign Minister's Meeting. It is expected that the long-overdue appointment of the Asean special envoy to Myanmar - also agreed to as part of the five-point consensus - will be announced.
But the announcement of the special envoy, meant to lead regional efforts to end the crisis, will be irrelevant if there is still no clear idea of what Asean will do next.
What should happen next? The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, of which I am a founding member, has outlined a way forward. Supply lines must be opened across Myanmar's borders to allow life-saving assistance into the country. Asean plays a key political role in this, with Asean member states neighbouring Myanmar.
Asean must engage with local health and other service providers already on the ground. The National Unity Government has established a joint Covid-19 task force with Ethnic Health Organisations.
It is led by highly respected humanitarian leaders who have decades of experience getting emergency services to people fleeing from the Myanmar military. They know how to deliver assistance safely and securely, and Asean must support them.
There is no more time to waste. With every day that passes, Asean's complacency moves closer to complicity in the junta's brutal assault on the people of Myanmar.
The leader of the junta, General Min Aung Hlaing, stated last week that he is seeking the release of Covid-19 funds from Asean, making a mockery of regional efforts to combat the virus.
After launching his coup in February, he abandoned Myanmar's testing and vaccination programme and decimated the country's healthcare system, his soldiers are using hospitals as military bases and targeting medical professionals, forcing thousands into hiding.
In recent weeks, his forces have opened fire on crowds of people anxiously waiting to refill oxygen cylinders, and then seized what scarce supplies of oxygen there are left. They have looted and destroyed medical supplies, including personal protective equipment, and continued to abduct doctors and nurses who are working undercover to treat patients, all the while in fear for their own lives.
Asean member states would be fools to give Covid-19 relief money to the junta. As I stated in 2018 as chair of a United Nations (UN) fact-finding mission on Myanmar, General Min Aung Hlaing should be investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The only way for humanitarian assistance to reach the Myanmar people is for it to be delivered directly to them. In 1948, the Berlin Airlift overcame a Soviet blockade to see food, water and medicine reach the people of besieged West Berlin. There are no excuses.
It is unacceptable for Asean to wait for the junta's consent to begin implementing any part of the five-point consensus. If the special envoy cannot be appointed, the Asean chair and secretary-general must take the lead.
At this week's ministerial meeting, Asean must finally start acting in the interest of the principles enshrined in the Asean Charter; respect for fundamental freedoms, promotion and protection of human rights and the promotion of social justice, as well as peace, security and stability in the region.
People in Myanmar are struggling to breathe. But in the struggle for relevancy, this could be Asean's last gasp.
The writer is a founding member of the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
South Asia Monitor
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
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"ASEAN is expected to name its special envoy to Myanmar at the regional grouping’s ongoing foreign ministerial meeting this week. Originally scheduled for Monday, the announcement has been delayed after a last-minute objection from Myanmar torpedoed the group’s consensus choice. The Irrawaddy has interviewed various sources across ASEAN to find out what has been going on behind the scenes.
ASEAN Secretary General Dato Lim Jock Hoi and Bruneian Second Foreign Minister Erywan Yusof visited Naypyitaw on June 5-6 to discuss the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy and a group of advisers. (Brunei currently holds ASEAN’s rotating chair position.) A list of candidates drafted by the ASEAN members was presented for consideration. Of the candidates, two emerged as favorites for consideration: former Indonesian foreign minister Hasan Wirayuda and former Thai vice foreign minister Virasak Futrakul.
While the ASEAN chair remained tight-lipped, news reports surfaced in Singapore following the Naypyitaw trip that Myanmar preferred Virasak as the special envoy, given his experience and expertise. He served as Thai ambassador to Yangon in the mid-1990s. The news raised eyebrows in Jakarta, which was backing Hasan.
When the ASEAN foreign ministers discussed the Myanmar situation on the sidelines of the ASEAN-China special meeting in Chongqing, China on June 8, the junta’s foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, said Naypyitaw still backed Virasak as the envoy. However, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi continued to push for Hasan’s leadership. According to various ASEAN sources, Malaysia further muddied the waters by suddenly throwing the name of veteran Malaysian diplomat Razali Ismail—a former special envoy to Myanmar—into the ring.
Also on the sidelines of the meeting, the earlier Thai idea that the ASEAN “special envoy” should not be a single individual but rather a group of diplomats working on different tasks was first officially put to Myanmar and formally discussed. Wunna Maung Lwin told the meeting that as a new proposal, it would need to be vetted by the military junta before a decision could be made. This further delayed the decision on the special envoy, as the ASEAN chair had to ponder once again who would be the most suitable candidate. In the end, there was no consensus on how to proceed.
The Chongqing meeting set the stage for a prolonged tussle—both between ASEAN and Naypyitaw and among ASEAN members—over the choice of envoy. Throughout the envoy saga, the ASEAN chair has been reluctant to preempt any ASEAN member’s judgement on the issue, despite its prerogative to do so, which is one of the reasons the selection process has dragged on.
Further complicating the process was the fact that in late June and early July, the ASEAN chair had to attend a few G7 and G20-related meetings, while also observing end-of-Ramadan rites.
On July 13, the ASEAN foreign ministers met again, on the sidelines of the ASEAN-US special ministerial meeting. The choice of ASEAN special envoy was once again discussed, this time without the participation of Myanmar. They now agreed that Erywan would take up the position as the ASEAN special envoy.
According to a highly placed source, Thailand decided at this meeting to withdraw Virasak’s name to make it easier for the ASEAN chair to act. With the consensus now solidifying around Erywan, Retno finally yielded and the Bruneian was suddenly put forward as a candidate to head an envoy team, with Hasan, Virasak and Razali serving as advisers. The three readily agreed to the proposal. Additionally, a senior diplomat from Cambodia, the upcoming ASEAN chair, would be included.
Two days before the ASEAN meeting this week, however, Myanmar junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing asserted his preference for Virasak, adding that ASEAN’s new proposal made it impossible to move ahead. This is an interesting development, to say the least, as Myanmar had known for some time that Erywan would be the head of ASEAN team. Myanmar now insists it will have to consider the proposal to make Erywan the head of the team.
At the meeting on Monday, Myanmar adopted a hardline attitude towards ASEAN, especially over the draft Joint Communique that was scheduled to be released on the day, only to be delayed. Some ASEAN members want a commitment from Myanmar to release all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as foreigners detained since the coup. In addition, there has been a strong appeal to include a sentence in the statement calling for swift and full implementation of ASEAN’s five-point consensus, reached in April, on solving the crisis in Myanmar.
After six months of engagement with the Myanmar junta, it is clear that the ASEAN chair wants to earn the trust of all stakeholders, and, accordingly, is proceeding with the appropriate caution needed to reach a decision. The sources expressed disappointment with Naypyitaw’s response to ASEAN’s effort to end the current stalemate. At one point, they said, the chair even threatened to add a paragraph disowning Naypyitaw.
The ASEAN foreign ministers expected Myanmar to quickly approve Erywan’s leadership and move forward with the implementation of its five-point consensus, especially the immediate deployment of an ASEAN team on the ground to help with the humanitarian crisis in the country, which is being worsened by the collapse of the health system amid a raging COVID-19 outbreak..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Description:
" The plan by Myanmar's ruling generals to hold elections in two years shows they are stalling for time and the need for Southeast Asian countries to step up pressure on them, a senior State Department official said on Monday.
"It's clear that the Burmese junta is just stalling for time and wants to keep prolonging the calendar to its own advantage," the official told reporters ahead of a ministerial meeting this week between the United States and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Myanmar.
"So, all the more reason why ASEAN has to engage on this and... uphold the terms of the five point consensus that Myanmar also signed up to," he said referring to a plan by ASEAN leaders to tackle the turmoil.
The official briefing reporters ahead of a week of virtual meetings involving U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and regional counterparts said Washington had proposed expanding engagement with ASEAN to include five new "multi-ministerial"-level dialogues, which it hoped the bloc would agree to soon.
The official said one of the areas was climate, but did not list the others.
He said he expected Blinken to provide details to ASEAN ministers of continued U.S support for Southeast Asia in the fight against COVID-19, which has hit the region hard.
Blinken would also raise what Washington sees as China's human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Tibet, he said.
Asked about China's warnings that if Washington expected cooperation on issues such as climate, it would need to de-escalate tensions, the official replied: "Look, if we can't force China to cooperate, we can continue to point out the advantages, and hopefully they'll see that this is also in their advantage to work with us on climate issues."
Washington is seeking to show through Blinken's participation in five consecutive days of regional meetings that the Biden administration is serious about engaging with allies and partners in its bid to push back against China's growing influence.
As well as the U.S.-ASEAN ministerial talks, Blinken will also participate virtually this week in ministerial meetings of the East Asia Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the Mekong-U.S. Partnership and the Friends of the Mekong initiative..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, USA-Burma relations
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Description:
"Summary: The situation in Myanmar (Burma) is grave. The Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, is
continuing its violent crackdown on protestors, which has led to hundreds of deaths and
thousands of disappearances. A crisis of this scale requires swift, coordinated action,
and the many thousands of people who have been displaced by the violence urgently
require humanitarian assistance.
The UK holds a number of unique roles and responsibilities which allow it to lead on
preventing further violence and ensuring essential humanitarian support reaches those
who need it. The Government has taken some strong measures in response to the coup
and the violence, but there is much more that it can do. In this report we recommend a
number of actions the UK Government should take to help reduce the violence against
civilians. At a time when the Government is planning greater engagement with the
Indo-Pacific, Myanmar presents a test of how effective our policy in the region can be.
We recommend that the Government take further steps to secure a binding arms
embargo on Myanmar, widen its sanctions approach to include a much broader range
of people and organisations, provide humanitarian and logistical support to ethnic
advocacy and media organisations, and take steps to ensure that those perpetrating
these crimes will face justice in the future.
Effective mediation in Myanmar requires concrete action. Failure to do so in the past
has led to the crisis we see today. Failure to do so in the future will only lead to further
violence, instability and loss of life.....Introduction: 1. In February 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup which led to the deposition and
detention of the country’s democratically elected representatives, and the military taking
control of the country. The protests and violence that have followed the coup have led to
hundreds of deaths, thousands of disappearances, and tens to hundreds of thousands of
displaced people. Evidence from diaspora groups paints a harrowing picture: many speak
of family members who have been unlawfully detained and many others who are beyond
contact.1
2. The Tatmadaw2 staged this coup and declared a state of national emergency following
their claims that the 2020 General Election was compromised by mass voter fraud. It
has provided no evidence for these claims.3 The election has been found by international
observers to “reflect the true will of the electorate”.4
3. While there has been much international condemnation of the coup and the military
junta’s violence against protestors, there has been little substantial action taken. Months
on from the coup, clear proof that the junta is committing serious crimes against the
Myanmar people continues to surface regularly. Statements of condemnation have not
and will not prevent these crimes—only clear action will.
4. The need for this action is urgent. Dr Sasa, the Minister for International Cooperation
in the democratically elected National Unity Government (NUG), said:
It is a pivotal movement in our history. The darkest hour in our history
which was heading to the great civil war and genocide. Some 54 million
brave people of Myanmar are facing the cruellest military junta.5
The UK has a unique role to play. As the United Nations Security Council ‘penholder’ on
Myanmar, and as an accepted Dialogue Partner to the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN),6 there are several fronts on which the UK can exert further diplomatic
influence. This crisis is also a major test of the effectiveness of the UK’s tilt to the IndoPacific region, as announced in the Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development
and Foreign Policy.7 If the Government is serious about building its influence in the region
it should show a willingness to take moral leadership and prevent further conflict and loss
of life. This report sets out what more the UK Government could and should do..."
Source/publisher:
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, National Unity Government (NUG), ASEAN-Burma relations, Sanctions - general, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken asked his Southeast Asian counterparts Wednesday to press for an end to violence in Myanmar, its return to democracy and the release of all political prisoners in a video conference attended by the military-led nation’s top diplomat.
In the meeting with foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Blinken also underscored the U.S. rejection of China’s “unlawful” territorial claims in the South China Sea and stressed that Washington stands with nations at odds with Beijing in the sea disputes.
Blinken’s meeting with the 10-nation bloc also addressed the coronavirus pandemic, State Department spokesman Ned Price said, as surging infections fill hospitals and morgues and further devastate Southeast Asian states’ once-bustling economies.
Blinken “called on ASEAN to take joint action to urge the end of violence, the restoration of Burma’s democratic transition and the release of all those unjustly detained,” Price said in a statement, using the former name for Myanmar.
The U.S. and European nations have been the most vocal opponents of the military takeover that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government in February. Suu Kyi was arrested and detained with top members of her National League for Democracy party, including President Win Myint.
Last week, U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet said the rights situation in Myanmar has changed from a political crisis to a “multi-dimensional human rights catastrophe,” adding that nearly 900 people have been killed and 200,000 forced to flee their homes because of military raids. The World Food Program has estimated that more than 6 million people are in severe need of food aid, she said.
Blinken urged ASEAN to take immediate action “to hold the Burmese regime accountable” to a consensus forged in April by the bloc’s heads of state with Myanmar’s military leader. The five-point document called for an immediate end to violence and the start of a dialogue among contending parties with a special ASEAN envoy mediating in the talks.
Philippine Foreign Secretary Teodoro Locsin Jr. pressed for the restoration of the political conditions before the Feb. 1 military takeover, but lamented that “So far, nothing’s happened.”
Although highly contentious issues were raised, the two-hour meeting was “very civil,” a Southeast Asian diplomat told The Associated Press. The diplomat was involved in the meeting but spoke on condition of anonymity for lack of authority to publicly discuss what went on.
It was not immediately clear if Myanmar’s military-appointed foreign minister responded to Blinken’s concerns or to the previous ASEAN demands.
ASEAN member states have recommended to Myanmar officials the names of possible ASEAN envoys from Thailand and Indonesia but there has been no response. Two ASEAN representatives who traveled to Myanmar last month asked to meet Suu Kyi and other detainees but were rebuffed, the Southeast Asian diplomat said.
The South China Sea territorial disputes involve four ASEAN states. Ahead of his meeting with ASEAN on Wednesday, Blinken accused China of continuing “to coerce and intimidate Southeast Asian coastal states, threatening freedom of navigation in this critical global throughway,” and upheld a Trump-era rejection of nearly all of China’s maritime claims in the region.
China deplored Blinken’s remarks, saying he was sowing discord among Asian countries and stoking disputes.
“The U.S. always poses as a defender of international law and keeps making an issue of the South China Sea, but it has not joined the UNCLOS,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said at a daily briefing, referring to the 1982 U.N. treaty that governs the use of the world’s seas and oceans.
An international arbitration tribunal, acting on a complaint filed by the Philippines, in 2016 declared most of China’s sweeping territorial claims invalid. Beijing has refused to recognize the ruling.
Blinken’s meeting with his ASEAN counterparts was to have taken place in May but he was unable to secure an online connection as he took a flight for an emergency trip to Israel. The bloc’s foreign ministers, who waited for nearly an hour, decided to cancel the meeting. The State Department later apologized.
Founded in 1967 in the Cold War era, ASEAN is a diverse collective of democracies and authoritarian states that has become a battleground for regional influence between the U.S. and China. Its members are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam..."
Source/publisher:
"Associated Press" (New York)
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, USA-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
" The junta, still unable to gain political, territorial or economic control in the third
month since its forcible and unconstitutional power grab, has engulfed the entire
country in armed conflict. It has escalated military attacks on urban-based
movements and border-based ethnic communities.
Security forces, including notorious units that committed genocidal atrocities
against Rohingya people, unleashed lethal battlefield tactics in towns and cities,
launched airstrikes on Kachin and Karen states, and shelled villages in Chin,
Kachin, Karen, Shan, and Sagaing States/Regions.
During April alone, security forces killed at least 288 civilians and displaced over
27,000. The junta sentenced 26 civilians to death in military tribunals.
In total, it has killed at least 845 civilians, injured thousands more, displaced over
47,000 ethnic community members, and detained at least 4,537 politicians, activists,
journalists and others, in attacks against the democracy movement.
The Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) (i.e., the elected
parliament) formed an ethnically diverse National Unity Government (NUG).
ASEAN leaders invited junta leader Min Aung Hlaing—who illegally grabbed power
on 1 February—to a meeting, rather than Burma’s legitimate civilian government.
The meeting resolution contained “Five Points of Consensus,” including peaceful
negotiation and cessation of violence in Burma, but not including the release of
political detainees. The junta preceded the meeting by criminalizing the NUG, and
followed the meeting by continuing its violence throughout the country.
The junta’s oppressive attempts to gain control of the country is disintegrating the
economy, potentially dragging it back by 15 years. The UN projects that by 2022,
48% of the country will be in poverty.
In order to avert worse violence and create
space for dialogue and negotiations, the
movement in Burma and allies urge that:
o The UN Security Council must work
with ASEAN, to ensure it complies with
UNSC resolutions on the protection of
civilians, the Geneva Conventions, and
international human rights standards;
o The UN, foreign states, and
international finance institutions (IFIs)
must sanction and stop assisting the
junta; and
o These actors must engage with the NUG
as the legitimate government of Burma,
rather than the junta.....CONTENTS: 2 Burma movement demands
2 Democratic government
4 De jure and de facto authority
5 Air strikes and a new civil war
7 Offensives cross international lines
7 Attempts to stop defections
8 Junta’s violent crackdown
9 Bago massacre, Sagaing attacks
9 Tactics of fear and repression
10 Civilians sentenced to death
11 Media/information restrictions
12 Protests continue despite dangers
13 ASEAN meeting
14 International reactions, sanctions
18 Corporations pick sides
19 Coup continues to destroy economy..."
Source/publisher:
Altsean Burma, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma, and Women Peace Network
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
762.46 KB
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