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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 19 May, (807) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Bago City and Pyay Town in Bago Region were killed in previous days and have been documented today. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 19, a total of (4174) people are currently under detention; of them (94) are sentenced. 1742 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Despite the junta’s relentless oppression, people across Burma continue to protest in various ways, to oppose this military dictatorship. This morning in Thaketa township, Yangon Region, the so-called police used motorbikes to crack down on civilians as they gathered for a university student protest. Three civilians were arrested. The indiscriminate shooting of civilians by these terrorists are worsening every day. Last night, in Pyay Township, Bago Region, a man was shot and taken away by junta forces with his injuries. This morning, his family were told to collect the dead body. In a similar case, on May 17, a young man was shot and detained with his wounds as junta forces raided a restaurant. His family were notified five hours later that he was dead. Families of those injured are often not notified of the victim’s arrest, or of any injuries and are often only contacted after the victim’s death. This shows this junta’s dishonesty. It also remains unknown whether victims are given access to medical treatment. Junta forces treat detainees in cruel ways which violate human rights and human dignity. Many other detainees have faced various atrocities whilst under detention. Junta forces use fraud, bribery and extortion to deceive and opress civilians. Parents of detained children have been made to pay more than 5 million kyats (USD$3037) to the junta for the release of their child, yet after paying, these children have still not been released. There have also been reports that artists and other wealthy civilians have been requested to pay 20 million kyats in order to have their names removed from the warrant list. Specific confirmation of this is yet to be verified. Only releasing detainees after receiving payment is extortion and a form of abduction. These actions clearly show the criminal nature of this junta regime. Junta terrorists have been attempting to divert civilian’s interest away from participation in politics. In states, regions and villages across Bago, Magway, Mandalay, Saging and Irrawaddy Regions, the junta has officially allowed gambling. This terrorist group is leading Burma down a path of destruction in order to maintain power. This illegitimate group is committing illegal acts, pushing the country further into instability day by day. Under junta control, children have also been severely oppressed. Last night in Bago City, Bago Region, two 14-year-old children and an 18-year-old young man were beaten and arrested. According to AAPP’s documentation, as of today, a total of 73 children have been detained and a total of 53 children have been killed. This is an extremely concerning situation for all of Burma’s children. Since the coup, children have not been granted access to protection in any way. Even though Burma is one of the countries which has ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, as the junta is an illegal terrorist group, it is unsurprising that these rights are not respected. LGBTIQ communities have also faced oppression, without any protection, throughout the coup. An activist from the LGBTIQ community was arrested at gunpoint yesterday evening in Mingalardon Township, Yangon Region. This terrorist group uses acts of violence that severely violate human dignity against civilians during their interrogations. This stresses concern for the safety of this LGBTIQ detainee, who inevitably can be deprived of their basic rights. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.04 MB 3.61 MB 932.87 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 18 May, (805) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Mindat Township in Chin State, South Dagon Township in Yangon Region and Daik-U Township in Bago Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 18, a total of (4146) people are currently under detention; of them (92) are sentenced. 1722 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people continued to protest against the military dictatorship in various strikes across Burma. The junta’s brutal shooting however, continues to worsen. Last night, a civilian was shot dead in Daik-U Township, Bago Region. The people of Burma experience constant insecurity on a daily basis, as this terrorist group continues threatening civilians with its use of armed forces and weapons. The junta regime has been using many different forms of oppression on any regions that fight back against them. Last night, they cut off the supply of drinking water in Mindat Township, Chin State. This is one of the most vicious tactics that the military has exercised throughout all its operations. It is a clear expression of the hatred the military has for innocent civilians. Junta terrorists have also been destroying state-owned, public, and private properties, both day and night. Yesterday, junta troops stormed local shops in Ka Myaing village, Thayet Chaung Township in Tanintharyi Region, threatening to shoot. They also destroyed materials inside the IELTS English training school in Muse Township in Shan State on May 16 after they were unable to find a wanted individual. Due to this violent destruction, civilians live in constant fear for their property and security, which they have been left to protect on their own. Raids and arrests by junta terrorists in Thalin village, Kani Township, in Sagaing Region have forced the whole village to begin fleeing since yesterday afternoon. The same situation occurred to locals in Kanpetlet Township, Chin State, where the military has expanded its forces. The junta regime uses various methods to suppress civilians in areas which oppose them, in order to weaken local defence forces and prevent further resistance. Similar oppressions will be seen in both urban and rural areas, for as long as the dictatorship lasts. Acts of vandalism and destruction have been occurring across Burma. The Basic Education no.14 Post-Primary School in South Dagon Township, Yangon Region was set on fire last night, and one of the nine teachers involved in CDM was arrested following accusations from the school principal. According to locals, the junta terrorists have been committing various kinds of oppression, which include the arrest of those involved in CDM and this arson attack. Arson is a method which is frequently used by the junta against the people. It has been more than 100 days since the junta coup. The international community, including ASEAN, has been extremely slow to respond and take action for Burma. The meeting scheduled on May 18 to draft a resolution on Burma at the UN General Assembly, has been postponed. It is the people who will continue to experience brutal human rights abuses of this seemingly endless terrorist regime. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.04 MB 3.81 MB 940.85 KB
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Title: A wider war spreads fast and far in Myanmar
Sub-title: Myanmar's peaceful protests are morphing into a hit-and-run resistance movement against military rule
Description: "Another military airbase has come under rocket attack in central Myanmar, a shadowy but strategic assault that even tightly censored, military-controlled media felt compelled to report. On May 15, three 107mm rockets were fired at Toungoo airbase, situated just 95 kilometers from the capital Naypyitaw, according to the state mouthpiece Global New Light of Myanmar. The rocket attack follows similar assaults on air bases at Magwe and Meiktila in late April. No group has claimed responsibility for the attacks, but they come after recent Tatmadaw aerial bombardments in Kayin and Kachin states, where ethnic armies are battling the military and anti-coup protesters have recently taken refuge from rising, lethal military violence in urban areas. Myanmar’s civil wars, until now confined mainly to relatively remote ethnic frontier regions, are now spreading to the country’s heartland and urban areas. Rather than ethnic army fighters, recent attacks have more likely been launched by new-age militants from the ethnic Bamar majority. Shadowy attacks on military soft and hard targets are mounting. On May 18, a local junta-appointed official was assassinated in Yangon’s Lanmadaw district after two bomb blasts at his office. According to Yangon-based sources, the official was known to be a key military informant and his actions had led to the arrest of several pro-democracy protesters. Bombs have also detonated in various towns in Sagaing and Mandalay Regions and in Shan, Mon and Chin states. When the coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, visited Sagaing City on May 18 a bomb exploded even there despite tight security. A clear example of this new resistance to military rule was recently seen in Mindat, a town in Chin State but close to the border with the central region of Magwe. The Chinland Defense Force (CDF), a newly formed local militia, took over the town and retreated only after heavily armed Tatmadaw units counterattacked with artillery and helicopter gunfire. Before those reinforcements arrived, local militants armed with only hunting rifles and homemade bombs killed several Tatmadaw soldiers. Until now, Chin state is the only ethnic state in Myanmar that has not seen widespread insurgency. (The ceasefire Chin National Front was never a formidable force.) What began as peaceful, even joyful demonstrations against coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s democracy-suspending February 1 coup is now morphing into shadowy armed resistance across the country. The list of anti-military counterattacks is growing by the day. For instance, a bomb exploded at the Daik-U township’s education office in the Bago Region on May 16. That same day, another bomb detonated at the Mogok township general administrator’s office in the Mandalay Region. On May 17, the Htone Bo Ward administration office in Sagaing township was burned down. On May 18, a truck carrying food supplies for Myanmar army soldiers was torched on the Mogaung-Tanai Ledo road in Kachin State. The shift from peaceful to violent protest came only after demonstrators were violently and lethally attacked by soldiers and police, with snipers shooting teenagers and even killing children as young as five, according to news reports. Nearly 800 people have been killed by the police and Tatmadaw since Min Aung Hlaing seized power from an elected government. Close to 5,000 have been arrested, including politicians, journalists, lawyers and community workers. An unknown number are now in hiding or have fled to border areas or across the border into exile. Yangon residents say the persistent unrest appears to be taking a toll on the mental health of front-line police and soldiers who are ordered by their superiors to use lethal force against the general population. “They are staying inside hospitals, schools, police stations and secluded compounds and when they venture out of those, local activists inform their comrades in other parts of Yangon,” one Yangon-based source said. Three and a half months after the coup, anti-coup demonstrators are still marching in the streets in defiance. Many others, sources say, are getting ready for more violent action. They say the assassination of the official in Lanmadaw is probably only the beginning of what could quickly turn into urban warfare scenarios in major cities nationwide. According to some reports, automatic weapons and grenades have already been sent to activists in Yangon. Myanmar may not become a full-blown failed state — much of the economy is and has always been run underground and thus not measured in official statistics — but the nation is definitely now a failing state. Tens of thousands of health workers and teachers have been fired for taking part in the so-called Civil Disobedience Movement. Banks are reportedly running out of cash as people — if they are lucky — withdraw their savings. Many have imposed fees of 8%-9% to withdraw funds or imposed outright limits on the amount that can be taken out. A brain drain has also begun as many well-educated people have leveraged various channels to leave the country. What happens next is not clear, but Min Aung Hlaing’s power-grab is measuring up as perhaps the most unsuccessful military coup in modern Asian history. To be sure United States (US) and European Union (EU) sanctions have so far had no deterrent effect on the military’s onslaught. The severest action that can be taken by the United Nations (UN) would be a resolution calling for an “immediate suspension” of weapons transfers to the junta. Although recently introduced by the tiny European principality of Liechtenstein, which is not an EU member, and supported by the EU, UK and US, it will inevitably be vetoed at the UN Security Council by permanent members China and Russia. What is clear, however, is that Min Aung Hlaing has ruined his chance of becoming a credible political leader. As military commander-in-chief, he traveled more widely than any of his predecessors on what the Tatmadaw called “goodwill missions.” According to a study compiled by the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies, a Yangon-based think tank, his trips took him to China, Russia, Vietnam, Thailand, India, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Cambodia, Laos, Nepal, Japan, South Korea, Israel, Belarus, Serbia, Brunei, Pakistan and even Belgium, Austria, Germany and Italy. He won’t likely be welcome again in many of those countries. His future standing in Myanmar is also on shaky ground, with critics and commentators saying he has single-handedly destroyed his legacy as an armed forces commander while making the military even more an object of contempt in the public’s eye. But even if the Tatmadaw moved to oust him from his positions of power in a face-saving counter-coup – for now, more wishful thinking than likely scenario – there is no guarantee that his military successors would be in favor of the kind of openness Myanmar enjoyed from 2011 until this year’s disastrous coup..."
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Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication: 2021-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 17 May, (802) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. These (6) fallen heroes from Mindat, Hakha, Tedim and Tamu Townships in Chin State, Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region and South Dagon Township in Yangon Region were killed in previous days and have been documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 17, a total of (4120) people are currently under detention; of them (92) are sentenced. 1699 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people across Burma continued to protest against the oppressive military dictatorship. In Tanintharyi Region today, a protest in Dawei was violently cracked down on by junta forces using civilian vehicles to crash into protesters, leaving many injured. In this crackdown, seven civilians were arrested and one was shot with a rubber bullet. Junta forces are now using this brutal method of suppressing protests by crashing into civilians with cars on a daily basis. This is a clear expression of hostility towards civilians, and shows the junta will use any means to inflict harm on the people. The junta terrorists used heavy artillery and live ammunition last night across Mindat Town, Chin State, following massive raids on Mindat Town yesterday. Similar shooting occured today, destroying houses. A 10 year-old girl who was hiding inside a house was shot and remains in a critical condition. Junta troops have been violently damaging houses and shops, and looting goods. In addition to this, displaced civilians who have been hiding in the jungles are in desperate need of food, shelter, and medical supplies. The use of such violent force against a small town warns any other town that resists against the junta, that they will face the same brutality. The people of Burma however, have shown they are not afraid of junta threats, and will continue to fight to defeat the military dictatorship. The people will not accept any negotiations, and will only accept solutions which hold the junta fully accountable for the deaths of over 800 civilians. Last night, junta forces opened fire in Tedim Town, Chin State. Two youths from Tedim Town were killed. The death of one of the two victims is still under investigation; if it is confirmed, the death will be added to the AAPP fatality list. Yesterday evening in Hakha township, Chin state there was a clash between the Chin State Defense Force (Hakha) (CDF-Hakha), and the junta terrorists, which resulted in the death of a young man from the CDF-Hakha. This terrorist group continues its daily shooting and the number of civilian deaths are rising, yet no effective action has been taken to bring down the Junta. The country is unstable and the rule of law has ceased. In South Dagon Township, Yangon Region, the junta returned the rotting body of a man who was arrested on May 14. In order to get permission to cremate his body, medical papers had to be signed which stated he died from pre-existing health conditions. His body was returned displaying many wounds consistent with torture. His face was badly bruised, with his entire mouth swollen, and his teeth appeared to be broken. The junta closely followed the funeral, ensuring no photos were taken. Torture is extremely cruel and inhumane, yet the terrorists continue to use such brutal methods to intimidate the people of Burma, and prevent them from opposing. They also continue to force victims’ family members to sign false medical records, in an attempt to cover up deaths caused by their torutre, and destroy evidence of their brutality. If this military dictatorship ends and democracy is restored, the junta will be held accountable for each and every one of their actions, regardless of their attempts to hide them. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.04 MB 3.7 MB 928.45 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 16 May, (796) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. These (6) fallen heroes from Mindat Township in Chin State were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 16, a total of (3998) people are currently under detention; of them (92) are sentenced. 1679 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, anti-military protests continued across Burma, in Innwa town, Mandalay Region the Mandalay Sanga Union protest was suppressed, though no-one was injured or arrested. In Myitkyina Township, Kachin State, four people were arrested as the protest was scattered. Police used civilian cars to chase the protesters. Last night in Waingmaw town, Kachin State, a young man was arrested and four others injured in an intentional car crash. Such barbaric atrocities are now becoming a predominant tactic of the junta. Yesterday in Mindat town, Chin State, the junta used excessive force against the entire city. This morning, civilians who fled were ambushed on their way. The terrorist group has been using violence to oppress rural areas. Nyaw Pyin Village, Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region and Monpin Village, Sintgaing Township, Mandalay Region were raided by large numbers of junta troops this morning. During the raid, at least four villagers from Nyaw Pyin village were arrested, every single door in Monpin village was smashed, and their belongings and money looted. Aside from this, three houses, including the house of the NLD village chairman, were destroyed yesterday evening in Kan Thar Yar village, Khin-U Township, Sagaing Region, bags of rice and 700,000 kyats were looted. The terrorist crimes of armed robbery, wrecking and raiding continue unabated due to impunity. The terrorist group allows police and soldiers to do whatever they want to maintain power. As long as the terrorist group is in power, such acts will continue to be committed on a daily basis. On 15 May, in Kho Yaung Village, Tangyan Township, Shan State, the Hsipaw Township NLD parliamentary candidate Sai Kan Nyunt was beaten to death, he was found dead with stab wounds. NLD members are being persecuted on a daily basis, the deaths are beyond doubt the junta’s doing. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.03 MB 3.88 MB 925.35 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 15 May, (790) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Mandalay City in Mandalay Region and Mindat Town in Chin State were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 15, a total of (3989) people are currently under detention; of them (92) are sentenced. 1659 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Civilian’s security is deteriorating day after day, the junta’s violence has reached utter ruthlessness, they are shooting, killing, arbitrarily charging, robbing , looting , destroying and vandalism, there has been no reduction by the junta. This morning in Taunggyi Town, Shan State, the junta crackdown on protests and 4 youths were arrested. In Yangon the junta crackdown in Yankin Township after a protest had finished, the police chased them with the motorbikes, and 7 youths were arrested. In Mindat Town , Chin State, the situation is getting worse due to resistance against the terrorist group, there is intense fighting and clashes every day. The junta group brought in nearly a thousand further troops and repeatedly fired heavy artillery shells. The junta troops entered the town and opened fire on civilians. Civilians were injured including children, they have not been able to get medical treatment. More than 15 youths were taken hostage and used as human shields when the junta came into the city. They are arresting all the men who are living in Mindat town. Their doors are being broken into, they are being beaten in the houses and arrested. This disproportionate use of brutal force is believed to be the terrorist aim for eradicating the People’s Defense Forces (PDF). The use of human shields is a “war crime” and impunity for these attacks are a failure to humanity. The terrorist group is carrying out unprovoked and intentional shootings, acts such as torture are perpetrated on a daily basis. In Monywa , Sagaing Region, Sein Win, a poet, philanthropist and veteran politician was collecting donations for IDP’s and he was at a friend’s house talking. Then an unidentified man arrived and poured gasoline on him and set him on fire. Such atrocities are being repeatedly perpetrated by the terrorist group who has become even more hostile to people against the coup. In Aungmyethazan Township, Mandalay, a Burmese teacher who was shot in the leg during a protest rally on May 2 died at Pyin Oo Lwin Military Hospital, his family was not allowed to bury his body and they did not say how he died. The lack of cause of their death indicates what truly happened, since the coup the terrorists have tortured many people to death. They are the only group which commits these crimes. The junta is also vandalizing and looting on a daily basis. Last night in Sagaing Region, Shwe Bo Market was set on fire during curfew time, locals say it was linked to the junta’s action. In Myitkyina, Kachin State, the junta threatened whoever passed by on the road with their guns, demanding money and saying they would shoot the people if they did not give money. A similar crime was reported in Mogaung Township, clearly showing the junta is a criminal robber. Last night, the junta raided Zivita Dana Sangha Hospital and arrested a patient who was seriously injured, a doctor, intern, two volunteers, and a paramedic. A total of six people were arrested. They even abuse people’s rights in places that should be most protected, clear violations of the Geneva Convention. Despite all these atrocities, no effective action is being taken against the terrorist group. Burma gets general agreement statements from the five ASEAN statements, but no action – just silence. This is encouraging the military dictatorship and delaying democracy. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.04 MB 3.8 MB 921.52 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 14 May, (788) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 14, a total of (3971) people are currently under detention; of them (92) are sentenced. 1639 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today people across Burma continue to protest against the dictatorship, and from some Townships in Chin State, Magway Region, and Sagaing Region people remain resistant to the intensified terrorist attacks. In Kyaukme, Shan State, the protest was crackdown by the junta but the protesters continued to gather. The junta cracks down on protests daily, they are searching and arresting, for not only protest leaders but also ordinary demonstrators. On 13 May Nabule Area, Dawei Township, Tanintharyi Region, a dawn protest was crackdown by the junta group. The junta searched and followed the protest, more than 30 protestors including CDM teachers were forced to flee their homes and now are experiencing a shortage of water and food. The junta group has made a series of arrests and crackdown on protesters to bring the demonstrations to an end and prevent them from gathering. Civilians are persecuted daily, on 13 May, in Mel Thel Kyo Kwin village tract, Chaung Oo Township in Sagaing Division, the junta raided a Gen Z’ Camp, two youths who tried to flee got shot in the leg and beaten in the head. They were kicked in the abdomen and ribs with boots, they were brutally beaten and their faces were swollen, the junta tortured the two youths so much they could not even identify their faces. As a result of this inhumanity, two young men are in a critical condition and reportedly dead. During the raid, weapons were confiscated, and several motorcycles from that camp set on fire. Torture is a serious crime, in Burma the perpetrators are granted impunity. This is why persecution is becoming more brutal, and they are free to commit crimes against humanity against civilians. Only when dictatorship is over will we have the right to live with dignity and security, but the crimes must be held accountable. Since the coup, journalists have been detained for providing timely updates and information on the terrorist group’s repression. Journalists are increasingly being arrested, sentenced, and forced to evade warrants. On 12 May, a reporter from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) was sentenced to three years in prison. On 13 May in Yenangyaung Town, Magway Region, A journalist formerly with the Tomorrow Journal was arrested. The terrorist group is cutting off the freedom of the press because the people seeing this information frightens the junta. The only way is to promote local media and help fight back against the terrorist group and restore democracy in Burma. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.01 MB 3.71 MB 922.86 KB
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Title: Miss Universe Myanmar Arrives in Florida With a Message for the Junta
Sub-title: Ma Thuzar Wint Lwin hopes to use her international platform as a pageant contestant to criticize the country’s military coup and support the pro-democracy movement.
Description: "As a girl, Ma Thuzar Wint Lwin would watch the Miss Universe pageant and wish that she could be the one onstage representing her country, Myanmar. She entered her first two contests last year, nervous and excited about what to expect. But she ultimately walked away crowned Miss Universe Myanmar, and this week is competing at the global pageant in Florida. But now representing her country has new meaning. With the military seizing power in a Feb. 1 coup and killing hundreds of protesters, she hopes to use her platform to call attention to Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement and to appeal for international help in freeing elected leaders who have been detained. “They are killing our people like animals,” she said in an interview before leaving Myanmar for the competition. “Where is the humanity? Please help us. We are helpless here.” In a dramatic moment on Thursday during the pageant’s national costume show, she walked to the front of the stage and held up a sign saying, “Pray for Myanmar.” The final competition will be held on Sunday. The military takeover in Myanmar sparked widespread protests with millions of people taking to the streets and a civil disobedience movement and general strike that have largely shut down the economy. The Tatmadaw, as the military is known, has responded with a brutal crackdown, killing more than 780 people and detaining more than 3,900, according to a rights group that tracks political prisoners. In the early weeks of the protest movement, Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin, 22, joined the demonstrations, where she held signs with slogans such as “We do not want military government,” and called for the release of the country’s civilian leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest since the coup. She handed out water bottles to protesters in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, and donated her savings to families whose loved ones were killed. She also expressed her opposition to the junta on Facebook, posting black-and-white photos of herself blindfolded, with tape over her mouth and her hands bound. The military’s onslaught has left the country living in fear, she said. “The soldiers patrol the city every day and sometimes they set up roadblocks to harass the people coming through,” said Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin, who also goes by the name Candy. “In some cases, they fire without hesitation. We are scared of our own soldiers. Whenever we see one, all we feel is anger and fear.” Every evening on television, the military announces new arrest warrants for celebrities and others who have been critical of the regime. Some of those named have been people Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin knows. Before leaving for the United States, she watched anxiously to see if her name had ended up on the military’s wanted list. She saw reports of well-known people being detained as they tried to leave the country, so she decided to wear a hoodie and glasses to keep from being recognized at the Yangon airport. “I had to pass through immigration and I was so scared,” she said in an interview from Florida. In criticizing the junta from outside her country, Miss Universe Myanmar is not alone. U Win Htet Oo, one of the country’s best swimmers, said from Australia that he was giving up his dream of going to the Olympics and would not compete under the Myanmar flag until the regime’s leader, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, was removed from power. And the mixed martial arts fighter U Aung La Nsang, an American citizen and one of Myanmar’s most famous athletes, has urged President Biden to help end the suffering of Myanmar’s people. Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin says she believes that it will not be safe for her to return to Myanmar after speaking out against the regime; she does not know where she will go after the pageant ends. An English major at East Yangon University, her path to the pro-democracy movement can perhaps be traced back to her childhood. She grew up in a middle-class household. Like many parents, her father, a businessman, and her mother, a housewife, dared not discuss the military government that was then in power. One of her early memories was walking with her mother near Sule Pagoda in downtown Yangon in 2007, when monks led nationwide protests against military rule. She was 7. As they neared the pagoda, soldiers broke up the protest by shooting their guns in the air. People started running. She and her mother ran, too. “We were very scared,” she recalled. “We went to a stranger’s house and we were hiding.” Soon after, the military crushed that protest movement by shooting dozens of people. But by 2011, the military began sharing power with civilian leaders and opening the country, allowing cellphones and affordable internet access to flood in. Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin is part of the first generation in Myanmar to grow up fully connected to the outside world, and for whom a free society seemed normal. In 2015, the country seated democratically elected officials for the first time in more than half a century. “We have been living in freedom for five years,” she said. “Do not take us back. We know all about the world. We have the internet.” November was the first time she was old enough to vote, and she cast her ballot for the National League for Democracy, the party of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, which won in a landslide only to have the military overturn the results by seizing power. Before the coup, Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin’s biggest ordeal came when she was 19 and had surgery to remove precancerous tumors from each breast, leaving permanent scars. She decided against having laser treatment to improve their appearance as a reminder of her success in preventing cancer. “It’s just a scar and I’m still me,” she wrote in a recent post with photographs of the scars. “I met self-acceptance realizing nothing changed who I am and the values I set for myself. Now, when I see those scars, I feel empowered.” She began modeling when she was in high school and, after her father’s retirement, helped support the family. She is one of fewer than a dozen contestants from Myanmar ever to compete in the Miss Universe pageant, which was founded in 1952. During the period from 1962 to 2011, when the Tatmadaw first ruled, Myanmar sent no contestants at all. When Ms. Thuzar Wint Lwin arrived in Florida on May 7, she was told the suitcase with her outfits for the competition had been lost by the airline. Most contestants had already arrived and were busy rehearsing, making videos and having photo shoots. As the week wore on, the bag still hadn’t arrived, but the pageant organizers were helping her with her gown, and other contestants were lending her outfits. Her national costume was among the missing items. People from Myanmar who live in the United States provided her with a stunning replacement of ethnic Chin origin. She wore it on Thursday to the applause of many in the crowd. Soon after landing in Florida, she posted an autobiographical video on Facebook that would be unusual for any beauty pageant contestant: It shows her wearing formal gowns mixed with scenes of people fleeing tear gas and a soldier shooting a man who rode by on a motorbike. “Myanmar deserves democracy,” she says in the video. “We will keep fighting and I also hope that international communities will give us help that we desperately need.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The New York Times" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Public Information (6) - ပြည်သူသို့ အသိပေးတင်ပြခြင်း (၆)
Description: "CRPH - CDM Supporting Team..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication: 2021-03-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Union Minister of the MoIC and NUG Spokesperson H.E. Dr. Sasa’s Address to the Parliamentarians of the United Kingdom - UK
Description: "The brave people of Myanmar and the National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People, Parliament and Government of the United Kingdom for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. While the fate of our country is in the hands of our people, strong and continued support from the UK Government and the international community is absolutely crucial to our success. Now, more than ever, the people of Myanmar need your continued friendship and support. First of all, I would like to reiterate my sincere thanks to the People, Parliament and Government of the United Kingdom for standing in solidarity and being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar. I also want to express my gratitude for the efforts of the UK on coordinating targeted sanctions against key tatmadaw personnel, tatmadaw linked companies and enterprises such as MEC and MEHL, and for providing extra funding to the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Additionally, I would like to further thank the UK government for taking a strong leadership role in the UN and G7 summits on behalf of the people of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of many in this nation. Truly we are the voice of over 54 million brave people who stand in solidarity against the cruel and ruthless junta. Thank you also for lending protection and support to Ambassador Kyaw Zraw Minn since he was illegally removed from office by the junta. I previously had the wonderful privilege of meeting with Minister H.E. Nigel Adams and other British Parliamentarians who reassured me that the People and Government of the UK are strongly committed and supportive of the brave people of Myanmar in our peaceful movement for freedom and democracy against the junta reign of terror. I am also looking forward very much to appearing before the British Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee on the Myanmar military coup hearing. I am proud to serve as the Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson for the National Unity Government. It is my job to provide you with the information and assistance that you need to support the people of Myanmar. I am always at your service. The duty of a nation’s military is to defend and protect its people. However, under the command of Min Aung Hlaing, the supposed guardians of our nation are doing precisely the opposite of their duty and continue arbitrarily murdering and detaining without cause the brave and innocent civilians of Myanmar on a daily and hourly basis. The people of Myanmar unanimously consider Min Aung Hlaing and those who report to him as terrorists. It has been 104 days since Min Aung Hlaing and his gunmen instigated this illegal coup d’etat and took the nation hostage. Since that day: • Nearly 800 civilians have been murdered, including at least 52 children; • Approximately 5,000 civilians have been detained with roughly 4,000 still remaining in detention; • Over 1,500 are being hunted by junta forces, evading arrest warrants. • Continually bombing villages in ethnic States; • The junta continues using the ASEAN Summit as a propaganda tool; • I myself am personally wanted for high treason, as are my colleagues; • Daily raids on private homes continue unabated. In a raid last week of the home of an opposition leader, for example, authorities abducted his wife and 20 day old infant when they could not find him. • There is significant evidence of the torture of those captured, including the poet Khat Thi who was detained last week and murdered within 24 hours. • They continue to try and stop the truth from getting out: o They have shutdown Internet access for weeks now, o Abolished all free media outlets, o illegitimately made free association illegal, and o they have harassed and imprisoned journalists. More than 40 journalists remain in detention in Myanmar including an international Journalist from Japan. • The violence we are seeing by the junta is both systematic and widespread. It is clear that they are engaging in crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar. • Myanmar is quickly becoming a failed state: o Nearly a quarter million people have become displaced. o Food insecurity is rising sharply..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 157.78 KB (6 pages)
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Title: ‘Revolution dwells in the heart’: Myanmar’s poets cut down by the military
Sub-title: Khet Thi, who captured the unflinching determination of the Myanmar public, was the third poet to be killed by the military since the coup
Description: "His words captured the unflinching determination of the Myanmar public in the face of military brutality: “They shoot in the head, but they don’t know revolution dwells in the heart.” The poet Khet Thi was taken from his home in Shwebo, in the Sagaing region, last Saturday. The next day, his wife collected his body from a hospital. His organs had been removed, she told BBC Burmese. The military has tried to crush any form of dissent over recent months, including writers or celebrities whose words have the power to inspire hope and rebellion. “Poetry, charisma and courage are a deadly blend against any tyranny,” said Ko Ko Thett, a poet, translator and anthologist of contemporary Burmese poetry, who is based in the UK. At least 32 writers and poets are in detention, according to PEN International, a global association of writers which has been tracking arrests. Others have fallen victim to military violence on the frontlines of rallies. Two poets – K Za Win and Myint Myint Zin – were shot dead when the military opened fire on protesters in March On Friday, U Sein Win, a poet, politician and philanthropist, was doused in petrol and burned to death in an attack by an unknown perpetrator. He is the fourth poet to be killed in recent months. Myanmar’s rich poetic heritage is deeply intertwined with politics. Poets used verse to resist British colonial rule, as well as the previous military regime, which censored and imprisoned writers. Poets would meet in tea shops to discuss their works, and use coded language to bypass censorship. When Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy was elected to power in 2015’s historic election – a breakthrough for democracy after decades of direct military rule – 11 poets were among the candidates who won seats. Though there were still limitations on expression under Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, poets were able to write and publish far more freely. Khet Thi quit his job as an engineer in 2012 to pursue poetry, selling cakes and ice-creams on the side to support himself. He grew up in Pale township in Monywa, where his parents operated a peanut oil press, and first began writing poetry while at school. “His poems have always been special and unique because they came from his heart,” said a close friend. They had not been able to meet since the coup, and had avoided discussing the political situation on the phone, in case they were being monitored. Many poets were in hiding, fearing arrest, he said. “Khet Thi’s virtue was that he only wanted to be friends with people who see people as people [who do not discriminate]. He was a revolutionary with strong beliefs and someone who never steps back,” the friend added. Khet Thi was possibly the only prominent poet from Myanmar’s Bamar majority who wrote about the 2017 Gu Dar Pyin massacre, said Ko Ko Thett. Discussion of such attacks, where hundreds of Rohingya were killed by security forces and buried in mass graves, was highly sensitive. Before the coup, he would sell printed copies of his books, but over recent months his words were shared mainly on Facebook. He addressed rallies, telling crowds at a march on 27 March that every protester in Myanmar was a Nobel peace prize winner. “Who does the power belong to?” he shouted into a microphone. “The people!” protesters replied. Though critical of the NLD, K Za Win also appeared at the front line of protests that swept the country in the wake of the coup, defending the party’s election victory and right to govern. He grew up in Letpadaung near Monywa, and spoke out about land rights after his family lost their land to a mining project pursued jointly by a Chinese and Myanmar military-backed company. K Za Win was a Buddhist monk but left the sangha, said Ko Ko Thett, because he believed there was little point in being recognised as a learned monk by the military state. He spent more than one year in prison after he was arrested for taking part in a rally for education reform in 2015. After his release, he published his most famous work, a collection called My Reply to Ramon. Prior to his death, K Za Win had written on Facebook: “Though I have different views than you, I’ll lay down my life for you all.” Myint Myint Zin and K Za Wi were among 38 people killed during crackdowns on protesters on 3 March. The poets expressed the emotions that were felt by the people, said May, a professor in Japan. “This revolution is led by all of our sheer will power and we need literary people who speak for us.” The Burmese language already has a poetic quality, said Ko Ko Thett. “It features euphonies and rhymes frequently. Most Burmese slogans, by the regime or anti-regime groups, are couplets.” But the verses written by Khet Thi and others are far more than a literary exercise. Security forces have killed 790 people since the coup, according to an advocacy group, including protesters, bystanders and dozens of children. Thousands have been arrested, and are often held in unknown locations. Reports of torture of widespread. “For many people on the ground in Myanmar, lines such as ‘with what grief I will grieve for you, my martyred son’ by [the poet] A Phaw Khaing have become daily reality. People who are at a loss for words tend to find answers in poetry,” he said. Many will remember Khet Thi by one of his famous lines, written in response to military violence: “You try so hard to bury us underground, because you don’t know that we are the seeds.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 385.9 KB
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Title: 100 days on from the coup in Myanmar - BBC News
Description: "Since the military coup on 1 February, more than 700 people have been killed by security forces and thousands have been imprisoned. Elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and members of her National League for Democracy (NLD) party have also been detained. There have since been multiple reports of detainees being tortured while in custody, with some dying from their injuries. Myanmar's military has justified the February takeover by alleging there had been widespread fraud during a general election late last year. Please subscribe HERE http://bit.ly/1rbfUog..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Is Myanmar a failed state? | The Economist
Description: "Myanmar is on the brink of collapse. Its armed forces are continuing a brutal crackdown—arresting, torturing and killing protesters—as Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de-facto leader, is detained. Our experts answer your questions..."
Source/publisher: The Economist
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar junta labels rivals as terrorist group | DW News
Description: "It's been a hundred days since the military in Myanmar staged a coup and detained civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The time since has been marked by protests, violence and uncertainty. Myanmar's junta has designated the rival National Unity Government (NUG) a terrorist group, blaming it for killings, bombings and arson, state media said on Saturday. After Myanmar's February 1 coup, a group of ousted lawmakers — many of them previously part of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party — formed a shadow government. State-controlled television slammed the NUG as a terror group, as well as the affiliated Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) group..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar's Revolution through the eyes of a musician - BBC News
Description: "More than 750 people have been killed since the Myanmar military seized power three months ago. Thousands of people have been detained, including elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The borders are closed and the internet effectively blocked, but people are documenting their ongoing resistance to the coup. In Yangon, a musician and his sister have, for the last two months, been filming for the BBC..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Roads blocked in Yangon as thousands protest Myanmar coup - BBC News
Description: "Dozens of vehicles are blocking key roads across Myanmar's main city Yangon, in what appears to be a new tactic employed by protesters. It comes as tens of thousands of people gather downtown, in what organisers hope will be the biggest protest yet. The UN special rapporteur for Myanmar, also known as Burma, has warned of potential violence. Demonstrators are demanding the release of their elected leaders following a 1 Feb military coup - Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders have been detained by the military..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-02-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No.9/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၉/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၉/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ(၁၅) ရက် အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Education & Ministry of Health
Date of publication: 2021-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 444.66 KB (4 pages)
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Title: ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ အမေရိကန် ပြည်သူများနှင့် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု အစိုးရထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာကို မြန်မာဘာသာဖြင့် အတတ်နိုင်ဆုံး ဘာသာပြန်ပေးထားပါသည်။
Description: "The Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of National Unity Government of Myanmar H.E. Dr. Sasa’s address the People and Government of the United States of America- USA..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.76 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 13 May, (788) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Mindat Town in Chin State died on 13 May. (2) from Talote Town, in Myingyan Township, Mandalay Region and Hakha Town in Chin State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 13, a total of (3936) people are currently under detention; of them (90) are sentenced. 1619 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people across Burma continued to fight to defeat the military dictatorship. Early this morning in Nabule Region, Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, junta forces cracked down on protests, arresting four civilians who were not participating in the protests. Yesterday evening, the junta suppressed a protest taking place in Nanat Taw Ward, Loikaw Township in Kayah State using unmarked cars and military vehicles and fired real bullets into houses. During this crackdown 10 civilians, and three children were arrested, including a 12-year-old child. In recent days, junta forces have carried out a series of arrests upon children during crackdowns. The people of Burma continue to defend themselves, using any weapon they can find, particularly in areas which junta forces have used excessive force against locals – using artillery on civilians. Early this morning, Mel Thel Kyo Kwin Village in Chaung U Township, Sagaing Region was attacked by junta forces. Villagers tried to defend themselves, but were later surrounded by the military, who opened fire on them, forcing them to flee from their village. At this time, junta forces were also shooting in Chaung U Town. Since last night, fighting between the military and the Mindat People’s Defence Force has resumed in Mindat Town, Chin State, where the junta has been shelling the town with heavy artillery. This violence resulted in the death of a member of the Mindat People’s Defense Force, and injury to four other civilians. This extremist terrorist group despises and oppresses civilians, people are given no protection, and these villagers and other civilians have been left to fight for themselves. This morning, junta forces raided Myay Taw Village in Yezakyo Township, Magway Region, searching for civilians who had fled from other areas. They searched houses, destroying property and beat any civilians they found. The junta has been torturing and killing people on a daily basis. After they murder civilians, they threaten their families and force them to sign false death certificates, so they can release fake news about the death. Some families have been told that if these certificates are not signed, the body will not be returned to them. This occurs daily, allowing the junta to attempt to cover up their atrocities and make deaths seem unrelated to junta activities. Yesterday in Talote Town, Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region, a Technology College student, who was shot and detained whilst defending against the military, died at the interrogation center. Interrogation under this terrorist regime is known to be severe, so it is assumed this student died after being tortured, and from a lack of medical attention after his gunshot wound. In addition, on May 9, in Hakha in Chin State, two locals were detained. The junta later announced they both died due to health conditions. Both men were severely beaten, and could not walk properly before their death. The junta did not return their bodies to their families, and the bodies were instead burned. These kinds of atrocities are frequently committed by this terrorist group, whose crimes worsen as they continue to treat civilians as their enemies. The junta have been oppressing detainees, especially young people, and have been making false allegations about them. On May 10, the terrorist group cracked down on protesters in Bom Mar Ward, Tanintharyi Region in Dawei Town, arresting some civilians. The junta claimed they were seized with weapons. On May 11, two youths arrested in Muse Town in Shan State were alleged to have been carrying weapons. Junta forces make these accusations under sections of the law which hold long prison sentences to ensure protesters are kept in jail for a long time. They do this to intimidate civilians, and threaten that this could happen to anyone who protests against them. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.02 MB 3.77 MB 927.67 KB
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Title: The Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of National Unity Government of Myanmar H.E. Dr. Sasa’s address the People and Government of the United States of America- USA
Description: "H.E. Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar had the privilege of meeting with the United States Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, H.E. Sung Yong Kim, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, H.E. Atul Keshap, and other senior US Government officials, and had the privilege of making the following address to the people and Government of the United States of America on behalf of the people of Myanmar and the people's elected National Unity Government of Myanmar. II The brave people of Myanmar and the people’s National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People and Government of the United States of America for its strong leadership and action against the illegal military junta since the very first day of the military coup on February 1st, 2021. I am proud to serve as Minister of International Cooperation and spokesperson for the National Unity Government. It is my job to provide you with the information and assistance that you need to support the people of Myanmar. I am here at your service. Thank you again for your continued support of the people of Myanmar. While the fate of our country is in the hands of our people, strong and sustained support from the international community, specially from the United States of America is crucial. We are deeply grateful to all who are standing with us through this horrific ordeal. Now, more than ever, the people of Myanmar need your cooperation, friendship and support. It has been exactly 100 days since the terrorist regime headed by Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen stole the results of our democratic election and authority from the elected government officials of the people of Myanmar. Like many people in Myanmar, I fear for my life, but I have survived unscathed till this day. Sadly, however, many of our brave citizens have not been as fortunate as me. Since that horrible day, the coup instigators and 'SAC' forces have murdered nearly 800 civilian heroes of Myanmar, and illegally detained and imprisoned nearly 5000 of my brave fellow citizens. The duty of a nation’s military is to defend and protect its people. However, under the command of Min Aung Hlaing, the supposed guardians of our nation are doing precisely the opposite of their duty and continue arbitrarily murdering and detaining without cause the brave and innocent civilians of Myanmar on a daily and hourly basis. The people of Myanmar unanimously consider Min Aung Hlaing and those who report to him as terrorists. Without cause, without explanation, and without even a hearing these terrorists are detaining, beating, raping, torturing, shooting, and murdering innocent civilians and civil servants participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement both openly on the streets and secretly in confinement. This should come as no surprise, however, as the terrorist tatmadaw organization has been weaponizing rape and murder in atrocities, crimes against humanity, war crimes, ethnic cleansing against ethnic nationalities such as the Kachin, Karen, Shan, Kayah, Mon, Rakhine, Chin, Rohingya and many, many more..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 135.27 KB 262.64 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 12 May, (785) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kani Township in Sagaing Region and Hakha Town in Chin State were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 12, a total of (3885) people are currently under detention; of them (86) are sentenced. 1600 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people from all over Burma continued to protest against the military dictatorship. Junta forces use various forms of bullying and violence to intimidate civilians, yet the people continue to fight back, using anything they can find as a weapon. Today in Pyigyidagun Township, in Mandalay City the junta violently suppressed the Mandalay Coalition Strike. Many of the protesters were arrested and beaten. At least three teachers were arrested and 30 motorbikes were stolen. After more than three months since the coup, the junta has shown their lack of administrative power and inability to govern. Because of this, they use numerous forms of violence instead to suppress the people. They are now cracking down on protests before they even start. This terrorist group continues to torture and murder civilians. On 9 May, a local farmer from Hakha Town in Chin State was detained and tortured by the junta. He later died on 11 May. Brutal oppression and torture have been systematically used by the junta in all previous military dictatorships, and they are continuing this practise in the current coup in order to intimidate and coerce civilians into obedience. This junta treats civilians as their enemies. The only way to free the people from these persecutions is to end the dictatorship. On the night of May 10 in Kale Town in Sagaing Region, a woman died after junta shootings in the community caused her to have a heart attack soon after giving birth. As well as this, last night in Thamin Chan Villang, Kani Township in Sagaing Region junta forces shot dead a mentlly ill man in his own home because he insulted military forces who were camped in that village. The junta’s hostile behaviour and unprovoked shootings are worsening, and they are now even targeting those with mental illnesses. Remote areas in Burma have been severely targeted in recent days. Today, in Zee Pin Dwin Village, Kanai Township in Sagaing Region, locals were forced to flee their homes as junta forces entered the village and were arresting anyone they could find. In Magway Region, Taungdwingyi Township, junta forces who were camped in many local villages destroyed people’s homes and other properties. In addition, these terrorists have staged severe crackdowns on civilians who resist them. In Talot town, Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region, there were clashes between the People’s Defense Forces and the junta. Early this morning, the junta fired heavy artillery and raided the town, arresting more than 100 locals, including women, children and the elderly. Young people were beaten, arrested and interrogated. Only by overthrowing this dictatorship will these violent attacks, which turn villages and towns into war zones end. The junta, which seized power by force is now suppressing, arresting and suing children. They openly violate domestic law, international law and international human rights treaties. In South Okkalapa Township in Yangon Region, nine young people have been arrested since 30 April. Among these are four young people under the age of 17 who have not yet been released. This case not only shows a direct violation of domestic children’s rights, but also shows a violation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), ratified by Myanmar. It is clear this terrorist group will not obey or respect any law because they illegitimately seized power. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar coup: Firms quit office block with military ties
Description: "A high-end office block in Myanmar linked to the country's military leaders is seeing an exodus of international organisations. Coca-Cola, the World Bank and McKinsey have told the BBC they have moved out or are reviewing their leases at the Sule Square complex in Yangon. The United Nations said the complex was built on land owned by the military. Myanmar's military seized power from the democratically elected government in February. It has been 100 days since the early morning coup, sparking mass protests across the country in which hundreds have died. How Myanmar coup caused its healthcare to vanish Could sanctions on Myanmar's military ever work? Myanmar coup: What is happening and why?. However, even before they took power on 1 February, Myanmar's military - which initially ruled the country for almost half a century after seizing power in 1962 - owned large areas of land and controlled companies involved in everything from mining to banking. The land on which the building stands was leased from the military, according to a 2019 United Nations fact-finding mission report. Last month, activist group Justice for Myanmar called on 18 tenants of the complex of offices and shops in the heart of Myanmar's commercial hub Yangon to stop indirectly supporting the army. "Sule Square has big-name tenants that continue to lease office space in the building, indirectly supporting the army," Justice for Myanmar said in a report. According to news agency Reuters, six of the companies have said they have moved out or were reviewing their plans, but only one mentioned the military link. Other firms cited various reasons, including business prospects. In a statement via email, Coca-Cola told the BBC that it would not renew its lease when it ends in the middle of next month due to "changing business requirements". "Our office-based employees at Coca-Cola Limited (Myanmar) will continue to work from home for the rest of 2021 as part of overall safety measures. We will be communicating our new office location at a later date," it added. In a statement sent to the BBC, consultancy McKinsey & Company said: "We no longer have space in a serviced office leased in Sule Square. We terminated our lease in early 2021." Reuters said it is not currently using its Sule Square office and was reviewing its tenancy. A spokesperson for the World Bank Group, which also has an office in the complex, told the BBC that it was "assessing the situation in Myanmar, according to internal policies and procedures". Norway's state-owned telecoms operator Telenor said it had known that the military owned the land Sule Square is built on before it moved in but it had picked the location due to a number of reasons, including safety. Telenor has not said whether or not it plans to move out of the building. Sule Square, which is close to the historic Sule Pagoda in Yangon, opened in 2017. It was developed by a local affiliate of Hong Kong listed Shangri-La Asia, which also manages the building and a neighbouring hotel. Shangri-La said in 2017 that it had invested $125m (£88.5m) in the development.
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar marks 100 days of junta rule with protests, strikes
Description: "Protesters rallied in towns and cities around Myanmar on Tuesday to denounce its military rulers, 100 days after the generals' overthrow of an elected government pitched the country into its biggest crisis in decades. Demonstrators took part in marches, motorcycle convoys and flash protests to evade security forces, some making three-finger gestures of defiance as anti-coup groups renewed calls for the toppling of a junta that has been condemned around the world for killing hundreds of civilians. The junta has struggled to govern Myanmar since seizing power on Feb. 1. Protests, strikes and a civil disobedience campaign have crippled businesses and the bureaucracy in an overwhelming public rejection of the return of military rule. Protesters in the biggest city Yangon carried a banner saying "Yangon strikes for complete removal of the enemy", while demonstrators in Hpakant in Kachin State marched chanting "the revolution must prevail". Demonstrators in Hpakant, the Saigang region and elsewhere held signs in support of a National Unity Government (NUG), an anti-junta coalition that has declared itself Myanmar's legitimate authority. Last week the NUG announced the formation of a "People's Defence Force". The NUG's spokesman Dr. Sasa, said in a tweet he and other ministers of the parallel government would meet with a U.S. assistant secretary of state on Tuesday to discuss how the United States and its allies "can work together to end this reign of terror". He did not elaborate on the meeting. The U.S. State Department did not immediately respond to a request for confirmation of the meeting. The military arrested elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi hours before the coup. It said its takeover was to protect Myanmar's fledgling democracy after a November election that it said was marred by fraud. Suu Kyi's party says its landslide win was legitimate.....INTERNATIONAL CRIMES: In a statement on Tuesday, the NUG said rank-and-file members of the military should recognise that they were responsible for committing international crimes. "It is time to answer the question clearly whether you will stand on the side of human rights and fairness, or you will continue to violate human rights by committing violence and then face the international court," it said. Despite the imposition of limited economic sanctions by the United States, the European Union and others, the junta has shown no sign of compromise. It has the tacit support of neighbouring China, a major investor and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Tuesday's protests took place amid sporadic violence in the country that has included deadly attacks on military-appointed administrators and weeks of small explosions involving homemade bombs, which the junta says is the work of the ousted government. The NUG has said the military has orchestrated such attacks as a pretext for its crackdown. In its nightly news bulletin, state-run MRTV said two members of the security forces were killed and three others wounded on Monday evening in an attack by "terrorists" in the Sagaing region. A group calling itself the Sagaing People Defence Force, in a statement earlier on Tuesday, claimed responsibility for an attack on security personnel around the same time in the same area, which it said killed three people. News reporting and information flow inside Myanmar has been severely impacted since the coup, with restrictions on internet access, a ban on foreign broadcasts and some news organisations ordered to close, accused by authorities of inciting rebellion. Security forces have killed 781 people since the coup, including 52 children, and 3,843 people are in detention, according to the Association for Political Prisoners monitoring group, whose figures are being used by the United Nations. The U.N. human rights body said on Tuesday the military was showing no let-up in its efforts to consolidate power and its human rights violations went far beyond killings. "It is clear that there needs to be greater international involvement to prevent the human rights situation in Myanmar from deteriorating further," said Rupert Colville, spokesman for the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Torture Suspected in Death of Myanmar Poet Called a Voice of Resistance
Sub-title: Myanmar poet Khet Thi, who wrote that the revolution against Myanmar's military junta 'is in the heart,' dies under torture at the hands of his interrogators.
Description: "A Myanmar poet known for writing verse supporting the resistance movement against the ruling military junta died less than 24 hours after his arrest, and his body was returned with organs including his heart removed, his wife and supporters said Tuesday. Khet Thi, also known as Zaw Tun, was taken into custody on Saturday for questioning at a detention center in Sagaing, a region in northwestern Myanmar that has been the scene of heavy protests against military rule. When Khet Thi’s body was retrieved by family members Sunday at a hospital in the Sagaing capital Monywa, it was badly discolored and stitching indicated that at least some internal organs had been removed, said his family. His family was told by the army that the 45-year-old poet had died of a heart attack, they said. Speaking on Monday in a panel discussion held by the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, Richard Horsey—a Myanmar adviser for the International Crisis Group—noted that Khet Thi had penned a line, now widely quoted, saying “They shoot us in the head, but they don’t know that the revolution is in the heart.” When Khet Thi’s body was returned, his heart was gone, and authorities said that he had died of a heart attack, Horsey said. “I think the message was pretty clear. He wrote that line, and he lost his heart.” His death makes three poets from Sagaing to be killed for working to oppose the junta, sources say. The first was Chan Win, a poet from Monywa whose real name was Chan Thar Swe. The second was Kyi Lin Aye. Both were shot dead on March 3 in Monywa. Khet Thi’s wife Chaw Su, a worker for the Telecommunications Department who was active in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) of work stoppages in opposition to military rule, had also been interrogated, but was released on Saturday and allowed to return home, sources said.....Simple, transparent poems: “When [Khet Thi] wrote poems, they were not just literary. They were about ideas,” another poet and protest veteran in Monywa told RFA’s Myanmar Service on Tuesday, speaking on condition of anonymity. “And his ideas were motivated by politics.” “The difference between his poems and the work of others was that his poems were not subtle. They were simple and transparent,” he said. Another poet, Yoe Khat, called Khet Thi’s death a loss to the world of poetry, and said he would continue to be honored by those resisting military rule in Myanmar, where a democratically elected civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi was ousted by the military on Feb. 1. “From time immemorial, poets have fought back with their hearts and with their minds,” Yoe Khan said, adding that Khet Thi had been doing this “since the beginning of the revolution.” “He inspired the people to revolution by imparting knowledge. This is a great loss to the world of poetry, and we will continue to honor him,” he said. Khet Thi’s funeral Monday evening in his hometown Pale was closely watched by plainclothes police and singing was banned, though many in the crowd could be seen raising the three-finger salute, a symbol of resistance to junta rule, family members told RFA. “He was a good man. He was loved by all his friends, and at home he would always cook for his family,” one family member said. “Now, when I wake up in the morning, I feel so empty and yet I cannot cry.” “There is no turning back time, though. He will never be forgotten.” Khet Thi, who had been married only two years, had made a living in Pale by making and selling cakes and ice cream. His brother is now under arrest in Monywa Prison for taking part in anti-junta protests, with family members keeping the news a secret from his mother. Attempts by RFA to reach Myanmar’s Deputy Information Minister Major General Zaw Min Tun for comment this week were unsuccessful..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး ဒေါက်တာတူးခေါင်က သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအောက်ရှိ CDM သူရဲကောင်းများအား ကျေးဇူးတင်ဂုဏ်ပြုလွှာထုတ်ပြန်ပေးပို့။
Description: Union Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Dr Tu Khaung sent thank you letter to the CDM heroes under the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation - Unofficial English translation
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Arrest of journalists a litmus test for how Thailand treats those fleeing persecution in Myanmar
Description: "Three senior reporters who fled Myanmar for Thailand after the brutal military coup "face certain arrest and persecution" if they are deported following their arrest in Chiang Mai on Sunday, journalist groups say. The three are prominent journalists with the independent Burmese news agency Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and were detained in the northern Thai city after a random police search, their editor said in a statement Monday. They, along with two unnamed activists, have been charged with illegally entering the country. The case could be the biggest test yet for how Thailand decides to treat those fleeing persecution from Myanmar in the wake of the coup. "DVB strongly urges the Thai authorities to not deport them back to Burma, as their life will be in serious danger if they were to return," said Aye Chan Naing, executive director and chief editor of DVB, who used another name for Myanmar. "They have been covering the demonstrations in Burma until March 8 — the day the military authority revoked DVB's TV license and banned DVB from doing any kind of media work." Thailand Police Captain Duangrit Wannarit, who filed the charges, told CNN Business the five arrested were Burmese passport holders and had not gone through the immigration system. On Tuesday, a Chiang Mai court adjourned the case until May 17 so the five could seek legal representation, Duangrit said. They will be held at the San Sai district police station until the hearing. As well as being charged for allegedly entering the country illegally, Duangrit said the "prosecutor will consider if they have also breached the communicable disease act." Duangrit declined to give more details, saying it was a "highly sensitive" case. However, he told CNN Business the five would not be sent back to Myanmar immediately after the court proceedings, and would remain in the custody of immigration police. Thailand's foreign ministry spokesman Tanee Sangrat said in a tweet Tuesday "Thai authorities concerned are coordinating to find humanitarian solution(s) to the recent case of journalists from Myanmar." In this photo released by the San Sai District Administrative Office, a Thai officer checks the temperature of journalists working for Democratic Voice of Burma, at San Sai District in Chiang Mai province north of Thailand Sunday, May 9, 2021.....100 days since coup: Tuesday marks 100 days since Myanmar's military seized power in a coup on February 1, ousting the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Since then, the military junta has brutally cracked down on any perceived opposition to its rule. Mass street protests have been suppressed with deadly force, with more than 780 people killed by security forces and almost 5,000 arrested, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The junta, led by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, has attempted to silence independent media. Journalists across the country have been attacked and detained merely for doing their jobs. More than 80 reporters have been arrested since the coup, with more than half of those still in detention as of May 3, according to a statement from Western embassies in Myanmar. The military has also revoked the licenses of prominent independent broadcasters, online news outlets and newspapers, including DVB, so working for them is considered illegal. On May 4, the junta banned the use of satellite dishes — an order aimed at DVB and banned independent news agency Mizzima, which continued to broadcast by satellite into the country. Offices of newspapers and online media have been raided, and a nightly news bulletin on state TV broadcasts the names and images of those sought by the junta, including journalists. Many are being held on charges under section 505a of Myanmar's Penal Code — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison for publishing or circulating comments that "cause fear" or spread "false news." There are fears if the five are deported to Myanmar, they will face certain arrest and the possibility of torture. Media and rights groups are calling on Thailand to ensure they remain in the country on humanitarian grounds. "Thai authorities should uphold the country's proud history as a sanctuary for journalists fleeing military repression in Myanmar, and on humanitarian grounds should not deport three Democratic Voice of Burma journalists recently arrested for alleged illegal entry," said Shawn Crispin, senior Southeast Asia representative of the Committee to Protect Journalists. "Myanmar's military regime has repeatedly abused and detained journalists, and Thai authorities should not force these members of the press to face potentially severe retaliation for their work.".....Big test for Thailand's position on coup: The Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand (FCCT) said in a statement it was "seriously concerned" about the arrests. "These five individuals would face certain arrest and persecution, if not worse, for their work and association with the DVB, and under no circumstances should they be deported back to Myanmar," the statement read. "Rather, the DVB journalists and their associates should be released from detention, urgently offered protection, and granted the right to remain temporarily in Thailand." DVB's Aye Chan Naing also urged the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Bangkok "to intervene to help guard their safety." "We request the international community to help call the Thai authorities to waive their deportation," he said. For years, Thai authorities allowed exiled Burmese media organizations like DVB to operate within its borders. Thailand has also hosted tens of thousands of refugees in nine main camps along its border with Myanmar for three decades, following armed conflicts, human rights abuses and persecution of ethnic minorities by the Myanmar military. Thailand, however, has not ratified the UN refugee convention. Thailand Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha also seized power in a coup in 2014, and held onto his leadership following 2019 elections that opponents said were not free or fair. His government has arrested dozens of pro-democracy protesters who turned out on masse demanding his resignation and accusing him of engineering the election. Prayut has denied the election was flawed and allegations of interference. Prayut has previously declined to make a strong statement on the situation in Myanmar. Last month, the international community had hoped Southeast Asian leaders would be able to reach a breakthrough on stopping the violence in Myanmar at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meeting, but Prayut had skipped the summit, sending his deputy prime minister in his place. "Regarding the situation in Myanmar, it is a highly complex issue," he had said at that time. "The government is currently working at various channels in order to find peaceful solution, as a duty of being member state to AESAN." Thailand has agreed to support the plan that emerged from the ASEAN meeting, which includes ending violence in Myanmar and a constructive dialogue among all parties. The FCCT warned "the world is watching" how Thailand proceeds, adding it was an "important case for press freedom in Myanmar and the region, and for the protection of those fleeing the junta's brutal crackdown on independent media and civil society."..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Industry Announcement No.7/2021 - စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် စက်မှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၇/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၇/၂၀၂၁) ၁၃၈၂ ခုနှစ်၊ တပေါင်းလပြည့်ကျော် ၁၃ ရက် (၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ ၉ ရက်) နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းရွေးချယ်လေ့ကျင့်ခန့်ထားခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များအားလုံး ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားကြောင်း ကြေညာချက် ရည်ညွှန်းချက်။ ။ ဒုတိယသမ္မတဦးဆောင်ကျင်းပသည့် ပြည်ထောင်စုအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ အစည်းအဝေးအမှတ်စဉ် ၃/၂၀၂၁ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်။ ၁။ ယခုအချိန်သည် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီမှ နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာအား လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုယူထားသည့် အချိန်ဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းကောင်း အရာထမ်း၊ အမှုထမ်းများသည် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာဖီဆန်မှုလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (CDM) ဖြင့် ရဲဝံ့ စွန့်စားစွာ အာခံတော်လှန်နေသည့် အခါသမယဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းကောင်း အာဇာနည်များ၏ ထိရောက်အောင်မြင်သည့် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာဖီဆန်မှုလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (CDM) ကြောင့် တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံ့အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရားအား ပုံမှန်လည်ပတ်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိဘဲ အကျပ်အတည်းဆိုက် အထိနာလျက်ရှိပါသည်။..." ၃။ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၎င်းတို့အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် (CDM) လှုပ်ရှားမှု ဆောင်ရွက် နေသည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများအား လုပ်ငန်းခွင်သို့ ပြန်လည်ဝင်ရောက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရန် နည်းလမ်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ဖိအားပေး ခြိမ်းခြောက် အရေးယူနေသော်လည်း ထိရောက်အောင်မြင်မှုမရှိသည့်အတွက် ဝန်ထမ်းသစ်များ ရွေးချယ်လေ့ကျင့် ခန့်ထားနိုင်ရန် အလုပ်လျှောက်လွှာများခေါ်ယူ၍ အပူတပြင်း ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ ၄။ မိမိတို့ ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီမှ တရားမဝင်အာဏာလုယူလိုက်သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့ မှစ၍ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းရွေးချယ်လေ့ကျင့်ခန့်ထားခြင်း ဆိုင်ရာလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ အားလုံးကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားကြောင်း အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။ ၅။ သို့ပါ၍ ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ စစ်အုပ်စုဩဇာခံ ပြည်ထောင်စု ရာထူးဝန်အဖွဲ့နှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန^အကြီးအကဲများက ရွေးချယ်ခန့်အပ်သော မည်သူကိုမျှ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်မပြုသည့်အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အပေါင်းပါများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်၍ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။ (ပုံ) တင်ထွန်းနိုင် ခေတ္တပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီး စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် စက်မှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication: 2021-04-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 11 May, (783) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Nanmati and Hopin Towns in Kachin State were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 11, a total of (3859) people are currently under detention; of them (86) are sentenced. 1581 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Today marks the 100th day under military rule. This terrorist group unlawfully seized power and since then has used varied forms of violence and torture upon civilians. Their constant acts of brutality and persecution have allowed them to clearly stand out as a terrorist organisation. The junta’s non-compliance with internationally agreed military rules and regulations is damaging the reputation of armies globally. Currently in Burma, political, social, business and health sectors are all on the verge of collapse. Health services which were already overburdened due to covid, have been particularly affected. Civilians have been unable to access healthcare and covid tracing has ceased, putting the population at risk of facing a third wave of covid. During these 100 days, civilians have been exposed to various forms of persecution and have had their properties looted, robbed and destroyed on a daily basis. As well as this, there has been intense conflict in the ethnic states, resulting in the displacement of thousands of people, as they are forced to flee to jungles. Despite these dire circumstances, civilians have affirmed that neither pressure from this terrorist group, nor inadequate ASEAN soft resolutions will be effective. It appears that these civilians have been left to defend themselves and end this dictatorship on their own. On 11 May, across Burma civilians continued to protest against the military dictatorship. This morning in Phone Maw ward, Dawei city in Tanintharyi Region as civilians were preparing to protest, junta forces in unmarked vehicles opened fire on the protesters, injuring one civilian. After this crackdown, junta forces followed civilians into their houses, shooting and arresting them. More than 10 civilians, including one woman have been arrested. The terror of the junta is highlighted through their use of unmarked cars and motorbikes. Junta force’s unprovoked shooting is worsening day by day, killing a rising number of civilians. Last night in Namti town, Kachin State junta shooting left one young man dead, and a further three wounded. One of the men injured sustained a serious injury after being shot in the arm. The other two injured are on the run, evading arrest. On the night of May 8, veterinarian Dr. Sai Aik Kwan, living in Hopin town, Mohnyin Township in Kachin State was arrested by soldiers as he passed by Infantry Battalion 389 based in Hopin. The soldiers tied him up, shot him in the head and left his body next to a drain. His family recovered the dead body, but on the day of the funeral the junta took the body back, looted it and returned it with the head dismembered. On the death certificate, they claimed he died of a drug overdose. It is clear that Dr. Sai Aik Kwan was unjustly murdered. The same situation occurred with the death of poet Khat Thi, where his wife was forced to sign a false death certificate to cover up their crimes and destroy evidence. This terrorist group is responsible for each and every crime they have committed. There must be accountability. Junta forces continue to severely oppress public servants involved in the CDM. It is because of the civil disobedience movement that the juntas operating mechanisms have been completely cut off. Yesterday, in Letpan village, Waw Township in Bago Region four CDM education officers were arrested by the junta, and released on bail by their appointed village administrator. This was done to create the impression that junta forces saved them by releasing them. It is possible that in the future they will be made to pay for their freedom. We can see that this terrorist group is now using tactics to gain political advantage and create a widespread system of bribes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1 MB 3.66 MB 917.33 KB
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Announcement No.2/2021
Description: "1. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the illegitimate State Administrative Council (SAC) of Myanmar suspended the Myanmar diplomats who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) in Washington D.C. and Geneva on 22 and 23 April 2021 respectively. 2. On 23 April 2021, the diplomatic passports of the CDM diplomats and their family members from Geneva, Washington D.C., Tel Aviv and Ottawa were declared null and void. 3. Improperly, the passports of the CDM diplomats in Geneva and Washington D.C. have been revoked before the dismissal. Unethically, the passports of the CDM diplomats in Tel Aviv and Ottawa were declared null and void while they are not even suspended from their work yet. 4. Likewise, the passports of the CDM diplomats in Berlin, Tokyo and Los Angeles and their family members had been declared null and void immediately after being dismissed during March 2021. Similarly, the passports of Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, Permanent Representative of Myamnar to the United Nations and his family members were also declared null and void in early March 2021. 5. The National Unity Government of Myanmar wishes to reaffirm that the State Administrative Council (SAC) of Myanmar is an illegal terrorist group, and their announcements are also illegal. 6. In this light, the NUG urges the respective host governments not to acknowledge the SAC's announcement of revoking the diplomatic passports of those Myanmar diplomats and family members..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 81.53 KB
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Title: Beyond the Coup in Myanmar: Echoes of the Past, Crises of the Moment, Visions of the Future
Description: "On Feb. 1, 2021, the Myanmar military – the Tatmadaw – shattered the all too brief effort to transition to democracy in Myanmar. Over the past two and a half months, the Tatmadaw has continued its illegitimate effort to undermine the democratic elections from last year and prevent the elected government from taking power. In the face of mass popular opposition and international condemnation, the military has only escalated its use of violence against its own population – systematically stripping away rights and violently attacking protestors and dissidents, reportedly killing over 700 civilians as of Apr. 20, 2021, and detaining more than 3,000. Despite the continued threats and extreme violence, the people of Myanmar have stood their ground and refused to be silenced. On Apr. 16, opponents of the coup from across the political spectrum announced the formation of a National Unity Government (NUG) to resist the military. Just as importantly, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a grassroots movement aimed at disrupting state functions and crippling the economy in order to undermine the military’s attempt to rule, has been hugely successful in galvanizing collective action since early February. In addition to the tens of thousands of CDM participants walking out of their private and public sector positions, protests across the country have seen massive youth engagement on a scale not seen in a generation. The organizing power has been impressive. Social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and TikTok have been used to spread awareness and coordinate protests, strikes, and other forms of peaceful resistance. The military has taken notice of the CDM’s power, issuing threats against young people protesting and shooting indiscriminately at protestors of all ages, including children. Parallel movements have arisen in areas like neighboring Thailand, with Thai youth protesting their own authoritarian government in solidarity with activists from Myanmar. Today we launch a Just Security series that will take a deep dive into the situation in Myanmar. The series will provide insights that put the coup and civilian response into historical and modern context, deepen unexplored angles on the current crises, and survey possibilities and ways forward over the next six months to a year. This series also aims to elevate policy discussions on a number of issues, ranging from peace and accountability to religion and democracy, asking: What is happening now and why? Within the series, contributions from authors from Myanmar and others working closely on the situation will explore topics such as youth leadership in the CDM and protests, domestic and international solidarity, environmental concerns, the dissolution of rule of law in Myanmar, and what the coup means for ongoing international accountability efforts. Below, we offer an overview of the major themes of the series, along with a timeline of the struggle for democracy in Myanmar. The current uprising against military rule must be understood in the context of these decades-long struggles for peace, democracy, accountability, and justice..."
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Source/publisher: Just Security (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Category: Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Discrimination against the Rohingya, International Criminal Court, Several Groups, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Various groups, Political History, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Size: 257.17 KB
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Title: CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် နိုင်ငံတော် နှင့် နိုင်ငံသားတို့၏ သစ္စာကို စောင့်သိလျက် ပါဝင် ဆောင်ရွက် နေသည့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန မှ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ အရာထမ်း၊ အမှုထမ်းများ အပေါ် အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုအားလုံးသည် တရားမဝင်ပါကြောင်း နှင့် မတရား သော အမိန့် အာဏာများ ကို ဖီဆန်ကာ CDM တွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိကြသည့် နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန မှ ဝန်ထမ်းများ အားလုံးကို လေးနက်စွာ ချီးကျူးဂုဏ်ပြုပါကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။
Description: Title - Staff from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who are participating in the CDM movement with the loyalty of the State and its citizens Officers; We sincerely commend all the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for participating in the CDM in defiance of unjust orders by the coup d'état - Unofficial English translation
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication: 2021-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 159.45 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 10 May, (781) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Thanlyin Township in Yangon Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 10, a total of (3843) people are currently under detention; of them (86) are sentenced. 1561 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today civilians continued to protest against the junta in different ways, such as participating in the White Shirt Campaign. Early this morning, in Meiktila town, Mandalay Region, a protest was cracked down on and 15 people were arrested. In recent days, the terrorists have made a series of arrests, particularly targeting individuals leading forms of opposition against junta forces. Yesterday afternoon so-called police raided the Star City Home in Building B5, Thanlyin Township, Yangon where they arrested and blindfolded 14 people. During this brutal crackdown, it was reported that a medical university graduate died after falling from a building. Although initial reports state he fell, some media have since reported that he was pushed by so-called police and soldiers. This inhumane act again shows that junta forces do not value the lives of civilians. Since the coup, civilians have faced various forms of torture during their arrest. This junta group displayed its inhumanity when they forced the family member of a clearly tortured victim to sign a death certificate stating they had simply died of a disease. Poet Khet Thi who died yesterday was found with wounds consistent with torture, yet his wife had to sign a confession stating he died due to his pre-existing health conditions in order to recover his dead body. Forcing civilians to sign these confessions allows the junta forces to cover up their atrocities and destroys the evidence of their crimes. They use this to claim their actions are lawful. Action must be taken to ensure those who commit these crimes take full responsibility. The junta has attempted in various ways to deprive the people of “democratic” freedom. Since the coup, the freedom of the people has been stripped and the essence of democracy has faded. Last night in Bago City, Bago Region, terrorist groups destroyed the Democracy Monument, which celebrated the martyrs of the 8888 Uprising and its successors. Yesterday in the early morning, two youths were arrested on the road in Mingaladon Township while they were painting the slogan “We Want Democracy”. Their families have not yet been able to contact them. The people of Burma are fighting against junta forces that have ruled Burma for almost half of a century, to restore democracy and peace. To reinstate Burma’s democracy, the international community and ASEAN must address the current situation with urgency and importance. This junta group was already detaining women and children, now they are even targeting people with disabilities. Yesterday afternoon in Chanmyathazi Township in Mandalay City, Sai Hla Min, a disabled man who had regularly attended the Mandalay Monk Union Strike was arrested and not released on bail. Although Burma has ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD), it is clear that in an illegal coup, these kinds of human rights are not respected. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1023.88 KB 3.71 MB 916.23 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 9 May, (780) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. (2) from Shwebo and Myinmu Townships in Sagaing Region died on 9 May. (2) from Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 9, a total of (3826) people are currently under detention; of them (84) are sentenced. 1540 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Protests continue across Burma today, this morning in Meiktila Town, Mandalay Region, a motorcycle protest was repressed with slingshot fire, leaving several people injured. Three civilians were beaten with gunstock and arrested, and around 10 motorcycles were seized. This morning in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay City, a group of Yadanarbon University students on their way home after a protest were chased and shot by a civilian car, one car was hit by a bullet. Nowadays the junta are using civilian cars instead of police or military vehicles. They are finding it easier to arrest and crackdown on protests. These covert acts are showing the reality of the terrorist groups barbarity. Unprovoked shooting and atrocities against civilians are increasing in rural areas. This morning in Kani Township, Sagaing Region, in the Chindwin river, junta troops arrived in a boat and opened fire on civilians, no one was injured. This morning in Myinmu Township, Sagaing Region, they cracked down on the meeting point of a protest, arresting two protesters. When the people demanded their release, the junta opened fire, one civilian was shot on the waist, and one civilian shot dead. On 8 May in Thamyar village , Natmauk Township, Magway Region, the junta used tear gas and rubber bullets, two locals were injured and seven arrested. Although arbitrary shootings continue on a daily basis, the international community has not taken effective action – so the junta lawlessness is getting worse. Civilians are insecure, lives are constantly in danger. Last night in Shwebo town, Sagaing Region, poet Khet Thi (a.k.a U Zaw Tun) was arrested, he died at the hospital after being tortured in the interrogation center. Khat Thi was arrested along with his wife who is taking part in the CDM, and another house member. To create a society that guarantees everyone’s right to life and freedom from persecution, we must uproot dictatorship. The terrorist group loots on a daily basis. Last night in Zee Pin Dwin village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, they raided a village and destroyed homes and property, looting gold, money. In Bhamo town, Kachin State, on the night of 7 May, the junta raided a motorcycle showroom and stole a tricycle and over 200 motorcycles. Looting and searches were carried out in Myitkyina, Mohnyin and Mogaung Townships taking old and fresh motorbikes from civilians. Since the coup there has been no rule of law, there is a state of panic because civilians lives and private property can be destroyed and looted at any time by armed thugs. Conflict continues in Kachin State, a woman was shot dead in her head in a clash between the junta and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) near War Shawng village, Wine Maw Township, Kachin State. The peace process has been wrecked by the tyrancial junta, ethnic people once again feeling the brunt of the civil war. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar poet dies after being detained, his family says
Description: "Myanmar poet Khet Thi, whose works declare resistance to the ruling junta, died in detention overnight and his body was returned with the organs removed, his family said on Sunday. A spokesman for the junta did not answer calls to request comment on the death of Khet Thi, who had penned the line "They shoot in the head, but they don't know the revolution is in the heart." His Facebook page said he was 45. Khet Thi's wife said both of them were taken for interrogation on Saturday by armed soldiers and police in the central town of Shwebo, in the Sagaing region - a centre of resistance to the coup in which elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi was ousted. "I was interrogated. So was he. They said he was at the interrogation centre. But he didn't come back, only his body," his wife Chaw Su told BBC Burmese language news in tears from Monywa, around 100 km (60 miles) away by road. "They called me in the morning and told me to meet him at the hospital in Monywa. I thought it was just for a broken arm or something ... But when I arrived here, he was at the morgue and his internal organs were taken out," she said. She had been told at the hospital he had a heart problem, but had not bothered to read the death certificate because she was sure it would not be true, Chaw Su said. Reuters was unable to reach the hospital for comment. Chaw Su said the army had planned to bury him but that she pleaded with them for the body. She did not say how she knew her husband's organs had been removed. "He died at the hospital after being tortured in the interrogation centre," the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group said in a bulletin that put the toll of civilians killed since the coup at 780. The group, which monitors details of killings, did not identify the source of its information. OTHER POETS DIED Khet Thi was at least the third poet to die during protests since the Feb. 1 coup. Khet Thi had been a friend of K Za Win, 39, a poet who was shot dead during a protest in Monywa in early March. Cultural figures and celebrities have been prominent supporters of opposition to the coup with protests daily in different parts of the Southeast Asian country in spite of the killings and thousands of arrests. Khet Thi had been an engineer before quitting his job in 2012 to focus on his poetry and to support himself by making and selling ice cream and cakes. "I don't want to be a hero, I don't want to be a martyr, I don't want to be a weakling, I don't want to be a fool," he wrote two weeks after the coup. "I don't want to support injustice. If I have only a minute to live, I want my conscience to be clean for that minute." More recently, he wrote that he was a guitar player, a cake baker and a poet - not someone who could fire a gun. But he implied his attitude was changing. "My people are being shot and I can only throw back poems," he wrote. "But when you are sure your voice is not enough, then you need to choose a gun carefully. I will shoot..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s junta brands rival government a terrorist group
Description: "Myanmar’s military rulers have branded a rival National Unity Government a terrorist group and blamed it for bombings, arson and killings, state-controlled media said on Saturday. Myanmar's army has struggled to impose order since seizing power on Feb. 1 and detaining elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Bombings are reported daily and local militias have been formed to confront the army while anti-junta protests have not stopped across the Southeast Asian country and strikes by opponents of the coup have paralysed the economy. The National Unity Government (NUG), which operates under cover and itself describes the army as a terrorist force, announced this week that it would set up a People's Defence Force. "Their acts caused so much terrorism in many places," state television MRTV said, announcing that the NUG, a committee of ousted lawmakers known as the CRPH and the new force would all now be covered by the anti-terrorism law. "There were bombs, fires, murder and threats to destroy the administrative mechanism of the government," the announcement said. The anti-terrorism law bans not only membership of the groups, but also any contact with them. The junta had previously accused its opponents of treason. Protesters marched against the junta in dozens of places on Saturday. At least 774 civilians have been killed by security forces and 3,778 are detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group. The junta disputes those figures and says at least two dozen members of the security forces have been killed in protests. Fighting has also flared on Myanmar's periphery with ethnic armies that have been fighting for decades and some of which have rallied behind the protesters. State television said the army had advanced against the Kachin Independence Army in northern Myanmar, but there was no independent confirmation. In western Myanmar, the newly formed Chinland Defence Force said it had overrun an army camp. The army made no comment on the report. Myanmar's army took power alleging fraud in a November election that was swept by the party of Suu Kyi, who fought for democracy for decades before tentative reforms began a decade ago. The electoral commission had rejected the army's complaints..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Thousands suspended at Myanmar universities as junta targets education
Description: "More than 11,000 academics and other university staff opposed to Myanmar's ruling junta have been suspended after going on strike in protest against military rule, a teachers' group told Reuters. The suspensions come as the resumption of universities after a year closed due to the coronavirus epidemic prompts a new confrontation between the army and the staff and students who are calling for boycotts over the Feb. 1 coup. "I feel upset to give up a job that I adored so much, but I feel proud to stand against injustice," said one 37-year-old university rector, who gave her name only as Thandar for fear of reprisals. "My department summoned me today. I'm not going. We shouldn't follow the orders of the military council." A professor on a fellowship in the United States said she was told she would have to declare opposition to the strikes or lose her job. Her university authorities had told her every scholar would be tracked down and forced to choose, she told Reuters. As of Monday, more than 11,100 academic and other staff had been suspended from colleges and universities offering degrees, an official of the Myanmar Teachers' Federation told Reuters, declining to be identified for fear of reprisals. Reuters was not immediately able to ascertain exactly what proportion of total staff that figure represents. Myanmar had more than 26,000 teachers in universities and other tertiary education institutions in 2018, according to the most recent World Bank data. Students and teachers were at the forefront of opposition during nearly half a century of military rule and have been prominent in the protests since the army detained elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and halted a decade of tentative democratic reforms. Many teachers, like medics and other government workers, have stopped work as part of a civil disobedience movement that has paralysed Myanmar. As protests flared after the coup, security forces occupied campuses in the biggest city, Yangon, and elsewhere. A spokesman for the junta did not respond to phone calls seeking comment on the suspensions. The junta-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper said teachers and students should cooperate to get the education system started again. "Political opportunists do not wish to see such development by committing sabotage acts," it said. BOYCOTTS It was not clear to what extent the 11,000 staff suspensions would hamper efforts to reopen colleges but many students are also boycotting classes. At the public West Yangon Technological University, the student's union published a list of 180 staff who had been suspended to hail them as heroes. "I don't feel sad to miss school," said 22-year-old Hnin, a student of the Yangon University of Education. "There's nothing to lose from missing the junta's education." Zaw Wai Soe, education minister in a rival National Unity Government set up underground by opponents of the junta, said he was touched that students had told him they would only return "when the revolution prevails". Doubts have also been raised over the return to school of younger students, with institutions now taking registrations for the start of a new year. There are nearly 10 million school students in the country of 53 million. Protesters daubed "We don't want to be educated in military slavery" at the entrance of a school in the southern town of Mawlamyine last week, a phrase that has been echoed at demonstrations across Myanmar by students. "We'll go to school only when Grandmother Suu is released," read a banner of students in the northern town of Hpakant at the weekend, referring to detained leader Suu Kyi. "Free all students at once," said another sign. Many students are among at least 780 people killed by security forces and the 3,800 in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group. At least 47 teachers are also among the detainees while arrest warrants have been issued for some 150 teachers on charges of incitement. Myanmar's education system was already one of the poorest in the region - and ranked 92 of 93 countries in a global survey last year. Even under the leadership of Suu Kyi, who had championed education, spending was below 2% of gross domestic product. That was one of the lowest rates in the world, according to World Bank figures. Students could have little expectation of progress in Myanmar this year, said Saw Kapi, a founding director of the Salween Institute for Public Policy think tank. "When it comes to education, I would suggest that instead of thinking about getting a bachelor's degree, you must go to the University of Life with a major in revolution," he wrote on social media. "You can go for a Masters or PhD later..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 8 May, (776) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kani Township in Sagaing Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 8, a total of (3813) people are currently under detention; of them (84) are sentenced. 1518 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today across Burma people continue to protest the dictatorship in various ways. Yesterday afternoon, in Kani Township in Sagaing Region, a villager from Kinsanpya Village was shot to death in the forest by terrorists and his family was not able to take his dead body back. Juna forces pointed a gun at a man who went to take the body and slapped him in the face. The junta’s unprovoked shootings and oppressive actions are becoming more violent. They commit crimes affecting the mental and physical security of civilians. They are openly looting civilians’ property as they wish. Yesterday, in Padauk Pin village, Kanbalu Township, Sagaing Region, some protesters were searched and around 15 houses destroyed. The terrorists stole their money, gold and mobile phones. As of May 8, around 80 Padauk Pin villagers were forced to flee to the forest because the military camped in their village. As long as the dictatorship is in power, the lives of the civilians will continue to be in danger. We can only build a peaceful society if we overthrow the dictatorship. Employees involved in the civil disobedience movement (CDM) are also being persecuted. In recent days, the Ministry of Education made a series of announcements that teachers and staff were fired from the education sector. 465 teachers from Yadanabon University in Mandalay, 392 teachers and office staff from Mandalay University, 85 teachers from Mandalay Distance Education, 94 teachers from Mandalay University of Foreign Studies and 94 teachers and office staff from Yangon Distance Education were temporarily suspended. Fighting has intensified in Kachin State, with reports of a jet attack by the junta using chemical weapons in contravention of international prohibition. The news spread on social media, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) is still investigating, it has not yet been confirmed. The use of chemical bombs is a war crime and a serious human rights violation. Ethnic people have been killed and seriously wounded in various attacks by the junta group. Not only this, but they are also being forced to leave their homes, yet these gross violations are only the junta trying to gain an advantage in conflict to maintain the power. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No. 4/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၄/၂၀၂၁)
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation Announcement No.1/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ သယံဇာတနှင့် သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁) ထုတ်ပြန်
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-04-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.18 MB
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Title: Myanmar’s democracy protesters may need more than Milk Tea Alliance tactics to defeat the military coup
Description: "A brutal crackdown could happen any day. Military violence is expected every day. Soldiers have casually killed peaceful protesters throughout the four weeks since Myanmar’s military undertook a coup to remove the country’s civilian government. Military violence has incrementally, but steadily increased. Bravely, millions of peaceful protesters still take to Myanmar’s streets to oppose the military coup and demand the release of the country’s civilian leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi. By employing tactics learned from other recent Asian protest movements, they have seemingly confounded Myanmar’s military, which has struggled to deal with the nature of protests and their scale. But Myanmar’s military leaders are cunning and may well have foreseen elements of the protesters’ strategy and adopted their own plans accordingly. The success of anti-coup campaigners may well depend on their preparedness to continue searching for outside examples of how to successfully defeat entrenched but illegitimate rulers. The determination and size of Myanmar’s peaceful anti-coup protests are impressive. Three weeks after the coup and despite draconian new laws that threaten to punish with twenty years jail the act of inciting “hatred or contempt” towards coup leaders, crowds have continued to grow. Protesters have numbered in the millions, with new groups joining the movement daily. A nationwide civil disobedience movement is under way, and the country’s bureaucracy, banking, and transport systems have ceased to function. The military’s legitimacy as competent managers is in tatters. Protesters know they are facing off with one of the world’s most vicious militaries, a force with more than half a million active personnel that is known to routinely turn weapons on civilians. A 2018 UN Human Rights Council report described how the military routinely committed crimes against humanity and war crimes against ethnic minority groups. Myanmar’s military stands accused of genocide against the Rohingya during a 2017 campaign that included mass murder, widespread gang rapes of women and girls as a military tactic, and the razing of hundreds of towns and villages. Soldiers commit atrocities with impunity — those few that might ever be found guilty of crimes by Myanmar’s courts are routinely pardoned soon after. The worst military violence is usually reserved for Myanmar’s ethnic minorities, but historically the military has also been prepared to meet popular peaceful uprisings — like the 1988 protests that first brought Aung San Suu Kyi to political prominence — with brutal force. In 1988, the military put down protests by killing thousands, making widespread arrests, and imposing decades-long prison sentences. Similar tactics were employed to end the 2007 monk-led Saffron Revolution. A grim indication of what Myanmar’s protesters expect is that many have taken to writing their blood type on their forearms with permanent markers so medical teams can better care for them when the violence comes. Already the military has used live rounds to kill peaceful protesters in Mandalay and the capital Naypyitaw. There are also reports that soldiers fired on ambulances and medical teams that came to assist the injured. Troops from the 33rd Light Infantry Division, infamous for their genocidal actions against Rohingya civilians, have been prominently deployed in Mandalay. Their unconcealed presence can only have been intended to instil fear in the protesters about what future violence might soon come. So far, the military’s use of violence has not been overwhelming; they have focussed more on mass arrests than mass murder, with killings of peaceful protesters in the dozens rather than the thousands. Several hundred new political prisoners are now refilling the jails that were emptied during a recent prisoner amnesty. More are arrested daily. One explanation for the military’s seeming reluctance to meet the current protests with the same brutality they demonstrated in 1988 or 2007 is that this time the protest movement is much, much larger and represents a wider cross-section of the national population.....The protesters’ new strategies: Myanmar’s youthful protest movement has adopted strategies learned from Asia’s other youth-infused activist movements — particularly those in Thailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Protesters often style themselves as part of the Milk Tea Alliance of democracy campaigners. Originally symbolic of opposition to Chinese encroachment in domestic affairs and anti-authoritarianism, the Milk Tea Alliance derived its name from a perceived cultural similarity between the places from which it drew its membership — namely, an affinity for milky tea products, marking a distinction with China’s traditional love of black tea. Since the coup, #milkteaalliance has been widely used in Myanmar. Shrewdly, protest leaders have adopted similarly diversified leadership strategies to those of other Milk Tea Alliance groups. This, and widespread participation in a national civil disobedience movement, has presented the military with genuine challenges in identifying and arresting individual movement leaders. From Thailand, Myanmar’s protesters adopted the three-finger salute as a symbol of opposition to the coup. Images of Myanmar’s frustrated population staring down armoured vehicles in the streets of Yangon while defiantly saluting for democracy appeared in media worldwide and helped keep the eyes of the world focussed on Myanmar for weeks after the coup. Less high profile but no less significant has been the protesters’ adoption of key tactics from Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement — particularly the “be like water” mantra. This has encouraged protesters to avoid direct confrontation with soldiers and instead adopt a highly agile style of protest that forces the authorities to constantly respond and adapt to the protesters’ agenda. By behaving like political flash mobs and frequently changing tactics, protesters have seemed frequently to catch the authorities off guard. Over the last three weeks, protesters deployed an astonishing number of different tactics, from traditional marches, to sit ins and music performances outside foreign embassies. They have shut down road transport by parking “broken down” cars at key intersections and driven convoys of vehicles so slowly as to create gridlock. One protest even involved a train of elephants with their mahouts.....Has the military adopted a new strategy, too?: Regardless of the protesters’ agility, the military is yet to attempt to put down this uprising with the same ferocity it used in earlier demonstrations. This suggests the military too might be adopting a new strategy. Rather than using aggressive approaches similar to those deployed by China’s security services in Hong Kong or the Thai authorities’ mass arrest of protesters, Myanmar’s military has attempted to disrupt protests through nightly internet blackouts, by arresting those key leaders they can identify and locate, and through occasional violence at protest sites. Compared to the speedy and overwhelming violence meted out to Rohingya civilian populations in 2017, the military’s approach towards anti-coup protesters seems deliberately unhurried. The military has used an approach closer to the Kremlin-inspired response to recent protests in Belarus, rather than aping the tactics of China’s security forces in Hong Kong. Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko, when facing widespread protests against his rigged August 2020 election, did not immediately use overwhelming force to crush opposition; instead, he hoped the protests would dissipate of their own accord. Protests have continued, but they have failed to dislodge Lukashenko who seems determined to weather the storm through incremental arrests of activists and the targeting of domestic journalists. The break with Chinese-inspired anti-dissident strategies should not necessarily come as a surprise. Internationally, China is widely regarded as supportive of Myanmar’s military, and has worn significant domestic opprobrium for its refusal to condemn the coup. Anti-Chinese feeling within Myanmar is approaching feverish levels, but China has been less than fulsome in its support for the coup. China’s Ambassador told Myanmar media that the coup was, “absolutely not what China wants to see.” China’s authorities had a close relationship with Aung San Suu Kyi’s government and have had, at times, a tetchy relationship with Myanmar’s military, which may now feel they have some reason to doubt the reliability of Chinese advice. That the military might turn to Myanmar’s other long-term defender on the United Nations Security Council, Russia, should also not be surprising. Russia has left little doubt that it regards the coup as legitimate, with Russia’s representative to the UN Human Rights Council describing it as a “purely domestic affair of the sovereign state.” Russia, while not a major trading partner of Myanmar, is one of its major arms dealers and has extensive experience quelling revolutions in the countries on its own periphery. Myanmar’s massive street protests are certainly reminiscent of the colour revolutions of former Soviet states. In recent years, Myanmar’s military have developed much closer ties with Russia. TASS, Russia’s official news agency, described this process as “intensive development.” Russia’s geostrategic interests are certainly served by maintaining close ties with the Myanmar military; and Myanmar, in 2018, agreed to make it easier for Russian naval ships to visit Myanmar ports, thereby enhancing Russian access to the Bay of Bengal. Just weeks before the coup, Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu visited Myanmar to discuss military cooperation with coup-leader Min Aung Hlaing. During that visit, extensive arrangements were put in place that would enable Myanmar to purchase new surface-to-air missile systems, intelligence and electronic warfare drones, and radar from Russia. It is possible, moreover, that an understanding was reached between them about intelligence cooperation, and the coup leaders’ response to Myanmar’s protest movement might now be informed by the Kremlin’s experience in undermining popular uprisings.....The protesters’ new strategies: Myanmar’s anti-coup protesters have successfully adopted many of the tactics and strategies of the Milk Tea Alliance. These tactics — which have peaceful strategies at their core — were developed in the crucible of east and southeast Asian protest. Myanmar has a long history of peaceful anti-military protest; this is the approach Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters have long advocated. However, the close ties that have developed between the militaries of Myanmar and Russia may make peaceful Milk Tea Alliance tactics less useful in the longer-term. Pre-empting the military tactics derived from Russia’s experience of undermining anti-authoritarian uprisings might require a significant tactical rethink by Myanmar’s protest movement. For instance, key to the success of Ukraine’s 2014 Euromaidan revolution was protesters’ preparedness to themselves embrace violence in response to official crackdowns. This avoided prolonged conflict of the kind we see today in Belarus, where Lukashenko remains in power and the protest movement is steadily weakened through arrests. The success of Myanmar’s popular uprising may now depend on its leaders’ ability to swiftly refine the approach of the Milk Tea Alliance, and to learn lessons from the experience of Belarus and Ukraine — places where anti-protest tactics inspired by Russia’s military have been successful. Afterall, there is strong evidence Myanmar’s military has already learned from Russia’s tactics. Ronan Lee is Visiting Scholar at the International State Crime Initiative in the School of Law, Queen Mary University of London. He was formerly a Queensland State Member of Parliament (2001–2009) and served on the frontbench as a Parliamentary Secretary (2006–2008) in portfolios including Justice, Main Roads and Local Government, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships. He is the author of Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide: Identity, History and Hate Speech..."
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Source/publisher: Australian Broadcasting Corporation (Australia)
Date of publication: 2021-03-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s protests have unified a disparate country, but including the Rohingya can help defeat the coup
Description: "Saffron robed Buddhist monks, leather clad punks, shirtless muscle-bound hunks, taffeta ballgown wearing “princes protesters”, chefs in toques, black robed lawyers, construction workers in hard hats, nurses and doctors in scrubs, tattooed martial artists, nat spirit worshipers, civil servants, drag queens, trade unionists, farmers, teachers, taxi drivers, Christians, Hindus, Muslims, the old, the young, women, men, girls and boys — this week and last, these were just some of the groups who joined the biggest protests against military rule ever seen in Myanmar. Protesters arrived on foot, in convoys of bicycles, motorcycles, horse pulled drays, cars, trucks, tractors, and boats. They represented every religion, ethnic, and age group, and they gathered in hundreds of villages, towns, and cities. One protest took place on the water using boats among the floating villages of Inle Lake, a popular tourist spot. Yangon’s shops sold out of red balloons, the colour Aung San Suu Kyi’s political party. The flags and traditional dress of Myanmar’s ethnic minority communities were proudly displayed. Yangon’s usually hidden Rohingya community even openly joined in, and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh showed solidarity by holding candle-light vigils and sharing photos displaying the three fingered salute that has been adopted by the protesters. Amid a sometimes carnivalesque atmosphere, protesters sang songs, gave speeches, recited poetry, painted banners, and posted on social media — the protests have an undoubtedly youthful edge. It would hardly have been possible to imagine, let alone bring together, a more diverse mix of Myanmar’s fifty-five million people. But apparent within this extraordinary diversity, was unity behind a common goal: the restoration of Myanmar’s democratically elected civilian government and the removal of the military from political power. By undertaking a coup and arresting Myanmar’s recently re-elected civilian political leaders, military boss Senior General Min Aung Hlaing precipitated nationwide social unrest. Day after day, protesters have ignored military instructions to disperse, and there is widespread and growing resistance to the new military junta with public servants and hospital staff downing their tools. Banks were reported closed because they lacked the staff to open. It seems every day more people join the resistance. Notably, this has included defections of police — usually under military control — to join the protests, labelling themselves “People’s Police” and calling for the restoration of the democratically elected civilian government.....The threat of military violence: The military will not give up easily. Every protester, however enthusiastic, knows the threat of catastrophic violence constantly looms. To hold on to power, the military could unleash unspeakable violence against peaceful protesters at any moment. They have recent form for this. In 2017, the military subjected Myanmar’s Rohingya community to indiscriminate murders, widespread sexual assaults, village burnings, and mass detention — more than 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh. Similar violence could easily be brought to bear on the protesters. For the protesters, the casual brutality of Myanmar’s military was highlighted during the first days of the coup when peaceful gatherings in the capital Nay Pyi Taw were met with water cannons and rubber bullets interspersed with live rounds, leading to the shooting of a 19-year-old woman in the head. Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing, a grocery store worker who travelled from her village with her sisters, remains in a critical condition and is not expected to survive the shooting. She may not be the first protester murdered by Myanmar’s military but in a country where social mores often lean to the traditional, the optics of shooting a young woman as she peacefully asked for the return of the democratically elected government has further undermined the military’s standing. Growing protests demonstrate the coup lacks public support and its military leaders lack legitimacy. While previous military coups have been unpopular, the military was often able to use “divide and rule” tactics to play groups off against each other and undermine coordinated resistance. However, this time the coup leaders have simultaneously unified virtually every key sector of the country against them.....Myanmar’s generational change: Before the coup, Myanmar’s demographics were already flowing strongly against continued military influence in government. While a defining feature of modern Myanmar politics has been the strong influence of the 1988 uprising that catapulted Aung San Suu Kyi and many other civilian government leaders — including ousted President Win Myint — to political prominence, more than seventy per cent of Myanmar’s population was not born when that uprising occurred. Myanmar’s young people have been kept away from power by the political endurance of those who first came to prominence in 1988 and have largely filled key leadership roles in Aung San Suu Kyi’s administration, but as time passes that situation was always bound to change. Myanmar’s young people have grown up as Myanmar liberalised its previously highly restricted communications and media sectors, they have good links with and knowledge of the world beyond Myanmar and are accustomed to freely expressing their political opinions. The aspirations of Myanmar’s youth often contrast wildly with those of their parents and grandparents, who grew up under military-rule when the country was a hermit state closed to outside media and hostile to foreign influences. Young protesters are making clear that they do not want to be ruled by old, male soldiers and indications are they will continue to resist until the military is overthrown. Myanmar’s street protests are also making clear many don’t merely want a return to the pre-coup status quo, which included extensive military influence in government, no civilian oversight of the military, and a military veto on constitutional change — they want the military out of politics permanently. And quickly. Much more quickly than Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian administration, tarnished internationally by its failure to oppose genocide against the Rohingya, have pushed for during its time in power.....The importance of Rohingya solidarity: Young people will hope the tide of demographics helps lead to the washing away of martial rule, but to take on Myanmar’s entrenched military, they will need all the allies they can find. This is a central point I make in my book Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide, where I call for Myanmar’s young people and the Rohingya to embrace each other as natural allies. My hope is that as Myanmar’s younger generation move closer to political power, a more humanitarian approach towards the Rohingya could be a consequence of a generational change in Myanmar politics, and I strongly encourage the Rohingya leadership to actively engage with young people to seek common ground. Of course, it would be understandable if some Rohingya opted to sit out these protests, treating Aung San Suu Kyi’s arrest as fair comeuppance for her endorsement of military actions against them, but the Rohingya’s leadership understands that removing the military from political power in Myanmar must be a priority — the strong solidarity with protesters already shown by Rohingya groups is proof of this. There have been powerful examples of Rohingya solidarity with the protests and a statement condemning the coup from the Rohingya Women’s Network is a particularly significant endorsement, considering the specific targeting of Rohingya women and girls by Myanmar’s military. The Rohingya have been disappointed by Myanmar's civilian politicians, but they support Myanmar's moves towards democracy — and they especially support calls for the rejection of the compromised 2008 Constitution that allows the military to avoid civilian government oversight. The coup and its aftermath present real opportunities for the Rohingya and Myanmar’s young people to forge common cause for the removal of the military from political influence in Myanmar permanently and reforming the constitutional framework so they can never return to power....Myanmar’s Rohingya reckoning: There are strong indications this important political realignment was already under way in Myanmar before the coup, with some youth activists concerned about the growth of racism in politics having taken action to curb it. Young inter-faith activists and groups like Generation Wave have been vocal supporters of human rights for all in Myanmar, including the Rohingya, and were strongly critical of ongoing military influence on politics. Young political activists, especially those from ethnic minority groups, had been growing increasingly frustrated with restrictions on freedom of expression and with public expressions of racism. The #BlackLivesMatter-inspired “Don’t call me Kalar” social media campaign is an excellent example of this. “Kalar” is a pejorative often applied by racists to Rohingya and others with darker skin, but young people embraced with gusto an online campaign to end the practice, demonstrating similar cleverness, wit, and political edginess as we have seen in many anti-coup protests. Public silence during the 2017 Rohingya crisis has increasingly been a subject of concern for anti-coup protesters, many of whom are fast coming to terms with the inconsistency of their silence when the military brutalised the Rohingya while they themselves now call for international help to remove that same military from power. It is better this realisation comes late than not at all. The sight of democracy protesters in downtown Yangon carrying signs reading, “I really regret about Rohingya crisis”, are an indication a rethink about the reaction towards the Rohingya’s most recent crisis in 2017 is underway for some. One of many recent tweets I have received points to this reckoning, and highlights the legacy of decades of state media demonisation of the Rohingya, who were commonly portrayed as sinister foreign interlopers rather than a group indigenous to Myanmar: Many in Myanmar have been unaware the Rohingya were uncontroversially recognised as citizens during the civilian government era that followed independence between 1948 and 1962, but had their rights restricted and their citizenship rights disputed once the military seized power in the 1962 coup that presaged five decades of military rule. The Rohingya know better than most the value of a democracy and the perils of military rule. Considering the international support they can harness, the Rohingya should now be a key ally of democracy protesters in the campaign to oust the military. The most effective way for the Rohingya and others in Myanmar to fight the military is by cooperating. Myanmar’s coup is a step too far for most and defeating it is an opportunity for the country to at last change its constitution in order to kick the military from politics. This presents Myanmar with a once-in-a-generation opportunity to reimagine the country’s future. The shared experience of military oppression of the Rohingya and Myanmar’s majority, made tangible by the coup and its aftermath, opens up a path forward — one that realises the future imagined when the country emerged from colonial rule in 1948, a time when the Rohingya played a full role in politics and were regarded as a legitimate part of the national fabric. But achieving this future means the military’s coup first needs to be defeated — and in the short term, that’s far from a sure bet. Ronan Lee is Visiting Scholar at the International State Crime Initiative in the School of Law, Queen Mary University of London. He was formerly a Queensland State Member of Parliament (2001–2009) and served on the frontbench as a Parliamentary Secretary (2006–2008) in portfolios including Justice, Main Roads and Local Government, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships. He is the author of Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide: Identity, History and Hate Speech..."
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Source/publisher: Australian Broadcasting Corporation (Australia)
Date of publication: 2021-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-08
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No. 5/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-08
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Education Announcement No. 6/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန ကြေငြာချက် အမှတ် (၆/၂၀၂၁)
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-08
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Title: National Unity Government: Ministry of Health Announcement No.2/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁) ကို ထုတ်ပြန်
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-08
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Title: Should doctors go on strike? The ethical dilemmas facing the Civil Disobedience Movement in Myanmar
Description: "The three of us recently conducted a virtual meet-up in order to discuss what is transpiring in our homeland of Myanmar. We are all Burmese healthcare professionals who reside in three different locations — Japan, Hong Kong, and Myanmar. In particular, we wanted to find ways to help our medical colleagues throughout Myanmar. We were informed that warrants had been issued for the arrest of many of our senior and junior colleagues in the healthcare profession — at least 300 so far, with more expected in the coming days. The health workers who spearheaded the Civil Disobedience Movement in response to the February coup have been systematically targeted by the military; some of our colleagues have been shot at, and others killed, while providing medical assistance to injured protestors and bystanders. But working conditions for health workers in Myanmar were highly unsatisfactory even before the coup. Our international colleagues are typically shocked to learn Myanmar physicians are paid as little as US$200 per month on average in public hospitals. As the general strike now enters its third month, it’s not hard to imagine the duress many of our colleagues and their families are experiencing. Myanmar’s public health system now faces a three-fold crisis: the COVID-19 pandemic; the military coup itself; and the ruthless crackdown on health workers by the military. The second wave of the pandemic has already had devastating consequences on the fragile health system in Myanmar, where health spending is one of the lowest in the world. Despite the odds and meagre resources, Myanmar doctors tried valiantly to fight against the COVID-19 outbreak and the country managed to control the pandemic relatively well. In the ASEAN region, Myanmar the third country to begin a national vaccination program (after Singapore and Indonesia). But all the hard-earned success was destroyed immediately after the coup and now healthcare workers are hiding for their safety. What to make, then, of the role health workers are playing in the Civil Disobedience Movement? Around the world, doctors’ strikes are not uncommon. In Nigeria, for example, doctors are currently striking to protest poor working conditions and pay. Earlier this year, public health specialists from Ireland planned to strike against their lower pay scale compared to that of hospital consultants. In August last year, South Korean medical students went on strike over controversial national health policy reforms. A month before that, doctors in Sierra Leone decided to leave their workplaces due to the government’s failure to pay allowances and provide necessary protection in COVID-19 treatment centres. Many of these strikes last only days — in extreme cases, months — because governments have to take the demands of doctors seriously. They would initiate a process of negotiation and try to reach some agreement before patients feel the effect of the strike. After all, medical professionals are generally regarded as an indispensable human resource for any country. Not only are our colleagues in Myanmar facing the threat the military violence, they also confront a profound ethical dilemma. How can they reconcile their obligations to their patients and to those in need of medical assistance, with their opposition to the coup and their commitment to democracy? They are trying their best to continue to provide essential services to the public through the private sector or by means of make-shift community clinics. Many are providing complimentary health services to the poor, and are even risking their lives by tending to emergency cases of protesters wounded by brutal military countermeasures. In our view, the behaviour of the striking health care workers in Myanmar is not only selfless in their care for those in need, but benevolent in their commitment to nonviolent civil disobedience after the model of Gandhi. How could they continue to lend their tacit support for an undemocratic, ruthless military regime by working under its auspices? We have therefore been surprised to read the posts or comments by the military-backed media in Myanmar, stating that many people have lost their lives because of the participation of medical professionals in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Consider this: between 23 March and 21 May 2020, six people died from COVID-19; by comparison, 573 people were killed by Myanmar’s military junta between 1 February to 1 April 2021. Many doctors lost their lives on the streets during the emergency care and rescue missions, and many more have been imprisoned for treating protesters — to say nothing of those in hiding on account of warrants for their arrest. These CDM doctors and medical professionals are not being selfish; they are selfless and self-sacrificial for the sake of freedom and justice. We were delighted to receive the news that the Civil Disobedience Movement in Myanmar was nominated for the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize by a group of professors from the University of Oslo. So, is it ethical for doctors to go on strike? We would argue that the ethical questions should be directed, not to the doctors, but to Myanmar’s military dictator, Min Aung Hlaing, who should respond to the doctors’ courage and their plea for justice by restoring power to the elected civilian government. Is it ethical to destroy these precious human resources in such callous way? The population of Myanmar has been traumatised by the February coup and its violent aftermath. Is it ethical for a politician to cause such severe political and social unrest in the middle of a pandemic? These are the pressing ethical questions. And the nonviolent, courageous, sacrificial behaviour of our colleagues in Myanmar ensures that these questions aren’t forgotten or swept under the carpet. When the dictatorship becomes a fact, then nonviolent revolution is a right. Phyu Phyu Thin Zaw is a Lecturer at the School of Public Health in the Li Ka Shing Faculty of Medicine, University of Hong Kong. Su Myat Han is a postgraduate researcher in Tropical Medicine and Global Health at Nagasaki University, Japan, and in the Institute of Tropical Medicine, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, UK. Thein Min Swe, like Phyu Phyu Thin Zaw and Su Myat Han, is a health care professional. All three are members of International Society of Myanmar Scholars and Professionals (ISMSP-MM) —an association around the world working together for justice in Myanmar..."
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Source/publisher: Australian Broadcasting Corporation (Australia)
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-08
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 7 May, (774) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. (1) from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region died on 7 May. (1) from Kani Township in Sagaing Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 7, a total of (3778) people are currently under detention; of them (84) are sentenced. 1498 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today across Burma, including in Mandalay City and Yangon City, people staged powerful protests in defiance of the coup. This morning in Rangoon, a Tamwe protest was suppressed, the police chased the protesters into the streets and buildings. At least 6 youths were arrested. Unprovoked shootings by the junta have escalated, children are also being affected. Early this morning, in Le Thit Village, Myingyan Township, Mandalay Region, after an explosion at the house of the junta appointed ward administrator, junta troops came and shot a 15 year-old, 9th grade student in the head. The junta troops took the dead body. The daily violence, looting, destruction of buildings, and makeshift military bases by the junta have led civilians to form defense forces to defend themselves. Yesterday a young man was killed in a clash between the junta and the People’s Defense Forces in Kani Township, Sagaing Region. Last night the junta threatened to set fire to neighborhoods because people were banging pots and pans in Maha Myaing housing, North Dagon Township, Yangon Region. In Sanchaung Township, the junta violently raided the Asia Royal Hospital, searching every floor, looking for a patient’s acquaintance. The junta are committing atrocities without limits. The junta group is taking hostages every day. On the morning of 6 May, in Pathein, Irrawaddy Region, a young protester was not found. Instead his mother and brother were taken hostage. On the night of May 5, in Mudon Township, Mon State, the junta went to a protest leader’s house. His wife and a twenty-day-old baby were detained. The junta group is trying to be legitimate in various ways, whilst holding onto power through an illegitimate coup. The SAC is an illegal organization. As of May 7, a total 59 people have been taken as hostage, according to AAPP documentation. No effective action has been taken against the daily human rights abuses of this junta. People from some townships in Sagaing Region and Chin State are defending themselves, and heavy fighting is taking place between the ethnic armed groups and the junta in Kachin and Karen States. If no action is taken by the international community or ASEAN, civil war will engulf all Burma. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: A Diary to Remember Women’s Contributions in the Revolution to End the Military Dictatorship in Burma
Description: "Since the Burmese military staged a coup d’état on February 1, 2021, people from all different sectors, ages, and backgrounds have actively participated in anti-coup demonstrations in various ways. In response, the military and security forces have brutally cracked down on peaceful protesters, who have suffered arrests and other inhumane abuses. Despite the oppression and brutal crackdowns, people have not stopped taking to the streets and making their voices heard. Defying the risks, women have stood on the frontlines holding bulletproof shields. Some have been arrested, brutally harassed, and even killed. Their memory and stories must not be forgotten, and must serve as lessons for the next generation. For this reason, Honest Information (HI), a women’s media platform, is creating this record of women’s participation in the 2021 Spring Revolution, for the period of February 1 to March 31, 2021. Our hope is for this to become a memorial document for the women’s movement after the revolution is over.....Women Lead the Demonstrations: On February 6, six days after the coup, large crowds of people staged a mass protest against the military dictatorship in downtown Yangon. The country was awoken to the loud slogan, “End the military coup!” Women have dominated the protests in all sectors, which has made the movement even more powerful. The first labour strikes began with thousands of workers from Hlaing Thar Yar industrial zone in Yangon, most of whom were women. On the same day, the young political activist Ma Ei Thinzar Maung, led a strike starting in Hladen, Yangon.....Creative Demonstrations: Anti-coup demonstrations accelerated throughout February, and people all across the country took part in creative demonstrations against the junta. Women organized and participated in some of the most significant demonstrations, including the hundreds of thousands of protestors representing the union of education and health workers who have taken part in the revolution. Housewives and elderly women have participated by banging pots and pans every night to protest the coup since February 2. On February 10, over one hundred young women marched in the streets wearing colourful ball gowns and wedding dresses; and on February 11, mothers groups marched in Yangon, carrying their babies. After the military released over 23,000 prisoners on February 12, including those convicted of violent crimes, some houses in wards and quarters of Yangon were victim to arson. Local people organized self-security watches of their neighborhoods, and took turns patrolling at nighttime. Women also participated in these security efforts and also acted as watch persons. On February 20, women gathered and performed a symbolic ritual of taking out the roots from bean sprouts. This symbolizes the Burmese people wanting to remove the roots from the military dictatorship. On February 25, protestors all across the country took part in the Thanakha Strike, also known as “The Battle of Thanakha”. Thanakha is a traditional cosmetic face paste, made from ground barks of the Thanakha tree. Women made fresh Thanakha, and used it to paint different messages and shapes on the faces of protestors to send a message of anti-coup resistance. On February 28, an historic demonstration was organized by a women’s group in Kayah, where more than 100,000 women marched against the military dictatorship carrying bras and sanitary pads. They sent the message that women’s lives under the military are not safe, and even sanitary pads are better at protecting women than the military is. On March 15, teachers gathered at Bagan Pagoda to pray and swear (religious belief, saying true words to fulfill desire) for those who have fallen to the military dictatorship. Housewives also took to the streets on March 22 and 25 in South Dagon and Mrauk-U Township, Rakhine, using kitchen materials and vegetables to protest against the military coup..."
Source/publisher: Honest Information
Date of publication: 2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
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Title: Military coup puts Telenor’s future in Myanmar on the line
Description: "Since Myanmar’s military ordered telecoms operators to shut their networks in an effort to end protests against its February coup, Telenor’s business there has been in limbo. As one of the few Western companies to bet on the South East Asian country after it emerged from military dictatorship a decade ago, the return to army rule led to a $783 million write-off this week for Norway’s Telenor (TEL.OL). The Norwegian state-controlled firm, one of the biggest foreign investors in Myanmar, must now decide whether to ride out the turmoil, or withdraw from a market which last year contributed 7% of its earnings. “We are facing many dilemmas,” Telenor Chief Executive Sigve Brekke told Reuters this week, highlighting the stark problems facing international firms under increased scrutiny over their exposure in Myanmar, where hundreds have been killed in protests against the Feb. 1 coup. While Telenor plans to stay for now, the future is uncertain, Brekke said in a video interview. Although Telenor had won praise for supporting what at the time was a fledgling democracy, activist groups have long voiced concerns about business ties to the military, which have intensified since the army retook control of the country. Chris Sidoti, a United Nations expert on Myanmar, said Telenor should avoid payments such as taxes or licence fees that could fund the military directly or indirectly, and that if it cannot be independently determined that Telenor is "doing more good than harm" in Myanmar, then it should withdraw. However, Espen Barth Eide, who was Norway's foreign minister at the time Telenor gained a licence in Myanmar in 2013, told Reuters that Telenor should stay and use its position as a well-established foreign firm to be a vocal critic of the military. A spokeswoman for Norway's Ministry of Trade, Industry and Fisheries, which represents the Norwegian government as a shareholder, said on Thursday that "under the current circumstances Telenor faces several dilemmas in Myanmar". "From a corporate governance perspective the investment in Myanmar is a responsibility of the company's Board and Management. Within this framework the Ministry as a shareholder keep a good dialogue with Telenor regarding the situation," the spokeswoman added in an emailed response to Reuters. The Myanmar junta, which has said it seized power because its repeated complaints of fraud in last year's election were ignored by the election commission, has blamed protesters and the former ruling party for instigating violence. And it said on March 23 that it had no plans to lift network restrictions. It has not commented on the curbs since and did not answer Reuters calls on Thursday....NEW MARKET: Telenor is no stranger to operating under military rule in both Pakistan and Thailand, where it challenged the Thai junta over what it said was an order to block social media access. At around the same time, Telenor was signing up its first customers in Myanmar. Its then-CEO, Jon Fredrik Baksaas, told Reuters that Telenor had thought "a lot" about the risk that Myanmar's experiment with democracy might not last. "But we argued at that time that, when we get in a western company that delivers telecommunication in a country, we stand also with some responsibility, and a bit of a guarantee that things are done correctly," Baksaas said. Its position had support internationally at the time after Barack Obama became the first U.S. President to visit Myanmar in 2012, the year after a military junta was officially dissolved and a quasi-civilian government installed. For its part, the Norwegian government, which owns a majority of Telenor, had long supported democracy in Myanmar, hosting radio and TV stations reporting on it under military rule. And in 1991, the Norwegian Nobel Committee gave the Nobel Peace Prize to Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent 15 years under house arrest in Myanmar before leading a civilian government which retained power in last year's election. Suu Kyi was detained after the coup and charged with offences that her lawyers say are trumped up. While Norway was supportive of Telenor's Myanmar venture, the government also warned of the risks, Barth Eide, Norway's foreign minister at the time, said. "We told them that it's a complicated country which had a harsh military dictatorship. Telenor was very much aware of it ... It's not like they were novices," he added. Telenor was one of two foreign operators granted licences in 2013, alongside Qatar's Ooredoo (ORDS.QA). The other operators in Myanmar are state-backed MPT and Mytel, which is part-owned by a military-linked company. About 95% of Telenor's 187 million customers worldwide are in Asia and it has around 18 million customers in Myanmar, serving a third of its 54 million population....'NO DIRECT LINKS': For Telenor, doing business in Myanmar had its challenges, including trying to avoid commercial ties to the military. Former CEO Baksaas said for the first couple of weeks after it began operations in Myanmar, staff had to sit on the office floor because Telenor refused to pay bribes to customs officials for furniture which it had imported. He also said they had to navigate corruption risks when acquiring land to build mobile towers. Then there was dealing with the military, whose economic interests range from land to firms involved in mining and banking. The military has faced allegations of human rights abuses including persecuting minorities and violently suppressing protests going back decades. It has repeatedly denied such allegations. Activist group Justice for Myanmar said in a 2020 report that Telenor had shown "an alarming failure" in its human rights due diligence over a deal struck in 2015 to build mobile towers that involved a military contractor. Another report by the United Nations in 2019 said Telenor was renting offices in a building built on military-owned land. The report said firms in Myanmar should end all ties with the military due to human rights abuses. A Telenor spokesperson said in an email on April 9 responding to Reuters questions that it had addressed the matter of the 2015 deal, without elaborating, and that its choice of office was "the only viable option" given factors like safety. "Telenor Myanmar has been focused on having minimal exposure to the military and have no direct links to military-controlled entities," the spokesperson said. Since the coup, Telenor has cut ties with three suppliers after finding links to the military, the spokesperson added.....BALANCING ACT: On the day of the coup, the military ordered Telenor and other operators to shut down networks. Telenor criticised the move but complied. Services were allowed to resume but there have been intermittent requests to close since, and the mobile internet has been shut since March 15. Ooredoo has also said it "regretfully complied" with directives to restrict mobile and wireless broadband in Myanmar, which hit its first quarter earnings. It declined further comment on the outlook for its Myanmar business. Like other operators, Telenor paid license fees to the now military-controlled government in March, which critics argue may help it finance repression of public protest. Telenor said in the emailed response to Reuters that it made the payment "under strong protest against recent developments". One of its major shareholders, Norway's KLP, said it had been in a dialogue with Telenor after the coup to ensure it was identifying the human rights risks. "It is a challenging situation because Telenor cannot choose what it can and can't do. They get their directives from the authorities," said Kiran Aziz, senior analyst for responsible investments at KLP. "It is difficult to assess how positive Telenor's contribution can be in this context." Weighing up human rights is just one of the dilemmas Telenor now faces, said CEO Brekke, alongside safely serving its customers and maintaining network access for them. "We work on that balance every single day," he said. And although that balance, for now, is tilted to Telenor staying in the country, it is not a given. “We make a difference like we have done since we arrived. But with the situation being this unpredictable, it is impossible in many ways to speculate about the future and how this will develop,” Brekke added..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar anti-coup cage fighter arrested as protests continue
Sub-title: Warrantless arrests reported across the country as military struggles to assert control amid defiant protest and mounting death toll.
Description: "A popular mixed martial arts fighter who joined anti-coup protests in Myanmar has been wounded by a homemade bomb and later arrested following an alleged blast – among many othA popular mixed martial arts fighter who joined anti-coup protests in Myanmar has been wounded by a homemade bomb and later arrested following an alleged blast – among many others in at least three cities – as the military government struggles to assert control of the country amid a mounting death toll and defiant protests. Anti-coup protests were held on Friday across the country, including the city of Magway west of the capital, Naypyidaw. A pre-dawn strike was also held in the Natmouk district of Magway, with protesters carrying torches and the red banner of the National League of Democracy party of Aung San Suu Kyi.ers in at least three cities – as the military government struggles to assert control of the country amid a mounting death toll and defiant protests. Anti-coup protests were held on Friday across the country, including the city of Magway west of the capital, Naypyidaw. A pre-dawn strike was also held in the Natmouk district of Magway, with protesters carrying torches and the red banner of the National League of Democracy party of Aung San Suu Kyi. Phoe Thaw is well-known in Myanmar and was caught on camera during the protests holding a sign that challenged coup leader, Min Aung Hlaing, to a cage fight. Images on Myawaddy TV on Thursday showed him on a stretcher, his legs covered in wounds and burns. A former colleague, who spoke to the Reuters news agency on the condition of anonymity, said the homemade bomb had been left at the gym car park by a policeman posing as a civilian.....More deaths, economy crippled: Small blasts are becoming more frequent in towns and cities in Myanmar, some at government or military buildings, which the coup leaders say are proof of a violent rebellion by supporters of Aung San Suu Kyi’s overthrown government. A unity government comprised of former politicians, pro-democracy groups and ethnic minority armies says the explosions are being orchestrated by the military, which is seeking to cling to power by eradicating its enemies. Following earlier explosions on Wednesday, which hit a bus station in Mandalay as well as at a bank and a military-owned telecoms company in Naypyidaw, Min Aung Hlaing called for “effective action” against the perpetrators. “They are destroying the country,” MRTV quoted him saying. The station also reported that arrest warrants were being sought for 40 medical workers and teachers accused of promoting a civil disobedience campaign. The incident comes days after the military reported five people, including a politician in Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, were killed in an explosion in the Bago region, with bomb-making materials recovered from the scene. Media outlets Irrawaddy and the Democratic Voice of Burma on Thursday said a local government administrator was knifed to death in Mandalay, the second such killing this week, after the fatal stabbing of a military-appointed official in Yangon. Myanmar has been in chaos since a February 1 coup, which ended 10 years of economic reform and tentative steps towards democracy initiated by the military after 49 years of rule in the impoverished but resource-rich country. Months of protests and strikes have crippled the economy, disrupting banking, business and much of the bureaucracy, prompting concern that Myanmar is edging closer to becoming a failed state. The human rights monitor, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners reported late on Thursday that the death toll from the military crackdown since the beginning of the coup has already reached 772, while 3,738 are currently detained or have been sentenced. Al Jazeera could not independently verify the numbers due to reporting restrictions. In another development, more youths took to social media on Thursday to declare their intent to train to fight in the unity government’s newly formed “defence force”, threatening to attack the well-equipped military if more civilians are killed..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar junta says no ASEAN envoy visit until stability restored
Description: "Myanmar's ruling military, which is facing nationwide protests against the coup that removed the elected government three months ago, said on Friday it would not agree to a visit by a Southeast Asian envoy until it could establish stability. Leaders of countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) reached consensus on five points at a summit on the Myanmar crisis last month, which was attended by the architect of the Feb. 1 coup, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. These included an end to violence, dialogue between the military and its opponents, allowing humanitarian help, and permitting a visit by a special ASEAN envoy. "Right now, we are prioritising the security and stability of the country," Major Kaung Htet San, a spokesman for the military council, told a televised briefing. "Only after we achieve a certain level of security and stability, we will cooperate regarding that envoy." The junta would consider suggestions made at the summit if they were helpful to its visions for the country, he added. Myanmar has been in turmoil since the coup, which unleashed anger amongst a public unwilling to tolerate a return to military rule after five decades of economic mismanagement and underdevelopment. Protests and marches have taken place on most days, the latest a big pro-democracy demonstration on Friday in the commercial capital Yangon, and smaller protests in at least 10 other places around the country. At least 769 people have been killed and nearly 3,700 detained in the military's crackdown on opponents, according to an advocacy group monitoring the crisis. The junta says it is battling terrorists. On Friday, spokesman Kaung Htet San said more arrests of instigators of violence had been made than were publicly announced. The April 24 ASEAN meeting in Jakarta was hailed as a success by those who attended, but analysts and activists remain skeptical that Myanmar's generals will implement the five-point plan, which had no timeframe nor any mention of releasing political prisoners, including ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Kaung Htet San said ASEAN leaders had provided positive suggestions to Min Aung Hlaing, but whether or not they would be followed depended on the situation in Myanmar, and if their ideas were "helpful to our further visions".....CONFLICTS REIGNITED:The prospect of stability anytime soon in Myanmar appears bleak, with a reigniting of conflict between the military and ethnic minority insurgents in the borderlands and minor bombings and explosions now taking place regularly in its main cities. The junta says it is fighting rogue elements of ethnic armies and all parties remain committed to a nationwide ceasefire. It has blamed the spate of urban bombings on supporters of Suu Kyi's ousted government. A recently formed National Unity Government, a coalition of anti-military groups, says the junta orchestrated the bombings as a pretext to crush its opponents. Two local media outlets on Friday reported that fighters from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) attacked and killed 30 Myanmar troops as they tried to travel on a river, citing local people and a KIA source. Kaung Htet San said violence and armed conflicts would be dealt with by the military "in a suitable way". The junta has for months limited access to the internet in an effort to disrupt the anti-coup movement and this week banned satellite television receivers of outside broadcasts. read more Kaung Htet San said the military respected the public's right to access information, but overseas-based social networks were being used to share material that was "very alarming for national security". He also said security would be intensified to protect strategic gas pipelines, following an attack on security personnel at one location nearly Mandalay this week. Myanmar has twin oil and gas pipelines that stretch across the country to China, a country many in Myanmar believe enabled generals to amass vast personal wealth from natural resources, at a time of crippling sanctions and international isolation. China has said it takes no sides in the conflict and wants a stable Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Parents, teachers and students boycott ‘slave education system’
Sub-title: With an entire academic year already lost to the pandemic, the junta says schools will reopen on June 1, but teachers, students and their parents are refusing to attend or enroll in schools administered by generals and policed by soldiers.
Description: "Many parents breathed a sigh of relief in January when the elected government unveiled its plans to reopen schools, which had been closed for nearly a year to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. But on February 1, their hope evaporated. Three months since the coup, the junta is pressing ahead with school re-openings for the start of the next academic year in June. But once again, its plans to continue the policies of the National League for Democracy government it ousted are being foiled by a defiant public. On April 30, during the daily 8pm newscast on state-owned MRTV, the junta announced that enrollment in basic education schools – as state schools below university level are called – will run from May 24 to 31, with classes resuming on June 1. But many classrooms may still sit empty, thanks to teachers, students and their parents refusing to take part in a military-run “slave education system”, they say. Scores of Ministry of Education employees including teachers and heads of schools have joined nationwide strikes as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement, and many of the street protests have been led by young students. Meanwhile, junta forces have made barracks of dozens of schools across the country – a move condemned by the United Nations education and children’s agencies, UNESCO and UNICEF, and the international non-government organisation Save the Children. In a joint statement issued on March 19, the three groups called this a “serious violation of children’s rights”. But despite the importance of children’s education, much of the teaching profession and the wider public are determined to deny the junta a single policy win – and to foil any pretence, after weeks of protest and deadly repression, that Myanmar is now stable. They also feel that, given the neglect and incompetence that marked the previous era of military rule, a junta-run education system would be worthless, and so they have nothing to lose. “Most teachers won’t return to work because they support the CDM, and most students won’t attend classes to show their opposition to the coup,” said an executive member of the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation who declined to give his name.....‘I will never stop’: Junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing promised at his first news conference after seizing power, held on February 8, to reopen schools as soon as it was safe to do so. On April 11, junta education minister Dr Nyunt Pe told a meeting of education officials that basic education schools will open on June 1. But he tacitly acknowledged how difficult it may be to hit that target when he then urged striking teachers to return to work, suggesting they were violating the Civil Service Personnel Law by joining the CDM. Two days prior, on April 9, junta spokesperson Major-General Zaw Min Tun told reporters that striking teachers have been pressuring colleagues who’ve joined ministry-run refresher courses ahead of the reopening, and accused protesters of setting some of the buildings housing these refresher courses on fire. He said more than half of all ministry teachers are attending the courses but are being continually harassed by protesters. Yet the junta has not even been able to keep its own appointees from defecting. It appointed University of Education, Sagaing rector Dr Saw Pyone Naing as Basic Education Department director on March 2, but Pyone Naing rejected the posting and joined the CDM. Days before, Dr Daw Shwe Pon, the health minister in the National Unity Government – formed in mid-April by ousted MPs and ethnic leaders as Myanmar’s legitimate government, in defiance of the junta – posted a message from Pyone Naing urging department staff not to return to school and to join the CDM. “Do not forget: teachers that return to [military-run] schools are betraying their country,” the message said. The Myanmar Teachers’ Federation estimated in March that about 75 percent of education ministry staff were taking part in the CDM. Although Frontier could not get a more up-to-date estimate for the whole ministry, a federation official said about 60pc of Basic Education Department staff remain on strike. The MTF official added that more than 70pc of those still on strike have gone into hiding, fearing arrest – or worse: of the more than 750 people killed by the junta since the coup, three have been teachers and five have been students, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. Among the more than 3,500 people arrested, charged or sentenced since February 1, 60 are education department staff involved in the CDM and 20 are basic education students that had joined protests. Many have been charged with incitement under section 505A of the Penal Code, which carries a maximum three-year sentence. On April 25, the junta’s education ministry ordered all teachers to return to schools for preparatory work no later than May 3. Frontier could not find an estimate of how many teachers returned that day, but several sources said that many who did return do not plan to be at school on opening day. “I will absolutely continue taking part in the CDM until we win. I will never stop boycotting an education system run by the military,” a striking teacher in Mandalay Region who’s gone into hiding told Frontier shortly before the deadline. Although not targeted by the CDM, private schools are also having a tough time trying to fully resume. With their earnings diminished after a year of closures, many do not have the money to hire back staff, said U Nay Oke, chair of the Myanmar Private Schools Association. He said the MPSA is still waiting for a response to a request it sent last November to the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Industry for loans to private schools to help them meet operating costs when they reopen. “I’m very worried that the private education sector will be in disarray [without financial assistance],” he said He expects only 40pc of Myanmar’s 2,000 private schools to be able to reopen for the coming academic year, with enrollment likely down by 50pc from pre-pandemic levels. The one exception to these trends – including for state schools – appears to be in Rakhine State, the only region of the country that has not seen large-scale strikes or protests against the junta. U Tin Thein, head of the state’s Basic Education Department, says at least 95pc of the more than 28,000 teachers there have attended refresher courses, and only a few have joined the CDM. Tin Thein said the department is preparing to open more than 3,000 schools but has yet to receive an official reopening plan from Nay Pyi Taw. “Rakhine State is mostly peaceful, and I believe all schools will be able to reopen,” he said, alluding to an informal ceasefire that has held since November between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army. He added that about 80 schools will have to remain closed because they are in “conflict zones”.....‘Not the right time’: Outside of Rakhine, the determination of many teachers to remain on strike is matched by the resolve of many parents not to send their children to schools under military control, despite having already endured a year of closed schools. Of the parents of 30 primary, middle and high school students Frontier spoke to in Yangon Region, 21 said they absolutely would not send their children to a government school while the military is in charge, and only two said they definitely would. Others were unsure, or said they would in certain circumstances. Daw Ei Ei Nyein, 52, whose daughter would otherwise be beginning eighth grade at Yankin Educational Degree College Practicing School, said she doesn’t think it would be safe. At an April 29 press conference, Tatmadaw Captain Daw Aye Thazin Myint said the military council is working with the Ministry of Home Affairs and local administration offices to provide added security “for the safety of teachers and students” – a prospect many students and parents find more terrifying than reassuring. “I will not send my child to school, even if it reopens,” Ei Ei Nyein said. “There is no guarantee that students will not be arrested or shot, or that female students will not be sexually harassed by soldiers.” She said she will only send her daughter, Ma Yun Nay Chit Htet, to school “once the elected civilian government returns to power”. Yun Nay Chit Htet, 15, also refuses to attend for now. She believes doing so would not only be worthless under a “slave education system”, but would also signal a tacit approval of the military dictatorship. “I’ve made up my mind not to return to school until Mother Suu is released,” she said, referring to ousted State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest in Nay Pyi Taw. The education ministry of the dissident National Unity Government, meanwhile, has voiced support for such a boycott. In an April 26 statement it urged teachers and other education ministry employees not to return to universities or basic education schools until the military regime is ousted. Ei Ei Nyein hopes her daugher will be able to study some form of vocational training outside of the formal system instead. “Our uprising against the junta’s coup may take a long time, but it doesn’t matter! I do not want my daughter to receive an educational certificate from the junta. I will teach her important work skills for her future myself,” she said. One Department of Basic Education teacher and MTF member said that if schools do reopen, he expects enrolment to be down by at least half, if only for security or practical reasons. “I think most parents are worried about their children’s safety these days,” he said. “Due to the political situation and the shortage of teachers in the department because of the CDM, this is not the right time for basic education schools to reopen.”.....COVID mandates: Students were completing the school year in March last year when the country’s first case of COVID-19 was recorded, and final-year high school students were able to take the matriculation exams required for admission to university. However, in its response to the pandemic, the government effectively cancelled the 2020-21 academic year. Although several thousand high schools briefly reopened from July 21 to August 27 after case numbers dropped, all were again closed on August 28 after a second surge in infections was recorded, first in Rakhine and then across the country. Now, the more than 47,000 basic education schools in Myanmar must pass a 30-point COVID-19 prevention inspection before reopening, ensuring proper sanitation, ventilation and space for social distancing. The junta has trimmed the reopening test from an earlier 80-point one established by the NLD government, but it’s uncertain how many schools will be able to prepare for and pass the test in the next month with their staff diminished by the CDM. Dr Phyu Phyu Aye, director of the Ministry of Health and Sport’s Public Health Department, declined to answer, insisting the question must be put to the Department of Basic Education, but spokespersons for that department would not take Frontier’s calls. Daw Win Win Nwe, principal of the Practicing School at the Yangon University of Education in Kamaryut Township, said she had received no instructions on reopening other than that all basic education schools must reopen in June. She said that there had been no inspections to ensure compliance with the health ministry’s COVID-19 prevention measures yet. Since September 21 last year, the Practicing School has been used as a quarantine centre for citizens returning from overseas. “Preparations to reopen the school will have to include cleaning and disinfecting the classrooms,” she said. With teachers and students being shot and arrested, however, COVID-19 precautions seem like the last concern for most students and their parents. U Soe Soe and Daw Toe Toe Lwin, whose 11-year-old daughter, Ma Aye Myat Thu, was shot in the head by security forces on March 27 as she played in her yard, say they will never send their children to a military-run schools. The preteen left behind four sisters, one of whom has graduated and one who is not yet of school age. “We do not dare to enroll our other two daughters if their schools reopen,” Toe Toe Lwin told Frontier. “We lost our beloved daughter, Ma Aye Myat Thu, due to the military’s brutality … We do not want to lose any more children.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The women’s revolution: what the coup means for gender equality in Myanmar
Description: "A few weeks ago, a strange sight began appearing in the streets of Myanmar (Burma). Women have been hanging their traditional htamein – the pieces of cloth they wear as skirts – from ropes tied to windows or utility poles, suspending them above the streets like decoration for a parade. Some attach them to sticks and carry them as flags. These women are not simply putting out the laundry; they are protesting the coup d’état staged by the Burmese military on 1 February. “Men think they have special powers just for being men,” Khin Ohmar, a women’s rights activist in Myanmar, tells Equal Times. “And they believe that walking underneath a piece of women’s clothing will make them lose their special powers.” The htamein are thus used as shields to protect the protest areas and prevent the military from entering. From the very beginning, women have been at the forefront of protests against the coup that deposed Myanmar’s civilian government led by the iconic Aung San Suu Kyi. According to data provided to Radio Free Asia by the local organisation Gender Equality Network, women make up some 60 per cent of the protesters who have taken to the streets and between 70 and 80 per cent of the movement’s leaders. Many are nurses, teachers and textile factory workers, who already found themselves in a vulnerable situation due to Covid-19. Many of the women who have taken to the streets have given their lives to protect Myanmar’s fragile democracy, says Wah Khu Shee. The first was 20-year-old Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, who became a symbol for the movement after her death on 19 February. Then came Ma Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old killed in early March at a protest in Mandalay, in the north of the country, who became another symbol, along with the phrase written on her t-shirt that day: “Everything will be OK.” The military announced its takeover in early February after months of refusing to accept the results of the November 2020 elections, in which Suu Kyi’s party was victorious. Since then, at least 750 people have been killed by security forces and more than 3,696 have been arrested, charged or convicted, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.....Signs of a failed democracy: Last February’s coup d’état is nothing new for the people of Myanmar. The Burmese military first seized power in 1962 and would tightly control the country for nearly five decades. In 1990, after changing the country’s official name to Myanmar in an attempt to gain greater international recognition, the military government allowed for elections to be held. But when Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party emerged victorious, the junta annulled the election results and increased repression. When the military government once again announced a path towards ‘disciplined democracy’ in 2003, the process was seen as another attempt at improving public relations. A new constitution, which reserved significant power for the military, was adopted in 2008 and in 2010 the first elections took place. The NLD refused to participate in those elections in protest of an electoral framework that prevented Suu Kyi from running. However, new elections in 2015 led to a handover of power to a civilian government controlled by Suu Kyi, a decisive step for many towards democratic transition. But according to Gabrielle Bardall, Research Fellow at the Centre for International Policy Studies, University of Ottawa, and Elin Bjarnegård, Associate Professor in Political Science at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, the absence of women throughout this process has been conspicuous. The new constitution, for example, reserves 25 per cent of seats in parliament and several ministerial posts for the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces, which only recently opened up to women. Not even Suu Kyi’s presence in key positions of power – though the constitution prohibited her from becoming the country’s president because she was married to a foreigner and had children of another nationality – was not enough to change the country’s political dynamics. “The example of one woman [in power] is not enough. We need women who understand women’s issues and stand up for women’s rights,” says Wah Khu Shee. Suu Kyi, whose whereabouts are currently unknown, has been criticised for not making gender equality one of her priorities. According to Bjarnegård, there has also been little change within the political parties. “I haven’t seen too many big changes or signs that reform has been an important priority for the parties,” she says. As she explains, one of the main problems has been finding women who want to go into politics. “All the women we interviewed needed the full support of their families and husbands to enter politics professionally,” she continues, pointing to the country’s “patriarchal culture” as one of the main impediments. In the November 2020 elections, women won only 15 per cent of seats.....Shifting gender roles: Khin Ohmar still remembers how difficult it was to be a woman in her early years of activism. In 1988, the country rose up against the military junta after a student was killed by the police. Ohmar, also a student at the time, refused to stay home. “I had a very difficult situation with my family because they tried to stop me from taking to the streets,” she says. Ohmar went on to become vice-president of one of the student unions that formed in those years, at a time when women were often relegated to administrative and financial positions. “Some doors opened for women to occupy certain leadership positions, but it was still very patriarchal,” she continues. While in exile over the following decades, Khin Ohmar remained involved in the pro-democracy movement but felt that many still refused to take the issue of gender equality seriously. “They thought we only wanted to talk about women’s issues. But we wanted to talk about politics, about the federal system,” she explains. “That’s why our country is stuck. The roots of this patriarchy run too deep.” But Ohmar has seen a change in gender roles over the course of the current protests. “In 1988, the leaders were men. This time, they’re women. It’s exciting,” she says. According to the 2019 report Feminism in Myanmar, political reforms after 2010 “opened space for the coordination of efforts by women’s organisations inside and outside the country,” in an activism that has “engaged not only with fulfilling the basic needs of communities but also with the policy reform process.” The report further argues that women have improved their capacity for social mobilisation and networking during the years of democratic transition. Bjarnegård has also observed a change in dynamics. “The current protests have shown us that something is changing. We see young people, both men and women. It’s another generation that is in some ways more liberal, that has had access to Facebook and that has been influenced by other countries,” she says. She cites the example of the peace process between the government and some of the principal ethnic guerrillas (2011-2015), in which only four women were present in the delegations sent to negotiations (less than 6 per cent of the total number of representatives, according to Bardall and Bjarnegård’s data). However, she holds onto a small glimmer of hope: “I hope that, this time, we can see [the impact of] the improvements that women have experienced in decision-making [during the democratic period].” She hopes that these changes will prevent women from once again being “relegated to the kitchen” when peace returns. “There have been improvements but it’s still very difficult…we have to wait and see..."
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Source/publisher: "Equal Times"
Date of publication: 2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Calls Grow to Cut Myanmar Junta’s External Financial Lifelines
Topic: Chevron, collapse, Coup, earners, Exports, financial, flows, foreign currency, forestry, Imports, inflows, junta, lifeline, Military, Mining, NLD, NUG, Oil and Gas, regime, revenue, rule, SAC, Sanctions, Shipping, support, textiles, Total, Tourism
Topic: Chevron, collapse, Coup, earners, Exports, financial, flows, foreign currency, forestry, Imports, inflows, junta, lifeline, Military, Mining, NLD, NUG, Oil and Gas, regime, revenue, rule, SAC, Sanctions, Shipping, support, textiles, Total, Tourism
Description: "Tougher action is urgently needed to cut off foreign currency flows to the Myanmar military regime, suggested local and foreign financial experts, who argued that severing its financial lifeline would hasten the collapse of military rule. “The largest inflows of foreign currency to the military are from the oil and gas and mining sectors. We need to totally shut off the flow of foreign currency that is keeping the junta alive,” a local economist who asked not to be named told The Irrawaddy. “The international community must pressure all the parties that sustain military rule in Myanmar. It is critical to act before it is too late,” he said. Last week, an anonymous group, Independent Economists for Myanmar (IEM), suggested that effective sanctions limiting the ability of the regime’s State Administrative Council (SAC) to collect revenue from natural gas, mining, forestry, shipping including port fees and airlines could change the military’s calculus. It estimated that such measures would cut off roughly US$2 billion per year in financing for the military. Earnings from natural gas, jade, metallic minerals, land rentals, telecommunications fees and businesses involved in trade such as port operators, transport and logistics companies, and Myanmar National Airlines provide the largest inflows of foreign currency to the military, totaling around $2.5 billion per year.....Cash in hand: IEM estimated that that military’s “access to foreign currency is significant but constrained,” saying it controls at least $4 billion, roughly two-thirds of Myanmar’s stock of foreign currency. However, it also controls about half of the inflows that remain following the collapse of several sectors that generated foreign currency, such as textiles and tourism. Additionally, around $1 billion of foreign assets are held at the US Federal Reserve and were frozen by the US government in early February. Foreign currency is important for the military since it not only pays for military equipment like tanks and guns, as well as supplies like fuel, but is also needed to service military-owned companies that rely on foreign inputs. Military-owned factories rely on foreign equipment to keep functioning, while military hospitals purchase medication from abroad. IEM said that prior to the coup, Myanmar had enough foreign reserves to maintain imports for three months. However, since then, exports have shrunk, import demand has crashed, and the military has confiscated much of the country’s foreign reserves. Myanmar imports roughly $28 billion worth of goods and services in an average year, including $3 billion in fuel, more than $500 million in medication, $1 billion in cooking oil, and $1.2 billion in meat and vegetables. Myanmar’s official exports have shrunk by more than 20 percent and imports by more than 35 percent since October 2020. Before the coup, the textile and footwear industries generated a quarter of all foreign currency inflows for the country, but almost all of their operations have dried up since the Feb. 1 military takeover. Moreover, none of the military-owned companies are known to hold significant foreign assets. The scarcity of foreign exchange is evident in the 20 percent depreciation of the kyat versus the US dollar between Feb. 1 and April 19, despite limits on kyat withdrawals and hoarding of cash, the economists said. Subsidiaries of Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL)—two military owned conglomerates—normally earn roughly $200 million annually from domestic sales. These include Dagon Beverages Company, Myawaddy Bank, Mytel, Aung Thitsa Oo Insurance and Bandoola Transportation Company. However, both MEHL and MEC are likely to suffer financially, with Myanmar Brewery, Myawaddy Bank and Mytel expected to see declines in revenue of 80 to 90 percent due to domestic consumer boycotts. The combined effect could be to reduce MEHL and MEC’s domestic revenue by between $100-150 million, the economists estimated. Many of the Myanmar state’s most valuable assets were sold off in the 1990s and 2000s, meaning the SAC regime cannot raise much capital from asset sales. Further, widespread instability and insecurity are depressing asset prices and the National Unity Government—a shadow government formed by elected lawmakers ousted by the coup—considers void any investment agreements signed between domestic or foreign companies and the SAC, IEM said. “In short, without new foreign currency inflows, the military will soon need to ration foreign currency. The SAC regime will need to choose between purchasing fuel, medication, equipment and food for itself and providing foreign exchange liquidity for the rest of the population,” it said. Even without forceful targeted sanctions in place, the military is already being forced to choose between its own priorities and providing financing to import the fuel and equipment needed to generate the electricity and food, fertilizers and medications people need to survive, IME said. The military has already starved public services and the private sector of foreign exchange, so further reductions in its access to foreign currency are likely to predominantly impact the military rather than civilians, the IME said. “Such actions, and preventing military businesses from accessing foreign inputs, could help pressure the military to compromise on its own needs,” the economists suggested.....Bankrolling crimes: Foreign currency inflows from natural resources—oil, gas, minerals, gems and forestry products—represent more than a third of Myanmar’s export earnings, according to official records. The oil and gas sector, in which many international energy giants have invested, has become a target of rights groups, which are demanding an end to foreign firms’ financing of the military’s crimes. Since the military takeover, at least 769 civilians have been killed and 4,734 people arrested by the regime. On Tuesday, Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations urged the US Congress to play a decisive leadership role in resolving the Myanmar crisis. Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun, a representative of elected lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD), urged the US to impose “targeted, coordinated and tougher sanctions” on the Myanmar military and its businesses such as Myawaddy and Innwa banks, the state-owned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). “I wish to stress that Myanmar is not just witnessing another major setback to democracy, but also the crisis is threatening the regional peace and security,” U Kyaw Moe Tun said. Oil and gas revenues earned Myanmar $1.5 billion in annual income in fiscal 2019-20, with around 80 percent of that income derived from the offshore natural gas sector, according to official figures. Recently, US senators urged the Biden administration to impose sanctions on MOGE. Natural gas joint ventures involving companies such as France’s Total, the US’s Chevron, South Korea’s POSCO, Thailand’s PTT, Malaysia’s Petronas and China’s CNPC are currently the most significant sources of foreign exchange revenue for Myanmar. MOGE collects income through its joint ventures and revenue sharing agreements with international corporations. US giant Chevron has a longstanding partnership with MOGE. The two companies are joint investors in the Yadana offshore gas project, located off the southwest coast of Myanmar, which accounts for 42 percent of all oil and gas production from Myanmar’s offshore projects. Chevron paid around $50 million to Myanmar between 2014 and 2018, according to the Myanmar Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative report (MEITI). Total reported that it paid $257 million in taxes and other payments to Myanmar in 2019. Petronas’s Yetagun gas project paid $208 million to the government in 2018, while the Shwe project, run by South Korea’s POSCO, paid $194 million, according to MEITI. The Zawtika gas project, run by Thailand’s PTT, paid $41 million in 2018. International and local pro-democracy supporters have repeatedly pressured oil and gas companies to cut ties with the military or pay revenue into a trust or protected account either to be held until such time as Myanmar has a legitimate and democratically elected government or to be used for humanitarian purposes. Elected lawmakers from the NLD sent a final notice in March calling on foreign-owned oil and gas companies operating in Myanmar to suspend business ties with the military regime, warning that the money from sales of the oil and gas would be used to reinforce human rights violations in the country. However, both Total and Chevron remain reluctant to follow those demands. A New York Times report revealed that Chevron has intensively lobbied the US State Department and key congressional offices against sanctions, warning that they could disrupt its joint ventures in Myanmar. An investigation by France’s Le Monde newspaper published on Tuesday revealed that Total’s gas operation in Myanmar has been propping up the military junta by diverting funds from gas sales to offshore accounts instead of the government. According to documents accessed by the French newspaper and released after the military coup, the Yadana gas field, which supplies gas to local markets in Myanmar and Thailand, is diverting revenue to the MOGE, which is managed by army executives and retired officers. Human rights group Justice for Myanmar (JFM) said on Wednesday that Total’s CEO claimed his company is continuing to do business as usual in Myanmar for humanitarian reasons. However, their business conduct in Myanmar and deep ties to the military suggest otherwise, JFM said. “We demand Total to immediately suspend all payments to the military junta and place funds in a protected account until democracy is restored in Myanmar,” JFM said. Another foreign currency earner is the mining sector, which generates about $470 million a year. The gems sector accounts for $300 million. Legally, the state should collect approximately 10 percent in royalties and taxes on jade, but 60 to 80 percent of gemstones produced in Myanmar bypass the formal trading and export system. The forestry industry officially generated between $350 million and $1.65 billion per year in exports over the last decade. In a bid to deprive the military government of funds, the US Treasury Department in April imposed sanctions on a Myanmar state-owned gems enterprise, as well as Myanmar Timber Enterprise and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise. MEHL and MEC have also been sanctioned by the US and UK. “In terms of blocking revenue from timber and gems, the US alone is not enough. We need collective action from the international community,” a local economist said. The state also earns foreign currency through port fees, shipping and Myanmar National Airlines sales. However, each of these is controlled by an off-budget state-owned enterprise that retains 55 percent of profits and does not submit financial information to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Industry. Net foreign earnings from these entities remain unknown.....Stepped-up sanctions: Another local financial expert who asked not to be named told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar’s largest trading partners in the region including Singapore, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and Thailand should consider imposing trade sanctions. “It is a very unlikely scenario. Most of them have historically close ties with the military. But if they can do it, it would be very effective in reducing foreign currency inflows,” he said. In March, the US imposed trade sanctions against Myanmar’s ministries of Defense and Home Affairs as well as MEC and MEHL. “I would say that the steps taken against the regime by the international community are still modest. Myanmar needs more effective sanctions targeted at blocking foreign currency flows to the regime,” the local financial expert said. “They should identify, target and freeze all foreign currency revenues and foreign exchange reserves held in accounts outside of Myanmar,” he said. The independent economists from IEM said the popular Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), in which civil servants and some private sector workers are refusing to work under the regime, is unlikely on its own to convince military leaders to negotiate or give up power. “Cutting the SAC regime off from foreign credit could also be key, but would require substantial international agreement,” the economists said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 6 May, (772) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These 3 from Pyay Township in Bago Region, Gangaw Township in Magway Region and Meiktila Township in Mandalay Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 6, a total of (3738) people are currently under detention; of them (84) are sentenced. 1478 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. It has been 95 days since the military coup, people have been protesting daily against the military dictatorship for a return to democracy, peace and human rights. Many people have been killed and injured, and face various atrocities and threats. On 6 May, demonstrations and strikes continued across Burma. In Pazundaung Township, Yangon Region, the “Yay Kyaw strike” was crackdown and followed by patrol cars and motorcycles but the protestors successfully got away. At noon today, in Myittha Township, Mandalay Region, a military and the police detention vehicle arrived and searched Dar Kaung village, forcing most of the local youths to flee. In the crackdown on the village, one person was shot by a rubber bullet and another was arrested. Yesterday evening and night, the junta group was shooting unprovoked but intentionally at civilians around Burma, some were wounded and killed. Yesterday in the afternoon, in Aungmyaythazan Township, Mandalay Region, the junta shot at a motorcycle driver because he did not stop. He got away but a woman was shot and killed while she was waiting to get her covid vaccination. Last night, in Meiktila town, Mandalay Region, a civilian on a motorcycle was shot dead. Further details of the fallen man are still being investigated. When civilians are arrested, they get inhumanely tortured. It is a crime committed by many dictatorships. Last night, a young man was taken out of the house for questioning, at the end of the street he was brutally beaten. They put clothes in his mouth while beating him, after he was taken away the parents were told to give 2 million kyats for him to be returned. As the family were preparing this, they got a phone call to come and confirm his dead body at the hospital. This young man’s dead body had neck and face injuries consistent with torture. The family were not allowed to bury the body. Yesterday in Lashio Township, Shan State, a social media video emerged which showed the junta group arresting and beating youths. In Thamantaw village, Magway Region, the junta destroyed villagers’ storage of rice, and sesame and cooking oil, now the villagers are experiencing food shortages. The village elders were forced to shout words from the “Spring Revolution Song”. They were beaten, whilst some other villagers fled, the junta beat a young man to death from Thamantaw village. Since the coup, these barbaric incidents are carried out in public, and in secret by the terrorist regime. The right to life and security is a fundamental right, as long as dictatorship continues people’s daily lives will always be threatened. On May 5, it was announced that the General Administration Department (GAD) is now under control of the Ministry of Home Affairs. This move is to effectively make the village/ward administration level (which is the principal direct engagement with people at local level) under the control of the central administration, in order for the junta to govern effectively. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of International Cooperation and Spokesperson, The National Unity Government of Myanmar Address to the German Parliamentarian Committee on Human Rights and Humanitarian Needs
Description: "Thank you to so much for having me here at this critical moment in Myanmar. It is an honor to address the Parliament of Germany through these vital important Committees. I am here to brief you on the deepening catastrophic developments crisis in Myanmar that followed the illegal coup d'etat of 1 February. But I also come with a direct appeal from the people of Myanmar: Please support us in this, our darkest hour. Your solidarity and supports in these difficult times mean to us life. We are nearing 100 days since that fateful day when Min Aung Hlaing murderer in chief and his henchmen shattered our democratic aspirations in Myanmar. On that day, like many people in Myanmar, I feared for my life but have survived. Many have not been as fortunate. Since that horrible day, the coup leaders' forces have murdered nearly 800 patriots Nation's heroes of Myanmar and detained over 4,700, with 3,700 of my brothers and sisters currently imprisoned including our State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President U Win Myint . Please take note: I say the "coup leaders' forces" and not "Myanmar military forces" because the people of Myanmar have made clear they do not recognize these forces as their own. Indeed, the mission of a nation's military is to protect and defend its people. The forces under the command of murderer in chief, Min Aung Hlaing are doing precisely the opposite - murdering, maiming and arbitrarily detaining the people of Myanmar in ever growing numbers. The people of Myanmar view Min Aung Hlaing and those who report to him as a terrorist organization inflicting devastation on our country and our people. They are detaining people without cause, without explanation, and without hearings. They are beating and murdering on the streets of Myanmar and torturing in prisons. Reports of gender-based violence while in detention are on the rise, with rapes and sexual torture occurring in prisons and on the streets. This should come as no surprise as for decades the Tatmadaw used rape as a weapon against ethnic nationalities in Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Shan, Mon, Rakhine and Chin States..."
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Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: France’s Razel-Bec should follow EDF’s lead and end controversial dam project in Shan State
Description: "On March 19, 2021, France’s state-owned Electricite de France (EDF), revealed it was suspending development of the Shweli 3 dam project in northern Shan State, due to human rights concerns after the February 1 military coup. SHRF welcomes EDF’s decision, and urges the French engineering company Razel-Bec (part of the Fayat Group) to follow suit and immediately withdraw from the controversial Upper Yeywa dam project on the Myitnge/Namtu river in northern Shan State. Shan civil society groups are strongly opposed to the building of the Upper Yeywa dam, which was started by the military regime in 2008, without local consultation or consent. The reservoir of the 280 megawatt dam will stretch for 60 kilometers up to Hsipaw town, submerging centuries-old Shan communities and fertile farmlands. The dam-site lies in an active conflict zone, and Burma Army troops guarding the site have committed gross human rights violations against local villagers, including extrajudicial killing, torture and use of human shields. The Upper Yeywa dam is being financed by a loan from the Export-Import Bank of China. Shan community groups have repeatedly urged foreign companies involved in the dam to divest or risk complicity in the military’s human rights violations. After SHRF issued a report on July 9, 2020, “Extrajudicial killing, torture by Burma Army during operation against RCSS/SSA near Upper Yeywa dam site in Kyaukme,” the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre, an international watchdog, wrote to all the companies involved, but only Swiss company Stucky replied, saying it was no longer involved in the project. The other companies, including IPGRB (Razel-Bec’s joint venture in Burma), did not reply. IPGRB is a joint venture between Razel-Bec and the International Power Group Public Company Ltd. (IPG). IPG is a subsidiary of International Group of Entrepreneurs (IGE), one of the leading business conglomerates in Burma, set up by the sons of former Burmese military general Aung Thaung, who was sanctioned by the US Treasury Department in October 2014, for “undermining the positive political and economic transition in Burma,” and “perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption.” IGE is the local partner of Chinese and Thai companies planning three giant dams on the Salween River in Shan and Karen State, strongly opposed by local communities (the Naung Pha, Mong Ton and Hatgyi dams). IPGRB appears to be the main foreign company now on the ground at the Upper Yeywa dam-site. The current Google satellite image of the site labels it as “IPGRB BASE CAMP.” Since the military coup on February 1, anti-coup protests have taken place in towns near the Upper Yeywa dam site, including Kyaukme and Hsipaw. On February 17, workers from the Upper Yeywa dam site joined the protests in Kyaukme, holding a banner saying “Upper Yeywa Hydropower Project Civil Disobedience Movement.” They were not seen joining any public protests after this date, but the sound of pot-banging in support of the CDM movement has been heard from the dam site in the evenings. Construction work at the dam site appears to have almost completely stopped. In the past few weeks, atrocities by the regime’s security forces have mounted, both against unarmed protesters in urban areas, and against villagers in conflict areas, who have been killed by aerial bombing. EDF cited its obligations to international human rights principles as the reason for suspending its dam project. This begs the question whether Razel-Bec adheres to the same principles. From the outset, Razel-Bec should never have cooperated with a military crony company to build a dam in war-torn Shan State against the wishes of local communities, and should never have ignored the gross human rights violations by security forces guarding its worksite. It is time now for Razel-Bec to stop siding with the murderous Burmese military regime, and to take a principled stand. We urge Razel-Bec to immediately pull out of the Upper Yeywa dam project..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
Date of publication: 2021-04-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Junta Bans Satellite Television
Topic: Crisis and Conflict, Press Freedom, Peace and Justice, Technology and Rights
Sub-title: Adds to Severe Restrictions on the Internet, Media
Topic: Crisis and Conflict, Press Freedom, Peace and Justice, Technology and Rights
Description: "The Myanmar junta added a ban on satellite television to existing restrictions on the internet and media, tightening its grip over information in the country, Human Rights Watch said today. On May 4, 2021, the ruling State Administration Council announced that anyone using satellite dishes to watch television faces up to one year in prison or a fine of K500,000 (US$320). The military junta claimed that “illegal organizations and news agencies” were broadcasting programs via satellite that threaten state security. The ban appears targeted at independent Burmese language broadcasters such as the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Mizzima, which have continued broadcasting via satellite since the junta revoked their operating licenses in March. The ban will also affect foreign news channels broadcast via satellite into Myanmar. “The satellite TV ban is a blatant attempt to deny access to independent news broadcasts and further isolate Myanmar’s people,” said Linda Lakhdhir, Asia legal advisor. “The junta should immediately withdraw its outrageous blanket censorship and end its relentless assault on news reporting.” The ban on satellite television is part of the military’s full-scale attack on the country’s media, Human Rights Watch said. On May 4, the junta also announced it was banning two more media outlets, Kachin-based 74 Media and Shan-based Tachileik News Agency, increasing the number of banned media outlets to eight. Many of those outlets, including 74 Media and Tachileik News, have responded with defiance to the junta’s bans, vowing to continue their reporting. In addition to banning media outlets, the security forces have aggressively targeted journalists for arrest. At least 71 journalists have been arrested since the February 1 coup, of whom at least 48 remain in detention. The authorities have charged many of those detained, including Japanese freelance reporter Yuki Kitazumi, with violating a new provision in the penal code adopted by the junta that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” Those convicted face up to three years in prison. The authorities have imposed severe restrictions on the internet, making it very difficult for people to access or to share information. Mobile internet data and wireless broadband have been turned off for more than six weeks, and Facebook and other social media platforms popular in Myanmar have been blocked since the coup. “The Myanmar junta’s increasingly desperate efforts to block those inside the country from accessing independent news and information won’t hide the truth about its ongoing violations of rights,” Lakhdhir said. “Concerned governments should use their wide array of tools, including arms embargos and targeted sanctions, to pressure the junta to end its rights abuses and bring those responsible to account.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: At military camps in the Myanmar jungle, doctors and students learn how to fire guns
Description: "A dozen armed recruits crawl along a dusty pathway, the cicadas masking any sound of their approach towards their target, a small village in the jungles of Myanmar. The ambush scenario is fabricated but the threat they are training for is real: a military junta that seized power in a coup on February 1, and embarked on a brutal crackdown on any perceived opposition to its rule. Many of those who have fled to the jungles are members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) -- which has seen thousands of white- and blue-collar workers, including medics and teachers, as well as engineers and factory workers, leave their jobs to disrupt the economy in resistance to the coup. Now they want to know how to defend themselves from Myanmar's military, known as the Tatmadaw, which continues to shoot people dead in the streets, has deployed rocket-propelled grenades and mortars against its own citizens, and hunts those wanted for arrest in terrifying nighttime raids on homes, according to the UN. So they have traveled to the county's borderlands, to areas control by ethnic armed groups that have been fighting the military, central government and each other for greater rights and autonomy, on and off for 70 years, to be taught how to fire a gun. Maj. Gen. Nerdah Bo Mya is chief of staff of the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO), one of two armed wings of the Karen National Union (KNU), Myanmar's oldest rebel group that claims to protect the ethnic minority Karen people and their territory in southeastern Karen state. He heads up a free basic training program. "This is a responsibility to protect life," he said. "If we don't train them who's going to help them?" The increasingly violent tactics used against protesters and bystanders has led to more than 760 deaths, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), although they say the actual death toll is likely far higher. Nerdah Bo Mya said not one of the 200 anti-coup protesters he has trained had held a gun before and many were still in college. "They're quite young, their age is around 24, 25 -- and some are nurses and also some doctors and medical staff," he said. As well as being told how to handle weapons, they are prepared for the physical hardships of combat, shown first aid techniques and taught basic marksmanship. The KNDO is not the only armed ethnic group offering CDM members training. Footage from a number of ethnic areas shows recruits chanting slogans, such as "for the people," "for our freedom" and "for our independence." The military junta has not responded to CNN's request for comment on these camps. On May 4, however, the military leadership published a statement in the state-run New Light of Myanmar calling on those who had traveled to ethnic areas or overseas to come home.....Basic training for anti-coup protesters: Once they have received the training, the idea is for the men and women to return to their cities and pass on their knowledge to fellow protesters. One 18-year-old, who was manning a roadblock in the city of Bago last month when dozens were killed by the military, said many of his comrades had traveled to the ethnic areas for training. He had stayed behind. Asking to remain anonymous for his safety, the teenager said: "We have two groups, one to protect the neighborhood and another went to get the training and they will come back and teach us what they have learned.": Nerdah Bo Mya acknowledges it is a very one-sided battle on the streets of Myanmar. "We told them they have to be wise and we have to fight with our head and not with our heart," he said, acknowledging that the Tatmadaw is a highly trained fighting force. It ruled Myanmar for more than half a century through brutality and fear, turning the country into a poverty-stricken pariah nation. Nerdah Bo Mya said the CDM members need weapons to have a chance against the Tatmadaw, but would not say whether his group had provided any -- or whether bomb-making was part of the course. He criticized China and Russia for enabling the military leadership, saying the rest of the world needs to support the CDM movement, and singled out the United States. China and Russia are the largest and second-largest suppliers of arms to Myanmar. Both have agreed to United Nations resolutions condemning violence against peaceful protesters but not condemning the coup specifically and have resisted a UN arms embargo on the country. Nerdah Bo Mya says the anti-coup protesters worry the international community will forget about them, saying: "They all look up to the American government for democracy and freedom and if Chinese and Russian governments can help the brutal corrupt military regime why the American government cannot help these people who are striving for freedom and democracy in Burma." So far, US President Joe Biden has condemned the violence being used against protesters and has imposed sanctions on military leaders and some military-led businesses.....Historical fight between the military and ethnic minorities: The Myanmar military's sustained conflict with ethnic minorities has displaced hundreds of thousands of people, and rights groups have long linked soldiers to atrocities and human rights abuses in ethnic regions, including massacres, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture, and forced labor. In 2016 and 2017, the military launched a brutal campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State, committing atrocities which led to more than 740,000 Rohingya fleeing into neighboring Bangladesh in 2017 alone, prompting a genocide case to be heard at the International Court of Justice. Amnesty International reported in 2017 that ethnic minorities in Kachin and the northern Shan State had also suffered abuses from the ethnic armed organizations, including forcible recruitment. In Karen State, Nerdah Bo Mya says ethnic armed organizations feel they have an obligation to work together with anti-coup protesters to rid the country of military dictatorship. "We have heart for these kind of people, because we have gone through this ourselves and we know what kind of pain, what kind of suffering... what kind of atrocities they're going through so we can put ourselves in their shoes." The violence wielded by the military in the big cities like Yangon and Mandalay have forced some Bamar people to reckon with their past -- some are for the first time acknowledging and even apologizing for not recognizing or standing up for the ethnic struggles, which are far from over. Fighting has intensified in the country's mountainous north and southeastern border areas following the coup. rmed clashes between the Myanmar military and another Karen armed group -- the Karen National Liberation Army -- have displaced about 40,000 people, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA). The military has conducted airstrikes and mortar shelling on KNLA bases and villages. Last week, the KNLA seized a military outpost in a jungle area close to the border with Thailand's Mae Hong Son province. On Monday, northern rebel group the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) said it had shot down a military helicopter near the town of Moemauk in Kachin state, after days of military air raids. There is no doubt that three or four weeks of basic training does not equip these doctors and students to fight against a well-armed military. But Nerdah Bo Mya says they will return to the cities better equipped mentally, at least. "It is not necessary to fight with the Burmese army on the streets, but they can do something else, they can do something more defensive and more productive," he says. He did not expand on what that might be. For students to seek out ethnic armies shows how severely the security situation in Myanmar has deteriorated in just three months. Those once medically trained to save lives are now learning how to defend them in urban battle. That only raises fears the days and weeks to come in Myanmar will become more violent..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 5 May, (769) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 5, a total of (3696) people are currently under detention; of them (83) are sentenced. 1458 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. The longevity of the coup in Burma has led to near state collapse. Unarmed civilians face threats with weapons and daily junta atrocities, as well as to their livelihood and future prosperity. On 5 May, the National Unity Government (NUG) announced the formation of a People’s Defence Force (PDF). AAPP welcomes the formation of the PDF in defense of unarmed civilians and the fight for democracy. On 4 May, Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, Kyaw Moe Tun, and founder of Progressive Voice, Khin Ohmar, called for the recognition of the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate government in the “Unfolding Crisis in Burma” video conference held by the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs. People across Burma from different backgrounds come together again today to protest despite the repression. This morning in Myitkyina, junta troops and police used civilian cars to crash into youths at a motorcycle protest. 4 women were arrested and 3 motorbikes seized. This morning in Mogaung Township, near Nanmati Kyauktaung, two junta vehicles were blown up. Thereafter the junta randomly opened fire. The terrorists in Burma commit unprovoked shootings on a daily basis, killing and injuring civilians. A villager was shot dead in a clash which took place from May 3 to May 4 around noon between junta forces and the people’s defence forces in Thar Kaung village, Gangaw Township, Magway Region. A 17-year-old boy in Thar Kaung village and a man in Paya Taung village, Pauk Township, Magway Region were shot dead by the terrorist group on 4 May. The identities are still being investigated and will be confirmed on the fatality list as and when. Last night, according to a social media video, on Shwe Pyay Aye Road , South Dagon Township, Yangon. A group of junta police and soldiers viciously beat up on a man with a police baton and arrested him. In Aye Thar Yar ward, Monywa Township, Sagaing Region, the junta started shouting and swearing at people because they were banging pots and pans. Then proceeding to destroy people’s homes and motorbikes, throwing stones at houses and breaking windows, and beating up locals, including three women. The violence, robbery, looting, beating and arresting of civilians, including severe torture are clear indications of a junta dedicated to ruling without any law. Media is not spared repression. The terrorists announced three media outlets, Myitkyina News Journal, 74 Media, and Tachileik News Agency would have their media licenses revoked. The junta group are trying to cover up their acts of terrorism by disrupting the flow of information between the media and public. Burma’s media sector is on the verge of collapse. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Size: 3.29 MB 912.12 KB 999.38 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 4 May, (769) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These 3 from Launglon Township in Tanintharyi Region and Htilin Township in Magway Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 4, a total of (3677) people are currently under detention; of them (83) are sentenced. 1438 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. People across Burma continued to protest against the dictatorship today, including in Mandalay, Yangon, and other cities. Students protested the subjugation to military rule education, starting a “do not go to school and drop out” campaign. Today in Nyaung Oo Township, Bagan town, Mandalay Region the junta arrived and opened fire on a protest, people were able to disperse quickly and there were no arrests and injuries. Yet, the junta group has been shooting at civilians day and night. It is a worrying situation for those protesting dictatorship. On May 3, at noon in Suuphyukone village, Nwathogyi Township, Mandalay Region, at a protest the junta police arrived. The villagers did not allow so-called police to enter, then the military arrived and started shooting, some villagers were injured and 19 arrested. The junta is regularly searching to arrest using the Ward and Village Tract Administration Law at night, beating up, killing, raiding, berating and torturing civilians. People have formed a defense force in Htilin Township, Magway Region, to protect the community. Since yesterday up until today, there were clashes between the junta group and the people’s defence force, who said at least three civilians were killed, the junta group instead announced only three were killed. AAPP has so far only verified one fatality, we are continuing to identify the remaining victims. Villagers from and around Htilin Township are fleeing. Terrorists are carrying out raids, robbing, and destroying without any limits, a practice now again widespread in the rural areas. The junta are searching houses in Dar Ye Kaung village, Myittha Township, Mandalay Region, destroying property and looting money yesterday. Last night, the junta raided houses of the protest leaders, destroyed their motorcycles and looted 500,000 kyats (US$325) from one of the protest leaders’ houses in Aung Pan village, Yezakyo Township, Magway Region and threatened the entire village. The junta destroyed houses in Sin Inn village, Shwebo Township, Sagaing Region, looting gold, money, jewelry, not only taking all these goods but also destroying the shrine. Pigs and chickens were taken away and killed, shooting. The entire village has been displaced. Yesterday afternoon the junta raided Pintin village in Khin-U Township, they destroyed several houses, stole property, and arrested one local villager. Despite experiencing these severe human rights abuses and violence on a daily basis, people in Burma are still being ignored. ASEAN in particular needs to exert stronger pressure on Burma, the international community needs to enforce powerful action. Delayed responses will result in even more casualties and suffering for civilians. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 999.59 KB 3.27 MB 901.69 KB
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Title: Myanmar Faces Third Wave of COVID-19 Infections Amid Anti-Coup Protests
Description: "As neighboring countries face rising numbers of coronavirus cases, Myanmar health officials have expressed concern that a third wave of COVID-19 could hit the Southeast Asian nation under a military junta that seized power three months ago. In India to the northwest, more than 300,000 people are being infected daily and thousands are dying, while Thailand to the southeast is already experiencing a third wave. Dr. Khin Khin Gyi, a spokeswoman for the Ministry of Health and Sports, warned on Apr. 27 that a third COVID-19 outbreak was likely in Myanmar, which has been rocked by nationwide protests against the military regime and subsequent violent crackdowns since Feb. 1. “There is a possibility of a third wave of the pandemic coming,” she said. “It is possible that there are outbreaks among the large crowds of people.” “More than 60 percent of infected patients don’t show symptoms,” she said. “Only when they got tested do we have learned about the infections.” Khin Khin Gyi also spoke out on COVID-19 and prevention measures under the civilian-led government under country leader Aung San Suu Kyi before it was overthrown. On Tuesday, the Ministry of Health and Sports recorded 16 new confirmed COVID-19 cases, bringing the total number of infections to date to 142,858, while the total number of deaths held at 3,209. Since the military takeover, most of the country’s doctors and nurses have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) of striking workers who opposed the junta and have largely boycotted its vaccination drive. Myanmar received 3.5 million vaccines from India around the end of January under a vaccine drive implemented by the former National League for Democracy government. Fear of old doses Though the junta has urged people in residential areas to get vaccinated, its security forces have arrested many health care workers for participating in the CDM, limiting the number of professionals who can administer the jabs. A doctor in Yangon who requested anonymity for security reasons said that people will not accept vaccines provided by the regime because vials that have sat too long in storage may have lost their effectiveness. “The remaining vaccines are not effective because of the delay in storage,” he said. “The people won’t accept them.” A young man from northwestern Myanmar’s Sagaing region who did not want to be identified said he would not get a virus vaccine under the military regime for another reason. “I will not get the vaccines provided by the terrorist regime because they are murdering hundreds of people, and I don’t trust them,” he said, referring to the nearly 770 people who have been killed by security forces in the weeks following the coup. Myanmar detected its first positive COVID-19 case on March 23, 2020. The country, which shares a long land border with China, initially had a low number of confirmed infections and single-digit deaths until mid-August, when the number of COVID-19 cases began to skyrocket during a second wave that was deadlier then the first. To contain the spread, Myanmar officials put in place stay-at-home orders, lockdowns, and mandatory quarantines for those traveling to other states and regions within the country as well as for those returning to Myanmar from abroad. In response, Khin Khin Gyi said the storage and maintenance process for the more than one million doses of the vaccine has not been compromised. “There is no such thing as us stopping our work because of the absence of some people,” she said. “The hospitals are still operating. Under the current situation, plans to keep medical facilities operational down to the township level are in place.” No one to provide treatment At least 1.9 million people of Myanmar’s population of 54 million have received the first dose of the COVID-19 vaccine, according to health officials. The ruling junta has said that the number of people being tested for the virus has dropped to about 2,000 a day compared to nearly 150,000 people daily under the NLD government. An assistant doctor from Mandalay General Hospital, who is participating in the CDM, said this was due in part to a lack of health care workers. “There is no medical staff to take the swabs, no staff to analyze the samples in the lab, no doctors to test the results,” he said. “Even if someone tested positive, there is no one in the hospital who can provide treatment. All of us are participating in the CDM.” Reported by Soe San Aung for RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Ye Kaung Myint Maung. Written in English by Roseanne Gerin..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia (RFA)" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Prosecutions Being Prepared for Myanmar Military: NUG Human Rights Minister
Topic: civil disobedience movement, civilian deaths, Coup, crackdown, Democracy, Human Rights, junta, military in politics, military regime, Min Aung Hlaing, Ministry of Human Rights, National League for Democracy, National Unity Government, November 8 general election, Rule of Law, State Administrative Council, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Tatmadaw, U Aung Myo Min
Topic: civil disobedience movement, civilian deaths, Coup, crackdown, Democracy, Human Rights, junta, military in politics, military regime, Min Aung Hlaing, Ministry of Human Rights, National League for Democracy, National Unity Government, November 8 general election, Rule of Law, State Administrative Council, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Tatmadaw, U Aung Myo Min
Description: "Myanmar’s people have lost their rights and freedoms since the military coup on Feb. 1 and the numbers having their fundamental rights violated by the regime is increasing. Meanwhile, the National Unity Government (NUG), a shadow administration formed to rival the military junta, has set up its Human Rights Ministry and appointed prominent rights activist U Aung Myo Min as minister. U Aung Myo Min recently talked to The Irrawaddy about what action he will take to address the regime’s rights violations. What will be your first step as Myanmar’s first human rights minister? There was only the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission in the past in Myanmar. A separate ministry is meant to do more about human rights issues. As the first step, I will work with the people to record rights violations, crimes against humanity and war crimes in ethnic areas so that the truth can be established. We are already working on this. And we are seeking public cooperation because we want to assure people that they can rely on the ministry and secure justice for themselves. We will be recording the crimes to file complaints at the International Criminal Court (ICC) and other courts. We must have records if are to bring the perpetrators to justice either at the ICC or other courts. Those records might look dismal and depressing now but they give solid evidence to bring the perpetrators to justice in the future. The military council is violating international law. We will take action to make sure the perpetrators are held accountable and justice is done for the victims. Though the human rights violations by the military regime have drawn attention from the international community, no punitive action has been taken. How confident are you as the human rights minister about being able to address it? Given the situation, we are not yet in a position to take punitive action. We have to fix our collapsing judicial system, reconstitute the Human Rights Commission as it is not functioning and replace those who are not working. The international community pays attention to the human rights situation in Myanmar. There are, however, not many mechanisms to establish truth and find justice for human rights violations and crimes. I will focus on bringing perpetrators into the international judicial mechanisms. The ministry is unprecedented. How will it impact the country’s politics and its foreign policy? The Human Rights Ministry will not defend the government. It represents the people and will promote and defend their rights. The military-controlled media has been harshly criticizing the NUG, saying it is capable of nothing. What do you say? We are in the revolutionary period and the NUG cannot function properly as a government. But we have transparency and we don’t just represent a party but all groups. This is our strength. Everyone in the NUG wants to fight the dictatorship with unwavering spirit and they have different expertise. Even though the NUG is not based in Naypyitaw, it will respect, defend and fulfill human rights, as a government. Records of human rights violations by the regime are widely available on social media. What evidence is the NUG collecting? We have gathered records of what has happened, especially arbitrary killings, crackdowns on peaceful protests and deaths in violent crackdowns. Another aspect is about torture during detention, interrogation and in prison. Another is airstrikes in ethnic minority areas, bombing villages and displacing civilians and their lack of access to humanitarian aid. We have also collected evidence about how rights violations affect women and children..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: ACAPS Briefing Note: Myanmar - Impact of 1 February coup (29 April 2021)
Topic: Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Topic: Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Description: "On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup and ordered a year-long state of emergency under sections 417 and 418(a) of the 2008 constitution, promising that new elections would be held one year after what they labelled ‘fraudulent elections’ in November 2020 (Myanmar Times 02/02/2021; Reuters 16/02/2021 and 01/02/2021). This coup transferred all legislative, executive, and judicial powers of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the Commander in Chief of the Defence Services (Reuters 01/02/2021). In response, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) was immediately formed as a parliament, primarily by democratically elected members of the 2020 general election. CRPH recognises itself as the only legitimate government (CRPH 20/02/2021). By mid-April, a National Unity Government was established (CRPH 16/04/2021). This move, coupled with the formation and growth of a civil disobedience movement (CDM) and associated protests, has severely constrained the military junta’s ability to consolidate power and rule of law (01/02/2021). Countrywide protests are ongoing, with the military junta using systemic and arbitrary violence against anti-coup protesters. The use of live ammunition, raids, strip searches, beatings, and detention has been reported..."
Source/publisher: Assessment Capacities Project (Geneva) via "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 7.19 MB
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Title: Min Aung Hlaing hails ‘freedom of expression’ as his regime continues bid to destroy independent media
Sub-title: Two more media outlets have suspended operations as military-run press doubles down on denial of military’s mass killings
Description: "Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing said the media is “crucial” for freedom of expression and democracy, state newspapers reported on Monday, as the junta pushed ahead with its propaganda war and continued its efforts to crush independent journalism. He made the remarks at a speech on Sunday morning to mark the opening of the Myawady Media Centre in Yangon’s Yankin township, the Global New Light of Myanmar reported. “The media... plays a crucial role in enhancing the freedom of expression for democracy [and] improving the government’s transparency by distributing knowledge to the people,” the report said, attributing the comments to the Senior General. Local media ought to “prevent the broader infiltration” of ideas and culture from “developed countries” said the report, which was published on World Press Freedom Day. Last week the junta revoked the publishing license of yet another news outlet, the Kachin-based Myitkyina News Journal. The newspaper said in a statement on Sunday that it had suspended its operations, seven years after it was founded. “We pledge to try to service the public again if there is any chance to do so in future,” the statement said. The Mandalay-based Voice of Myanmar (VOM) also announced it was suspending its operations on Monday, a week after chief editor Nay Myo Lin and reporter Shine Aung were detained by the regime. “We regret to inform you that we have to suspend our operation temporarily because the two are still being detained,” VOM said on its Facebook page. Nay Myo Lin’s wife, Zarni Mann, told Myanmar Now that she has not been given a reason for the arrests. Her husband is being interrogated at a military base in Mandalay and has not been able to meet with family members, she added. “They said they had something to ask him and took him,” she said. “I still don't know anything about his condition.” At least 84 journalists have been arrested since the February 1 coup, and 50 of them are still in detention. While continuing its assault on independent media, the junta has also doubled down on its false claims about the deaths of protesters who were murdered by its police and soldiers. A Global New Light report last week claimed that several of the more high profile deaths in recent months were caused by health problems or shooting from other protesters. It repeated the claim that other protesters shot Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing and Kyal Sin–two 19-year-old women whose images became icons of the anti-coup movement after they were murdered by the regime’s forces in February and March. Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing’s murder was captured on video, and several analyses of footage and images from the Naypyitaw protest confirmed she was shot in the head by a police officer. And there were several eyewtinesses to Kyal Sin’s murder in Mandalay in early March. One of them was a friend of hers. “I saw it with my own eyes, they shot at her,” he told Myanmar Now, requesting anonymity. “We didn’t have anything that looked like weapons. We were just peacefully protesting.” He and other protesters who were nearby when Kyal Sin was shot in the neck are wanted by the regime and are now in hiding. “As it’s our responsibility, and in honour of Kyal Sin’s death, we’re doing our best to prepare and fight in this revolution,” he said. “We don’t pay attention to what they’re announcing or publishing. We’re going to fight until the end.” Last week’s report also claimed that Tin Nwe Yi, a 59-year-old teacher killed while protesting in Yangon in February, died of “heart disease”. One of her family members told Myanmar Now that the hospital has refused to give them an official document stating her cause of death. “We haven’t gotten an official letter from the hospital. They won’t put it out. If it was a normal death, they would do it,” the relative said. “We went to the hospital but they said they can only give it out if they’re ordered to.” The report also claimed that Ko Ko Lay, 62, died of heart disease, even though there is a photo of his body after he was shot in the head during a crackdown in Myitkyina on March 8. Zaw Myat Lin, an NLD official who was abducted in March and murdered in custody, died of “other ways”, the report said. His body showed signs of torture when it was returned to his family. The report also repeated the military’s claim that a death toll since the coup compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) was “highly bloated.” The group has reported 766 deaths and about 4,600 arrests so far. The AAPP did not verify the addresses of some of the people on its list or the names of their fathers, the report said. An AAPP official, who asked not to be named for security reasons, said that if the military believes the group’s figures are inaccurate, then it should allow an international body to investigate the killings. “They’re just going to continue to deny it blatantly,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Thousands call for 'spring revolution'
Description: "At least one person has died in northern Shan state as youths carried a banner that read: "We cannot be ruled at all." Deaths have also been reported in the central town of Wetlet. Thousands of anti-coup protesters took to the streets across Myanmar on Sunday, calling for a "spring revolution" as the country began its fourth month under a military regime. Cities, rural areas, remote mountainous regions and even the country's rebel-controlled border territories have witnessed protests against the junta. The military ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a coup on February 1, bringing a halt to Myanmar's democratic reform and economic growth. The unrest that has ensued has shown no signs of abating and on Sunday demonstrations kicked off early in the commercial hub of Yangon, as organizers called for "the global Myanmar spring revolution.".....Support for Suu Kyi: Yangon was not alone as protests took place across the country. The central Mandalay region saw hundreds take to the streets, led by monks in saffron-colored robes, brandishing the flag of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. In northern Shan state, youths carried a banner that read: "We cannot be ruled at all.".....Deaths reported as crackdown continues: And in Shan's Hsipaw township violence erupted when security forces cracked down on protesters, killing at least two people. Some youths gathered on a street corner in Hsipaw before marching down the streets in a flash mob, dispersing as authorities clamped down on the dissent. The junta has aimed to quell the unrest through a brutal crackdown that has resulted in widespread arrests and a death toll that now exceeds 700. Also on Sunday, two people were shot and killed in the central town of Wetlet, the Myanmar Now news outlet reported. One person was also killed in the northern jade-mining town of Hpakant, according to the Kachin News Group..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: UNICEF Myanmar Humanitarian Situation Report No. 2: Reporting Period: 26 March to 28 April 2021
Topic: Contributions, Education, Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Topic: Contributions, Education, Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Description: "Highlights: • Artillery shelling and indiscriminate airstrikes by armed forces in Kayin State caused more than 20,000 civilians to flee and hide in forest areas along the Myanmar-Thailand border. • New displacements are reported in Kachin State, northern Shan State and Bago region. On a single day.9 April, 82 civilians were killed in Bago region, and tens of thousands of people were displaced. • Provision of health, education and other critical services continue to be disrupted in many parts of the country. Protests and a civil disobedience movement (CDM) against the military takeover continue. • Since the events of 1 February, a significant decline in the number of reported COVID-19 cases and deaths has been observed. COVID-19 vaccination is currently being managed by the de facto authorities without any clear prioritization by age or associated risk factors. Even before, nearly one million people in five states, including 336,000 IDPs, needed humanitarian assistance. • There are additional needs for areas falling outside of Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) areas, especially in the Yangon, Mandalay and Bago regions..."
Source/publisher: UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) (Myanmar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-04-40
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 373.36 KB
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Title: Amid Killing of Protesters, Myanmar Coup Leader Opens High-End Military-Run Hospital
Topic: chief, conglomerate, Coup, junta, MEC, Military, MoeKaung Treasure Maternal and Child Hospital, Myanmar Economic Corporation, opening, regime, Sanctions, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing
Topic: chief, conglomerate, Coup, junta, MEC, Military, MoeKaung Treasure Maternal and Child Hospital, Myanmar Economic Corporation, opening, regime, Sanctions, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing
Description: "In an apparent attempt to expand his military conglomerate, Myanmar coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has opened a new military-owned hospital in Yangon 91 days after seizing power from the country’s democratically elected government. The opening of the new hospital came on Sunday, as the nation is still reeling from the brutality of his troops, who have killed more than 760 protesters across the country since the coup. On the same day, the regime’s forces killed at least five people and arrested several others for protesting against the junta. The newly opened MoeKaung Treasure Maternal and Child Hospital has become the second “private” high-end hospital owned by the military after Kan Tha Yar Hospital on the shore of Yangon’s Inya Lake. The new hospital will be the latest addition to the holdings of the military cartel in the country, where the men in uniform have enriched themselves through businesses ranging from banking to brewery to jade mines and more. Most of them operate free of civilian oversight. According to Justice for Myanmar, a covert group of activists campaigning for justice and accountability for the people in the country, Kan Thar Yar International Specialist Hospital, opened in 2017 by the senior general, is a private for-profit facility under the military conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC). Profits from the hospital are off-budget and the hospital operates without civilian oversight. The same is true of the newly opened MoeKaung Treasure Maternal and Child Hospital. The maternity and child hospital is located in the leafy compound of the Military Documentation Office in Yankin Township. The opening ceremony was joined by the coup leader’s wife Daw Kyu Kyu Hla. The senior general claimed the new hospital was built under his guidance to become an “internationally recognized” medical facility that could be relied on by citizens while promoting the “private health care” sector, according to military-owned Myawaddy TV. It said the hospital will provide maternal and child healthcare services such as in vitro fertilization procedures, storage of genetic items and genetic diagnostic work, among others. The broadcaster quoted him as saying that, “We will try to get a ‘Joint Commission International’ certificate of international recognition [for the hospital].” Given mounting global sanctions, including from the US and EU, against himself and his regime, and the fact that the junta has been shunned by the international community for its atrocities against its own people, it is not clear how the junta plans to obtain such certification. The putsch leader even said the new hospital aimed to act as a one-stop service center for patients with “reasonable service charges”. However, given the room rates—which include some that run as high as 100,000 kyats [US$64] per day—the cost of treatment at the new hospital is evidently far from “reasonable”, as the senior general claimed; the majority of the people in the country are struggling to get by, as the economy has collapsed since the February coup. So far, it’s not clear to what extent Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and his family are involved in the ownership of the hospital. In March, the US imposed sanctions on two adult children of the junta leader in response to the coup and the military’s use of lethal force against peaceful protesters, calling for the reinstatement of the democratically elected civilian government. The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) announced sanctions on Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon and six companies controlled by them. The OFAC said the pair controlled a variety of business holdings that have directly benefited from their “father’s position and malign influence”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: At Least Five Protesters Killed as Myanmar Forces Crack Down on Protests in Several Cities
Topic: Coup, crackdown, Detained, forces, Global Myanmar Spring Revolution, junta, killed, plainclothes, Police, protesters, regime, shot, troops
Topic: Coup, crackdown, Detained, forces, Global Myanmar Spring Revolution, junta, killed, plainclothes, Police, protesters, regime, shot, troops
Description: "Myanmar regime forces launched their most extensive crackdowns in two weeks on anti-regime protests on Sunday, killing at least five protesters, and wounding and arresting several people across the country. Since early morning on Sunday, soldiers, police officers and also plainclothes men were out in force at protest sites in various cities, chasing protesters as they marched in support of the Global Myanmar Spring Revolution, a movement joined by democracy supporters in overseas countries to show support for Myanmar’s National Unity Government and to honor fallen heroes who were killed by Myanmar junta forces. Locals in Yangon’s Thaketa and Sanchaung townships posted videos and pictures of plainclothes men with private vehicles dragging young protesters away violently and, in some places, chasing after them at high speed in private vehicles. Video footage showed that detained youths were beaten and forced to kneel down on the ground before being dragged away. Dozens were reportedly arrested in both townships and elsewhere, yet the exact number of detainees was not available by the time of publication. Peaceful protesters faced early lethal crackdowns just as they were gathering to take to the streets in several cities. In Mandalay, at least four protesters were arrested while they were gathering to take to the streets as armed plainclothes officers chased them. The regime forces continued to conduct searches and make arrests throughout the day. At least five were arrested in Mandalay’s Mogoke on Sunday. In Nawnghkio (Naung Cho) in Shan State, U Win Naing, 40, was shot dead by regime forces as they opened fire with live rounds on anti-regime protesters who were gathering to stage demonstrations. An anti-regime protester who had to run away from the crackdown said that since 8:30 a.m., troops who took up positions in several streets of the town had been shooting randomly. Locals also reported that an injured 60-year-old man died from gunshot wounds. At least 14 youths were arrested and an unconfirmed number of people were injured. In Shan State’s Hsipaw, Muslim protester Ko Phoe Lone was killed after being shot in the head by regime forces and two were injured in their legs during a violent crackdown on a demonstration. News outlets in the state also reported that junta forces threatened to shoot any civilians who left their homes in Hsipaw, after the protest was cracked down on. Two people were also reportedly killed and seven were injured in Wetlet, a town in Shwebo District, Sagaing Region, as troops fired live ammunition at anti-regime protesters who were gathering for a demonstration at around 10 am. The two who were killed were Ko Zaw Oo, 42, and Ko Min Zin, 22. Anti-regime protesters In Hpakant Township of Kachin State said regime forces also launched brutal crackdowns against them by shooting with live rounds and using hand grenades on Sunday morning. During the crackdown, Ko Wai Phyo, 33, was killed after being shot in the head and more than 20 people were injured. A protester said that among those injured, some were in critical condition but were forced to remain in hiding to evade arrest. Despite the arrests and lethal crackdowns, pro-democracy protesters nationwide continued to stage peaceful demonstrations against military rule. As of Sunday evening, at least 764 people had been killed by the regime since the Feb. 1 coup and more than 3,500 were being held under detention.
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "Today was World Press Freedom Day, The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) honors the importance of news media in Burma, journalists have been providing accurate information in the face of suffering and oppression inside the country. Freedom of press in Burma has collapsed since the coup. (84) have been detained at one point since the coup. 50 journalists are currently detained, 25 of whom have been prosecuted. This is in addition to two journalists on bail awaiting trial, and 29 journalists evading arrest warrants. Freedom of press will disintegrate and journalists will be persecuted as long as we have a dictatorship. As of 3 May, (766) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Wetlet Town in Sagaing Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 3, a total of (3614) people are currently under detention; of them (83) are sentenced. 1417 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Even though people were killed in violent crackdowns yesterday, people from all over Burma continued in protest against the junta today. In Taungdwingyi town, Magway Region, junta forces chased and shot at vendors on motorbikes. Two people were injured. The depravity of this junta is on display in raids on HIV/AIDS patient centers. Yesterday in East Dagon Township, Yangon Region. The center was stormed and junta troops took three children on ART medication and nine others seeking medical treatment for arrest. These patients need daily and timely medication, without this access their health condition will deteriorate and hence we are rightly concerned. The junta destroy property of the civilians in various ways. Last night, at 46-47 Street, General Aung San Road, Rangoon, the junta threw stones at houses, sprayed abusive words on cars, and destroyed windows of all cars parked alongside the street. Those actions make visible the lawlessness and intentions of this junta – it is to destroy the rule of law. Conflict continues in Kachin State. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) shot down a military helicopter near Kone Law village, Momauk Township, Kachin State on 3 May. The terrorists used artillery to fire at Kone Law village in response, killing a monk and injuring 10 villagers this afternoon. Atrocities committed by the junta in both rural and urban areas get worse day by day since the coup. Peace is absent as the junta steps up its attacks on ethnic people who feel the full brunt of the devastating effects of the war again. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 987.63 KB 3.48 MB 887.08 KB
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Title: Eight reported killed as Myanmar protests aim to ‘shake the world’
Description: "Myanmar security forces opened fire on some of the biggest protests against military rule in days on Sunday killing eight people, media reported, three months after a coup plunged the country into crisis. The protests, after a spell of dwindling crowds and what appeared to be more restraint by the security forces, were coordinated with demonstrations in Myanmar communities around the world to mark what organisers called "the global Myanmar spring revolution". "Shake the world with the voice of Myanmar people's unity," the organisers said in a statement. Streams of demonstrators, some led by Buddhist monks, made their way through cities and towns across the country, including the commercial hub of Yangon and the second city of Mandalay, where two people were shot and killed, the Mizzima news agency reported. The Irrawaddy news site earlier posted a photograph of a man it said was a security officer in plain clothes taking aim with a rifle in Mandalay. Three people were killed in the central town of Wetlet, the Myanmar Now news agency said, and two were killed in different towns in Shan State in the northeast, two media outlets reported. One person was also killed in the northern jade-mining town of Hpakant, the Kachin News Group reported. Reuters could not verify the reports and a spokesman for the ruling junta did not answer calls seeking comment. The protests are only one of the problems the generals have brought on with their Feb. 1 ouster of the elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Wars with ethnic minority insurgents in remote frontier regions in the north and east have intensified significantly since the coup, displacing tens of thousands of civilians, according to United Nations estimates. In some places civilians with crude weapons have battled security forces, while in central areas military and government facilities that have been secure for generations have been hit by rocket attacks and a wave of small, unexplained blasts. There have been no claims of responsibility for the explosions. 'HANDMADE BOMBS': Khit Thit media reported a blast outside a police barracks in Yangon early on Sunday. Vehicles were ablaze it said, but it gave no information on any casualties. Later, two more blasts went off in the city, with one, outside an administration official's home, wounding one person, the Irrawaddy reported. A news portal in Shan State reported a blast outside the home of a prominent businessman. The state-run broadcaster in its evening news bulletin on Saturday gave details of at least 11 explosions over the previous 36 hours, mostly in Yangon. "Some rioters who do not want stability of the state have been throwing and planting handmade bombs at government buildings and on public roads," the broadcaster said. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says security forces have killed at least 759 protesters since the coup. Reuters is unable to confirm the toll. The military, which ruled for almost 50 years until launching a tentative reform process a decade ago, acknowledged in mid-April the death of 248 protesters, saying they were killed after they initiated violence. The protests and a civil disobedience campaign of strikes have crippled the economy and raised the prospect of 25 million people sliding into poverty, the U.N. Development Programme has warned. read more The military said it had to seize power because its complaints of fraud in a November election won by Suu Kyi's party were not addressed by an election commission that deemed the vote fair. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup along with many other members of her party..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar military junta targets media in post-coup crackdown | DW News
Description: "In Myanmar, news is emerging that security forces have shot dead eight people - during a confrontation with opponents of the recent military coup. Local news outlet Myanmar Now says seven people were killed in the central town of Aungban. Mobile phone footage from the scene shows that people have also been wounded. One person died of their injuries after being taken to a nearby hospital. News like this is increasingly hard to get out, as Myanmar's military continues a brutal crackdown on dissent. That crackdown has affected protesters and the media itself. The UN says at least five local news outlets have had their license revoked - including Myanmar Now. In addition, more than 30 journalists have been arrested. Kay Zon Nwe is one of the local reporters and editors who were taken into custody, sometimes under threat of death. Members of the foreign press have also been targets, such as Thein Zaw — a photographer for the Associated Press. It's believed many jailed journalists are awaiting trial at Inn Sein prison, a facility that's notorious for human rights abuses. They could face three-year jail sentences on charges of spreading false information. Video shows police officers in Yangon charging after anti-military demonstrators – and a journalist taking photos of it all. Several police surround Thein Zaw as he tries to get away. One puts him in a chokehold. He’s then handcuffed and dragged off. This happened in late February. Thein Zaw's pictures were to be sent to his employer, the global news agency AP. Outlets, like DW, then buy this material. So journalists like him are critical for international media to be able to report on Myanmar. Instead, Thein Zaw is now behind bars. He and a growing number of journalists and media workers are facing up to three years in jail – under vague charges of violating a public order law. It's estimated over 200 people have been killed in a brutal crackdown on largely peaceful protests, since the military's takeover on February 1. Getting information is becoming trickier, too. The military regularly shuts the internet down, and it's blocked some social media sites. It's also withdrawn the licenses of five major media outlets. A decade after the end of the junta in Myanmar - the military is back in charge. It's a major setback for press freedom. And for journalists on the ground, it means facing censorship, threats and intimidation once again..."
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Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-03-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar rebel group says shoots down military helicopter
Description: "The Kachin Independence Army (KIA), one of Myanmar's most powerful rebel groups, said on Monday it had shot down a helicopter after returning fire following air strikes by the military, an official at the group said. The United Nations estimates that tens of thousands of civilians have fled their homes as a result of the fighting between the military and ethnic minority insurgents in remote northern and eastern frontier regions. The conflict intensified after Myanmar's generals seized power on Feb.1, ousting the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The KIA's information department head, Naw Bu, said the helicopter was shot down around 10:20 a.m. at a village near the town of Moemauk in Kachin province. "The military council launched air strikes in that area since around 8 or 9 this morning ... using jet fighters and also fired shots using a helicopter so we shot back at them," he said by telephone. He declined to say what weapons were used. News portals MizzimaDaily and Kachinwaves also reported the downing of the helicopter next to photographs showing a plume of smoke coming from the ground. A resident in the area, who declined to be named, said by telephone that four people had died in hospital after artillery shells hit a monastery in the village. Reuters could not independently verify the reports and a military spokesman did not answer a phone call seeking comment. Myanmar has been in turmoil since the coup, with protests almost daily against military rule across the country. On Sunday, Myanmar security forces opened fire on some of the biggest protests in days, killing eight people, media reported. The protests, after a spell of dwindling crowds and what appeared to be more restraint by the security forces, were coordinated with demonstrations in Myanmar communities around the world to mark what organisers called "the global Myanmar spring revolution". The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says security forces have killed at least 765 protesters since the coup. Reuters is unable to confirm the toll. The military said it had to seize power because its complaints of fraud in a November election won by Suu Kyi's party were not addressed by an election commission that deemed the vote fair. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup along with many other members of her party..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Future of the Country is at Stake - Briefing by UN Humanitarian Coordinator (19 March 2021)
Description: "Press Conference: Acting Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for the United Nations in Myanmar, Mr. Andrew Kirkwood. UN Acting Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar Andrew Kirkwood said the “future of the country is at stake” adding that the current crisis also has “important regional implications.” Speaking at a virtual press conference from his residence in Myanmar’s capital Yangon, Kirkwood said there was a curfew being imposed by the military across most of the country, adding that people were living in fear particularly at night, when the night raids start and people are dragged from their homes. He said at least 2,400 people have been arrested for their suspected participation in protests, the vast majority held incommunicado, adding that there are increasing reports of sexual-based violence against detainees. Kirkwood said, “At least 211 have been killed in the last 7 weeks and possibly many more. And this includes at least 15 children some as young as 14. And I think it is really important to emphasize that many of these people have been killed through gunshots to the head by snipers for peaceful demonstrations.” The acting UN Resident Coordinator said the army and police have “definitely increased the violence over the last couple of weeks in an attempt to get control of the situation, but the protests and the resistance continues. It's led by doctors and nurses and teachers and truck drivers and farmers who have all coalesced under this civil disobedience movement, the CDM.” Kirkwood emphasized that the situation could get worse and spin out of control. He said some two million people are living under martial law in and around Yangon, leading tens of thousands to flee those areas. He said he was very worried about an impending humanitarian crisis as the public health systems have practically collapsed. Security forces occupied 36 hospitals around the country and some patients were evicted. This is in addition to an ongoing banking crisis causing major disruptions to supply chains, Kirkwood said. The UN official noted that, even before coup, the UN was providing urgent humanitarian assistance to over one million people, adding that the coup complicated that. He expressed concern over an increasing number of people requiring humanitarian assistance, with nearly all COVID-19 testing and treatment halted. Kirkwood said the UN was focusing on providing humanitarian assistance across the country wherever it can under the circumstances. He said the country team has had very little contact with the military, which is kept strictly to what is needed to continue humanitarian operations. The acting UN Resident Coordinator said there were huge expectation by the people of Myanmar from the UN and the entire international community. He said what is needed is collective member state action in the Security Council. He added, “I think that the Secretary-General has been clear, the Special Envoy has been clear, many others have been clear, and we've consistently clear in country in our messaging. The killing has got to stop. The arbitrary detentions really have to stop. And there has to be respect by the authorities of fundamental freedoms and human rights. That said, we are doing everything we can in the current situation and there is still frustration among the people here that the international community hasn't done more to date.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: United Nations (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-03-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar's media under pressure from all sides
Description: "The Burmese military regime has routinely arrested journalists and banned independent media. But reporters continue to work underground — under pressure from the ruling junta, but also from the opposition. Myanmar's military government, which overthrew the elected government on February 1, continues to violently crack down on protesters and the opposition movement. At the same time, it has also been trying to gain control over information. Step by step, authorities have restricted access to social media and the internet. On February 4, Facebook, Facebook Messenger and WhatsApp were blocked, followed the day after by Twitter and Instagram. Blocking Facebook was a crucial move: about half of the country's residents used the social media giant as their main news source. The military has also imposed nationwide internet blockades since February 15, which have regularly lasted from 1 a.m. to 9 a.m. Mobile internet has been shut down since March 15, with only broadband connections providing access to the internet. For a few days now, the nightly shutdown has no longer applied to these connections. But the move worked: large parts of the population now receive their news almost exclusively from sources permitted by the military. State media holds a monopoly In addition to cutting off online communication, the state television station MRTV has been brought into line. The broadcaster now regularly shows photos of activists and demonstrators, naming them as alleged enemies of the state. Military broadcaster Myawaddy TV recently announced that for the first time in 30 years, 19 people had been sentenced to death for killing a soldier. And the state-owned newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar has reported in detail the military's legal and moral obligations for ousting the elected government. Meanwhile, independent or private media outlets such as Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma, Khit Thit Media, Myanmar Now, 7Day News and others have been banned. Most have retreated to parts of the country controlled by ethnic minorities and their troops, such as Karen state on the border with Thailand. From there, they continue to publish their views against the military government. Journalists are in hiding According to Human Rights Watch, some 48 journalists are currently in detention; 23 others were detained but have since been released. Most have been accused of violating a new section of the penal code which criminalizes the dissemination of "statements, rumors or reports" that can lead to fear among the population and may incite people to "attack the state and public order" or to lead to "attacks between different classes and communities." DW spoke with several journalists, who cannot be named for security reasons. They have not slept in their homes for weeks, and fear being arrested during nightly searches by the military — as was the case with Kaung Myat Hlaing of the Democratic Voice of Burma. The journalist from the southern coastal town of Myeik livestreamed police shooting near his apartment as they detained him in a crackdown on March 1. He remains in custody. "I'm doing well, so far," one journalist told DW, who has moved from place to place living with other reporters. "But the nights have their terrors." As soon as the barking of stray dogs or the banging of pots by neighbors announce that the military is moving into the neighborhood, they instantly turn off their computers and lights in the hope staying hidden. "We talk a lot about work. It's easier to bear the situation in a group," one said. "But many journalist friends have left the military-controlled areas and taken off to support the underground or exile media." Underground media forced self-censor But it's not just the military putting pressure on the media. Most local media reporting from the underground cannot afford to take a neutral position on the situation without incurring the wrath of the protesters. For example: Instead of using the military government's self-imposed name, "State Administrative Council," they write "State Terrorist Council." People are not "arrested" by the security forces, but "kidnapped." "It's no longer possible to write a report or analysis without making a clear commitment to the revolution or the military," one journalist told DW. The problem, he said, is that now many journalists no longer write what is happening, but what people want to hear. Basically, he said, almost all local media outlets have an agenda: instead of journalism, it's about activism. "I have decided to stop writing anything for the time being, because every statement is misinterpreted," he said. As a result of this polarization, only supporters of the military or supporters of the revolution get a chance to speak. But there are also people in Myanmar who, while not friends of the military, also don't want a revolution. They fear the complete collapse of the state and years of chaos. One university official told DW that he hoped the situation would soon stabilize, and that banks would reopen and it would finally be possible to go back to work. Even if that stabilization meant stopping the protests against the military..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Karen State Remains Defiant Amid Military Attacks
Description: "With Myanmar’s military coup now three months old, there are few corners of the Southeast Asian country that haven’t been affected by its aftermath. Hundreds of thousands have revolted against the military’s action nationwide, but the armed forces have responded forcefully by detaining thousands and leaving more than 750 dead, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma. But in recent weeks, with mass street demonstrations waning, the uprising has entered a new phase in old territory, throughout Myanmar’s ethnic minority-held states. In Myanmar’s Karen state, officially Kayin state, conflict isn’t new. Like others, the country’s third-largest ethnic group has endured severe conflict for more than seven decades, largely over ethnically based hostilities. Additionally, fighting against Myanmar’s Tatmadaw armed forces has also been a long battle, but today a resurgent military is forcing the Karen to further defend their territory. A month ago on March 31, according to a report by Singapore broadcaster CNA, the junta, officially the State Administration Council, announced a one-month cease-fire across Myanmar. But according to Dave Eubank, the director of the humanitarian service group Free Burma Rangers, which operates in Myanmar, that promise hasn’t been kept, as attacks from the military have continued. “The Burma army said there’s a cease-fire. There is no cease-fire there,” he told VOA this month. Decades of animosity: The Karen National Union (KNU) is a political organization that says it represents the Karen people, who have their own unique languages, customs and administrative system. Myanmar, then called Burma, gained independence from Britain in 1948. Since then, the Karen have been in conflict with the central government over calls for independence and for a federal system to be implemented. Decades of animosity have endured between various ethnic groups, including the Karen, and the Bamar people, also called Burmans, the dominant ethnic group in Myanmar. But with the coup sparking huge anger throughout the country, there are signs that the military could eventually face a united opposition. The head of Foreign Affairs Department for the KNU, Padoh Saw Taw Nee, said it’s been a “dream” for all ethnic states within Myanmar to align, despite their differences, but he acknowledged it’s a complicated situation. “That is the future we dream for several years, but for it to come true, it’s very difficult,” he said. But for now, the spokesperson acknowledged that fighting back against the advancing military was a necessity. “According to our experience, there will be a way to support pressure to the government, the military way, and the political and social … all kinds of ways, with a need to push against the military," he said. "We need to push the military regime to the table for dialogue.” Padoh Saw Taw Nee said there had been more than “200 casualties” among the Karen as a result of “shelling with heavy weapons” from the military. “If you couldn’t tackle this issue very carefully, there will be kind of a civil war. ... There will be a lot of consequences to our country,” he added. Ground attacks within the Karen have been happening since the end of 2020, according to local reports.....Population fearful: Airstrikes and reconnaissance flights are instilling terror into the locals on the ground, inside sources have told VOA. Lieutenant Colonel Saw Kyi Kyaw of the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council told VOA that the organization’s mission was to “make peace” but that it would fight back if necessary. “We will not attack anyone, but if Tatmadaw starts attacking us, we will fight back to defend ourselves,” he said. In recent days, the Karen took control of a military outpost near the Thai-Myanmar border, according to a Reuters report. But when VOA spoke earlier this month to Saw Thuebee of the Karen Peace Support Network, a civil society group supporting vulnerable communities in the region, he said the Karen already were facing a humanitarian crisis because of the thousands of internally displaced people. Saw Thuebee called on Myanmar’s neighbor to help those in need. “We are hoping and requesting [that] the Thailand government launch the materials across the border so that we can continue to provide humanitarian assistance" to internally displaced people, he said.....Widespread hunger: The United Nations said last week that “millions” faced hunger in the country amid the violence. Myanmar was under military rule for most of its modern history until 2011. In last November’s general elections, the military claimed unsubstantiated electoral fraud. On February 1, the military removed the National League for Democracy government. Leader Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint were detained and have since been additionally charged. The armed forces have been deployed to suppress street protests, while martial law has been imposed across the country. The junta has implemented daily internet shutdowns for the sake of the country’s “stability.”
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Source/publisher: "VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s UN envoy Kyaw Moe Tun: ‘I’m proud to have been charged with high treason’ by junta
Description: "On February 26, Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, Kyaw Moe Tun, made a sudden and unexpected move: he declared his employer – the military junta – the illegitimate ruler of Myanmar in front of the UN assembly. In an exclusive interview with FRANCE 24, the diplomat describes what went through his mind before making the fateful speech, and why targeted sanctions are needed against a junta he says is “committing crimes against humanity”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "France24" ( Paris)
Date of publication: 2021-03-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: They are hunted and in hiding but Myanmar's journalists continue to report the truth
Description: "Journalist Ye Wint Thu was already on the run when his name and photo appeared on a wanted list broadcast by Myanmar's military junta. For weeks, he had been documenting protests in Yangon against the military coup. But in early March, after a colleague was violently arrested in the south of the country, and the junta revoked the licenses of five prominent media organizations, his included, he got word that he should go into hiding. "I got a call from my source saying I should run right now because they are going to arrest you tonight," said Ye Wint Thu, who is in his late 30s. He stuffed what he could into bags — his laptops, work projects and important documents — and fled with his wife. Since then, they have stayed with friends, family and colleagues, moving each night to evade the security forces who regularly conduct nighttime raids of suspected safe houses. Ye Wint Thu's story is not a one-off. Journalists across Myanmar are being attacked by the military junta merely for doing their jobs. More than 80 journalists have been arrested since the coup on February 1, with more than half of those still in detention, according to a statement from Western embassies in Myanmar. Offices of newspapers and online media have been raided. A nightly news bulletin on state TV broadcasts the names and images of those sought by the junta. Many of them, like Ye Wint Thu, are journalists. Some have been hauled off to secretive military interrogation centers and charged with crimes under section 505a — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison for publishing or circulating comments that "cause fear" or spread "false news." Braving bullets and potential torture if they are captured, Myanmar's reporters are continuing to expose alleged atrocities by the junta against its own people. And alongside the muzzled media, citizen journalists are taking great risks to gather information, while activists secretly publish and distribute revolutionary newsletters and pamphlets. "What's happening in Myanmar is a humanitarian crisis of the press," said Shawn Crispin, senior Southeast Asia representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists. "As global condemnation of the coup rose, it's becoming clear that the [military junta] want to suppress the news and to suppress coverage on what they're doing to the pro democracy demonstrators. And so they're going after the press." 'I could die on the street': Before the coup on February 1, Ye Wint Thu traveled around Myanmar producing and anchoring a current affairs TV program for independent media outlet Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). Now, he said, most journalists and editors he knows have gone underground as it's too dangerous to be on the streets......"I could die on the street.: Someone could shoot at me or I could get arrested. On the streets, there's a lot of informants and a lot of people who I don't know, so I might get killed," he said. During one crackdown in Yangon's Hledan, a district which had become a flashpoint for protests, Ye Wint Thu described running from security forces who were shooting at protesters. He sought shelter in a migrant hostel. "I had to hide in a small bedroom because the soldiers and police were shooting and were trying to catch people on the streets," he said. Despite knowing that he's wanted by the junta, Ye Wint Thu said he won't stop working. "Most of the journalists are on the run, like me. They can't do their jobs freely," he said. "All I can do now is conduct interviews here and make phone calls ... We can't stop, it's really important for the people of Burma," he said, using another name for Myanmar. In downtown Yangon, DVB's office has been sealed shut. The staff managed to recover essential broadcast equipment but the once buzzing newsroom, like most media offices in the city, remains empty. Police regularly check the premises to make sure they aren't broadcasting. The morning of the coup, DVB was taken off the air along with all other independent TV channels. The news organization switched to broadcasting via satellite but the junta issued an order for citizens to remove the PSI satellite dishes that carried their channel. Now, while they look for another satellite to broadcast from, DVB is relying on getting information out via its website and YouTube pages, as well through Facebook where it has 14 million followers. "We never stopped, not even for a single day," said Toe Zaw Latt, DVB's operations director who recently fled the city......A network of safe houses: Upon seizing power, the military cut all access to mobile data and wireless broadband, and until last week completely shut down the internet each night. Toe Zaw Latt said the junta's attempt to control all media and communication has created an "information vacuum" in the country, which it attempts to fill with military propaganda. Journalists move carefully through a network of safe houses, plotting their routes before they go out to avoid military checkpoints. If they're stopped, security forces search their phones and cameras — any images of protests or the ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi can be cause for arrest. "Every day, once you decide to leave, you know that you may never make it back to your room or your safe house. But it is your decision," Toe Zaw Latt said. Toe Zaw Latt tells his reporters: "Don't stay long on the ground, get the story, get out. Shoot and run. Cover your identity. Don't risk your life. There will be stories all the time. If it is too risky, don't take that risk." They operate in small networks for their safety, and there are no bylines on news articles. Even uploading footage is dangerous, as the journalists often have to find someone willing to allow them to use their network. "You have to make the file size very small, you have to upload to a particular network to get it out of Myanmar. Then people outside will access the cloud and upload," Toe Zaw Latt said. "I had to take risk on a daily basis to get internet access. You have to share [network connection] and you cannot let them know you are uploading files, as it is very scary." Toe Zaw Latt is part of an old guard of exiled Myanmar media workers. For half a century, Myanmar was ruled by successive military dictators until economic and political reforms began in 2011. For years, DVB relied on a clandestine network of video journalists who would bravely sneak footage out of the country so independent news could be broadcast into Myanmar. Following the abolishment of pre-publication censorship in 2012, exiled media organizations that operated in Thailand or Europe began slowly moving back. Once blacklisted, journalists could now interview government ministers and report openly in the country. In 2013, daily independent newspapers were allowed to publish for the first time since military rule. From 2015, under Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian National League for Democracy government, TV news channels like DVB were granted licenses, but journalists were still targeted with colonial era laws and defamation. Press freedom was not great, journalists said, but it was better. And there was hope it would continue to improve. Myanmar ranks 140 out of 180 in the 2021 World Press Freedom Index, dropping one place from the year before. Now, they have been forced to go back underground. Toe Zaw Latt said four DVB journalists have been arrested since the coup. The former exiled journalists pass down their knowledge and experience to the younger generation who have suddenly found themselves the public enemy of a murderous regime intent on wiping out the truth and replacing it with its own. As it's too dangerous for many to be out on the streets, media workers both inside and outside the country are relying on the bravery of citizen journalists. These are normal people filming or photographing, posting on social media and sending information to reporters. Their videos, often shot from behind windows or walls, provide evidence of the military's shootings, beatings and other human rights abuses and counter the official narrative that security forces are using "minimum force" or independent media is "fake news." "Lots of citizen journalists know that these kind of records are really important," said Toe Zaw Latt. "The [junta has been] accused of crimes against humanity. The more remote, the more abuses because no one is watching," he said. He described one instance where a man walked for 24 hours to reach a place with network connectivity so he could send a few photos about a conflict in this home state. "They want to take a risk to tell the stories," he said.....Sacrificing freedom to report: For some that mental and emotional toll is great. Journalists say they wrestle with guilt and grief at leaving family and partners behind, or being the reason they have to flee, potentially putting them in danger. "The painful part is, I said I'm sorry a thousand times to my partner. If not because of me, he didn't need to go [into hiding]," said Tin, a journalist for independent online news outlet Myanmar Now, who is using a pseudonym for her safety. "When I go to sleep I just wish I could see a different morning, another day," said Tin. "The coup happened around 3 a.m. or 4 a.m. We woke up to the coup and woke up to the news. So whenever I go to sleep I wish that tomorrow morning I can see something different." Tin said she feels guilty thinking about her hardships when others are going through so much worse. She draws strength when she thinks of the 760 people killed by the military since the coup. "I keep reminding myself these are not just numbers, these are lives and families behind those numbers," she said. Known for its investigations and hard-hitting features, Myanmar Now has been a loud and critical voice publishing in Burmese and English. International media, including CNN, often rely on its reporting, which has included reports on military's finances and business dealings with cronies and foreign ventures. That has drawn the ire of the military. In mid-March, Myanmar Now's office was raided by security forces. Along with DVB, Myanmar Now was one of five to have their publishing license revoked. But Tin said they have adapted to the challenging environment in ways they never thought they'd have to. "A lot of time phone calls don't work. Or in areas where security forces are shooting, you can hear loud bangs or running or shooting. It has been difficult to get information so we keep calling around midnight or 11 p.m. when we think there should no longer be shooting," she said. Tin said journalists are now faced with two choices: "If you want to keep reporting, you have to be exiled or in a place where they can't find you," she said. "You have to sacrifice freedom to report.".....Military courts: That lack of freedom is something Brang Mai struggles with daily. Brang Mai founded Myitkyina News Journal, an independent weekly, in 2012 with 30 employees covering the northern state of Kachin. On April 29, the military revoked the journal's publishing license. "Everything is online. It's very dangerous to print, and we cannot find a place to work," he said. Since the coup, three of his journalists have been arrested, and it has been a struggle to find out where they are, Brang Mai said. Once charged, trials are held, not in civilian courts, but within the prison walls, in secretive, military-run hearings. The CPJ's Crispin said Myanmar's jails and prisons are like a "black box." "Many just disappear inside prison, they're not given access to their families, they're not given access to lawyers, the news organizations are not allowed to contact them, so it's becoming a real black box as to what's happening to many journalists that are that are in jail," he said. Brang Mai spends his days frantically organizing lawyers for his detained reporters, arranging security for their families and his other staff, hiring trustworthy drivers, and seeking out safe houses. He moved back to his home town of Myitkyina to report on the country's opening up, but now fears being forced back into exile. "We never thought that this would happen again. What we facing here is unbelievable," Brang Mai said. "All of a sudden everything vanished within a day or two. If we move out to another country, maybe we get asylum, we just have to restart from basics again.".....Rise of alternative media: While some face the prospect of going into exile, others are creating new forms of media. Subverting the junta's internet cuts and suppression of information, Myanmar's young people are printing underground newsletters and pamphlets and secretly distributing them in the streets. Some have revolutionary names like Molotov. Others, thrown from bridges or stuck to lampposts, feature news of the coup, arrests, military abuses, and even poems. Activists have now launched a short wave radio station to reach the public and each other. Federal FM, formed in April by a group of activist volunteers, broadcasts news and updates on the political situation. "Radio is one of most important things for public information because we know military is cutting internet and phones and news agencies their satellite has been taken away. So I know radio is the only way to inform the public about what's going on," said Nway Oo, presenter for Federal FM who uses a pseudonym for safety. Federal FM is broadcast on 90.2 MHz on Thursdays and Sundays in Yangon and Mandalay, and aims to expand all over the country. Set up by members of the ethnic protest group General Strike Committee of Nationalities, their mission is to educate listeners about federalism — and hold the newly formed National Unity Government to account. "From radio we are able to criticize and express our aims or goals for a federal union," Nway Oo said. Their purpose, she said is to "support the revolution by giving people the news and the peoples' voice.".....Myanmar's journalists say they won't abandon the people: DVB's Toe Zaw Latt last month made the difficult decision to leave Yangon. The security situation there was untenable, he said. The military had re-imposed household registrations, a hangover from military rule where all house guests have to be registered so the military can keep tabs on who is staying where. "They make it harder to hide. They know student leaders and celebrities are on the run, so it's to chase them down," he said. Toe Zaw Latt, an Australian citizen, managed to make it to the airport and fly out last month. He is now in Australian quarantine. "This is not over. There is a coup, there is a huge army with guns, but we are not going to give up. For journalists, of course, there is danger, we are facing huge difficulties, but we are not going to give up," he said. For Ye Wint Thu, what's happening to his country is not new. He was four years old when his father was imprisoned for 10 years for being a democracy activist following the 1988 failed uprising against the then-military regime. This time, he believes the younger generation will not give up. "They will keep protesting. Generation Z, they are the hope of the country of Burma," he said. Like many journalists in Myanmar, Ye Wint Thu is determined to keep reporting. "I can't plan at all because things are changing every day," he said. "[But] I'll stick as long as I can inside Burma, and do my job as best as I can."..."
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Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 2 May, (765) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. (2) from Hsipaw Town and Nawngcho Town in Shan State, (1) from Hpakant Town in Kachin State and (2) from Wetlet Town in Sagaing Region died on 2 May. (1) from Kutkai Town in Shan State was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 2, a total of (3555) people are currently under detention; of them (82) are sentenced. 1396 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On 2 May, across the world and inside Burma, people powerfully protested the coup regime on the Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Day. Since the ASEAN leaders meeting, junta forces continue to perpetrate violence, today was the bloodiest day since the ASEAN meeting, at least five civilians were killed in one day. This is alongside increasing arrests. Two people were killed, and three others injured during a violent crackdown at an anti-dictatorship protest today in Hsipaw Town and Naungcho Town, Shan State. The Hpakant strike was repressed with live ammunition, mines, and hand grenades. One protester was shot dead in Hpakant, Kachin State. More than 20 people were injured and chased forcing the protestors to hide. There is great concern for these injured protesters’ access to medical treatment. Terrorists also arrested more than 10 civilians by breaking and destroying house doors in Hpakant. The junta also opened fire whilst people were gathering to begin a protest in Wetlet Town, Sagaing Region. Two men were shot dead, and eight others injured. The terrorist troops are now wearing plain clothes, carrying combat weapons, and arresting protestors so it is less easy to be recognized by civilians. Junta forces are also hiding to ambush and shoot. Two civilians were killed and at least five others were arrested today by this way in Mandalay City. AAPP is consolidating further information to verify this. Junta forces went to the Eain Phyu Taw spare auto parts store to allegedly buy car tires in Kutkai Town, Shan State on 1 May. The victim’s mother said the store was closed and they had stopped selling because of the ending of the fasting period. The victim’s mother was dragged into a car by the junta forces and an argument between the son and the terrorists broke out, he was then shot twice in the chest and died. Aside from all this, today the terrorist group crackdown on protests and arrested civilians in Mogaung Town, Kachin State, Mawlamyine City, Mon State, Mandalay and Pyugyidagun Townships, Mandalay Region, Monywa City, Sagaing Region, and Hlaing, Insein, and North Okkalapa Townships, Yangon Region. Some civilians across the country were injured. Arrests are made in plain clothes and the terrorist group has consistently used private vehicles, military trucks, and motorbikes to oppress civilians. Today, strikes were attacked using military trucks and private vehicles in Naungcho Town, Shan State, Shwebo Town, Sagaing Region and Eaindu Town, Karen State. More than 50 motorbikes were confiscated from youth protesters during the Eaindu protest. The junta stormed a school for the blind based in the Khawel Chan, Yangon Region last April and raided a girl orphanage house on Byaing Yay Oe Zin Street on 1 May nighttime in Tamwe Township, Yangon Region. During the raid, the door of the shelter was stormed and destroyed, the young women living in the shelter were taken out one by one. As of now, it has not been confirmed regarding arrests. Although Myanmar ratified to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), these rights have been dismantled by the dictatorship, women are suffering from both mental and physical insecurity. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-04-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Coup Highlights in 90 Days
Description: "Myanmar has now been under military rule for three months. Here is a timeline of the major events since Feb 1. Feb 1: Myanmar’s military seizes power in a coup claiming the 2020 November general election that brought a landslide victory to the National League for Democracy (NLD) was marred by fraud. It arrests the leaders of the democratically elected government, including President U Win Myint, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and region and state ministers. The military announces a yearlong state of emergency and says a new election will be held and power transferred to the winner. Feb 2: Myanmar’s people bang pots and pans to protest against the coup. This form of protest has been taking place at 8 pm daily across the country ever since. Myanmar’s military forms the State Administrative Council (SAC) with military officers and selected civilians replacing NLD ministers. Feb 3: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is charged under the Export and Import Law and Natural Disaster Management Law and remanded in custody. Additional charges are later filed against her under the Telecommunications Law, sedition law and Natural Disaster Management Law in Naypyitaw. She also faces a charge under the Official Secrets Act in Yangon Eastern District. She faces a total of six charges and has not been allowed to meet her lawyers in person. The military blocks access to Facebook, the primary means of access to the internet for the overwhelming majority in Myanmar. It is later followed by overnight internet shutdowns, which have since been lifted. Feb 4: Led by 32-year-old Dr. Tayzar San, around 20 people took to the streets against the military regime in Mandalay. The street protests from Mandalay then spread across the country. Feb 5: The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a body representing the elected NLD lawmakers from the 2020 November election, is formed. Feb 6: Anti-regime protests begin in Yangon and other cities, followed by a total internet blackout which is lifted the following day. Feb 8: Many civil servants come out on strike and join the civil disobedience movement (CDM). Mass protests with hundreds of thousands of protesters take place in Yangon, Mandalay, Naypyitaw and other cities. Some private banks have to close as their employees join the CDM. Myanmar’s military imposes a ban on gatherings of more than five people in Yangon and other areas. Feb 9: Ma Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, 19, is shot in the head as police open fire on anti-regime protesters in Naypyitaw. She later dies of brain injuries. Feb 11: People, including celebrities, stage a protest outside the Chinese Embassy in Yangon in response to alleged Chinese support for Myanmar’s military. Protests continue daily outside the embassy until Feb 20. Feb 13: People protest outside the offices of United Nations agencies and the US Embassy in Yangon, calling on the international community to take action against the SAC. Feb 15: In an interview with Myanmar’s media, Chinese ambassador Chen Hai says the political situation in Myanmar is “absolutely not what China wants to see” and dismisses social media rumors of Chinese involvement in the Feb. 1 coup as “complete nonsense”. Feb 19: Ma Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, who was shot in the head in the first shooting of junta forces, dies at a 1,000-bed public hospital in Naypyitaw, becoming the first victim to be shot dead since the coup. The SAC says she was shot by fellow protesters. Feb 22: In what the biggest day so far of defiance since the coup, large crowds of protesters joined a general strike against the junta, closing businesses and flooding on to streets across the country. The protests are referred to as the “five twos revolution”, a reference to the date 22.2.2021. Feb 24: Facebook and Instagram ban Myanmar’s military and military-controlled state media, citing “exceptionally severe human rights abuses and the clear risk of future military-initiated violence in Myanmar”. Feb 26: The military-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) meets political parties in Naypyitaw during which UCE chairman U Thein Soe says the results of the 2020 general election are invalid. Leaders of some political parties that did not win a single seat in the November poll ask the UEC to abolish the NLD. Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, U Kyaw Moe Tun, in his speech to the General Assembly’s informal meeting on Myanmar, called on the international community to “use any means necessary” to reverse the coup and protect the country’s people. He flashes a three-finger salute, a sign of protest, while addressing the meeting. Feb 27: The junta announces the dismissal of U Kyaw Moe Tun, saying the envoy “betrayed the country and had spoken for an unofficial organization which doesn’t represent the country and had abused the power and responsibilities of an ambassador”. U Kyaw Moe Tun later sends a letter to the president of the UN General Assembly to say that he still holds the post. March 3: More than 30 are killed in at least four cities in one of the bloodiest days since the coup as soldiers and police fire live rounds into crowds of protesters. March 6: Junta forces detain ward-level NLD chairman U Khin Maung Latt in Yangon’s Pabedan Township. His dead body is returned the following day. Dozens of similar cases follow as activists and protest leaders die overnight in military custody. March 8: The SAC revoked the licenses of five media outlets, Mizzima, DVB, 7 Days, Myanmar Now and Khit Thit Media. Junta forces abduct U Zaw Myat Lin, manager of a vocational institute run by the NLD in Yangon’s Shwepyithar Township. His dead body is returned the following day. March 11: Myanmar’s military regime sues The Irrawaddy for its Feb. 20 video showing the police asking for 13 million kyats (US$9,200) from relatives to release striking doctors detained at an anti-regime protest. March 14: In another of the deadliest days since the coup, more than 50 people die in Yangon’s Hlaingtharyar Township as the security forces carry out a murderous crackdown on anti-regime protesters. Some Chinese-owned factories were set on fire in Hlaing Tharyar and Shwepyithar. The Chinese Embassy urges Myanmar’s authorities to take measures to ensure the safety of Chinese citizens, projects and businesses. The military council declares martial law in Hlaing Tharyar and Shwepyithar. March 15: Martial law is declared in North Dagon, South Dagon, Dagon Seikkan and North Okkalapa townships in Yangon and five townships in Mandalay. The junta blocks mobile internet access, the primary source of internet for the majority in Myanmar. Mobile internet access remains unavailable until May 1. March 21: The Home Affairs Ministry declares the CRPH and its related organizations to be unlawful associations. March 27: The military regime holds Armed Forces Day in Naypyitaw. More than 100 protesters are killed across the country on the bloodiest day of the protests to date as people fill the streets, defying a military warning that they could be shot “in the head and back”. The UN human rights high commissioner’s office said it had received reports of “scores killed”, adding that “this violence is compounding the illegitimacy of the coup and the culpability of its leaders”. March 31: The CRPH says it will abolish the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. April 1: A striking policeman leads civilians to attack a police outpost in Tamu, Sagaing Region. The policeman dies in the attack that sees the four junta police officers killed. The military regime blocks wireless internet access, making fiber internet the only means to get online in the country. April 4: The European Union announces the suspension of all the development projects in Myanmar. Apr 8: Eleven people die and dozens are injured as junta forces impose a violent crackdown in Taze, Sagaing Region, where anti-regime protests are gaining momentum. April 9: At least 82 people are killed as junta security forces raid a protest camp in Bago where anti-regime protesters have rallied each day against the coup for 68 consecutive days. Many people are detained during the raid that forces more than 1,000 people from their homes. April 10: At least eight police officers are killed as the tripartite Brotherhood Alliance of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and Arakan Army attacks a police outpost in Lashio, northern Shan State. April 15: Prominent protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing in Monywa is detained after his motorbike is rammed by junta forces in a private car. The 26-year-old activist faces 10 charges, including high treason. April 16: The CRPH forms the National Unity Government (NUG), with President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi taking their original positions, and ethnic leaders and activists appointed as ministers. The Home Affairs Ministry later declares the NUG to be an unlawful association. The junta also says it will blacklist striking doctors which it has sued for incitement. April 24: In his first foreign trip since the coup, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attends the ASEAN summit on Myanmar in Jakarta. A five-point consensus is reached on ending violence, facilitating a constructive dialogue between all parties, a special ASEAN envoy to facilitate the dialogue, acceptance of aid and a visit by an envoy to Myanmar. Myanmar’s people express their disappointment as the leaders fail to mention the release of political prisoners. ​ April 26: Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing says he will carefully consider ASEAN leaders’ recommended steps for solving the crisis after the situation stabilizes. A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman says: “China will maintain close communication with ASEAN and support its mediation efforts while reaching out to all parties in Myanmar in its own way, so as to secure an early ‘soft landing’ for the situation in Myanmar.” April 29: Airbases in Magwe and Meiktila are attacked with rockets. April 30: The Assistance Association of Political Prisoners said 759 people have been killed, 3,485 are in detention out of 4,537 detained while 1,316 warrants have been issued by the regime since the February coup..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar journalists granted sanctuary in India
Sub-title: Junta forces Burmese media underground and into exile again
Description: "An Indian court has granted sanctuary to two Burmese journalists, a colleague and some relatives a month after they fled across the border from Myanmar into Manipur state. They had been lying low in Tengnoupal district. On April 20, the Manipur High Court granted the group safe passage to Imphal, the state capital, and protection from Indian authorities until further notice. They left for Imphal the following day. At first glance, the two men could easily be mistaken for locals in Moreh, a bustling trading hub on the northeastern state's border with Myanmar. The town is an ethnic melting pot with cross-border familial relations that go back centuries. India has always been a friendly neighbor in peace and an ally in crisis to these people. 'Thin,' 44, is a video journalist and 'Lau,' 38, is a webmaster. Both work for Mizzima News, a Burmese media organization that was among the first to lose its operating license after Senior General Min Aung Hlaing staged his coup on Feb. 1. Thin told Nikkei Asia that an arrest warrant had been issued against him under Article 505 (a) of Myanmar's penal code, which criminalizes the publishing or circulation of any "statement, rumor or report, with intent to cause, or which is likely to cause, any officer, soldier, sailor or airman, in the army, navy or air force to mutiny or otherwise disregard or fail in his duty as such." Thin immediately hopped on a bus in Yangon along with a 22-year-old female staff member and Lau, Lau's wife and their three kids. The journey to the Indian border took two nights and three days. They slipped across and joined hundreds of other refugees who fled after the junta, the State Administration Council, embarked on a brutal crackdown on the nationwide civil disobedience movement. Thin and Lau declined to go into detail about their entry route into India. They said they were sheltered for a month by a network of civil society organizations representing local ethnic groups on both sides of the border. Before fleeing, Thin was covering the street protests in Yangon. He barely slept in February, and witnessed some terrible incidents. "I saw a military armored vehicle crush a group of protesters on bicycles," he said. With the loss of Mizzima's satellite channel and reduced access to the internet, Thin said it was becoming increasingly hard to report what was happening on the ground -- and also much more dangerous. "The military junta indiscriminately fired at protesters and jouralists," he said. "I got used to running past dead bodies lying on the ground." According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 759 people had been killed by heavily armed troops and police and 4,537 arrested as of April 30. At least, 71 of those in detention are journalists, according to the United Nations. The porous India-Myanmar border is 1,624 km long and touches the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram and Manipur. In March, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi directed that illegal immigrants found in these four northeastern states should be deported. The Manipur state government duly issued an order to the deputy commissioner of five border districts, including Tengnoupal, to "politely turn away" people seeking refuge. This prompted such a severe backlash that the order was retracted on March 30. Despite the restrictions and border patrols, at least five hundred refugees are believed unofficially to have crossed over into Moreh and other parts of Tengnoupal. Nikkei reached out to district authorities to confirm this, but they declined and said they were not authorized to speak. The Manipur court noted that India is not a signatory to the Geneva Refugee Convention of 1951 or the New York Protocol of 1967. It instead based its ruling on India being signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights, both declared by the U.N. in 1948 and 1966, respectively. Thin told Nikkei that there has been no news about six Mizzima colleagues who were arrested, and their whereabouts are not known. On April 8, Mizzima's co-founder, journalist Thin Thin Aung, was arrested with two colleagues. Soe Myint, Mizzima's editor in chief and co-founder, is still at large. He told Nikkei by email that nothing more has been heard of his colleagues. He confirmed that three of the six Mizzima staffers have been charged under Article 505 (a). "At least one of them, we have confirmed, faced torture," Soe Myint told Nikkei. "The rest, we do not have any contact or trace of them -- we don't know whether they are being tortured or are even alive." For Thin and Lau there is a strong element of deja vu. Both took refuge in India during a shorter prodemocracy uprising in Myanmar in 2007. Lau was 24 at that time. It took him four days to get from Moreh to Delhi, where he obtained a refugee card from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Some of his brethren from Chin state made the same journey, and ended up taking asylum in the West. Lau returned to Myanmar in 2012 and joined Mizzima. "I'm not a journalist but with my background in computer studies, I took the webmaster job because I wanted to fight for democracy in my country," he said. Thin started working at Mizzima in 2008, ten years after Soe Myint and Thin Thin Aung started the news service in Delhi where they were living in exile. They shifted operations to Yangon in 2013 after the government of President Thein Sein, a retired general, allowed private news organizations to operate for the first time in 50 years. Mizzima maintained a good relationship with India throughout, and in 2018 signed a content sharing agreement with Prasar Bharati, India's public service broadcaster. Thin and Lau want to continue reporting the Myanmar crisis from Delhi, and are seeking permission to go there. News of their presence first appeared on April 15, when the All Manipur Working Journalists' Union issued a statement asking the state government to give them "safe passage" to the UNHCR. Acording to Soe Myint, 42 Mizzima journalists are in hiding but still working inside Myanmar, with another 34 in Australia, Canada, India. Norway, Singapore, Thailand and the U.S. "We will be back to where we were in 2011, working in exile, Soe Myint told Nikkei. "We need to work with offices set up in India and our units working underground inside the country." Although the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw recently announced the parallel National Unity Government, there seems to be little chance of the exiled journalists being able to go home any time soon. Thin and Lau are keeping in touch with their network of sources and citizen journalists, many of whom belong to Generation Z -- born between 1995 and 2012 -- and play vital roles reporting developments on social media platforms. "We continue to provide news and information," said Thin. "We don't know where all our colleagues are but each one of us is still working." Soe Myint said that India's support has always been crucial in the fight for democracy and human rights in Myanmar. "We are confident that we will win this battle," he said signing off. "But we need your support and solidarity."..."
Source/publisher: "Nikkei Asian Review" (Japan)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar protesters march three months after coup; U.N. warns of ‘standstill’
Description: "Protesters against military rule marched in Myanmar on Saturday three months after a coup ended a democratic transition, with several small blasts compounding a sense of crisis that a U.N. envoy warned could bring state administration to a halt. The military has tried to end dissent and impose its authority on a people largely opposed to the return of rule by the generals after 10 years of democratic reforms that included a government led by democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite a relentless crackdown in which at least 759 protesters have been killed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) advocacy group, crowds come out day after day to reject the junta. "Our cause, democracy, our cause, a federal union. Free arrested leaders," protesters chanted at one of two rallies in the main city of Yangon. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup the along with many other members of her party. The AAPP says more than 3,400 people have been detained for opposing the military. People also rallied in the second city of Mandalay and the southern town of Dawei, media reported. There were no immediate reports of violence. Media reported several small blasts in different places including Yangon late on Friday and on Saturday. There were no immediate reports of casualties and no claims of responsibility. A spokesman for the junta did not answer calls seeking comment. The military has accused pro-democracy activists of planting bombs. The U.N. special envoy on Myanmar told the Security Council on Friday that in the absence of a collective international response to the coup, violence was worsening and the running of the state risked coming to a standstill, according to diplomats who attended the private meeting. read more Christine Schraner Burgener briefed the 15-member council from Thailand, where she has been meeting regional leaders. She hopes to travel to Myanmar but the military has yet to approve a visit. "The general administration of the state could risk coming to a standstill as the pro-democracy movement continues in spite of the ongoing use of lethal force, arbitrary arrests and torture as part of the military's repression," Schraner Burgener said, according to diplomats. She told diplomats that reports of a continuing crackdown risked undermining momentum toward ending the crisis following a meeting of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on April 25 with the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. Schraner Burgener, expressing concern about rising violence, cited reports of bomb attacks and of civilians, mostly students from the urban areas, getting weapons training from ethnic minority insurgents. U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said Min Aung Hlaing had used the summit as a "propaganda ploy". "Indeed, he tried to appear to be what he is not - a legitimate leader," Andrews said in a post on Twitter. "The good news: Those who ARE legitimate are ready to engage: the National Unity Government." Ousted members of parliament from Suu Kyi's party, politicians representing ethnic minorities and democracy activists set up the unity government but it has yet to win the international recognition it says it is due. The U.N. Security Council reiterated its “deep concern” at the situation and its support for Myanmar’s democratic transition. The council has issued several statements since the coup but diplomats say Russia and China are likely to prevent any stronger council action against Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar swimmer Win Htet Oo: 'Genocidaires do not deserve to be in the Olympics'
Description: "A leading Myanmar swimmer has called for the country's Olympic committee to be expelled from the Olympic Movement, saying "genocidaires do not deserve to be in the Olympics." In a Facebook post, swimmer Win Htet Oo said by rejecting the Myanmar Olympic Committee he had foregone any chance of competing at the Tokyo Olympic Games later this year. Currently training in Melbourne, Win Htet Oo's Facebook profile says he's "a Myanmar swimmer dreaming about Tokyo 2020." The swimmer has been a vocal critic of the Myanmar in recent weeks. "I do not wish to participate in the Tokyo Games under the stewardship of a NOC [National Olympic Committee] that is tied to a regime that continues to inflict suffering on my people," said Win Htet Oo in another Facebook post on April 10. The IOC did not immediately respond to CNN's request for comment, but the organization told AFP that "'to the best of our knowledge,'" Win Htet Oo had not been selected by the Myanmar team. World Swimming Magazine describes Win Htet Oo as one of Myanmar's "top swimmers," who swam for his country at the 2013 and 2019 Southeast Asian Games There is no listing for Win Htet Oo on the website of swimming's governing body (Fédération Internationale De Natation). The Myanmar Olympic Committee did not respond to CNN's request for comment. READ: Protests and demonstrations banned at 2020 Tokyo Olympics In February, Myanmar armed forces commander in chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing seized power, overthrowing the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party and installing a military junta. The following months have seen ongoing protests against his rule and the rise of a Civil Disobedience movement in which thousands of blue- and white-collar workers including doctors, teachers, civil servants and factory workers have gone on strike with the aim of disrupting the economy and unseating the general. Security forces have brutally suppressed the protests with deadly and systematic crackdowns in which police and soldiers have shot people dead in the streets and arbitrarily detained perceived opponents. More than 750 people have been killed by security forces since the coup, and more than 4,500 arrested, according to advocacy group Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. On March 28, UN officials condemned "systematic" attacks on peaceful protesters and called on the international community to "protect the people of Myanmar from atrocity crimes." "The shameful, cowardly, brutal actions of the military and police -- who have been filmed shooting at protesters as they flee, and who have not even spared young children -- must be halted immediately," said Alice Wairimu Nderitu, United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, and Michelle Bachelet, the High Commissioner for Human Rights in a joint statement. READ: Which nation is expected to top Olympic medal table? A UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar in 2018 called for Min Aung Hlaing to be investigated and prosecuted for genocide over his military's brutal crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State in 2017. In his latest Facebook post, Win Htet Oo said he'd been inspired "by the continued defiance to military rule in Myanmar by an intersectional movement that will never submit. Their bravery is undying." "The National Unity Government is the only legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar and all international organisations and governments should recognise the NUG as Myanmar's government," added Win Htet Oo, who swam for New York University between 2012 and 2015..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Seven reported killed as Myanmar protests aim to ‘shake the world’
Description: "Myanmar security forces opened fire on some of the biggest protests against military rule in days on Sunday killing seven people, media reported, three months after a coup plunged the country into crisis. The protests, after a spell of dwindling crowds and what appeared to be more restraint by the security forces, were coordinated with demonstrations in Myanmar communities around the world to mark what organisers called "the global Myanmar spring revolution". "Shake the world with the voice of Myanmar people's unity," the organisers said in a statement. Streams of demonstrators, some led by Buddhist monks, made their way through cities and towns across the country, including the commercial hub of Yangon and the second city of Mandalay, where two people were shot and killed, the Mizzima news agency reported. The Irrawaddy news site earlier posted a photograph of a man it said was a security officer in plain clothes taking aim with a rifle in Mandalay. Two people were killed in the central town of Wetlet, the Myanmar Now news agency said, and two were killed in different towns in Shan State in the northeast, two media outlets reported. One person was also killed in the northern jade-mining town of Hpakant, the Kachin News Group reported. Reuters could not verify the reports and a spokesman for the ruling junta did not answer calls seeking comment. The protests are only one of the problems the generals have brought on with their Feb. 1 ouster of the elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Wars with ethnic minority insurgents in remote frontier regions in the north and east have intensified significantly since the coup, displacing tens of thousands of civilians, according to United Nations estimates. In some places civilians with crude weapons have battled security forces, while in central areas military and government facilities that have been secure for generations have been hit by rocket attacks and a wave of small, unexplained blasts. There have been no claims of responsibility for the explosions. 'HANDMADE BOMBS' Khit Thit media reported a blast outside a police barracks in Yangon early on Sunday. Vehicles were ablaze it said, but it gave no information on any casualties. Later, it reported another blast in the city. A news portal in Shan State reported a blast outside the home of a prominent businessman. The state-run broadcaster in its main evening news bulletin on Saturday gave details of at least 11 explosions over the previous 36 hours, mostly in Yangon. It reported some damage but no casualties. "Some rioters who do not want stability of the state have been throwing and planting handmade bombs at government buildings and on public roads," the broadcaster said. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says security forces have killed at least 759 protesters since the coup. Reuters is unable to confirm the toll. The military, which ruled for almost 50 years until launching a tentative reform process a decade ago, acknowledged in mid-April the death of 248 protesters, saying they were killed after they initiated violence. The protests and a civil disobedience campaign of strikes have crippled the economy and raised the prospect of 25 million people sliding into poverty, the U.N. Development Programme has warned. read more The military said it had to seize power because its complaints of fraud in a November election won by Suu Kyi's party were not addressed by an election commission that deemed the vote fair. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup along with many other members of her party..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: This revolution is about more than who governs Myanmar
Sub-title: While the anti-coup movement is ostensibly about who rules – the military or the people – embedded in it are four tendencies that, with the world’s help, will radically remake Myanmar society for the better.
Description: "Myanmar is in the throes of a profound political crisis, but the solution must extend beyond the question of who’s in charge of government. The resistance to the Tatmadaw’s takeover has been spearheaded by the youth. Members of so-called Generation Z have learned from their elders in the 1988 pro-democracy movement, but this “Spring Revolution” is not like their parents’ failed revolution. The battle is lopsided – the military has more guns and more money than the people right now – but, with action from the international community, it is entirely winnable. The prize will not only be democratic government, but a far more just, inclusive and united society, thanks to four progressive tendencies embedded in the youth-led movement.....Genuine democracy: The first of these tendencies is a demand for genuine democracy that moves beyond past compromises. The events of the past three months mean the masses are no longer willing to settle for a return to the pre-coup status quo. This revolution aims to complete, once and for all, a process stalled since 1962: the creation of a federal union and the removal of the Tatmadaw from politics. Many people reluctantly accepted the military-drafted 2008 Constitution because they believed it would help move the country towards democracy. The National League for Democracy’s 2015 victory under that charter gave them hope for a better future. The military unequivocally dashed those hopes on February 1. Those that weren’t already convinced now know that a “partial democracy” is a contradiction of terms, and that a power sharing agreement with the Tatmadaw is a road to nowhere. To that end, people are striking, peacefully protesting, boycotting and performing acts of civil disobedience, hoping to paralyse the military’s ability to govern, even if it means deep personal and economic pain. They are now considering any means necessary to finally remove the military from politics. They’ve called on the international community and the United Nations to invoke the principle of the Responsibility to Protect and, despite the slim-to-zero chance that this call will be heeded, they continue collecting evidence of the Tatmadaw’s crimes against humanity, hoping to hold the coup makers accountable under global bodies of justice, such as the International Criminal Court. Even the idea of armed revolution has become popular, with the National Unity Government declaring its ambition to establish a People’s Defence Army that would later be integrated into a “federal army” alongside ethnic armed groups already fighting for autonomy in their own states. Young people are reportedly flocking to areas under the control of ethnic armies to receive weapons training. But the idea of an armed offensive against the Tatmadaw, however emotionally gratifying now, may be ill advised in the longer term. For one, the military has superior weapons and greater resources than all of its challengers combined, and it has survived countless armed insurrections since its founding. Additionally, the technical and practical challenges of unifying many geographically dispersed armed groups with varying political goals into a single force may prove overwhelming. Still, the growing popularity of the idea among young and old alike – many of whom are getting a first-hand experience of the depths of the Tatmadaw’s brutality and inhumanity for the first time – is a testament to the desperate desire, shared by almost everyone, to rid the country of this notorious institution, which has impoverished its citizenry and tarnished the national image for more than half a century.....Across ethnic lines: The second critical tendency of the Spring Revolution is a desire to shatter pernicious national mythologies. Generations of Myanmar people have been conditioned to believe a distorted version of history – something this movement is helping to right. For more than 70 years, minority ethnic groups have felt betrayed by the majority Bamar, who, instead of bringing about the democratic federal union promised in the 1947 Panglong Agreement, have continued to maintain their political and social dominance while marginalising minority voices. The military has systematically reinforced these divisions since General Ne Win seized power in 1962 through divide-and-conquer tactics. In propaganda spread through the schoolroom and state-controlled media, successive military regimes portrayed ethnic insurgent groups as bandits led by warlords who posed a threat to the nation. Most Bamar live in regions untouched by conflict and did not understand that ethnic armed groups had taken up arms as political actors with the universal ambition of autonomy. They had little knowledge of the suffering and abuse – the abductions and arbitrary killings, the use of systemic rape as a weapon of war and subjugation – that ethnic groups have endured at the Tatmadaw’s hands. Perhaps the most significant result of the Spring Revolution is the unprecedented unity that has developed between the Bamar and other ethnic nationalities. The use of lethal force by security forces – their indiscriminate shooting into homes and apartments, their targeting of aid workers, their looting and wanton vandalism – have helped lowland Bamar understand what their ethnic compatriots have endured for decades. Moving displays of Bamar sympathy have sprung up, and people – largely the youth – are publicly apologising for not speaking out in the past.....Toppling taboos: A third tendency of the Spring Revolution lies in its critique of religious orthodoxy and antiquated social norms. This is particularly noticeable in attitudes towards women and girls, who have been central to the protest movement, displaying just as much commitment, creativity and courage as their male counterparts – both on the frontlines and in the rooms where strategy is made. Women have harnessed traditional beliefs to challenge misogyny and the military in creative ways, notably using the fear among many men – particularly those within the Tatmadaw – of losing their male essence, known as hpone, by passing below women’s garments. As security forces moved in to quash protests around the country, female-led groups of demonstrators hung women’s htamein (longyi) from clotheslines strung over streets and roads, knowing that superstitious, conservative soldiers would be reluctant to pass beneath them. In many cases, they were right. Junta forces often stopped to burn the garments before passing beneath them. The demands for gender equity have permeated aspirations for new government leadership as well: about half of the National Unity Government members announced on April 16 are women. And despite the enormous respect accorded to senior Buddhist monks, young protesters have been quick to criticise monks who express support for the coup makers. After Wazipeik Sayadaw, a Shan State monk with close ties to junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, reportedly advised the senior general to “shoot protesters in the head”, portraits of the monk turned up strung alongside htamein at protests in Yangon’s Sanchaung Township. This was a challenge to the monk directly, but also to a misogynist belief that even representations of monks are too sacred to be displayed near “lowly” women’s clothing. When Sitagu Sayadaw, a highly influential senior monk in Sagaing Region well known for his philanthropic work and Buddhist scholarship, publicly supported the coup, scores of Buddhist social media users were quick to post scathing criticisms of him online. Western readers, accustomed to open critiques of the clergy, may find this nothing to write home about. But these moves – which even parents, senior relatives and religious leaders that do support the movement likely found deeply uncomfortable – are unprecedented, given the hierarchical relationship between laypeople and the Sangha. This revolution is changing mindsets: formerly untouchable elders are being revaluated with a critical eye, often facing social punishment campaigns from young people willing to judge them on their actions rather than their venerated status.....The Rohingya divide: The final tendency of the Spring Revolution may also be its most complex. This movement has, like nothing before it, forced a reckoning with longstanding prejudices against the Rohingya – though there are gradations to how much progress has been made in this realm. Undoubtedly, there has been a much-needed growth in acceptance of the persecuted minority, and an overdue recognition of their plight. Social media users have tweeted what seemed like heartfelt apologies to the former United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Ms Yanghee Lee, for their past hate speech against the Rohingya “and against me personally because I used the name ‘Rohingya’ while speaking about their plight”, Lee recently wrote in Nikkei Asia. Such apologies were “unthinkable just a few months ago”, she added. Early on in the protests, multiple demonstrators posted photos of themselves holding signs expressing support for the Rohingya, and remorse for ignoring or denying their suffering in the past. But while unity has emerged on abolishing military dictatorship, standing with ethnic nationalities, and building a more progressive, open society, divisions remain over the Rohingya, with opinion roughly divided into four groups. The first still regards the Rohingya as illegal immigrants with no real right to a dignified life in Myanmar, insisting on calling them “Bengali” no matter how they self-identify, or how many generations have lived here before them. People of this mind may never be convinced. The second acknowledges that the Tatmadaw committed crimes against humanity and possibly even genocide against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, but still holds that most Rohingya are foreign interlopers who are not entitled to live in Myanmar. Most among this tribe also refuse to recognise “Rohingya” as a legitimate ethnic designation. The third recognises the atrocities the Rohingya have suffered at the hands of the Tatmadaw and also accepts that many have lived in Myanmar for generations, entitling them to some form of citizenship, but only a second-class, “Bengali” citizenship, since they are not among the 135 indigenous “races” who automatically receive citizenship under the racist, military-drafted 1982 Citizenship Law. The final group is, sadly, likely to be the smallest in size. This group accepts the Rohingya’s right to citizenship and to self-identification as “Rohingya”. These thinkers reject the arbitrary distinctions between “officially recognised” groups and others – ideas pushed on the populace by the xenophobic Ne Win, the country’s first coup maker and military dictator. They insist that Myanmar should have only one category of citizenship, free of racial distinctions. Until this last understanding is more widely shared, we’re doomed to spawn a crippled form of democracy.....Towards a more just future: This revolution is truly unprecedented, in its demands and its sophistication, and it has the potential to transform society and deliver a new nation of more just structures, values and norms. We are confident of victory, but it will take perseverance. More than 750 people have been killed by junta forces, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. Despite the rising death toll, people remain undaunted. When soldiers crack down in the daytime, they hold candlelight vigils at night. Instead of confronting security forces head on, people are finding new ways to resist, such as with sticker campaigns and quickly dispersing flash mobs. Civil servants and critical private-sector workers are refusing to return to their jobs, shuttering banking and payment services, hospitals, rail travel and cargo movement. Military-made products like Myanmar Beer and Red Ruby cigarettes have been targeted for consumer boycotts, tanking these brands and draining the Tatmadaw of revenue. The forms of resistance keep multiplying. Just how long it will take may depend on the international community. Each day that justice is deferred, more will die. The movement’s goals are deeply aligned with the values and prerogatives that most Western nations espouse. If these nations can replace empty admonishments with serious moves against the Tatmadaw’s funding – more robust sanctions on extractive industries, for a start – we may be able to realise the more just future we all strive for sooner rather than later..."
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Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 1 May, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 1, a total of (3508) people are currently under detention; of them (82) are sentenced. 1356 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. 1 May 2021 marked International Labor Day. AAPP honors the active participation of the entire labor movement, who have been on the front lines of this Spring Revolution. People across Burma continue to fight against injustice and dictatorship. Today, seven civilians, who did not even take part in the protest were arrested after the junta forces arrived in vehicles and attacked the strike in Insein Township, Yangon Region. Two civilians were ordered to stop while riding a motorcycle near 38×39, 78th Street, Mandalay City, Mandalay Region and were shot in the abdomen and knees when they did not stop, last night The terrorist group is now repressing charities. In Myitkyina this morning a group of 11 youth involved in a free food campaign and around 30 people were arrested by junta troops in soldiers and police uniforms at gunpoint. In Mandalay Region, Mogok Town, Kyat Pyin Ward, the Ruby Yadanar clinic was looted and all medical supplies worth around 1,500,000 kyats (US$965) were taken by the junta group. Yesterday evening in Bago Region, Pyay town, two funeral vehicles belonging to the Moe Metta Funeral Service were seized. The junta does not even exempt charity and philanthropy from its violent acts. The terrorist group is systematically targeting those who they want to arrest, and is now targeting the ward administrators and former administrators across the country. In Dawei Township, Tanintharyi Region, more than 20 former ward administrators have been detained since April 29 and some administrators from Myeik and Kawthaung have also been arrested. On April 29, Ngaputaw Township the ward administrator of Ngup Kaung was kidnapped, On April 30, the administrator for Ward 11, Mandalay Region, Pyin Oo Lwin Township was also arrested. The terrorists are arresting and detaining influential people in society, the junta are trying to establish their administrative power in incendiary ways. It has been 90 days since the coup and the situation inside Burma remains extremely unstable. Administration, the judiciary, legislature collapsed, media attacked. A so-called agreement at ASEAN leader meeting on Burma has not had a significant impact on the coup. A closed-door meeting was also held by the UN Security Council yesterday but likewise no specific agreement was made. People across Burma are facing brutal junta perpetrated violence on a daily basis. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: EU ready to help restore democracy to Myanmar - high representative
Description: "The European Union is ready to offer its support to all parties to help restore democracy in Myanmar, the bloc's high representative told ASEAN states on Friday. Southeast Asian leaders said after an emergency ASEAN summit last week that they had reached consensus with Myanmar's junta on ending violence there. read more "The European Union stands ready to support ASEAN... in facilitating a constructive dialogue with all key stakeholders with a view to bringing Myanmar/Burma back to its democratic path," the high representative said in a statement published on Friday. An activist monitoring group says more than 750 people have been killed by security forces in Myanmar since army generals unleashed lethal force in the face of sustained protests against their Feb. 1 coup..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Civil servants face junta pressure to return to work
Description: "Workers associated with the civil disobedience movement have been thrown out of public housing and issued legal notices. Meanwhile, many banks are also grappling with a lack of working employees. As the civil disobedience movement (CDM) grows in popularity in Myanmar, the military has started ramping up pressure on government employees to return to work, while businesses struggle under the weight of missing employees and internet blackouts. Civil servants started refusing to carry out their duties, just days after the February 1, 2021, coup, when the country's military seized power. The movement has been expanding since then, with widespread support from both in and outside the country, and a 2022 Nobel Peace Prize nomination. However, the junta has been pushing government workers participating in the movement to go back to work, using forceful tactics. In one case, government hospitals in cities began issuing letters to medical workers to come back to work. In another instance, a CDM-affiliated railway worker was forced to leave his government apartment. Doctors pressured to return to hospitals One doctor working at a government hospital said the junta is afraid of the CDM's power. "The CDM is one of the most important things to stop the government mechanism," a 25-year-old assistant surgeon, who asked for his name not to be published, told DW. "That's why they try to push CDM participants back to work in various ways, like forcing railway staff to leave their government apartment if they don't come back to work." A military spokesperson last week accused CDM-affiliated medical workers of being responsible for the deaths of people in hospitals, who could not receive proper treatment. The surgeon, who is working at Myanmar's largest hospital — the Yangon General Hospital — disagrees with that accusation. "They want to open public hospitals again as soon as possible, and mislead people into thinking that the country is stable, and that they can get back to their normal lives. That's why they are still pushing healthcare workers to return to their jobs, by accusing them of committing genocides in the newspaper." On Tuesday, the junta issued arrest warrants for 20 doctors who had joined the CDM against the military dictatorship, charging them with defamation. The surgeon told DW that doctors are preparing for the worst. "I am not afraid of them. It doesn't matter, even if they revoke my medical license. I will be a part of the CDM until the end of the junta," he said. Cash flow comes to a halt "Businesses were hurting because of the pandemic, even before the coup. Any business would be lucky to break even, and many have closed," said political analyst Dr Khin Zaw Win, who runs an independent think-tank in Myanmar called the Tampadipa Institute. "The movement aims to disrupt the government machinery and does not force essential services to stop operating," he told DW. Cash flow within the country has also come to a halt, since banks have not been opening due to a shortage in staff. Many people are lining up at ATMs, mainly in the big cities like Yangon and Mandalay. "Banks are a good example — many staff have joined the CDM, and the junta is affected. But some banks are providing services to customers with a skeleton staff," said Khin Zaw Win. However, the Central Bank of Myanmar last week said that the private bank sector is still strong, and that customers can trust them. "All of our work has stopped because customers don't want to spend on extra things. We can't receive payments from our customers because the banks are closed," said 36-year old businessman Hla Win, who declined to use his real name, and who runs a mobile accessories company in Myanmar. The internet has been shut down in the country by the military in order to control the growing anti-coup movement, and mobile data has been inaccessible since March. "No banks are open and there is no internet for people living in small cities who want to use internet banking," he told DW. "We were still able to run virtual sales before, but this coup stopped everything." A solemn New Year According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), at least 737 people have been killed by the junta as of April 19. As the people of Myanmar mourn the civilian deaths, many decided not to celebrate the New Year festival, also known as the Thingyan Water Festival, which took place from April 13-17. However, social media videos showed junta members celebrating with joy, and spraying water in the capital Naypyitaw on April 14. Elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested on February 1, triggering a wave of anti-coup protests. She is facing six charges set by the military. In addition to several deaths, over 3,200 people have been arrested, charged or sentenced for their role in the protests..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-04-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: End Threats Against Rights Group
Sub-title: Respect Rights to Freedom of Association, Expression
Description: " Myanmar’s military junta should immediately stop threatening the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a leading human rights monitoring group, Human Rights Watch said today. The group has documented security force abuses since the February 1, 2021 coup, including killings of protesters, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforced disappearances, and unjust court convictions. On April 26, the Home Affairs Ministry of the ruling State Administration Council (SAC) accused the AAPP of operating illegally because it was not registered as an organization. The junta’s announcement threatened “severe action” against the group for causing “State service personnel and public panic” that will “incite the occurrence of more riots” and “harm State stability, rule of law and restoration of law and order.” “While the world’s media and diplomats regularly cite the AAPP’s daily updates on the military crackdown, Myanmar’s generals are desperately trying to silence the group to keep the truth from getting out,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The threats are part of the junta’s shroud of silence and censorship, targeting frontline groups like AAPP, arresting journalists, and shutting down the internet.” The junta’s efforts to target the AAPP are illustrated in the 115-page briefing paper, obtained by Human Rights Watch, that the junta leader, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, presented to leaders at the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on April 24. Min Aung Hlaing claimed, without providing evidence, that the AAPP uses “data” that “appeared in fake and hoax news.” He added that the junta was “very upset” that “world media and international organizations restated” that information. Responding to the allegations, AAPP Secretary-General Bo Kyi, a recipient of the Human Rights Watch Alison des Forges Defender Award in 2009, told The Irrawaddy magazine that: “I think it is just a political move as international governments, media and UN are referencing our data … The key issue is the violence they have committed, their killing and arrests. Instead of solving those problems, they are targeting a group like ours which is revealing the true events.” The AAPP told Human Rights Watch that the military’s threats have forced them to close their office in Yangon and compelled their staff to go into hiding and work from undisclosed locations. The junta has also arbitrarily arrested journalists to prevent reporting on the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement’s broad-based resistance to the coup and the security force abuses. UNESCO reported that the junta has arrested at least 71 journalists since the coup. The AAPP says that 48 journalists are currently known to be in detention, most in undisclosed locations without access to their families or legal counsel. Many other journalists have fled to border regions controlled by ethnic groups, or to neighboring countries. The junta has brought charges against numerous journalists and activists under revised penal code provisions adopted on February 14. The State Administration Council inserted a new provision, section 505A, that could be used to punish comments regarding the illegitimacy of the coup or the military government, among others. The new section would criminalize comments that “cause fear,” spread “false news, [or] agitates directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a Government employee.” Violation of the section is punishable with up to three years in prison. The law arbitrarily interferes with the exercise of rights protected under international law, including freedom of expression. The junta has also increased pressure on independent media outlets by revoking their operating licenses. On March 8, the State Administration Council announced that it had cancelled the licenses of Mizzima, Myanmar Now, 7Day News, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), and Khit Thit Media. While these media groups have continued to report on events, they do so at great risk since journalists working for these outlets face immediate arrest if they are discovered doing their jobs as reporters. “Groups like the AAPP and the independent media are playing a critical role holding Myanmar’s junta accountable, and they need to be able to continue their work,” Robertson said. “Governments concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar should be offering public support for these organizations and their brave staff members.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Survivors of Bago’s devastating crackdown vow to retake their city
Sub-title: Despite suffering the worst single-day death toll since the coup, Bago’s defenders say they are not ready to give up yet
Description: "Nyein Maung, a native of Yangon who didn’t move to Bago until late February of this year, was still not very familiar with the city when he became a protest leader at its main defence site. As a sailor who had spent many years at sea, he had finally decided to settle down in his wife’s hometown with her and their four-year-old son. By the time he arrived, however, Bago was already experiencing its first wave of brutal crackdowns. It was not long before he saw for himself what the junta that had seized power on February 1 was prepared to do to crush resistance to its rule.....Nyein Maung, a native of Yangon who didn’t move to Bago until late February of this year, was still not very familiar with the city when he became a protest leader at its main defence site. As a sailor who had spent many years at sea, he had finally decided to settle down in his wife’s hometown with her and their four-year-old son. By the time he arrived, however, Bago was already experiencing its first wave of brutal crackdowns. It was not long before he saw for himself what the junta that had seized power on February 1 was prepared to do to crush resistance to its rule. On February 28, just days after he moved to Bago, he watched in horror as a young man who had been shot in the stomach by regime forces was viciously beaten by five armed policemen. After they left him for dead, Nyein Maung went to see if might have survived the attack. When he found that the man was still breathing, he put him into his car to take him to the hospital. At that point, the police started shooting at him. Nyein Maung managed to escape with just a bullet hole in his car, but decided then and there that he had to do something to protect protesters from the junta’s relentless violence, even if it meant putting his own life on the line. “I left my family that day and started staying somewhere else. My friends and I built a stronghold. We didn’t really have a system, but we were determined to defend ourselves with anything we had,” he said. The 31-year-old former sailor let his wife and father know that he had joined the revolution and then left home with just 100,000 kyat in his pocket. “I told them, ‘If a federal army is formed, I will be a part of it. If I die, just sell the car and our other possessions so you can continue living.’ Our group is made up entirely of people who aren’t afraid of losing their lives,” he said. But it wasn’t just his life that Nyein Maung was prepared to lose. He told his father, who serves in the navy, that he had to take a clear stance on the protests. “I said, ‘If you’re going to kill people and be involved in the crackdowns, we’re finished.’ But he told me he had nothing to do with that,” he said, adding that his father has since joined the Civil Disobedience Movement.....The main barricade: The protests in Bago started near the famed Shwemawdaw pagoda in the city centre, but spread to other areas as the military moved in to violently suppress large gatherings. Around 140 young protesters, including Nyein Maung, formed a security team in early March. Using sandbags, they built barricades at major protest sites, such as the ones in Bago’s Ma Ga Dit, Hmor Kan and Socialist wards, where Nyein Maung was a frontline defence team leader. The main stronghold was at Ma Ga Dit, where protests were held daily from 9am. All three of these sites were targeted for major offensives by the military. The defence team manned the barricades in shifts. As a team leader, Nyein Maung was serious about maintaining discipline, instructing team members to refrain from consuming alcohol while on duty. “This is no time to be joking around. One mistake and you lose your life. I told them they need to be able to make clear decisions,” he explained. Meetings were held every day at 4pm to divide the team into groups and assign them to different wards. They also discussed the security situation as it evolved from day to day. On March 14, team members defending the Ma Ga Dit barricade with air guns, Molotov cocktails and handmade weapons killed two police officers, marking a turning point in the conflict between Bago’s residents and the regime’s forces. The stronghold was subsequently destroyed several times in the ensuing weeks, but was rebuilt each time. To ensure that it was never left undefended, the security team set up a camp so they could stay there around the clock. By early April, when troops from Light Infantry Division 77, stationed nearby, started shouting threats at them, it became clear that they were heading for decisive clash that would likely end badly for them. “They always gave us warnings at night, telling us that they would come down harder on us than they did on Hlaing Tharyar,” said Nyein Maung, referring to the massive assault on Yangon’s industrial outskirts in late March. “They warned us to drop our weapons, and were listing charges we’d be given and all that,” he added. But at this stage, they had no intention of giving up. Armed with improvised explosives, fireworks, and Molotov cocktails, as well as non-lethal gas-powered guns, they dug in and braced for what was to come. “We told the people who had been feeding us that we would protect them and hold on for as long as we can,” said Nyein Maung, recalling the tense days before the final onslaught.....‘Driven by cruelty’: By this time, there were actually four barricades set up in Ma Ga Dit ward, each one numbered according to the lane off of the main road where it was located. On the morning of April 9, when the military finally launched its attack, barricades 1, 4, 7, and 13 were all surrounded by heavily armed troops. Barricade 1 was the first to come under fire. In an effort to hold off the forces storming barricade 1, Nyein Maung and about 30 others started firing gas guns and fireworks from barricade 4. They also lobbed explosives, which proved to be their most powerful weapon. “We had two homemade explosives. It got four of them. I can confirm that because I threw them myself. I think we held on for about ten minutes,” Nyein Maung recalled. But they soon found that they were no match for soldiers with weapons of war. “At 5:10am, the military threw a grenade, and then opened fire with RPGs. That’s when stronghold 1 fell. We led another defence attack and they used two more RPGs. One fell next to me, and a lot of us were killed,” said Nyein Maung. When they tried to retreat to barricade 4, they found that it had also been destroyed. Still coming under heavy fire from artillery, grenades, and machine guns, they fled to barricade 7 and then to 13. “We retreated to stronghold 7. By the time we got to 13, we had to give up. Only 24 of us made it out alive,” he said. At least 82 civilians were confirmed dead after the April 9 crackdown, although the actual number was likely much higher, as many of the wounded did not receive medical treatment, according to local residents. “The injured and the dead were put in the compound of the Zeyar Muni pagoda. A monk there asked the military to return the bodies to their families, but they wouldn’t hand them over,” said Thurein, a local volunteer. Those who survived escaped to the countryside, where they were pursued by troops who continued shooting in villages that were not part of the protests. For the next two days, the regime carried out intense clearance operations in Bago and the surrounding area, rounding up anyone suspected of involvement in the resistance movement. Now in a safe place with several other members of his team, Nyein Maung denounced the junta’s ruthless use of military might against a far smaller defensive force. “Their rate of killing isn’t normal. They wouldn’t even kill this many in a battle. They are just driven by cruelty,” he said. Despite this defeat, however, he remained convinced that he would be able to avenge his fallen comrades and repay those who supported their efforts. “We apologize to the families from Ma Ga Dit and Socialist wards that fed us. We didn’t back down. We will reclaim our city of Bago,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 30 April, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 30, a total of (3485) people are currently under detention; of them (80) are sentenced. 1316 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today, people across the country, including Yangon, took to the streets to protest dictatorship, a dawn protest was suppressed by the terrorists in Kale Town, Sagaing Region. However, the protesters were able to get away and no one was arrested. This morning, the terrorist group used a Mark-2 car to crash into a protest and beat and arrest 4 civilians in South Dagon Township, Yangon Region. Ethnic media outlets are now being targeted as the junta focuses its oppression on arresting, prosecuting, and revoking publishing rights in main cities across the country. Family members of journalists are also being taken as hostages. Terrorists went searching for the editor-in-chief of the Hakha based Chinland Post media in his house last night in Chin State but could not find him. So instead, his brother in law was taken as a hostage. This is now a policy of the junta. Up until April 29, at least 49 people have been taken as hostages at one point since the coup. Hostage-taking is a serious human rights violation and is a proven method of terrorism. According to the Chapter (3) of Media Law; Article (4-c) states that News Media workers shall have the right to reveal issues relating to rights and privileges lost by the citizen” and Article (7-a) declared that “he/she shall be exempt from being detained by a certain security related authority”. Yet in Burma the rule of law is disregarded by the terrorists. The junta forces use the law as they unjustly please. Conflict between junta coup forces and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) are intensifying in the ethnic states. Conflict has been raging in Momauk Township, Kachin State since April 10. A man was killed and a woman seriously injured in a military plane attack on April 29. In addition to this, clashes in Kachin State have forced around 10,000 villagers to flee their homes. As a consequence of a three-day bombing campaign by coup forces, more than 2,000 locals fled from Papun District to Thailand on April 28. These locals are now reportedly living in the forest without shelter. They are being granted temporary residential permission by Thai authorities. Over ten thousand people have been displaced by airstrikes in Karen State. Burma was developing peace and national reconciliation to bring an end to the over-70 year civil war. It is ethnic people who suffer most from the atrocities, happening now again because of this military coup. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 29 April, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Pyapon Township in Ayeyarwady Region died on 29 April. (2) from Mandalay and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 29, a total of (3461) people are currently under detention; of them (80) are sentenced. 1276 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today people across Burma continued to protest in different ways against the military coup despite the brutal crackdowns and repressions. This morning, plain clothes junta forces in private cars armed with guns in ShweBo Town, Sagaing Region, crashed into the main protest group. Junta forces threatened, swearing, at the protesters. Thereafter, one woman from the strike was arrested. Arrests are being made in private cars, not military trucks or police cars. This is because the terrorists are attempting to cover up their acts of violence, and make it more difficult for civilians to report on the junta’s actions because they are using private vehicles. Last night, a night protest was cracked down on and one civilian got shot on his thigh in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. Terrorists are committing unlawful shootings and killings day after day. Last night, a young man was shot in the abdomen and died on the spot near Zegyo Clock Tower on 84 road, Mandalay City. He was trying to run away after the military stopped him for a motorcycle check. A local man was shot and wounded in the abdomen and arm by the terrorists in Auk Kwin Village, Pyapone Township, Ayeyarwady Region last night and died this morning. In addition to this, two civilians were arrested and detained last night, one of whom died. The junta forces are becoming more violent each day. Civilians are being treated like enemies. The junta forces were using slingshots and throwing stones at an apartment because they did not turn the lights off after 10 pm, destroying the windows in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township, Yangon Region. Daily lives of the civilians are being threatened by the junta through these relentless actions. A group of 50 junta troops in plain clothes and police uniform stormed the house of Ko Zin Maung Phyo’s yesterday in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei District. The Dawei District Students Union member is evading a Penal Code 505(a) warrant. They broke into the house at night, smashing the doors and destroying everything in the house. The junta troops also seized the farm and land registration papers and all the other documents. The junta are also targeting arrestees and brutally torturing civilians into confession. Two villagers from a village in Kani township, Sagaing Region, were arrested on April 27. One of them was told to pick up the dead body next day. The body of the fallen villager was found with wounds consistent with torture. As long as the dictatorship does not end, the security and dignity of civilians will continue to deteriorate. Protest leaders, politicians, and activists are being prosecuted by the junta forces under several laws. Wai Moe Naing, the leader of the Monywa strike, has been charged under seven sections, including the Penal Code Section 505-a, and three more sections, including Penal Code Section 124. The junta has tried to imprison dissidents for as long as possible under various sections of the law. This is the practice of successive dictatorships. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Despite ASEAN consensus, military abuses continue around the country
Sub-title: Myanmar’s junta has effectively ignored the terms of a five-point agreement reached in Jakarta last weekend
Description: "Nearly a week after Myanmar’s chief coup maker met with leaders of the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) last Saturday to discuss the crisis in the country, reports of abuses by the military continue. The ASEAN meeting, held in the Indonesian capital Jakarta, reached a five-point consensus that aimed to end the ongoing violence, which has already claimed more than 750 civilian lives in less than three months. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who made his first trip outside of Myanmar since seizing power on February 1 to attend the emergency summit, appears to have backed away from the terms of the agreement since returning to the country. The day after the meeting, coverage of the summit in state-run newspaper The Mirror made no mention of the five points, which included plans to allow representatives of the regional grouping into the country to observe the situation on the ground. On Tuesday, however, the regime announced that it would only move forward with this and other points in the agreement once the country had become “stable”. Meanwhile, it continues its efforts to restore stability through brute force, killing at least seven people during and in the days immediately after the Jakarta summit, in direct violation of its commitment to end violence against civilians.....Ongoing abuses: The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which has documented the regime’s arrests and killings of protesters and other civilians, said that the ASEAN meeting had failed to achieve the desired results. “On the night after the meeting, the junta’s armed forces continued to commit atrocities against civilians, including women, in plain sight,” it noted in a statement released earlier this week. On the day of the summit, a young man was shot dead by plainclothes policemen in Mandalay, while a woman arrested in Myaung Mya, a town in Sagaing Region, died shortly after being taken into custody on the same day, according to AAPP. There was also one other civilian death reported in Yezagyo, Magway Region, on Saturday, followed by two more the next day—one in Kawthaung, in Tanintharyi Region, and another in Yangon’s Insein Township, AAPP records show. Since then, there have been at least two more fatal shootings of civilians, including one of a fried-rice vendor in Mandalay on Monday and another in Kayah State’s Demoso Township on Tuesday. In another attack, a woman in Kayin State’s Phaya Thone Su Township sustained serious injuries last Saturday after she was shot by the military and hit with a car while she was taking part in an anti-coup motorbike rally. Besides using lethal force, soldiers and police have kept up a steady campaign of harassment against civilians in an effort to break their resistance to military rule. Residents of Yangon report that regime forces come into their neighbourhoods every night after curfew to prevent people from banging pots in protest against the coup. “They came onto our street last night and started threatening anyone who dared to bang a pot. They used very vulgar language and fired at people’s houses with slingshots. It happens every night now,” said one Yangon resident who asked not to be identified. On Sunday, a group of women in Yangon’s Mayangone Township were forced to bang their pots and dance in the street while soldiers watched and laughed. If they stopped dancing, the soldiers hurled insults at them and threw stones at their houses, AAPP said in a statement that recounted a number of similar incidents involving attempts to humiliate civilians. “Forcing women to hurt their dignity in public, and treating civilians as if they were enemies, are cruel acts that the military continues to lawlessly commit,” the group said in its statement. In another incident that took place in Yangon’s Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township last Saturday, a transgender woman was forced to wear a man’s longyi and mocked by regime forces. Many remain undeterred by this behaviour, however, as ordinary citizens continue to register their rejection of the military’s overthrow of the elected civilian government. A resident of Yangon’s Tamwe Township who complained about the junta’s persistent efforts to disrupt the lives of civilians said that he and most of his neighbours refused to be intimidated. “They curse at passersby, interrogate them for a while, and then let them go. When they came to my door, I closed it and they threw stones. But we will continue to demonstrate against them. We won’t be ruled by these people,” he told Myanmar Now.....Intensifying pressure: While ordinary citizens do their best to cope with the heavy military presence, those taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are coming under growing pressure to end their efforts to deny the regime control of the state. Among those most under threat from the junta are healthcare workers, who spearheaded the CDM in the early days after the coup. In the months since, the movement has been joined by many other public employees and emerged as a major stumbling block to Min Aung Hlaing’s ambitions. Frustrated by its inability to break the CDM, the junta has in recent weeks stepped up its efforts to arrest the movement’s leaders and put them behind bars on trumped-up charges. Since April 13, military-controlled television has broadcast the names of at least 20 health professionals who have been charged with incitement and issued with arrest warrants. At least 300 medical workers are now on the regime’s wanted list. On Tuesday, a failed attempt to apprehend a doctor in Yangon’s South Okkalapa Township resulted in the arrest of her father and younger sister, according to a relative. The doctor, Yu Sandar Moe, has since gone into hiding, the relative told Myanmar Now. According to a statement released by the University of Medicine (1) Students Union on Saturday, a total of 46 medical workers and students, including 29 striking doctors, have been arrested since the coup. The junta has also threatened to revoke doctors’ passports and medical licenses if they join the CDM. Private hospitals and charity clinics that accept CDM doctors will also have their licenses taken away, the junta said. Other prominent figures in the anti-coup movement have also been targeted for arrest. On Saturday, regime forces carried out a raid on a monastery in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin Township in an attempt to arrest a monk who has led protests in the area. It was the second time this month that the junta had failed to catch the monk. On April 2, soldiers surrounded the village of Thabyay Aye to arrest him, but locals fought back with homemade rifles. Four villagers were killed in that clash, which also reportedly resulted in military casualties. At least six people were killed earlier this week during clashes elsewhere in Yinmabin. The recent efforts to crack down on protests have also forced tens of thousands of people from 30 villages to flee as soldiers set up camp in the area. Meanwhile, civilians armed with hunting rifles in southern Chin State’s Mindat Township claim to have killed 30 regime soldiers during four days of fierce clashes that began last Saturday. Amid concerns that the situation in Myanmar still threatens to spin out of control, Mann Win Khaing Than, the chief union minister of the recently formed National Unity Government, called on ASEAN to ensure that the regime abides by its agreement to deescalate its use of violence..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Frontline doctors risk persecution, careers – and their lives
Sub-title: A frontline medic describes the dangers of trying to save lives at a time when the regime regards many health workers as criminals for serving at protests and participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Description: "On the evening of April 9, reports began emerging that security forces had killed scores of people in Bago, after they unleashed heavy weapons and grenades to disperse protesters manning barricades. Before launching the operation in the city about 80 kilometres northeast of Yangon, the armed forces had blocked roads in Bago. This prevented ambulances from collecting the wounded, many of whom were eventually dumped in a monastery compound. At least 80 people were killed in Bago that day, but a final death toll will probably never be known. Something else we’ll likely never know is how many of the wounded died because they did not receive treatment. I arrived in Bago three days later to help treat the wounded. It was a difficult task –many of them were in hiding, for fear they would be arrested if they sought treatment. Witnesses also said volunteer medical workers had been detained by the security forces, following a pattern reported elsewhere in the country. As a frontline medical volunteer, I’ve regularly witnessed the brutality of the junta’s dispersal tactics. The first time was during a protest near Thanlyin Technological University in southeastern Yangon Region on March 9. Troops had occupied the campus, and students were protesting peacefully to demand that they leave. The soldiers suddenly opened fire with live rounds, leaving several people injured. We began treating some of the injured in a safe house not far from the site of the protest, but we had to quickly evacuate the patients when soldiers arrived nearby. Thankfully, we managed to get them to another safe house and continue treating them. Compounding the suffering Not every injured protester manages to escape. Some are seized by the police and army and denied first aid, often dying as a result of loss of blood. Even when the injured manage to evade security forces, they are far from safe. As the Bago example illustrates, accessing healthcare and medical assistance is itself a dangerous challenge for protesters, and for the medical volunteers who come to their assistance. The best-case scenario for an injured protester is to be quickly evacuated from the scene by frontline medical volunteers and treated. But there is always a risk that the armed forces will stop the ambulance in which they travel or raid the clinic they are taken to. As a result, they are often forced to wait hours for proper treatment, or denied it altogether. Because the regime has made state hospitals unsafe places for injured protesters, medical volunteers refer them to private hospitals or clinics run by charities. The military is notified about all admissions to government hospitals and patients can be arrested before they are discharged. Patients wanted by the authorities are also often shackled to their beds. My team encountered one man who had suffered facial injuries after being hit with shrapnel from a rocket-propelled grenade. The man had been hiding at home for three days without seeking treatment because he feared arrest if spotted by soldiers. We were eventually able to take him to a safe private medical facility for treatment. He is recovering, but has suffered damage to one of his eyes. The World Health Organization has said that from February 1 to April 30, there were at least 158 attacks on healthcare facilities, vehicles, staff and supplies, as well as patients in Myanmar, resulting in 11 deaths and 51 injuries. Because of these incidents, volunteer teams are often forced to park ambulances some distance from protest sites to avoid attracting the attention of soldiers and police. Equally disturbing are raids on medical treatment centres and charity rescue service offices. Raids were conducted on the intensive care unit at Yangon’s privately run Grand Hantha International Hospital on March 14, on a clinic in Mandalay on March 27 that resulted in the arrest of 26 people, including doctors and volunteers, and on a clinic at Kalay on April 7, as well as on a medical facility in Yangon’s Sanchaung Township on April 5, during which nine people were detained, including doctors and volunteers. Medics need protection It is a distressing time to be a medical professional in Myanmar. Last year, we were honoured as national heroes for our role in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. But since the February 1 coup, the military has turned on government health workers due to their role in instigating the Civil Disobedience Movement. The regime now regards us as criminals rather than heroes – all doctors who are providing care to anti-coup protesters are at risk of arrest for incitement under section 505A of the Penal Code, for which the maximum penalty is three years’ imprisonment. Tatmadaw spokesperson Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun has even accused government doctors who’ve left state hospitals to join the CDM of committing murder. In reality, CDM doctors are helping the public in many ways, including by providing free treatment at private hospitals and charity clinics, making home visits, and providing telephone counselling. Doctors and other healthcare professionals at state hospitals are accustomed to high workloads and low pay, but prior to February 1 they had not gone on strike to demand better working conditions. By refusing government work in solidarity with the people of Myanmar, they have sacrificed their lives, positions and prospects of a bright future. In a cruel move, the military council said on April 20 that doctors supporting the CDM would be blacklisted and their passports cancelled. Even private and charity-run clinics have been ordered not to accept the services of CDM doctors or admit wounded protesters for treatment. Clinic owners that violate the order risk being jailed. The cumulative effect of all this has been to deny timely and effective care to those who need it. These are dark days for medical workers and their patients. The international community must condemn the reprehensible actions of the military regime, including its targeting of medical workers and its efforts to deny life-saving treatment to injured protesters..."
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Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Glaring glimpse into Myanmar military’s self-delusion
Sub-title: Junta report presented to ASEAN on Myanmar's political situation revealed a tortured relationship with the bloody truth
Description: "Myanmar’s junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing arrived at the recent Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Jakarta with justifications for his February 1 coup compiled in a neat document entitled “The Current Political Situation in Myanmar.” Written in a first-person account redolent of a court case defense summation, the 118-page paper outlines the alleged fraud and corruption at last November’s elections that motivated the coup and subsequent responses by the military, or Tatmadaw. The military’s electoral fraud allegations had been mounting for months since the nationwide polls, and its insistence that 10.4 million votes were fraudulent is as implausible as when the accusation was aired by military officials days before the coup, which acted to form the State Administration Council (SAC) and topple the National League for Democracy (NLD) government. The document absurdly uses screen grabs of statements from the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, United States Secretary of State and international media to demonstrate “the election as not free and fair due to ballot rigging”, when the related statements predominantly criticized constitutional provisions preserving Tatmadaw power and the disenfranchisement of Rohingya Muslims. It also manages to heap blame solely on the NLD for the pre-election cancellations that deprived some 1.4 million people the vote. But it is the document’s self-deluded description of the nationwide protests that erupted in response to the coup and suspension of democracy that is most glaring. It outlines five stages of progressively severe protest to justify the military clampdown. First, as the junta sees it, there were peaceful protests led by the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). The narrative in this section almost commends protestors for their ingenuity and spontaneity, with several pages of photos of colorful demonstrations. The second stage, however, is characterized as “riots”, the third stage “anarchistic mobs” and the fourth stage “insurrection”, with alleged provocateurs summarized as “NLD radicalist (sic), destructionists, bad guys…Federal Army idealists.” The fifth stage slugs the protests as “terrorism…the worst stage ever.” The report outlines the alleged destruction of property with protesters “utilizing immature children as human shield.” It shrilly says “on the pretext of democracy they (NLD and demonstrators) are exercising mobocracy and tyranny of the majority.” In a picture diagram of the supposed five stages, the document bids to justify the junta’s arrests and use of force to counter “protester actions”, but utterly and blindly fails to document its violent assault on the country and its people over the last three months. According to the report, the list of casualties includes six dead Tatmadaw with 45 injured and five dead Myanmar Police Force (MPF) with 12 inexplicably “Fall” and 253 wounded. From February 1 to April 15, it says 64 police stations, the majority in Mandalay, were destroyed by fire. It also claims 62 war or village administration offices, 52 offices, 16 roads, 13 banks, and 105 other buildings were destroyed. Security forces also claim to have seized 3,118 shields, 694 slingshots, 14,183 pellets, 1,114 improvised explosive devices (IEDs), 16 guns, and 4,630 “firebombs.” Now compare this with the more credible summary of state repression compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which lists 755 protestors killed, 4,496 arrested with 3,448 still detained and an unknown number of casualties nationwide as of April 27. This contrast in assessments has obviously irked the SAC, with the Ministry of Home Affairs this week threatening AAPP with “severe action” for its contradictory reporting. By any measure, though, contrasting the AAPP’s data with Min Aung Hlaing’s ASEAN-friendly account is an exercise in cognitive dissonance and revelation of the SAC’s inability to generate remotely credible fake news. The military document also summarizes an ASEAN-appeasing five-part future work plan, which like the previous military regime’s “Seven Step Road Map to Discipline Flourishing Democracy” that preceded it its military-crafted 2008 Constitution, includes a “work in progress” approach that will allow the Tatmadaw to set the tempo and timetables of supposed state-building. The five stages will include reconstituting the Union Election Commission and establishing correct voter lists; prevention of Covid-19 and a vaccination drive; the recovering of businesses affected by the pandemic; “Restoring Eternal Peace with NCA”, without acknowledging the 2015 ceasefire agreement is already dead; and finally, free and fair multi-party elections. This section, like a lot of Tatmadaw plans, has a “Waiting for Godot” aspect. In summary, the briefing booklet evokes the metaphor of a student “passed who cheated on his exams” to decry alleged NLD meddling and corruption in the elections. SAC propaganda also recently referenced the “Harry Tan” incident of 1956, where a seventh-grade student involved in protests was famously shot dead by police, the first student killing of the post-independence era, to perversely besmirch the NLD and its “cheating on democracy.” Clearly, the SAC is more comfortable in a bygone era than the future as it asserts the current takeover of state power is more like the 1958 military “caretaker government” and therefore not a real coup, a word it has barred harassed local media from using. It has called on the regional bloc for “understanding the root causes and the reality of current situations, and hopes for ASEAN cooperation.” In sum, the booklet is even more crude, shrill and unnerving than the usual lame efforts that pass for propaganda from the Tatmadaw’s True News Information Team. Rather, it is a slapdash scrapbook with all the hallmarks of a late minute submission than a serious authority seeking regional and global understanding. Hysterical headlines and highly suspect figures of destroyed property and alleged crimes is an insight not into obtuse authoritarian bluster but sheer self-deception. The SAC issued a statement on Monday suggesting ASEAN “review the information booklet circulated at the meeting before comments are made relating to the current political situation.” Tatmadaw propaganda has always revealed a tortured relationship with truth, but the report’s justifications for the coup and the one-sided narrative of grievance and violence is a pathological projection of a severe conscience: guilt pours over its crude pages. The Tatmadaw leadership is likely aware most of their “news” is sheer bunk and largely designed to convince themselves and their rank and file rather than the general population and wider world. It’s also unclear if the coup confessional is a SAC initiative or the efforts of the US$2 million funded shill Ari Ben-Menashe and his Dickens and Madson public relations firm hired by the junta to launder its global reputation. The booklet has the legacy blend of previous military regimes’ propaganda in the early 1990s, with an obsession with “evidence” and an assembly of grievances to justify seizing state power from untrustworthy civilian politicians and unruly subjects — all designed to downplay their own extreme violence. The booklet is useful evidence for the case against ASEAN interventions in Myanmar: it’s akin to submitting inane scribbles and scraps for a final semester assignment at university and expecting the indolent yet corruptible faculty to pass you regardless of the quality. Clearly, the SAC realizes with cynical acuity that with ASEAN it doesn’t need to make much of an effort; mere attendance makes the grade. The Tatmadaw also knows the game plan ahead. Indeed, they have confronted these ritualized, regional admonishments before without repercussion. ASEAN will embark on yet another limp, ineffectual engagement strategy, promising dialogue and assistance. The West and United Nations will sigh relief that their support for ASEAN’s efforts absolves them of anything other than issuing strong statements, imposing a smattering of sanctions and be assuaged that a prolonged dialogue “process” is underway. Urgently needed humanitarian assistance for millions of people affected by state violence then becomes hostage to these elite maneuvers. For those in the West who actually do care about the future of Myanmar, this booklet should spark distress that the Tatmadaw is determined to drag the country back into a stone-age dictatorship, with ASEAN as its usher. That is the real danger of the junta’s disinformation screed. By engaging with the SAC’s justifications for extreme violence, international interlocutors are inculcating the generals’ delusions. ASEAN is, as ever, the preferred prophylactic for Western inaction on Myanmar and is tantamount to selling the nation’s democratic resistance down the river. David Scott Mathieson is an independent analyst working on conflict, peace and human rights issues on Myanmar..."
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Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication: 2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Rural migrants return to Hlaing Tharyar – and an uncertain future
Sub-title: A brutal crackdown in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township in mid-March triggered an exodus of migrant workers. As protests subside, many are heading back to the big city but are finding that work is scarce.
Description: "On April 18, the second day of the traditional Myanmar year, Yangon Region’s outer western Hlaing Tharyar Township was busier than it had been in a month. With the Thingyan holiday over, large numbers of people were entering the heavily industrialised township on motorbikes, in taxis and aboard light trucks loaded with their belongings. They were returning to the scene of a massacre. Pitched battles on March 14 between well-armed security forces and protesters wielding home-made weapons left at least 58 protesters dead, according to a local network of volunteer medical groups, and several factories were burned down. That same day, the junta declared martial law in the township and in neighbouring Shwepyithar – a draconian new security regime, where civilians can be hauled directly before military tribunals and handed death sentences, that was later extended to four other outlying, industrialised townships in Yangon. Fearing a wider crackdown, and with many having already lost their factory jobs amid the near-collapse of the garment sector, tens – possibly hundreds – of thousands of migrant workers fled to their home towns and villages. Hlaing Tharyar, whose population had swelled to close to a million thanks to a decade of steady migration from the countryside, suddenly resembled a ghost town. But after more than a month away, and with protests in decline because of brutal suppression by soldiers and police, many of those who fled have begun making their way back to the commercial capital. They were largely driven to return by a lack of jobs in the countryside, but with increased factory closures and reduced output, and a steep decline in the wider economy, many are struggling to find new work and to meet the expenses of living in the city, raising the prospect of hunger and further waves of displacement. Ma Nwet Yi Win, a former workplace union leader at a shoe factory in Hlaing Tharyar, joined the mid-March exodus and left for her home village in Ayeyarwady Region’s Ngapudaw Township, but is now back in Yangon. Returning to the city to find work was the only way for the migrant workers to survive because there are no jobs for them in the villages, she told Frontier. “If Yangon is stable and it’s safe to live there, the people will return. They have to return if they want a job or the opportunity of going abroad to work,” said Nwet Yi Win, who lost her job at the shoe factory after it closed permanently on March 24. Nwet Yi Win said ultimatums from factory managers to resume work or be fired had prompted some workers to return to their jobs in early April. She said many had been afraid of returning to Yangon because of the military’s “inhumane oppression”, including regular raids on homes to arrest political opponents, but were worried about losing their jobs. However, according to Hlaing Tharyar residents, even those who still had jobs in the township’s dwindling number of operational factories largely chose not to return until after the mid-April Thingyan holiday. Ko Aung Ye Min, who works at a noodle factory in the township, had ignored a less severe order from his bosses for employees to resume their jobs on April 1 or forfeit their Thingyan holiday pay. “I don’t care about the money – I have to take care of my life and if I had returned to work on April 1, I might have been risking death,” he said, referring to the threat of Tatmadaw crackdowns. Aung Ye Min said that, like him, most of the factory’s employees did not return to work until April 20, by which time a sense of stability seemed to be returning to Hlaing Tharyar. Ko Min Min Soe, a taxi driver in Hlaing Tharyar, said migrant workers who returned to their rural homes after the violence in mid-March had to rely on motorbikes because taxis were unavailable. Taxi drivers did not want to risk their vehicles being damaged in a fresh bout of unrest, he said. However, the reduction in protests and return of migrant workers since Thingyan is keeping him and other taxi drivers busy. “I already have three orders for trips to bring back migrant workers from Kyaiklat [Township, Ayeyarwady Region], Ahpyauk [town in Yangon Region’s Taikkyi Township] and Kawhmu [Township, Yangon Region],” he said. “Each trip is worth about K50,000. Three or four workers are pooling their money and hiring my car together,” he said. But even if some of the township’s bustle has returned, the landlords of dormitory blocks – where much of the migrant workforce is housed – say Hlaing Tharyar’s population is still well below pre-coup levels. U Aung Hlaing Win, 55, who owns four hostels in Shan Kyaung ward in eastern Hlaing Tharyar, said about half his rooms were vacant. “Before Thingyan, some of my hostels had no tenants. I have begun receiving tenants since April 18, but the situation is totally different to before the coup. My hostels used to be full and I had to turn people away,” he told Frontier. Aung Hlaing Win added that the ward was still quiet with many shops closed because their owners were yet to return to Yangon. “Most of the migrant workers in our ward are from Rakhine State and Ayeyarwady Region. They come here to work in factories or run small businesses like shops. It seems that some are still wary about returning to Yangon because they think it is not safe yet, but they might return by the end of April,” he said. Labour activist Nwet Yi Win also expects many more workers to return to the township because they will need jobs to support themselves and their families. But most will likely be disappointed, she believes, and will find themselves no better off than in their rural homes. “After the military coup, many [garment] factories closed permanently because of a lack of orders from abroad, so I don’t know how those people will find another job,” she said. “Because of the COVID-19 situation, we also cannot go to neighbouring countries to find work.” Despite losing her job at the shoe factory, Nwet Yi Win still makes some money from reporting labour issues to non-government organisations, but she mainly relies on financial support from her family. Jobs are harder to find because even factories that have continued operations have downsized their staff, as orders and income have plummeted. Ma Su Myat Nwe has been looking for work since she was laid off from a Hlaing Tharyar garment factory in February. After more than two months, she is thinking of giving up the search and leaving Yangon for good. “I might go to Lashio where my parents work at a restaurant,” she said. “Although I don’t have to pay for accommodation because I’m staying at my brother’s home [in Hlaing Tharyar], it’s not going to work in the long term.” Those lucky enough to keep factory jobs have meanwhile seen their earnings reduced thanks to the 7pm curfew imposed under martial law. Although only an hour earlier than a nationwide curfew that has been in place since February, it deprives factory workers of the opportunity to earn overtime pay in the evenings. This supplementary income enabled them to not only meet the expenses of living in Yangon but also send money to their families and maybe save some for the future. “If we don’t work overtime, we will receive only K150,000 a month, but if we work overtime our salaries rise to about K220,000. Every factory worker wants to find a job that includes overtime,” said garment factory worker Ma Thida. Her workplace now closes at 4:30pm each day, she said, to ensure workers have time to return home before curfew. However, labour activist Nwet Yi Win said that, even without a curfew, there would likely be few opportunities to work overtime. Orders have plummeted because the garment sector, which dominates Hlaing Tharyar’s industrial zones and was already severely weakened by the economic fallout from the pandemic, relies heavily on demand from European countries that have strongly condemned the coup, she explained. Some companies, such as H&M and Benetton, have already stopped sourcing from Myanmar. Factory worker Ma Thida said she was relieved to still have a job, despite not being able to earn overtime, but was no longer able to support her family in her home village. She had been sending her family K100,000 a month before the coup, she said. Meanwhile, creeping inflation is making it harder to even support herself. “My income is lower than before, but the prices for basic commodities have risen. It’s harder to make ends meet,” she said. “I don’t expect the situation to be good, but I hope it won’t get worse.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Fighting erupts in Myanmar; junta to ‘consider’ ASEAN plan
Description: "Ethnic minority Karen insurgents attacked a Myanmar army outpost near the Thai border on Tuesday in some of the most intense clashes since a military coup nearly three months ago threw the country into crisis. The Karen National Union (KNU), Myanmar's oldest rebel force, said it had captured the army camp on the west bank of the Salween river, which forms the border with Thailand. The Myanmar military later hit back against the insurgents with air strikes, the KNU and Thai authorities said. The fighting took place as the junta, in a setback for diplomatic efforts by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), said it would "positively" consider the bloc's suggestions to end the turmoil in Myanmar but only when stability was restored. The ASEAN leaders said after meeting on the weekend with the junta chief that they had reached a consensus on steps to end violence and promote dialogue between the rival Myanmar sides. The outbreak of hostilities near the border shifted the focus of opposition to the junta away from the pro-democracy protests that have taken place in cities and towns across the country since the coup on Feb. 1. The military overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, detained her and other civilian politicians, then cracked down with lethal force on anti-coup protesters. Security forces have killed more than 750 civilians in the demonstrations, an activist group says. The Karen and other ethnic minority forces based in frontier regions have supported the largely urban-based pro-democracy opponents of the junta......PRE-DAWN ATTACK: In Tuesday's fighting, villagers on the Thai side of the river said heavy gunfire started before dawn. Video posted on social media showed flames and smoke on the forested hillside and KNU forces had captured the outpost, the group's head of foreign affairs, Saw Taw Nee, told Reuters. The Myanmar military later mounted air strikes, Saw Taw Nee said. There was no word on casualties and 450 Thai villagers were moved away from the border to safety, the Thai military said. The Myanmar army made no comment. It has historically portrayed itself as the one institution that can keep together the ethnically diverse country of more than 53 million people. The KNU agreed to a ceasefire in 2012, ending its struggle for autonomy that began shortly after Myanmar’s independence from Britain in 1948. But its forces have clashed with the army since it seized power, ending a decade of democratic reforms that had also brought relative peace to Myanmar's borderlands. Fighting has also flared in the north and west, where the Irrawaddy news site reported 13 government soldiers were killed in clashes in Chin State over the past few days. About 24,000 people are sheltering in the jungle after being displaced in recent weeks by violence near the Thai border, including military air strikes, Karen groups say.....'CAREFUL CONSIDERATION': Elsewhere in Myanmar, there have been few reports of bloodshed since the weekend meeting between the junta chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and Southeast Asian leaders to try to find a way out of the crisis. The junta, in its first official comment on the meeting, said it would give "careful consideration to constructive suggestions ... when the situation returns to stability". The suggestions would be "positively considered" if they facilitated the junta's own "roadmap", and "serves the interests of the country", it said in a statement. The junta did not refer to what ASEAN called a five-point consensus, issued at the end of the meeting, to end the violence and initiate talks. ASEAN's points included appointing an envoy to visit Myanmar for talks with all sides. But Min Aung Hlaing, in comments reported in state media, said: "The visits to Myanmar proposed by ASEAN will be considered after stabilising the country." U.N. Special Rapporteur Thomas Andrews called on Min Aung Hlaing to make a commitment to live up to the ASEAN plan. "The people of Myanmar...need and deserve to know if it is your intention to honour this commitment," Andrews said in an open letter. Activists have criticised the plan, saying it helped to legitimise the junta and fell far short of their demands. In particular, it did not call for the release of Suu Kyi, 75, and other political prisoners. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says more than 3,400 people have been detained for opposing the coup. Suu Kyi's party won a second term in November. The election commission said the vote was fair but the military said fraud at the polls had forced it to seize power. Protesters against the junta were out in several places on Tuesday including the main city of Yangon, where hundreds surged down a street in a “flash mob” march, images on social media showed..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Military In Politics: Myanmar | Insight | Full Episode
Description: "In the early hours of February 1st, 2021, the Myanmar military known as the Tatmadaw seized power of the country. The coup led to the ousting of democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi and brought Myanmar's decade long experiment with democracy to a crashing halt. A mass uprising soon broke out across the country. The security forces responded by launching a brutal crackdown against the protesters, turning some areas of the capital, Yangon into battle zones. But why did the army stage a coup and shatter the hopes and dreams of many of its citizens? Will the violence and protests in the streets help restore democracy in Myanmar?..."
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Source/publisher: "CNA Insider" (Singapore)
Date of publication: 2021-04-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
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Title: Myanmar coup: Unity government tells ASEAN no talks until prisoners freed
Description: "The pro democracy unity government in Myanmar which includes members of Aung San #Su​ Kyi's party, says it will not enter talks until the junta releases all political prisoners. Souteast Asias regional bloc has been holding talks with the leaders of the miltiary who seized power on February 1st. Since then massive protests have been held against the coup, hundreds of civilians have been killed and many more arrested. Wai Hnin Pwint Thon campaigns officer at #Burma​ Campaign UK, and the daughter of a man currently serving a 65-year jail sentence in Myanmar for his part in the 2007 protests gave us her talke on the current situation. She says negotiations will have to happen but that talking with the #Myanmar​ military is futile..."
Source/publisher: "France24" ( Paris)
Date of publication: 2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Parallel Government Rejects Talks With Junta Before Political Prisoners Are Freed
Description: "Myanmar’s parallel government on Wednesday rejected holding talks with the junta that seized power in early February until the military regime releases more than 3,000 political prisoners, rebuffing a plan by the country’s Southeast Asian neighbors. Leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) met last Saturday and signed a “five-point consensus” on resolving the crisis by halting army violence against civilian protesters and holding talks. Members of the pro-democracy National Unity Government (NUG), formed on Apr. 16, said they will not engage in dialogue until detained leaders from the previous civilian-led government, including deposed State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, are freed. They also want ASEAN members and other nations to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar. “In order to have a meaningful dialogue, it is very clear that it is only possible if our leaders who are being detained are freed,” Kyaw Moe Tun, Myanmar’s permanent representative to the United Nations, told RFA, speaking for the NUG. “We believe that only when they are freed will the talks be fair and meaningful,” he said. Many leaders, other officials, and lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) were arrested by the military during and after the Feb. 1 coup, while those who evaded arrest have formed the NUG. Political leaders and analysts in Myanmar said ASEAN’s stance on the crisis was unfair to pro-democratic forces and would prolong the current military dictatorship. They also said that the release of the more than 3,400 people who are being detained by junta forces is a key condition for resolving the crisis. Security forces, including police, have conducted violent crackdowns on anti-coup protesters in cities and towns nationwide, at times using deadly force. More than 750 people have been killed since the coup began, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a Thailand-based human rights group.....Proposal deserves support: Nandar Hla Myint, spokesman for the military-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said ASEAN’s proposal deserves support. “I believe ASEAN is serious about the situation of individual countries in the region, and at the same time it adheres to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of another country, so it came up with something acceptable to both sides,” he said. The five-point agreement calls for an ASEAN envoy and delegation to visit Myanmar to meet with concerned parties, but junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has said that the visit would be considered only if there was internal stability. A political analyst who declined to be named said the regime leader’s comment could mean that the crackdowns will continue and that the visit will be put off. “None of the five demands in the agreement calls for the release of detained leaders,” he said. “Min Aung Hlaing has no intention of releasing them. Who are they going to negotiate with, then, if the unlawfully arrested leaders are not released? There is no need to hold discussions with anyone.” Myint Oo, an NLD lawmaker from Bago region who won a seat in the November 2020 elections, said the political crisis could not be solved by ASEAN’s recommendations and that the grouping’s suggestions were an insult to people protesting peacefully for democracy. “Look at the way ASEAN said that both sides should cease violence, as if it was the peaceful protesters who were using violence. This fact alone is offensive to the gentle and peaceful citizens who are staging this Spring Revolution,” he told RFA. Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the pro-military think tank the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, said he believed the military council would comply with ASEAN’s points if the demands were in line with a law enacted in the national interest. “We believe we can do everything we can in the national interest within a legal framework.” he said. “We certainly see it will move forward step by step. It might not move as speedily as they would expect, but each of the five demands could be implemented at appropriate times.”.....Junta outlaws AAPP: Continuing its drive to cut off the flow of information about killings and arrests in the crackdown, the junta outlawed the AAPP after accusing the group of producing biased information and incorrect data that hurt the stability and rule of law in Myanmar. The Ministry for Home Affairs under the State Administration Council, as the junta government is known, announced on Monday that it would take action against the AAPP for releasing what it said was inaccurate data to intimidate and cause anxiety among civil servants and the public, which could be interpreted as inciting violence. The AAPP publishes daily updates on the numbers of people killed, arrested, and released by the military and police in connection with anti-junta. The statements have been cited frequently by foreign governments, media, and other international organizations. Pro-army pundit Thein Tun Oo agreed with the junta’s move, saying AAPP reports are “weak in background checks or references, and the numbers get inflated.” The AAPP, however, said it has compiled lists of detainees since the day of the military coup along with the names of the dead, places where the attacks occurred, dates of deaths, and causes of death. “Everything is recorded with photos and video recordings and the data published daily,” the organization said in response to an RFA query. The military regime is attacking the AAPP because it is recognized by the U.N., foreign governments, and rights groups as a credible source of information about political prisoners in Myanmar, said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “They are trying to silence a very important organization that is doing a very difficult job. It is an attempt to keep the outside world from hearing what is happening in Burma,” he said.....More protests, arrests: Sporadic demonstration in support of the NUG and anti-junta protests continued to be held in townships in Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago, and Tanintharyi regions as well as in Shan and Kachin states. The AAPP said the death toll as of Wednesday was 756 and that 3,449 people were arrested, while another 1,237 people were in hiding while facing charges. At least two people were killed and 15 were arrested amid protests and clashes between demonstrators and security forces on Wednesday, witnesses said. In Sagaing region, a military corporal was killed during a brief clash between the Tamu People’s Defense Force and Myanmar soldiers Tuesday evening near the Indian border, residents said. Soldiers took away the body of Corporal Aung Aung, a local soldier who had joined the Civil Disobedience Movement of striking workers in March, they said. In the Sagaing town of Monywa, where residents have been holding daily anti-junta protests, soldiers took away nine people from three neighborhoods Tuesday night, locals said. “Nine got arrested,” said a resident who declined to be named. “They were accused of communicating with underground forces. There had been a series of explosions in the area recently, so their arrests could be connected to that.” An explosion on a bridge in Kachin state Tuesday night caused the structure’s foundation to crack and some rafters on nearby railroad tracks connecting the towns of Myitkyina and Mandalay to catch fire, said a resident of Hopin where the blast occurred. It is not clear who was behind the bombings..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia (RFA)" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government Ministry of Women, Youth and Children's Affairs Announcement (1/2021) - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "Ministry Investigates Sexual Violence in Detention: 1. We strongly condemn the serious allegations of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls in unlawful detention committed by the military-led State Administrative Council and its security forces. We have received many disturbing reports of women being tortured, verbally and sexually assaulted, severely beaten causing serious injuries, including a case of a woman being raped during an interrogation by the security forces. Some detained women have also reportedly been humiliated in public, forced to dance in the streets to entertain the security forces, while others have been groped and manhandled during arrests. One woman miscarried while in detention as a result of mistreatment.....2. These cases are indicative of the wider pattern of sexual and gender-based violence committed by Myanmar’s military that has persisted for years with impunity, particularly against ethnic minority women and girls in armed conflict areas. In 2019, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission (IIFFMM) found that the military committed "widespread and systematic" gender-based violence against ethnic communities, employing tactics such as rape, gang rape, sexual slavery and other forced sexual acts against women, girls, boys, men and transgender people. According to the IIFFMM, such violations could amount to crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. The military’s use of rape as a weapon of war to terrorize ethnic communities has been widespread and systematic, particularly in ethnic conflict-affected areas, and has been widely documented by the local ethnic women organizations and the international community.....3. We are deeply troubled that the State Administrative Council appears to have set aside the Joint Communique that was signed by the Government of Myanmar and the United Nations in 2018. This agreement was adopted under the framework of United Nations Security Council resolution 2106 (2013) and requires Myanmar’s military to implement specific time-bound commitments that include the issuance of clear orders through chains of command prohibiting sexual violence and accountability for breaching these orders, as well as timely investigation of alleged abuses.....4. We appeal to the international community to immediately investigate the allegations of widespread sexual and gender-based violence being committed by the military junta so that all perpetrators, regardless of seniority or rank, can be held accountable for their actions. Furthermore, we believe that immediate action is needed to end the ongoing intensification of nationwide attacks against civilians by the military, that includes widespread allegations sexual and gender-based violence. We therefore urge the UN Secretary-General to use his good offices to deter further grave violations from taking place. This could include an official visit to Myanmar by the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, with the goal of stopping the military terror and violence and securing the safety of the people of Myanmar.....5. We are committed to a zero-tolerance policy for crimes of sexual and gender-based violence, in line with Myanmar’s obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law, including UN Security Council resolution 1325 and related resolutions, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. We call on the UN, including the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary- General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, the Special Rapporteur on human rights situation in Myanmar, Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children, and the international community to work with our Ministry to protect the rights of women, youth and children and stop and prevent further violence. We all have a responsibility to hold the perpetrators of such heinous crimes to account and to address the needs of survivors through a survivor-centered approach, including provision of necessary services such as medical care and psychological support. The ministry will continue investigate these allegations and document the incidents in order to bring justice for all victims. Our Ministry stands with the victims and survivors of sexual and genderbased violence and commits to ending violence against women, youth and children and to ensure justice and accountability....Ministry of Women, Youth and Children's Affairs National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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