Human Rights and international relations
Individual Documents
Description:
"Introduction:
The villagers in Southeast Burma (Myanmar) have been facing conflict for as long as they can remember. Generations have grown up amidst the fighting, and have lived their whole lives under a fear of attacks. The 2021 coup reinvigorated the open and direct violence of the Burma Army, under the command of the State Administration Council (SAC), in locally-defined Karen State. These attacks are deliberately directed towards civilian areas and communities, including by indiscriminately shelling villages and plantations. From January to October 2023 alone, KHRG recorded more than 192 incidents of indiscriminate shelling committed by the SAC, which killed and wounded villagers, destroyed civilian houses, buildings, and plantations, affected livelihoods, and caused displacement.
This briefing paper investigates the consequences of SAC shelling in civilian areas and its impacts on the lives of rural villagers in Southeast Burma. The first section gives an overview of the history of violence and oppression in the region by the Burma Army. The second section presents the immediate consequences of shelling on villagers, including deaths and injuries, the destruction of property, and livelihoods harmed. The third section analyses longer-term impacts, including displacement, persistent fear among villagers, restricted access to education, and the heightened risk of unexploded ordnance (UXOs). Finally, a security and legal analysis of the current situation is conducted, and recommendations addressed to relevant stakeholders are presented..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2023-12-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.41 MB (Original version) - 14 pages
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Description:
"Highlights
More than 2.6 million people nationally are internally displaced and in need of life-saving assistance. The escalation of conflict has a disproportionate impact on children with suffering mental health and psychosocial impacts from witnessing or experiencing violence, as well as new or prolonged displacement.
A total of 858 casualties have been reported nationwide in the first nine months of 2023, injured by landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW); 22 per cent of the casualties were children.
29,980 people received mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) at child-friendly spaces, community centres, from mobile teams, and by remote counselling.
The funding gap of 84.8 per cent is severely affecting UNICEF’s capacity to respond effectively; especially children who need basic social services, will not be able to receive humanitarian assistance.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
At the end of 2023, more than 2.6 million people are internally displaced with the need for life-saving assistance. More than 660,000 people are estimated to be newly displaced in northern and southern Shan, Rakhine, the southeast and the northwest regions. In addition, at least 378 civilians have reportedly been killed and 505 injured since the escalation of armed conflict that began in late October. The key challenge for humanitarian workers is the restriction of movement, including the use of roadblocks. Inflation and the depreciation of the local currency is affecting the flow of commodities, depleting stocks in the markets and sharply increasing the price of essential items. The lack of fuel is affecting transportation, telecommunications, the agricultural and industrial sectors and is impacting the delivery of supplies to internally displaced persons in conflict-affected townships. Telecommunications and internet services in Kachin have been extremely unreliable, with limited or no access in some areas as well as in the northwest and Kayah impacting the displaced population’s access to services and information.
The escalation of conflict has a disproportionate impact on children. Children suffer mental health and psychosocial impacts from witnessing or experiencing violence, as well as new or prolonged displacement.
In northern Shan, the conflict remains intense with continuous fighting across several townships. Artillery shelling and multiple airstrikes have increased the number of civilian casualties, with unverified reports of 130 civilians killed and 210 injured since the fighting escalated. Some 104,300 people are newly displaced in northern Shan, as well as in Kachin and Mandalay, while almost 20,000 people have returned home, particularly to nearby villages at Lashio township. Lashio airport has been closed for seven weeks and access by road is worsening, with increased restrictions on humanitarian supplies at various checkpoints.
All townships in Rakhine State continue to be affected by severe blockades, movement restrictions, arbitrary arrests, and artillery shelling; 37 civilian deaths and 121 injuries were reported. Arbitrary arrests have escalated across Rakhine, with more than 190 people placed in detention; humanitarian workers have also been affected by this. Some 114,700 people have been newly displaced due to the ongoing fighting.
Across the northwest and central Myanmar, the intensifying conflict has resulted in 118 civilian deaths and 73 injured with more than 314,000 people newly displaced. More than one million people are now displaced in Sagaing region, and more than 60 per cent of the population displaced after February 2021 remains in the northwest region. Humanitarian workers and some 110 civilians have been reportedly arrested since early December. Landmines and unexploded ordnance pose a major risk in the northwest. An estimated 150,000 internally displaced people in Kawlin and Tigyaing townships in Sagaing have no access to humanitarian assistance.
In the southeast, intense clashes are increasing, especially in Kawtkareik, Kyainnseikkyi and Hpapun in Kayin and Nyaunglebin and Kyaukkyi in Bago East. More than 136,000 people have been newly displaced since the escalation began with 93 civilians reported dead, and 101 injured, many of them along the Shan-Kayah border. Access to, and transportation of, essential supplies are heavily restricted, especially in Kayah..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-01-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
453.39 KB
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Description:
"Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in the Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Shan State, and Rakhine State from January 1st to 7th. Over 40 civilians died and over 30 were injured by the Military’s airstrikes within a week. Over 30 local civilians from Khin-U Township, Sagaing Region, were arrested as human shields. Prison staff from Daik-U Prison are threatening and torturing the female political prisoners in Bago Region.
About 50 civilians died and over 60 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. 8 underaged children were injured and 3 died when Military junta committed abuses. 2 civilians also died from the land mines by Military troops. Military junta also committed a massacre and 19 people died in Wuntho Township, Sagaing Region..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2024-01-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
319.5 KB 318.23 KB
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Sub-title:
Thailand would need to implement essential refugee policies that align with international standards to deal with the ongoing humanitarian crisis
Description:
"Thailand lies at a critical intersection in Southeast Asia, where the vibrant tapestry of cultures meets the complex weave of geopolitics. As the nation grapples with the escalating number of Myanmar refugees, it's not merely facing a geopolitical conundrum but a humanitarian crisis which demands global attention.
Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin is actively advocating for Thailand to play a central role in engaging with the Myanmar military regime to address the two-year civil war. While agreeing to adhere to the peace plan proposed by the regional bloc Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), he underscores the geographical proximity between Thailand and Myanmar, leading to an influx of displaced individuals seeking protection. This exodus, in turn, necessitates the provision of essential services to address their needs.
While agreeing to adhere to the peace plan proposed by the regional bloc Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), he underscores the geographical proximity between Thailand and Myanmar, leading to an influx of displaced individuals seeking protection.
PM Srettha's recent statement indicates a shift in Thailand's approach from the previous government's stance, which largely supported the Junta, to a more humanitarian-focused role. However, the current government's engagement remains limited to the Junta, highlighting the need for broader connections with other groups.
Roots of displacement
The Kayin State, formerly the Karen State, has witnessed a history of human rights abuses perpetrated by the Junta, particularly against the Karen ethnic minority seeking greater autonomy. Well-documented instances of systematic violence, including rape, torture, and forced labour, explicitly targeting Karenni women and girls, showcase the severity of the situation. The military's use of both women and men as human shields violates international humanitarian law.
The coup has exacerbated the crisis and made these people easy targets of violence. There are restrictions on travel and a shortage of essential resources in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar. Humanitarian workers are adapting by seeking alternative routes to deliver aid materials and avoid harassment and detention by military forces. Consequently, a growing number of individuals, including men, women, and children, are seeking refuge along the Thai-Myanmar border to escape the worsening conditions.
Attending the displaced
Bangkok's historical role as a haven for displaced people, mainly from Myanmar, is evident. Since the mid-1980s, the nation has provided shelter to approximately 90,801 displaced people from Myanmar across nine camps. However, following the coup in Myanmar in February 2021, an additional 45,025 displaced people sought refuge. Thailand's humanitarian efforts include providing temporary shelters, a few core relief items, food, and medical assistance.
Humanitarian workers are adapting by seeking alternative routes to deliver aid materials and avoid harassment and detention by military forces.
Despite allowing these new arrivals to stay in temporary shelters near the border, the Thai government has sporadically pushed them back. Notably, these recently displaced populations are not allowed to enter established refugee camps, and Thai officials impose stringent restrictions on their movement.
In July 2023, around 9,000 hapless people sought safety in Thailand's Mae Hong Son district due to frequent airstrikes in Karenni State. Initially, Thai authorities permitted them to stay in temporary shelters, however, on 21 October, they were asked to return to Myanmar within two weeks. Consequently, the shelters were vacated as people walked back across the border into Karenni State, a journey taking four to five days. Many resettled in Doh Noh Ku, a settlement for internally displaced people at the Thai-Myanmar border.
Pushbacks persisted until 27 October, coinciding with an offensive by a coalition of armed ethnic and resistance groups against the Myanmar military in northern Shan State. Subsequently, opposition forces elsewhere in Myanmar launched attacks against the military, prompting retaliatory airstrikes, including in Karenni State. By 27 November, over 2,387 Myanmar individuals had fled again, crossing back into the Mae Hong Son district.
The Thai Foreign Minister's announcement on 3 December to construct shelters for displaced people underscores a recognition of the escalating violence and the potential for more people to seek refuge.
Pushbacks persisted until 27 October, coinciding with an offensive by a coalition of armed ethnic and resistance groups against the Myanmar military in northern Shan State.
On 8 December, Thailand's Ministry of Foreign Affairs disclosed that Myanmar officials had reached an agreement to establish a task force to enhance humanitarian aid for those displaced within Myanmar due to the ongoing conflict. Despite good intentions, concerns arise about the effective distribution of assistance to all affected regions, considering the track record of the Junta.
Predicaments
Thailand's response to the crisis is challenging. The delicate balance between engaging with the Myanmar military regime and advocating for humanitarian provisions poses a diplomatic dilemma. The strain on resources and infrastructure due to the growing refugee population is a significant concern. The need for sustained efforts, both domestically and through international collaboration, is crucial to address the humanitarian crisis effectively.
Thailand's response is constrained by its non-ratification of the 1951 Refugee Convention or 1967 Protocol. However, in 2018, Thailand voted in favour of the Global Compact on Refugees, and subsequently, the National Screening Mechanism (NSM) was established in 2019. The NSM aims to grant “protected person” status to foreign nationals in Thailand who are unable or unwilling to return to their home countries due to a well-founded fear of persecution, as determined by the NSM Committee. Despite delays in application due to the COVID-19 pandemic, in March 2023, Thailand's Cabinet approved a regulation outlining the procedure and eligibility criteria for individuals seeking NSM status, which officially came into effect on September 2023. Additionally, the rollout of the NSM will occur incrementally as the Thai government, with technical assistance and advocacy from UNHCR, continues to develop the comprehensive set of procedural standards and policies needed for its implementation.
The NSM aims to grant “protected person” status to foreign nationals in Thailand who are unable or unwilling to return to their home countries due to a well-founded fear of persecution, as determined by the NSM Committee.
However, concerns exist regarding the NSM's effectiveness and legal subordination to the Immigration Act. While Clause 15 of the NSM regulation delays the deportation of individuals asserting protected-person status, it fails to shield them from arrest, detention, or prosecution based on their immigration status. Additionally, as the NSM is legally subordinate to the Immigration Act, the predominant experience for refugees seeking protection under the NSM in Thailand would involve initial encounters with arrest, detention, and prosecution. There also remains apprehension that the NSM excludes migrant workers from Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos under its provision from receiving adequate protection in Thailand.
Actions required
To address the challenges, the Thai government should utilise the power granted by Section 17 of the Immigration Act to exempt NSM applicants from arrest, detention, or prosecution. Explicit provisions for determining protected status under NSM need to be established. Exempting refugees from arrest, detention, and prosecution under the Immigration Act, as emphasised in an open letter by eight organisations on 12 December, will signal Thailand's commitment to the Global Compact on Refugees.
Urgent action from Thai authorities is imperative to enhance efforts in granting appropriate status and protection to those fleeing persecution, aligning with international standards.
The escalating Myanmar refugee crisis necessitates a comprehensive and swift response from Thai authorities. While challenges persist, Thailand can set an example in the region by implementing essential refugee policies. Addressing humanitarian concerns, engaging in regional cooperation, and enacting necessary policy reforms are imperative for Thailand to effectively manage the evolving crisis and provide sustainable solutions for refugees and displaced persons..."
Source/publisher:
Observer Research Foundation
Date of publication:
2024-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
more
Sub-title:
But high-profile prisoners such as Aung San Suu Kyi , and many of those serving long terms, were not part of the release.
Description:
"UPDATED on January 4, 2024 at 4:08 p.m. ET
Myanmar’s junta granted amnesty to 9,652 prisoners on Thursday, according to a statement released by the junta’s State Administration Council said.
The prisoner release took place on the 76th anniversary of the country’s independence from the United Kingdom.
The amnesty was conditioned on the agreement that, should they reoffend, they would be required to serve both the remaining sentence and any new punishment.
About 114 foreign prisoners were included in the amnesty, according to a separate statement from the junta. It said they were released to maintain friendly relations with other countries.
Among those released is Kaung Set Lin, a photojournalist from the Myanmar Press Photo Agency in Yangon, who had been sentenced to three years on charges of damaging public interest.
Kaung Set Lin was arrested while injured when police and soldiers, using a vehicle, charged into an anti-coup protest he was covering on Pan Pin Gyi Street in Yangon's Kyimyindaing township.
“Yes, he is freed. My son is among the released. Now we are about to go home. Needless to say, I am so happy. I wanted to see my son’s face before I died. Now my wish has come true,” Myo Myint, the father of the journalist, told RFA Burmese.
Kaung Set Lin's mother died while he was incarcerated.
“My mother died of cancer. I didn’t get a chance to see her at the last moment. But as a son, I was dutiful," he told RFA Burmese. "Until now, I never made my mother feel she had a low prestige. I want all my remaining [political prisoner] brothers to be released as well.”
'Nothing but pray'
Another six of Kaung Set Lin's co-accused were released today. However, Hmu Yadana Khet Moh Moh Tun, a reporter from the Myanmar Press Photo Agency, who was arrested the same day remains imprisoned.
Her mother Myint Myint Maw said that she wanted her daughter to be released, though she could do nothing but pray.
“Anyway, I'm expecting her release. But since she has been sentenced for two more charges, I don’t expect much," she said. "When the others were released, I just sent prayers and love for her. "[The authorities] have to release her, so I can do nothing but pray. She will be free only when they release her, so I feel bad.”
However, another journalist, Hmu Yadanar Khat Moh Moh Tun from the Myanmar Press Photo Agency, who was arrested alongside him, has not been released.
Actress Thin Zar Wint Kyaw and model Nan Mwe San, who faced criticism from the junta and were sentenced to several years in prison on charges of undermining Myanmar culture and sexual orientation, were also released, according to media reports. But RFA has not been able to independently verify this information.
More than 1,000 prisoners were released from Mandalay’s Obo Prison on Thursday, and among them were Dr. Ye Lwin, former Mandalay mayor, and Kyaw Zeya, a member of the Mandalay City Development Committee, both served under the National League for Democracy-led government, lawyers said.
While a few political prisoners were released today, detained former political leader Aung San Suu Kyi and former President Win Myint, who have received lengthy prison sentences under various charges, along with members of the NLD government, lawmakers, university students and democracy activists remain incarcerated.
'No hope' for those given long terms
A family member of Tun Tun Hein, NLD-led government’s deputy speaker, said he has not heard any news about his release yet.
Tun Tun Hein, the 72-year-old deputy speaker who also served as the chairman of the country’s lower house in the parliament, had been sentenced to more than 30 years.
“I wished he would be released because he is old. I hope he comes out with amnesty and I am praying for it. I haven't heard any news yet,” said the family member.
A lawyer, who is handling the cases of political prisoners and requested anonymity for security reasons, informed RFA Burmese that none of the political prisoners serving long-term sentences were among those released on Thursday. Only those who had been sentenced to terms between two and three years and were close to their scheduled release dates were freed, the lawyer added.
A family member of a political prisoner who was sentenced to a long jail term in Thayet Prison in Magway region said that there was no hope for those who have been given long prison terms.
“There is no expectation for their release. They [the authorities] released the inmates who have just two, three or four, five more months to serve. They don’t release people who have to serve for four, five or six more years," he said.
Based on the junta statements, there have been 14 amnesties granted since the coup, including the one on Thursday. In total, more than 92,000 prisoners have been released during these amnesties, but only a small number of them were political prisoners.
According to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, or AAPP, in 2023 alone, the junta released more than 20,000 prisoners, but only 2,400 political prisoners were among them..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-01-04
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights and international relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
more
Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Dec 22 to 31, 2023
Military Junta Troops launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in the Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, Bago Region, Shan State, Rakhine State, and Kayin State from December 22nd to 31st. Military Junta Troop also burnt and killed 7 civilians from Bago Region, Nattalin Township. 2 political prisoners who were tortured in Insein Prison, Yangon Region, and Pathein Prison, Ayeyarwady Region, died because of the lack of medical treatment.
Over 50 civilians died and over 50 were injured within a week by the Military’s heavy and light attacks. Over 10 underaged children were injured and over 10 died when the Military Junta committed violations. A civilian was also injured by the Military Junta’s landmines. A bridge and a road from Northern Shan State were destroyed by the Military Junta Troop..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2024-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
284.84 KB 267.92 KB 1003.9 KB
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Description:
"၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြားတွင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှု အခြေအနေများကို လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက စုဆောင်းကောက်ယူခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုသို့ ကောက်ယူရာတွင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှုဖြစ်စဥ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး ခိုင်မာသည့် သတင်း မီဒီယာများကို စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာမှု၊ Online Monitoring တို့မှတဆင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှု ဖြစ်ရပ်ပေါင်း (၄၆၅၆)ခု တို့ကို ကောက်ယူရရှိခဲ့ပြီး၊ မြေပြင်အခြေအနေနှင့် ဆန်းစစ်အတည်ပြုနိုင်သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုဖြစ်စဥ် စုစုပေါင်း (၆၅၇)ခု ကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်သိမ်းဆည်းထားနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုဖြစ်ရပ်များထည်းမှ အင်တာဗျူး၊ ဓာတ်ပုံမှတ်တမ်း များအပါအဝင် အချက်အလက်များရရှိပြီး မှန်ကန်ကြောင်းခိုင်မာစွာ အတည်ပြု နိုင်ခဲ့သည့် ဖြစ်စဉ်ပေါင်း (၃၂၂)ခု ရှိခဲ့သည်။ IIMM နှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာသို့ ဖြစ်စဉ် (၁၆၅)ခု ပေးပို့နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
ထိုကဲ့သို့ စစ်တမ်းကောက်ယူထားရှိသည့် အချက်အလက်များအား အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် ခေါင်းစဉ် (၇) ခုဖြင့် ပိုင်းခြားသတ်မှတ်၍ ပြည်သူသို့ လေးစားစွာ တင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး တန်းတူညီမျှမှုရရှိရေး၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့်တရားမျှတမှုရရှိရေးတည်းဟူသော ဦးတည်ချက်များကို ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာလက်ကိုင်ဆွဲထား၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ကျုးလွန်မှုများကိုအပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေး အစွမ်းကုန်တာဝန်ယူဆောင်ရွက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာပြုအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2024-01-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.19 MB
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Description:
"In Rakhine State, 157,169 individuals have been displaced across 12 townships due to the ongoing AA-Tatmadaw conflict that started in 2019. Additionally, 10,331 individuals have been displaced in Paletwa township in Chin State, bringing the total number of displaced persons to 167,500. Out of them, 118,786 individuals are newly displaced since the escalation of armed conflict on 13 November as of 25 December.
In collaboration with partners and other UN agencies, UNHCR is responding to the humanitarian needs and continues to provide assistance to affected communities. Since January 2023, UNHCR has provided core relief items, emergency shelter support, dignity kits and cloth masks to some 51,619 individuals in Mrauk-U, Kyauktaw, Ponnagyun, Myebon, Sittwe, Pauktaw, Paletwa, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-01-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
9.11 MB 10.15 MB
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Description:
"NUCC and NUG Issue Joint New Year
Statement for 2024.....Spring Development Bank to Open
First Branch in Kawlin Township.....Ministry of Defence: Resistance Forces Take Over the Military Base in Thabeikkyin Township.....Cabinet: Acting President Urges People to
Escalate Perseverance for the Success in 2024.....Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration....Acting President States to Respect
for Justice and Human Dignity in His Christmas Greeting Message.....Central Committee for Implementation
of Interim Local Administration.....Ministry of Defence: Officers of Myanmar Military Council Desert Naung Gyi Ine Police Station in
Ayadaw Township.....Interim Board for Heritage Administration.....National Unity Consultative Council
(NUCC).....December 2023 Military Affairs Brief Review.....New Year Greetings..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.15 MB
Local URL:
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Description:
"1။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူကို ဗဟိုပြုသည့် စံတန်ဖိုးများကို ဖော်ဆောင်သော ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်ရန် ရည်မှန်းထားသည်နှင့်အညီ လွတ်လပ်၍ တက်ကြွပြီး ဘက်မလိုက်သော နိုင်ငံခြားရေးမူဝါဒကို ချမှတ် လိုက်နာကျင့်သုံးလျက်ရှိသည်။
2။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် တရုတ်ပြည်သူ့သမ္မတနိုင်ငံတို့သည် နှစ်နိုင်ငံအကြား သမိုင်းကြောင်း အရ အလွန်ခိုင်မာ၍ နီးကပ်သည့်ဆက်နွှယ်မှု အစဉ်အလာများရှိသည်သာမက တရုတ်နိုင်ငံသည် ကမ္ဘာ့အင်အားကြီးနိုင်ငံ တစ်နိုင်ငံ ဖြစ်သည့်အားလျော်စွာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွက် အထူးအရေးပါသည့်နိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည်ဟု ခံယူသည်။
3။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့် တရုတ်ပြည်သူ့သမ္မတနိုင်ငံတို့သည် နယ်နိမိတ်အားဖြင့် ကီလိုမီတာ နှစ်ထောင်ကျော် ထိစပ်လျက်ရှိပြီး၊ ကမ္ဘာတည်သရွေ့ အတူယှဉ်တွဲ နေထိုင်သွားရမည့် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများဖြစ်သည်နှင့်အညီ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် နှစ်နိုင်ငံကြား စစ်မှန်သည့် “ဆွေမျိုး-ပေါက်ဖော်” ဆက်ဆံရေးတည်ဆောက်သွားမည်။ တရုတ်နိုင်ငံအတွက် အိမ်နီးချင်းကောင်း ဖြစ်ရေး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက အမြဲ ကြိုးပမ်း၊ ရပ်တည်မည်။
4။ တရုတ် တစ်နိုင်ငံတည်း မူဝါဒကို ဆက်လက်ထောက်ခံကျင့်သုံးမည်။
5။ တရုတ်နှင့်မြန်မာ နှစ်နိုင်ငံကြား ပြည်သူနှင့်ပြည်သူ ဆက်ဆံရေးကို အလေးထားလျက် အပြန်အလှန် ချစ်ကြည်မှု၊ ယုံကြည်မှုနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို အစွမ်းကုန် မြှင့်တင်၊ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
6။ နှစ်နိုင်ငံကြား လူမှုစီးပွားအရ အကျိုးတူ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို အစဉ်သဖြင့် ထိန်းသိမ်း၊ မြှင့်တင်၊ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
7။ နှစ်နိုင်ငံပြည်သူများ၏အကျိုးစီးပွားဖြစ်ထွန်းရေးကိုမျှော်ရည်လျှက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်းရှိ တရုတ်နိုင်ငံ၏ စီးပွားရေးအရ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုများနှင့် အခြားလူမှုစီးပွားလုပ်ငန်းများ၏ လုံခြုံရေး ကို ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်မည်။
8။ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများ၏ နိုင်ငံတော်လုံခြုံရေးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေသည့် မည်သည့် အဖွဲ့ အစည်းကိုမျှ မြန်မာ့ပိုင်နက်အတွင်း အခြေချခွင့်မပြု။
9။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုမတိုင်ခင် နှစ်နိုင်ငံ နယ်နိမိတ်သတ်မှတ်မှုစာချုပ်များ အပါအဝင် နှစ်နိုင်ငံကြား သဘောတူချုပ်ဆိုခဲ့သည့် စာချုပ်များအားလုံးကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှ တာဝန်ယူ ဆက်ခံမည်။
10။ နှစ်နိုင်ငံ နယ်စပ်တည်ငြိမ်ရေး နှင့် လုံခြုံရေးသာမက ဒေသတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်ရေးနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးကိုပါ ထိခိုက်စေသည့် ကျားဖြန့် အွန်လိုင်း လိမ်လည်မှုနှင့် လောင်းကစားလုပ်ငန်း၊ လူကုန်ကူးမှုလုပ်ငန်း၊ မူးယစ်ဆေးဝါးလုပ်ငန်းများအပါအဝင် နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် ရာဇဝတ် မှုခင်းများကို တရုတ်နိုင်ငံ အပါအဝင် ဒေသတွင်းနိုင်ငံများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ တိုက်ဖျက်သွားမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-01-01
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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692.43 KB
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Description:
"HIGHLIGHTS:
The situation of children has worsened and remains a significant concern in Myanmar, with ongoing and escalating conflict leading to multiple displacements and the deterioration of social services in conflict-affected communities. Cyclone Mocha, which hit in May 2023, caused widespread destruction in five states, and seasonal monsoons negatively impacted already vulnerable communities. More than 18.6 million people, including 6 million children, are in need of humanitarian assistance.
UNICEF's humanitarian strategy focuses on working with local civil society organizations, non-governmental organizations and other United Nations agencies to broaden the humanitarian response for children in all conflict-affected states and regions.
For 2024, UNICEF is appealing for $208.3 million to provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to 3.1 million people, including 2.1 million children. UNICEF aims to reach 850,000 people with critical WASH supplies; 350,000 children and women with primary health care services; and more than 890,000 children with education.
HUMANITARIAN SITUATION AND NEEDS
The worsening situation of children remains a significant concern in Myanmar, with ongoing and escalating conflict leading to multiple displacements and the deterioration of social services in conflict-affected communities. Nearly 2 million people were displaced internally as of the end of October 2023, including 306,200 people who had been displaced prior to the military takeover in February 2021. Adding to this, in 2023, Cyclone Mocha caused widespread destruction in five states, and seasonal monsoons negatively impacted already vulnerable communities. Altogether, more than 18.6 million people, including 6 million children, require humanitarian assistance.
Grave child rights violations persist, mainly due to the indiscriminate use of heavy weapons, airstrikes, explosive ordnance and recruitment and use of children. Attacks on schools and hospitals continue at alarming levels. Approximately 4.5 million children need education support because of disruption to safe learning opportunities.12 Women and children face significant risks of violence, including gender-based violence, exploitation and abuse. Children and adults with disabilities are especially vulnerable and have limited access to services that meet their disability-specific needs.
A deteriorating economic situation has limited livelihood opportunities, further worsening the plight of the most vulnerable people. More than 55 per cent of children live in poverty, while three quarters of displaced households’ basic needs are unmet. Access to water and life-saving services has deteriorated: a significant number of children are still not able to access basic health and nutrition interventions due to insecurity and other forms of restriction. The under-five mortality rate of 42 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2022 remains the highest in the region, and up to 75 per cent of children aged 6–23 months do not eat a minimum acceptable diet. Although immunization coverage increased to approximately 70 per cent in 2022 from 37 per cent in 2021, an estimated 1 million children missed basic vaccines from 2018 to 2022.
Camp closures and the forced return or relocation of displaced people, particularly in Kachin, Shan and Rakhine States pose protection risks for children. Armed clashes, widespread presence of landmines and unexploded ordinance and a lack of basic services remain obstacles to return. And the proposed Rohingya repatriation from Bangladesh in the absence of conditions for voluntary and safe returns will present further protection concerns in 2024.
Military operations, ongoing hostilities and administrative constraints (e.g., travel authorization-related delays and movement restrictions) impede access of humanitarian actors to people in need, impacting the timely delivery of programme supplies. The politicization of humanitarian assistance compounds this challenge..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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2.72 MB
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Description:
"Introduction
The shelter design is contextual considering the response phase, cultural and specific aspects of geographical area and users. It is fundamental that shelter programs consider the use of local materials, skills and building techniques, as well involve the affected communities from the initial stages.
Considering the diversity of Myanmar and complexity of context, the cluster together with partners developed this catalogue compiling in a single document the shelter designs across the country for quick consultation, comparative analysis and support decision making within shelter programs. It was designed for use by cluster partners, nonetheless the information may be relevant to partitioners that are supporting shelter programmes.
Future revision should be consider for upgraded and new designs, thus this catalogue should be consider as a ‘live’ document.
The designs in this catalogue follow three sessions as the response phase and hubs covered:
SHORT - TERM
(Up to 1.5 years) solutions with materials that are intended to be removed once the next stage of shelter solution is offered or when the crisis is over and IDPs can return to their homes. Usually, these are constructed with limited costs.
MID- TERM
(Up to 5 years) that are made with materials and techniques that are designed to transition into more permanent structures. The shelter should be upgradeable, reusable, resaleable or moveable from temporary sites to permanent locations.
LONG- TERM
It is a solution designed with more permanent and durable solution structures/materials. Over 5 years..."
Source/publisher:
Shelter Cluster, UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Date of publication:
2023-12-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
Size:
11.19 MB
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"Introduction: The Myanmar response showed an increase in Cash and Vouchers Assistance (CVA) to support people affected by crisis while in displacement or in the immediate phase following a disaster such as the Mocha Cyclone in May 2023. When cash is feasible following the situation analysis through needs assessment, market functionality, financial service provider and risks, it is often perceived as faster and more cost-effective than in-kind assistance. In programs with shelter focus, CVAs have traditionally been provided to the affected population by staggered payments related to conditions and restrictions to be able to meet sector-specific technical, protection objectives and outcomes. The conditionality and restrictions will often minimize the risk to beneficiaries caused by a very unregulated shelter value chain.
As Shelter-NFI response cover a wide range of interventions, also considering the specificities of each region such as Northeast, Northwest, Rakhine and Southeast, this is an initial guidance shelter cash interventions for further detailed guidance to be incorporated due course of the coming year..."
Source/publisher:
Shelter Cluster, UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Date of publication:
2023-12-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.01 MB
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Description:
"SITUATION ANALYSIS
Description of the crisis
Cyclone Mocha caused significant damage in Myanmar, particularly in areas that are already grappling with civil unrest, a high number of internally displaced people, armed clashes, and fragile economic conditions. The cyclone that brought about intense wind and heavy rainfall led to significant flooding and damages in Rakhine, Chin, Magway,
Ayeyarwady, Mandalay, and Sagaing states and regions. The states of Rakhine, Chin, and Magway regions were particularly hard hit, prompting the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) to respond. The MRCS, operating as an independent humanitarian organization, mobilized resources and personnel in accordance with the Myanmar Red Cross Society Law of 2015 to provide emergency aid, including medical assistance, shelter, and essential supplies to the affected communities.
This cyclone occurred in an already challenging humanitarian context in Myanmar. OCHA's 2023 Humanitarian Needs Overview projected that over 17.6 million people would require humanitarian assistance in Myanmar in 20231 . As per MRCS's branch analysis, the cyclone affected around 1.1 million individuals from more than 237,000 households across the country. A large number of semi-permanent and temporary shelters were damaged or destroyed, leaving over 200,000 houses in need of repair. Critical infrastructure, including water systems, sanitation facilities, hospitals, clinics, schools, and transportation networks, suffered severe damage or complete destruction. Livelihoods were disrupted, with the loss of livestock and floods impacting croplands.
The aftermath of the cyclone has led to a rise in the prices of basic goods, affecting the physical and mental health of the affected population. Healthcare access is disrupted, compounded by shortages of medicine.
Summary of response
Overview of the host National Society and ongoing response
The Myanmar Red Cross Society is an independent humanitarian organization that operates impartially and neutrally.
Its role as an auxiliary to the state in the humanitarian field, operating in line with the Red Cross Red Crescent Fundamental Principles, is enshrined in the Myanmar Red Cross Society Law of 2015. The MRCS has a strong presence with over a thousand trained Emergency Response Team (ERT) volunteers and 44,000 members nationwide, including 7,994 core Red Cross Volunteers (RCV) active at the community level. The organization has 23 warehouses strategically located throughout the country to support preparedness and response efforts. It also has regional and state branches across the country and a substantial presence in various operational hubs in Rakhine State, under the management of the MRCS Rakhine Operations Management Unit established over the past decade. During this reporting period, 962 volunteers were deployed to aid the most affected communities since the cyclone made landfall.
The MRCS has established communication channels with local authorities, communities and other stakeholders in the affected areas through its local staff, volunteers, and branches. This enables them to reach vulnerable communities and provide immediate humanitarian assistance. Through its community presence, MRCS has access to the ground and has collected data as well as assessed the impact of Cyclone Mocha in Rakhine State and Magway and Ayeyarwady regions in particular.
In anticipation of the cyclone, the MRCS activated its Emergency Operations Centre (EOC) one week before landfall and initiated preparedness measures and early actions well in advance. The national MRCS EOC has also regularly communicated and received information from the State and Branches EOC. As a result, MRCS was on standby and ready to mobilize the volunteers and dispatch the NFI items. Prior to landfall, MRCS volunteers in the projected path and impact zone assisted with evacuations, conducted awareness campaigns and gathered preliminary data. After the cyclone made landfall, on 14 May 2023, MRCS branches mobilized their volunteers to engage in rescue operations, clear roads and debris, provide first aid and psychological first aid, and collect initial observations and data. MRCS also mobilized its existing operational resources to respond to the aftermath, deploying trained expert personnel to provide assistance and support services such as logistics and supply chain directly. The response in Rakhine state has focused on communities whose vulnerability was increased by Cyclone Mocha as part of the MRCS ongoing humanitarian activities in Rakhine.
As of 17 November 2023, MRCS has reached 290,003 people from 58,000 households in relief assistance, including, shelter, livelihood, health and hygiene items, and multi-purpose cash assistance. A total of 19,586 individuals from 4,277 households received shelter assistance through the distribution of tarpaulins, family kits, and blankets. In the hardest-hit region of Rakhine State, MRCS distributed a total of 982,507 litres, of which 919,237 litres from water trucks and 63,270 litres in the form of 1L bottles, of clean drinking water, along with 19,000 litres of domestic water to affected communities, reaching 50,042 households (250,210 people). To uphold the dignity of the affected communities, hygiene parcels for families, specialized hygiene kits for men, and dignity kits for women were distributed in various affected regions, including Rakhine, Magway, Yangon, Ayeyarwady, Bago, and Mandalay. 12,586 individuals were reached with these items. Additionally, MRCS distributed 468 sets of children's clothing to support affected children. MRCS's mobile health clinics in Rakhine have provided assistance to 1,826 individuals since it started on 17 May 2023. In the initial response to Cyclone Mocha, 19 people received first aid and ambulance service from MRCS. Furthermore, 1,989 individuals attended health education organized by MRCS. Lastly, a total of 451 million MMK or CHF 193,930 in multi-purpose cash grants (MPCG) were distributed to 2,328 households benefitting 10,381 people. It is worth noting that some households received multiple support, thus a comprehensive approach was adopted when calculating the total people reached to avoid double counting.
Operational coordination meetings are regularly organized to update the partners in collaboration with the IFRC, involving in-country partners and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), to provide technical and planning support to MRCS for the response. MRCS, IFRC, and ICRC meet in Movement tripartite meetings at a strategic level. The regular tripartite security cell meetings are being used for regular risk analysis and security planning.
Moreover, MRCS and IFRC are observers in HCT meetings and Cluster coordination as part of their external coordination efforts.
The development of the Federation-wide Operational Strategy involved a shared leadership approach, drawing upon the expertise of the IFRC network and past experiences from drafting the Unified Plan. To ensure efficient communication and reporting, the monitoring and reporting mechanisms are coordinated under one single reporting system, aiming to streamline reporting channels between the MRCS and the IFRC members. In addition, the IFRC mobilized five rapid response personnel (surge) for the operation, including for the combined Myanmar Shelter/ NFI/ CCCM Cluster to enhance and complement the existing coordination structure.
The MRCS, supported by the IFRC network, has been actively engaged in long-term programming in Rakhine state since the large-scale violence in 2012. Despite some challenges in maintaining continual access to communities in need (as faced by most humanitarian actors), MRCS has been a well-recognized humanitarian actor, advocating with relevant stakeholders based on its humanitarian mission.
In alignment with its established functions under national law, the MRCS, with IFRC support, is actively involved in humanitarian diplomacy. This involves securing access to reach populations in need during the response operation and ongoing programmatic actions. The IFRC continues to provide strategic and operational guidance, collaborating with other humanitarian actors as needed, to enhance the National Society's capacities, ensuring it remains and is perceived as an effective and efficient principled humanitarian actor.
The 5 in-country Partner National Societies (Swedish Red Cross, Finnish Red Cross, German Red Cross, Norwegian Red Cross, and Danish Red Cross) together with 9 other Partner National Societies contributed to Cyclone Mocha Operation through this Federation-wide Emergency Appeal. The Myanmar Red Cross Society expresses its gratitude to all contributing partners for their support thus far. The ICRC is also providing support to the MRCS for its response, as reported separately2 ..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies
Date of publication:
2023-12-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.82 MB
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Sub-title:
How HRW Documents Wartime Abuses, Advocates to Protect Civilians, and Promotes Justice
Description:
"Armed conflict dominates the headlines, from the hostilities in Israel and Palestine, to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, to the militaries and militias committing atrocities in Sudan. For nearly four decades, Human Rights Watch (HRW) researchers have investigated international armed conflicts and civil wars, reporting on violations of human rights and the laws of war, and working to protect civilians caught in the crossfire. But what exactly does this look like?
We sat down with Human Rights Watch’s Executive Director Tirana Hassan to discuss how the organization – which has been defending human rights since 1978 – operates in times of armed conflict and how teams of people specializing in research, communications, and advocacy work together to compel world leaders to protect civilians and push for justice.
What does Human Rights Watch do when conflict erupts?
We seek to keep civilians safe during fighting by pressing warring parties to respect international humanitarian law, also known as the laws of war, which are the rules that guide and limit warfare. Human Rights Watch’s job is not to say whether war should be waged or not, but to make sure the conduct of warring parties respects the law.
It’s clear what humanitarian organizations do during conflict – they work to get civilians food, water, and shelter, and help those at risk to be protected. What is our role?
We have worked in armed conflicts for decades, from the civil wars in the Americas in the early 1980s to the current hostilities in Israel and Palestine today. We have warned the international community of potential armed conflicts and the risks that violations of the laws of war pose for civilians.
Our researchers document the conduct of the parties to the conflict and any laws they have violated during the fighting. We analyze this evidence and bring it to the warring parties, using our findings to lean on them – or convince governments around the world to lean on them – to change their conduct and protect civilians caught in the middle, as is their legal duty. We also campaign for justice and accountability before national courts and global courts, like the International Criminal Court, when violations amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide.
Your answer leads me to another question – can Human Rights Watch’s work prevent conflict before it starts?
Our work can help prevent armed conflict by shining a spotlight on the human rights abuses that are the root cause of so much fighting in the world. When security forces abuse the populations they are meant to protect, when governments repress ethnic, national, or religious groups, when free media or the internet is shut down and when journalists are killed, allowing disinformation to flourish, when weapons flow into places that lack governance. Our research on violations like these, and our advocacy to get governments to change course and respect rights, can help stem tensions that often lead to armed conflict.
What type of laws-of-war violations do we look at?
The laws of war that we use today to protect civilians – also known as the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and its additional protocols – were created in response to the atrocities and inhumanity of World War II. These laws have been adopted by all countries and govern how a war is fought to limit civilian suffering as much as possible.
Warring parties – including national armed forces and non-state armed groups – don’t have carte blanche to do anything they want. They must respect international humanitarian law as well as international human rights law, which remains in effect.
International humanitarian law says that the warring parties are required to distinguish between civilians and combatants when carrying out attacks. Detainees are also protected from mistreatment and torture. The laws make sure civilians have access to food, water, and somewhere safe to live. International humanitarian law also protects essential civilian institutions and services, including hospitals, medical staff, markets, schools, and aid workers delivering life-saving assistance. Taking hostages is a violation, as is recruiting children to fight. Places of worship, such as mosques and churches, and key cultural and historical sites are also protected.
For example, when Taliban forces detained and then summarily executed some members of the former Afghan government’s security forces, that was a serious violation of the laws of war.
We have people with different research specialties across Human Rights Watch. When conflict hits, who does what?
We deploy multidisciplinary teams because conflict affects people in different ways. We have teams of country experts who have been working in and on these situations for a very long time. So, for example, when covering the conflict in Sudan, our Sudan researcher helped gather evidence on the ground and led our efforts to push governments to do more to stop abuses and protect civilians. For the conflict in Ukraine, our researchers specializing both in Ukraine and Russia are essential. The overwhelming majority of abuses are by Russian forces in Ukraine, but some also take place in Russia.
Human Rights Watch also has a Crisis and Conflict division, with researchers who are trained for and have experience working in conflict zones and crisis situations. This year they documented abuses in Sudan, Ukraine, Haiti, and Israel/Palestine.
Armed conflicts also affect different groups of people differently. In Ethiopia’s Tigray region, we documented how Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces, as well as local militias, used sexual violence, including rape, mainly against women and girls. Our Disability Rights Division documented that civilians with disabilities and older people in Gaza were unable to flee the Israeli government’s bombing and faced difficulties accessing necessities and aid under Israel’s blockade. Our health and human rights experts can speak to the health effects of sieges and blockades, which are violations of international law if they are used to deny civilians food and water. Children, we know, are disproportionately affected by conflict, and our colleagues specializing in children’s rights have documented how schools have often been used by warring parties as bases or weapons depots. Our work has led to soldiers vacating schools in Thailand, Somalia, Yemen, the Central African Republic, India, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Increasingly in conflict, our researchers can’t get close to where the abuses are happening because it’s unsafe or they are blocked from entering the country. Thanks to our Digital Investigations Lab, we can use technology to corroborate and strengthen our on-the-ground research and eyewitness testimony we’ve been told over the phone or a messaging app. These researchers scrape the internet for open-source evidence from photos and videos that people post on social media. They also conduct digital analyses to confirm that what they find is true, and they triangulate photos or videos depicting abuses with satellite imagery and geospatial analysis to confirm their accuracy.
We used satellite imagery in Myanmar in 2017 to help show the torching of 700 buildings in an ethnic Rohingya village in Rakhine State. The images show large burn scars and destroyed tree cover consistent with widespread destruction, corroborating accounts from refugees who described killing and arson by Burmese military, police and ethnic Rakhine mobs.
Our Arms Division specializes in all-source weapons analysis and treaty compliance monitoring. Among other activities, they conduct field investigations, book-research, and collaborate with technical sources and research teams to identify the specific type of weapons used by analyzing any remnants, impact craters, and other information that munitions leave behind after they are used. The division also monitors and documents when controversial weapons are used, including incendiary weapons like white phosphorous, which leave people with severe thermal burns. We report on new use of cluster munitions and antipersonnel landmines, which are banned internationally because they are inherently indiscriminate against the civilian population.
In addition, the division advocates for stronger international law to better protect civilians from problematic means or methods of warfare in future armed conflicts. And our advocates campaign to stop weapons transfers to armed forces or groups that are likely to use them in violation of the laws of war.
What types of research have we done recently?
We have been documenting unlawful attacks by Israeli forces and Palestinian armed groups in Gaza and Israel. Israeli forces have apparently unlawfully struck hospitals and medical facilities in Gaza and put civilians at risk by using white phosphorus in populated areas. They have also used explosive weapons in densely populated areas on a massive scale. These strikes have caused large-scale destruction and loss of civilian life. In Lebanon, Israeli forces have killed a number of civilians in unlawful attacks amounting to apparent war crimes. We have also documented that Palestinian armed groups have deliberately killed civilians, taken hostages, and launched rockets indiscriminately into Israel’s civilian areas, which are war crimes.
The Israeli government has also cut off basic services, like electricity and water, to the civilian population in Gaza as collective punishment, blocked all but a trickle of aid and food, and used starvation as a weapon of war. These acts amount to war crimes.
We use our research to push for justice. Human Rights Watch was the first human rights organization to publish in-depth research on the issue of forced transfers and deportations of Ukrainians. In March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and his children’s rights commissioner, Maria Lvova-Belova, for alleged war crimes involving the alleged unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children from occupied areas of Ukraine to Russia.
How do we get our research in front of key people?
Part of our strategy is through the media and strategic communications. We share our unique research with journalists, who cover our work in the news. We leverage new and sometimes local communications channels to get the information not only to those in power, but also the communities who are affected. Our reports are based on detailed investigations, which are more important than ever in a world rife with disinformation. When the world has forgotten about certain armed conflicts, we work to keep them in the news and on policy makers’ agendas.
We advocate with people who are in positions to make the changes we want to see. For example, if we document an armed group using cluster munitions, we will go to the warring parties and say these are illegal under international law. If we can identify who manufactured and sold these weapons, we can go to those countries, show them our evidence, and tell them they may be complicit in war crimes.
We have also focused on identifying the leaders – like senior commanders in the armed forces – who are responsible for the abuses taking place. Then we can work with governments to implement targeted sanctions or travel bans. For example, we are now pressing the European Union to use sanctions against those responsible for grave violations in the armed conflict in Sudan.
It is our job to hold governments and their leaders accountable when they violate their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, no matter how powerful they are. When a military coalition including the United States and United Kingdom invaded Iraq in 2003, we documented their laws of war violations, including indiscriminate airstrikes that killed civilians and the torture of detainees. We also reported on Iraqi violations. Many years later, that work isn’t over. Righting wrongs is usually a marathon, not a sprint.
But it can take time. Human Rights Watch’s documentation of abuses in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s contributed to the creation of war crimes tribunals and the prosecutions of leaders for war crimes. These trials began in the 2000s and continue in 2023.
When it comes to our advocacy, where are our advocates located and what does their work look like?
Our advocates take our research and engage with people in power to influence the political response to fighting on the ground. Sometimes they are engaging with the warring parties themselves, and sometimes they are urging change among those funding and supporting the warring parties. Our advocates’ goal, in the most general sense, is to make sure human rights are centered in these policy responses.
We advocate with multilateral institutions at the global and regional level, whether it be the United Nations, the African Union, or the European Union, or other local and regional bodies that have responsibilities to protect civilians.
We have a research presence in about 100 countries, and our advocates and researchers can advocate with governments in each of these countries.
We have other advocates based all over the world, including in Tokyo, London, Washington DC, and Johannesburg, and in Australia, Brazil, and across Europe.
Here’s an example of what our advocacy looks like. Starting in 2014, we worked to expose the violent crackdown on dissent by Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro government, which led to a spiraling humanitarian emergency and the exodus of millions of people. We shared our research at the UN Security Council and pushed for a UN response, and the pressure we helped generate ultimately resulted in more aid reaching people. Our research was cited by the Biden administration to grant temporary protected status to Venezuelans living in the United States, and by the Brazilian refugee agency to grant thousands of Venezuelans legal status.
In short, our research, communications, and advocacy all work together in an incredibly effective way, ensuring that we deploy information in a way that compels those in power to take action.
Who does Human Rights Watch work with during conflict?
Our advocates and researchers work closely with partners – local human rights and other civil society groups, like humanitarian organizations, labor unions, and faith communities.
For example, after armed conflict broke out in Sudan in April 2023, we knew we needed more power behind documenting – and preserving evidence of – the atrocities. Sustained advocacy by Human Rights Watch, combined with the power of the voices of Sudanese and regional partner organizations across Africa, helped lead the UN Human Rights Council to establish an independent international fact-finding mission for Sudan.
What are the challenges you face? Today we see a number of conflicts raging where one side or the other – or both – shows little respect for these laws.
I know some people can be skeptical of whether international humanitarian law and human rights law helps while a conflict rages. There are armed conflicts where the warring parties don’t seem to be showing any restraint – they seemingly flout these laws without consequence.
We’ve seen this in the Horn of Africa since 2020. Government forces and allied militias in Ethiopia’s Tigray region have used rape as a weapon of war and destroyed infrastructure critical to civilians’ survival. They also had cut off the region from food, power, and communications for almost two years. This year, in neighboring Sudan, war has broken out – despite consistent warnings about escalating abuses by the country’s notorious security forces. Eight months later, we’ve documented ethnically motivated attacks on civilians in Darfur, how explosive weapons repeatedly used in urban areas have killed civilians and damaged critical infrastructure in the capital, Khartoum, and widespread obstruction of aid.
In both countries, perpetrators of the crimes have faced very few consequences. In Ethiopia, after warring parties signed a cessation of hostilities agreement, international investigations into conflict-related atrocities were jettisoned as Ethiopia’s international and regional partners sought to normalize relations with the federal government. In Sudan, despite investigative efforts, accountability for crimes is just not being made a priority in political discussions.
That doesn’t mean we give up. And the laws of war do matter, as they give us a framework to render meaningful judgments against combatants, affording victims and their families a measure of justice.
Also, we know that when the laws of war are enforced, including through trials, they can help prevent atrocities by breaking cycles of violence and impunity. Our research shows that, all too often, when justice is scrapped to protect the powerful, these crimes just recur, creating new generations of victims. We’ve seen this in Afghanistan, when warlords granted themselves immunity, and when the International Criminal Court downgraded investigating US abuses in its investigation of alleged war crimes. We’ve also seen this in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
If you want to stop recurring abuses, you need justice. And sometimes justice in a courtroom is a long time coming.
In Syria, Human Rights Watch and many other groups spent years painstakingly documenting human rights violations and war crimes while those responsible were seemingly getting away with murder. Over 10 years on, though, we see that prosecutions for these crimes are gaining steam.
You mentioned that we also campaign for support for justice, including before courts such as the International Criminal Court (ICC).
One of our ultimate goals is justice and accountability for abuses. This includes shaping investigations and pressuring governments to arrest people wanted for serious crimes. We also push for effective war crimes courts, and work to secure financial and political support for accountability efforts. We sustain these campaigns for justice over many, many years. This often starts by making sure our published reports are brought to the attention of the international community and to authorities working before national courts, international courts – including the International Criminal Court – and hybrid courts, which are domestic courts containing international elements.
Human Rights Watch has also advocated for national authorities to put in place the laws and expertise needed to support the practice of “universal jurisdiction,” under which national judicial authorities investigate and prosecute serious crimes committed in other countries, regardless of the nationality of the suspects or their victims. Over the course of 2020-2022, a German court held a trial on state-sponsored torture in Syria, ultimately convicting a former Syrian intelligence officer of crimes against humanity. A Human Rights Watch report documenting torture in Syria’s detention centers was referenced by the court during the trial.
Any last thoughts?
If I could wave a magic wand and stop conflicts around the world and bring people to an understanding, I’d do it. But that’s not reality. This is what we do instead. We document war crimes and other abuses. We make sure the world knows what’s happening, and we push for change. It’s not a perfect system, and sometimes it’s a long road to justice. But Human Rights Watch has done this work for decades, and we know from experience that justice is possible, and we do everything we can to make it probable..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-12-22
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Abductions, Forced Recruitment Violate Laws of War
Description:
"(Bangkok) – An ethnic armed group in northern Myanmar has abducted and forcibly recruited civilians fleeing fighting in Shan State, Human Rights Watch said today. Myanmar’s military also has a long record of using adults for forced labor and recruiting children, but getting recent information about unlawful practices in junta-controlled areas is difficult.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang armed group, should immediately end its abusive practices against civilians, and take all available measures to protect them during hostilities against Myanmar’s armed forces and pro-junta militias.
“The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army is violating the laws of war by abducting and forcibly recruiting civilians, putting them at grave risk,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Civilians should be able to seek safety from fighting without fearing that the Myanmar military or ethnic armed groups will force them into their armies.”
On October 27, 2023, the Three Brotherhood Alliance – a coalition of the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and Ta’ang National Liberation Army – began Operation 1027, an offensive targeting Myanmar military outposts in northern Shan State. The offensive triggered attacks by opposition armed groups elsewhere in the country. Since late October, fighting between opposition forces and the military has displaced more than 600,000 people, including almost 100,000 in Shan State.
Tens of thousands have fled Laukkai, the capital of the Kokang Special Autonomous Zone in northern Shan State, in advance of an anticipated MNDAA assault on the town, which the group formerly controlled. Although the MNDAA assisted those fleeing by opening up previously closed forest roads, the armed unit also confiscated mobile phones and detained an unknown number of people as they left Laukkai, local media and witnesses said.
On November 24, the MNDAA abducted seven men as they traveled from Laukkai to Chin Shwe Haw, near the Myanmar-China border. Relatives told the Shan News Herald that the men’s friends last saw them detained on the roadside just outside Chin Shwe Haw, before Alliance Army fighters took them away. The Shan News Herald reported that an MNDAA spokesperson said that Sai Ai Naw, 18; Maung Nyi Ka, 19; Sai Lianghan, 20; Sai Ilaw, 26; Maung Nor Goon, 26; Sai Aung Heng, 27, and a seventh, unnamed 20-year-old man would be assigned to military service.
On November 25, a doctor who left Laukkai along the same route said he witnessed many young men pulled over and detained by MNDAA fighters outside Par Hsin Kyaw, a village between Laukkai and Chin Shwe Haw.
“They [MNDAA fighters] were pulling over men who were on motorcycles in groups of twos and threes,” he said. They did not pull over couples, and I had one of the female nurses riding pillion, so we didn’t get stopped. But there were scores of young men pulled over and I saw them being rounded up. I was too afraid to stop and look but they were being gathered together and taken away somewhere.”
On December 12, the parents of seven other young men who did not arrive home after fleeing Laukkai in late October issued a letter to the MNDAA, pleading for their release. The families wrote, in the letter obtained by Human Rights Watch, that they last saw their sons being led away by MNDAA fighters near Chin Shwe Haw. All those abducted were of Ta’ang ethnicity and came from Man Khite village, Namhsan township, in northern Shan State.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army operates in northern Shan State along the China-Myanmar border. It was founded as the Communist Party of Burma collapsed in 1989 and agreed to a ceasefire with the Myanmar military later that year. The ceasefire ended in 2009, when a military-aligned faction of the Alliance Army became the Kokang Border Guard Force and was put in charge of Laukkai, where illegal activity, most recently cyber scam centers, has thrived. The MNDAA has attempted multiple times to regain the territory, including Laukkai, that it lost in 2009.
Some ethnic armed groups, including the MNDAA, impose quotas requiring villages or households to supply a recruit, who in some cases may be willing to serve. Myanmar’s military and pro-junta militias also use forced recruits, including children, to bolster their armed forces or for other roles such as porters, cooks, or cleaners.
In a widely shared video dated December 5 that Human Rights Watch reviewed and verified, an MNDAA official in uniform warns families not to shirk their responsibilities and to ensure those recruited were at least 15 years old and younger than 50.
“If [you don’t] have a boy … if you have a girl … if you have three [one must serve],” the official tells a crowd gathered at a monastery in Pang Hseng village, Monekoe township, in northern Shan State. “If you have five, two of them must serve. Got it? If you have five males at home, two of them must serve.”
He continued: “So, if you’re thinking about not bringing your sons and daughters because you’re concerned, don’t do that. … One day when they come back because things are peaceful, we are going to collect household registrations and we will know that they did not serve, and we will arrest them for it.”
Under international humanitarian law, or the laws of war, applicable to the non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar, warring parties are prohibited from arbitrarily depriving anyone of their liberty, including through abductions and forced recruitment. Parties must treat all civilians humanely; arbitrary deprivation of liberty is incompatible with this requirement.
In September 2019, Myanmar ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which obligates non-state armed forces not to, “under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities persons under the age of 18.” The 2019 Myanmar Child Rights Law also forbids recruiting anyone under 18 into the armed forces or non-state armed groups.
In 2023, the United Nations secretary-general's annual report on children in armed conflict identified the Myanmar military as responsible for the majority of the cases the UN had verified as recruiting and using children the previous year. However, the report also named the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army as having recruited up to seven children and separately, abducting up to seven others. The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, has also received various reports that the Myanmar military’s recruitment and use of children has increased since the 2021 military coup.
“Governments with any influence over opposition and ethnic armed groups in Myanmar should impress upon them that violations by the Myanmar armed forces never justifies abuses by their own forces,” Pearson said..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"Yangon, MYANMAR / Bangkok, THAILAND, 20 December 2023 – During conflicts, women and girls bear the brunt with increased risk of gender-based violence and loss of access to life-saving sexual and reproductive health supplies and services. In Myanmar, 9.2 million women and girls are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, and over the last three years more than 2 million people have been internally displaced, of which more than half are women and girls.
UNFPA, the UN's sexual and reproductive health agency, is on the ground in Myanmar working closely with UN agencies and partners to ensure women and girls continue to receive life-saving services, including psychosocial support to survivors of gender-based violence.
“I recognize the selfless dedication and commitment of our staff and partners on the ground in Myanmar, working under extremely challenging circumstances. Our work is saving lives, and together, despite the challenges, we can and will stay and deliver for the women and girls of Myanmar to ensure their health, protection, and dignity is upheld at all times”, said UNFPA Regional Director for Asia-Pacific, Mr. Pio Smith, concluding a three-day visit to Myanmar, during which he met with UNFPA personnel, partners, donors, civil society, and youth organizations.
During his visit, Mr. Smith noted the operational challenges that UNFPA and its partners face in effectively and efficiently delivering life-saving services to women and girls within the current political context in Myanmar.
As part of his visit, Mr. Smith also met with authorities in Nay Pyi Taw where he discussed the impending operational challenges, and stressed on the urgent need for visas to be issued to UNFPA staff and for UNFPA and its partners to be granted travel authorization to the affected areas across the country to ensure continued and undisrupted delivery of life-saving services to women and girls in Myanmar.
During the discussions, Mr. Smith reaffirmed UNFPA’s stance on the 2024 census, noting the UN agency’s inability to support the census given the current political and conflict context in Myanmar, a decision rooted in UNFPA's commitment to ensuring data collection is transparent, neutral, and respectful of human rights.
UNFPA's dedication to supporting the sexual and reproductive health and rights of women and girls in Myanmar remains unwavering, noted Mr. Smith, reaffirming UNFPA’s continued commitment to stay and deliver. This pledge reflects the enduring mission to ensure that every pregnancy is wanted, every childbirth is safe, and every young person's potential is fully realized, at all times, especially in challenging environments..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations Population Fund (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund), Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Magway Region, Bago Region, Rakhine State, Shan State, and Kayin State from December 8th to 14th. 7 civilians including a child who liked and shared the posts about against Military Junta on social media, were arrested and charged. Military Junta arrested 8 locals from Ywangan Township, Southern Shan State, as hostages on December 12th. Military Junta Troop forced to plant the sunflower to the farmers in Ayeyarwady Region.
16 civilians died and over 20 were injured within a week by the Military’s heavy and light attacks. 6 underaged children were injured and 5 died when the Military Junta committed violations. Over 80 civilians were arrested and over 30 were tortured within a week by the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-12-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
210.36 KB 199.99 KB 614.52 KB
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Title: Mu Traw District Incident Report: Two villagers injured by landmine explosions, February 2023
Description:
"This Incident Report describes events that occurred in Bu Tho Township, Mu Traw (Hpapun) District in February 2023. On February 16th 2023 at 9 am, Saw Y--- (55 years old) and Naw W--- (32 years old) from H--- village, Ma Kah Heh village tract, stepped on landmines when they went to cut bamboo. From the landmine explosion, Saw Y--- was injured on his right leg and Naw W--- was injured on both of her legs, resulting in amputations. They were treated at two different hospitals. No organisation has provided support to the victims, but H--- villagers provided some support for food and medical costs. Saw Y--- and Naw W--- have been facing problems to secure their families’ livelihoods after they were injured. The landmine contamination in the surrounding areas creates fear for villagers living in H--- village.[1]
(Excerpt)
Part 3 – Complete Description of the Incident
Describe the Incident(s) in complete detail. For each incident, be sure to include 1) when the incident happened, 2) where it happened, 3) what happened, 4) how it happened, 5) who was involved, and 6) why it happened. Also describe any villager response(s) to the incident, the aftermath and the current living situation of the victims. Please use the space prepared below, and create an attachment if needed.
On February 16th 2023 at 9 am, two villagers, father and daughter, from H--- village, Ma Kah Heh village tract, Bu Tho Township, Mu Traw District, went to cut bamboo to fence their farmlands. When approaching the place to cut bamboo, Saw Y--- (55 years old) stepped on a landmine, injuring his right leg [that had to be amputated]. His daughter, Naw W--- (32 years old), stepped on another landmine when she went to help her father. Her legs were seriously injured by the landmine’s explosion, resulting in amputations of both legs.
Hearing the sound of an explosion, H--- villagers learned about the incident, and contacted other villagers nearby, as well as local Karen National Union (KNU)[6] leaders working in the area. After hearing about the incident, the local KNU leaders and some villagers from H--- village went to get the two injured villagers from the incident location [close to the village] and brought them back to the village. The two victims were later sent by car to a hospital managed by the State Administration Council (SAC)[7] located in Hpapun Town. One of the victims explained that the SAC healthcare workers did not want to provide proper care to them because it was not an SAC landmine that the injured villagers stepped on. To be able to receive proper healthcare, [H---] villagers discussed among themselves and agreed to provide food, such as chicken and other, to [SAC] healthcare workers [to ensure the victims received treatment].
Residents of H--- believe that the landmines that injured Saw Y--- and Naw W--- were planted by KNLA soldiers from Battalion #15 because the KNLA had informed some villagers about the planting of landmines in the area beforehand. KNLA soldiers had informed some villagers one week earlier when they planted the landmines in the surrounding area, where Saw Y--- and Naw W--- had stepped on the landmines. The KNLA also asked A--- villagers, from Ma Htaw village tract, Dwe Lo Township, to inform villages nearby about the contaminated area. The place of this landmine incident is located close to SAC Infantry Battalion (IB)[8] #19 and #642 camp. The villagers from H--- village, including the victims, have never attended Mine Risk Education (MRE) training [The Internally Displaced Karen People (CIDKP) is running an MRE program in the region].
Neither Saw Y--- nor Naw W--- received support from any organisation since they were injured from the landmines’ explosion. In the fourth week of February 2023, after one week at the SAC-managed hospital in Hpapun Town, they were sent to another hospital in town [unknown name]. It has not been possible to contact the victims since they were visited and interviewed in the [first] hospital [in Hpapun].
Saw Y--- and Naw W--- did not receive any support even after they had been discharged from the hospital [as explained by a local villager]. Saw Y--- used to secure his family’s livelihood by working as a daily labourer and Naw W--- used to wash clothes at hospitals and houses for her income before the 2021 military coup. The victims are facing difficulty securing their livelihoods because their [injured] legs were amputated and so they cannot work.
Villagers living in H--- village are afraid to work on their farmlands because of landmine contamination in the surrounding areas, and it has created more fear now that two villagers have been seriously injured from landmine explosions..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2023-12-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Human Rights and international relations, Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
558.68 KB
more
Description:
"Foreword
As we publish this 2024 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan (HNRP), escalating fighting, surging displacement and extreme protection threats are now impacting vast swathes of the country, compounding the devastating impacts of Cyclone Mocha in May, and placing the people of Myanmar in increasing peril.
Three years on from the military takeover, the humanitarian landscape for 2024 is grim with a third of the population – 18.6 million people – now estimated to be in humanitarian need. Children are bearing the brunt of the crisis with 6 million children in need as a result of displacement, interrupted health-care and education, food insecurity and malnutrition, and protection risks including forced recruitment and mental distress. The economic situation is placing families in increasing financial distress and coping capacities are stretched to the limit. Interruptions to agriculture and rapid inflation are making it increasingly difficult for people to access and afford adequate food, raising the spectre of climbing malnutrition. The health system is in crisis and millions are without safe shelter or drinking water.
Women, girls, persons with disabilities and stateless Rohingya people are among those impacted the most by this dangerous environment. Development gains are concurrently under extreme threat with poverty now back at levels not seen for 15 years.
This Plan paints a deeply disturbing picture that demands global attention and a dramatic increase in funding. Humanitarians require almost a billion dollars to reach 5.3 million people who have been prioritized for urgent assistance. We cannot afford a repeat of the gross underfunding seen in 2023 with only 29 per cent of requirements received. This lack of funding and severe access constraints meant that an estimated 1.9 million people who had been prioritized for support missed out on assistance altogether, while most of the 3.1 million people who were reached with some support did not receive the intended multi-sectoral assistance required to fully meet their needs. Brave aid workers – the majority of them local organizations on the front line of the response – remain committed to staying and delivering and have scaled-up wherever they can over the past three years. However, de-politicization of aid, as well as significantly expanded access and greatly increased funding will be critical to preventing the suffering of everyone prioritized for support in this Plan.
Complementary funding is also needed across the nexus to address the persistent growth in humanitarian needs. The absence of large-scale preventative and resilience-building interventions by the broader development community is placing unprecedented pressure on humanitarian caseloads. To reverse current humanitarian trends, greater funding is simultaneously needed in 2024 for broader community development.
We thank our generous donors for their ongoing solidarity with the people of Myanmar as needs continue to spiral. But in 2024, we need donors to dig deeper and speak louder to amplify the voices of affected people on the world stage. Millions of lives are at stake and we all must do everything we can to prevent Myanmar becoming a forgotten emergency..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.3 MB (95 pages) - Original version
more
Description:
"Theme: Contributions..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
375.92 KB
more
Description:
"Joint media release with:
The Hon Andrew Giles MP, Minister for Immigration, Citizenship and, Multicultural Affairs
The Hon Pat Conroy MP, Minister for Defence Industry, Minister for International Development and the Pacific
The Albanese Government has pledged $265 million at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees-led Global Refugee Forum (GRF) in Geneva to support refugees and to sustain humanitarian assistance in protracted crises.
As the world faces a deepening crisis with more than 114 million people displaced across the globe, Australia is working to take a leading role in international resettlement efforts.
In response to the ongoing displacement crisis, Australia will provide:
$235 million to support displaced Rohingya and communities in need in Myanmar and Bangladesh.
$20 million to support people in Afghanistan and those displaced to neighbouring countries.
$10 million to support people in Sudan and those displaced to neighbouring countries.
At the GRF, Australia reaffirmed its commitment to the Global Compact on Refugees, enhancing refugee self-reliance, and expanding access to third country solutions through resettlement and complementary pathway places.
Australia's Humanitarian Resettlement Program has been increased to 20,000 places, the highest core intake in over a decade, and we are committed to growing skills-based pathways. Australia is also working to support other countries to establish and grow their own resettlement programs.
The Australian Government recently established a Refugee Advisory Panel to Government to ensure those with lived experience can advise Australia's settlement programs.
Australia's official delegation to the GRF includes one of its members Mr Danijel Malbasa, an advocate, writer, lawyer, and a former Yugoslav refugee, who co-delivered Australia's National Statement.
Quotes attributable to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator the Hon Penny Wong:
“We are seeing the largest displacement crisis unfolding in modern history, with more than 114 million people displaced globally.
“Our humanitarian assistance is part of a broader effort to address the causes of displacement and find durable solutions.
“Through our partners, Australia will deliver vital support to vulnerable people displaced by conflict.”
Quotes attributable to the Minister for Immigration, Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs, the Hon Andrew Giles MP:
“Our pledges aim to ease pressure on host countries and demonstrate our commitment to responsibility sharing, in recognition of the shared global challenge of displacement.
“Through our pledges, Australia is firmly committed to supporting refugees globally and the communities that host them at a time where there are more people forcibly displaced than ever before.
“The Albanese Government is committed to working with others globally to find practical, and sustainable solutions for the increasingly complex situations driving displacement, such as through the adoption of machine-readable refugee travel documents”.
Quotes attributable to the Minister for International Development and the Pacific, the Hon Pat Conroy MP:
“Australia is deeply concerned by the unprecedented number of displaced people around the world.
“We are making an important contribution to the humanitarian response in partnership with other countries and international organisations at the Global Refugee Forum.”..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Australia
Date of publication:
2023-12-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"OVERVIEW:
In Myanmar, the humanitarian situation deteriorated following a significant escalation in violence across the country.
According to the UN, the number of displaced people inside the country now exceeds 2.1 million. In many parts of Myanmar, a shortage of various goods and supplies across multiple states and regions has been reported as vital roads and supply routes remain blocked. Many people remain cut-off from communications, which has impeded access to services and heightened protection risks and vulnerabilities. UNHCR and partners are continuing to deliver life-saving assistance to displaced and affected communities where possible despite the challenges posed by the ongoing clashes and movement restrictions.
In Thailand, the Royal Thai Government reported that over 2,300 refugees were sheltered in three Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) in Mae Hong Son province as of 30 November. Some 4,400 people returned to Myanmar in November following the closure of the TSAs. However, another 1,000 refugees who returned to Myanmar on 10 November came back to Thailand on 16 November after the resurgence of conflict in Kayah State. There are currently no new arrivals in Mae Hong Son TSAs. Sao Hin TSA in Mae Sariang District closed on 16 November as did Mae Ki TSA in Khum Yuam District on 25 November although Nai Soi TSA remains open.
In India, approximately 57,100 individuals from Myanmar’s North-West region are reported to have sought safety in India since February 2021. Out of this population, some 5,500 individuals are in New Delhi and have registered with UNHCR.
Over 6,000 individuals are estimated to have made their way to India following the recent escalation in conflict in Myanmar since late October. Since then, more than 5,000 Myanmar nationals have reportedly arrived in Mizoram and nearly 1,300 in Manipur. District administrations, NGOs and community-based organisations (CBOs) provided immediate humanitarian support such as food, water, and shelter. New arrivals are staying in cramped conditions in community halls, schools as well as with host families who are unable to support arrivals for long. Currently, the district administrations, CBOs and NGOs are providing food, shelter, core-relief items (CRIs), water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) and health support although resources remain limited, and more funding is needed to scale up this assistance as well winterization support to new arrivals..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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12.71 MB
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"OVERVIEW:
In Myanmar, the humanitarian situation deteriorated significantly after people across North-West, North-East, SouthEast and Rakhine States were newly forcibly displaced due to intensified fighting which erupted on 26 October. IDPs fled to existing and new displacement areas, including along Myanmar’s international borders. Martial Law was imposed on additional townships in multiple states. Key transport routes in various townships became restricted, impacting civilian movement and the delivery of humanitarian aid. Most IDPs and other conflict-affected communities have been unable to access basic services, assistance and protection with humanitarian organisations facing access restrictions due to renewed conflict and insecurity as well as bureaucratic and administrative challenges.
In Thailand, the Royal Thai Government reported that 6,800 refugees were sheltered in five Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) across three districts in Mae Hong Son Province as of 31 October 2023. Some 429 people returned to Myanmar during the reporting period. The Royal Thai Army oversees the TSAs and humanitarian access to these remains limited.
In India, approximately 50,600 individuals from Myanmar’s North-West region have sought protection since February 2021. Out of this population, 5,479 individuals were in New Delhi and have registered with UNHCR. Over 120 individuals reportedly returned to Myanmar from Manipur due to the security situation in the state. In late October, community-based organisations (CBOs) reported some new arrivals from Myanmar fleeing armed clashes. Access to healthcare remains restricted due to curfew and security issues in Manipur. Many government facilities in areas affected by unrest are currently dysfunctional. As a result, the local population and Myanmar arrivals rely on the already over-stretched CBOs and NGOs, which have limited resources. To support Myanmar arrivals’ education needs in Manipur, informal learning spaces run by host communities and Myanmar arrivals have partially or completely waived off school fees for the most vulnerable children in Kamjong and Churachandpur districts. CBOs have reported food as the most urgent need in both Mizoram and Manipur although the situation is particularly alarming in Manipur's Kamjong District. More support is needed to address their nutritional needs to reduce the risk of malnutrition..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
Size:
12.86 MB
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"Highlights:
• Fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various groups, including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), persists across much of the country.
• More than 660,000 people are estimated to have been newly displaced since the escalation of armed conflict on 27 October, with some people displaced several times and others already starting to return home. Total current displacement now stands at 2.6 million people nationwide.
• The volatile context is generating significant protection risks including increased civilian casualties, arbitrary arrests, exploitation, forced recruitment and forced labour.
• Food, safe shelter, non-food items and hygiene kits, basic health services and protection support remain priorities with shortages of essential supplies being reported in many areas due to commercial and humanitarian transport blockages.
• Despite insecurity, access, and telecommunication challenges, provision of essential humanitarian assistance to affected people continues where possible using a variety of flexible approaches. Humanitarian partners have now reached more than 80 per cent of those displaced in northern Shan.
• The UN and partners continue to seek to access a greater proportion of affected people. An inter-agency mission was completed to Wa earlier in December and another is approved for the delivery of assistance to IDPs in southern Shan.
• Despite surging needs, the 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan is just 29 per cent funded days before the end of the year. An urgent injection of funds is desperately needed to sustain the response into the new year.
Situation Overview
Conflict between the MAF and multiple armed groups, including EAOs and PDFs, persists in many parts of the country involving armed clashes, airstrikes and artillery shelling and causing a surge in civilian casualties, displacement and destruction of civilian properties in numerous townships. Unverified field reports indicate that at least 378 civilians, including men, women, and children, have reportedly been killed and 505 others have been injured since the escalation began in late October. Since the intensification, more than 660,000 people are estimated to have been newly displaced in northern and southern Shan, Kayah, Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Mandalay, eastern Bago, Kayin, Mon, and Tanintharyi. There have been reports of some displaced people returning home while others have moved multiple times for safety. Some are reportedly reluctant to leave current displacement sites in northern Shan due to the risk of forced recruitment. Total current displacement nationwide now stands at a record 2.6 million people.
The movement of people and transportation of goods is being heavily curtailed, while interruptions to phone and internet services are impacting on the sharing of civilian safety information and humanitarian operations. The lack of humanitarian and commercial access to transport routes is creating a scarcity of food, shortages of essential household items, soaring commodity prices and a fuel crisis in affected areas. Partners have identified the most urgent humanitarian needs across conflict-affected areas as food, safe shelter, non-food items and hygiene kits, basic health services and protection support.
Faith-based organizations and local responders, in collaboration with international organizations, continue to provide lifesaving assistance to displaced and affected communities wherever access is possible. Despite an extremely challenging operational context, including supply stockpiles that are heavily depleted due to underfunding, access constraints and the rapid and unpredictable escalation of needs, humanitarian partners are reaching growing numbers of affected people. The vast majority of displaced people in northern Shan (82,000) have now received assistance and work continues to expand the response in other impacted areas such as the Northwest where 50,000 people have already been reached. A rapid response allocation of US$7 million from the UN Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) will provide survival support to people most affected in the coming weeks..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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268.97 KB 334.66 KB
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"1. Today marks the 75th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) that was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 10 December 1948. The democratically elected representatives of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw are striving for a future where human rights and dignity are upheld for everyone in Myanmar. At a time when the resistance movement has made dramatic gains against the illegal military junta, we once again can glimpse a future where human rights are promoted and protected in our country. We call for the international community to support us in our efforts to realize this future at this critical juncture.
2. As of today, human right abuses in many forms continue in many countries, including Myanmar where the situation is worsened by conflict. In Myanmar, we have witnesses the military junta carrying out unspeakable and horrific human rights violations against civilians, including the democratically elected lawmakers in the 2020 general election since the unlawful attempted coup on February 1 2021.
3. The military junta’s atrocities include arbitrary arrests, inhumane torture, extrajudicial killings, massive killings, sexual abuse and gender-based violence, property loot, seizure and destruction, mass arson and targeted aerial attacks against civilians and civilian objects. Some of them amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The executions of four democratic defenders including former lawmaker U Phyo Zeya Thaw constitute some of the most heinous human rights violations committed by the junta.
4. Since the attempted coup, over 4,250 civilians have been killed and 25,522 detained. An estimated 80,000 civilian houses and other infrastructure has been burnt down and destroyed. Schools, hospitals, religious buildings and even IDPs camps have been targeted frequently by airstrikes. The recent airstrikes on Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Laiza Township, Kachin State killed 28 people including 11 children and injured over 60 persons. The unlawful coup and unspeakable violence of the military junta’s armed forces has resulted in nearly 2.5 million people displaced and 18 million people including women and children in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The international community is reminded again that it is very necessary to make practical cooperation with the National Unity Government and ethnic resistance organizations for the effective humanitarian aid to those in need of help.
5. In order to end the human rights violation and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar, we must strive to reverse the coup and return Myanmar to democracy. The people of Myanmar are bravely resisting the brutal military junta in the cause of upholding their freedom, human rights, human dignity and justice. The military junta and those involved in human rights violations must be held accountable for their long reign of terror against all people of Myanmar including ethnic minorities and the Rohingya people. This is a critical step to progress towards a political transition to an inclusive federal democratic nation. Our vision is of a world where human rights and democracy are protected for all, not only in Myanmar but across Asia and in all countries worldwide.
6. We call on the global community including the United Nations and ASEAN to understand the current situation in Myanmar which is in a new phase. Democracy’s supporters are united in moving forward towards an end of military dictatorship and the victory of the Spring Revolution. This is an essential time for support from the international community. We welcome the coordinated sanctions of the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada and urge all countries to take such actions.
7. We mark this Human Rights Day by reiterating our call to the United Nations, ASEAN, democratic countries, human rights organizations and individuals to help us to end the military coup and support the country’s democratically-elected representatives, legitimate institutions and ethnic representative organizations to restore democracy, peace, human rights and the rule of law in Myanmar.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2023-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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320.31 KB
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"၁။ ယနေ့သည် ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၌ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာစာတမ်းအား အတည်ပြုခဲ့သည့် (၇၅) နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက် တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လူသားတိုင်းအတွက် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာအားခံစားနိုင်မည့် အနာဂတ်အတွက် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်၊၊ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီအပေါ် ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မှုများသည် သိသာထင်ရှား သောရလဒ်များ ပိုင်ဆိုင်နေသည့် ယခုအချိန်တွင် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နိုင်ငံတွင် လူ့အခွင့် အရေးအား ကာကွယ်မြှင့်တင်ပေးမည့် အနာဂတ်ကိုလည်း မြင်ယောင်ကြည့်နိုင်ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် ယခုကဲ့သို့ အရေးကြီးသည့်အချိန်အခါတွင် မျှော်လင့်ထား သည့် ထိုအနာဂတ် အောင်မြင်စေရေးအတွက် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်မှုများတွင် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီ ပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်၊၊
၂၊၊ ယနေ့ခေတ်ကာလတွင် ပဋိပက္ခကြောင့် အခြေအနေပိုမိုဆိုးရွားနေသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအများအပြားတွင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများသည် ပုံစံမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ဆက်လက် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဥပဒေမဲ့အာဏာသိမ်းယူရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသည့်အချိန်မှစ၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ်၊ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲမှ ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် လွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူများအပေါ် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း သက်သေများစွာရှိပါသည်၊၊
၃။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်၏ ဆိုးရွားသောအကြမ်းဖက်မှုများတွင် အကြောင်းပြချက်မဲ့ဖမ်းဆီး ခြင်း၊ လူမဆန်စွာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ တရားလက်လွန်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာစော်ကားခြင်းနှင့် လိင်ဖြစ်တည်မှုအပေါ်အခြေခံသည့် အကြမ်းဖက် ခြင်း၊ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကိုခိုးယူခြင်း၊ သိမ်းဆည်းခြင်းနှင့် ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်များကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ များနှင့် အများပြည်သူဆိုင်ရာနေရာများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ လေကြောင်းဖြင့်တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းများ ပါဝင်ပါသည်၊၊ ယင်းတို့အနက် အချို့သည် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်ပါသည်၊၊ လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ဟောင်း ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော် အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ကာကွယ်သူ ၄ ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပေး ကွပ်မျက်ခြင်းများသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုးရွားဆုံးသော လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများထဲမှ အချို့ပင်ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊
၄။ အာဏာသိမ်းယူရန် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့သည့်အချိန်မှစ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူ ၄,၂၅၀ ဦး အားသတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ပြီး ၂၅,၅၂၂ ဦးအား ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်၊၊ ပြည်သူ့အိုးအိမ်နှင့် ပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အအုံ ၈၀,၀၀၀ ခန့်ကိုမီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများ လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည်၊၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများ၊ ဆေးရုံများ၊ ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံများသာမက စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းများကိုပါ လေကြောင်း ဖြင့် မကြာခဏပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်၊၊ မကြာသေးမီက ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ လိုင်ဇာမြို့ရှိ မုန်လိုင်ခတ်ကျေးရွာအား လေကြောင်းဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့မှုကြောင့် ကလေးငယ် ၁၁ ဦးအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ ၂၈ ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး ၆၀ ဦးကျော် ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရခဲ့သည်၊၊ ဥပဒေမဲ့ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကြောင့် ၂.၅ သန်းကျော်သော ပြည်သူများ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရသည်၊၊ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် ကလေး သူငယ်များအပါအဝင် ၁၈ သန်းကျော်သည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ အရေးတကြီး လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်၊၊ ယင်းအကူအညီလိုအပ်နေသူများထံသို့ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ အမှန်တကယ်ရောက်ရှိရန်အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း အနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် လက်တွေ့ ကျကျ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အထူးလိုအပ်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်းအသိပေးလိုပါသည်၊၊
၅။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျက်ရှိသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများနှင့် လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ပဋိက္ခများ အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအား ဒီမိုကရေစီပြန်လည်ရရှိစေရန် ကြိုးပမ်းအားထုတ်ရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊ မြန်မာ ပြည်သူများသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ လူ့သိက္ခာနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုတို့ ရရှိနိုင် ရန် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီကို ရဲရင့်စွာ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်နေဆဲ ဖြစ်ပါ သည်၊၊ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသူများ အနေဖြင့် လူနည်းစုတိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့် ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးများအပါအဝင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အပေါ်၌ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်က ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် ရက်စက်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများအတွက် တာဝန်ယူ ရမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊ ယင်းသည် အားလုံးပါဝင်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသို့ လျှောက်လှမ်း နေသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကူးအပြောင်းအား ပိုမိုချောမွေ့စေမည့် အရေးကြီးသော အဆင့်တစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်သာမက အာရှအပါအဝင် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ နိုင်ငံများတွင် လူသား အားလုံးအတွက် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ကာကွယ်ပေးနိုင်မည့် ကမ္ဘာကြီး ဖြစ်တည် စေရန်မှာ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ မျှော်မှန်းချက် ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊
၆။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် ကမ္ဘာ့အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် တိုးတက်အောင်မြင် မှုအဆင့် အသစ်တစ်ခုရှိနေသော လက်ရှိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏အခြေအနေကို နားလည်ရန် တောင်းဆိုလို ပါသည်၊၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ထောက်ခံအားပေးသူများသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အဆုံးသတ်ရေးနှင့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး၏ အောင်မြင်မှုအတွက် ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားရန် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်လျက် ရှိပါသည်၊၊ ယခုအချိန်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းထံမှ အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရန် အရေးကြီး အချိန်တစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်၊၊ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၊ ယူကေနှင့် ကနေဒါနိုင်ငံတို့၏ ပူးပေါင်း အရေးယူ ဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများကို ကြိုဆိုပြီး အခြားသော နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် အလားတူ အရေးယူ မှုများ ချမှတ်ပေးရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်၊၊
၇။ ယနေ့ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနေ့တွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု အား အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရေး ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန်နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုတို့ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးအတွက် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျ ရွေးကောက် တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ တရားဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား ကိုယ်စားပြုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား ပံ့ပိုးကူညီပေးရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် ထပ်မံ တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2023-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-10
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Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"Since the attempted military coup in Myanmar in February 2021, Myanmar has fallen into a state of despair. Two-thirds of the Karenni population, one of the country’s minority groups, have been displaced. Gender-based violence is a widespread problem, and the conflict has made the situation for women and girls in the country increasingly worse.
“Since conflict broke out, social violence has become widespread, and the military is notorious for its brutal sexual and structural violence. Women face potential danger everywhere, and it’s getting worse by the day”, says a representative of The Karenni National Women's Organization (KNWO), a women’s grassroots organization that was established by refugee women in a Karenni refugee camp in 1993. Due to the sensitivity of her work, she will remain anonymous.
Situated in the eastern part of Myanmar, Karenni State has a population of around 300,000 people. In 2022, the amount of internally displaced people reached a devastating 280,000. According to the activist, with the ongoing fighting between the military and the People's Defence Force in the state capital of Loikaw, an additional 30,000 people are likely to be displaced.
KNWO works to promote equal rights and opportunities for Karenni women in political, economic, and social spheres. In addition, the organisation provides support and services for the survivors of domestic and gender-based violence. With nearly the whole population displaced, the majority of the organisation’s activities take place in refugee camps in Karenni State’s internally displaced people (IDP) sites.
“Joining KNWO has led to a great transformation in my life. The women are highly inspirational and have made me see things differently and truly understand the mechanisms we need to change in our society, and not the least highly motivated me to work for that change”, says the woman activist.
Myanmar has a long way to go when it comes to transformation of gender norms: “Domestic violence is a common problem. The patriarchal system is deeply rooted in society, and the cultural mindset is very fixed. In addition, there are no proper mechanism or policies in place for the protection of women and girls. The perpetrators go unpunished”, KNOW’s representative explains.
16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence has become an annual event for KNWO. “Being part of the global women’s movement is important to us, and ‘16 Days’ is great for awareness building. Before the attempted coup, we conducted 16 days activism in Bawlakhe Township in Karenni State. But our event was forced to stop. They didn’t allow us to celebrate. But we still mark this global moment, especially in our refugee- and IDPs areas,” she says.
KNWO counts around 400 staff and volunteers in refugee camps and IDP camps. The organisation is part of a larger network of woman organisations located in different townships across the state, as well as nation-wide organisations.
“We all work to promote women’s rights, but we cover different areas. We have a widespread network in Karenni state. On national level, we are a member of Women's League of Burma, an umbrella organisation for all the ethnic women organisations,” the woman activist says.
A key issue for KNWO is to push political institutions for political change and promote participation and representation of women in public society. Currently they are pushing for the Karenni state consultative council, which is the political platform where all revolutionary organisations are represented, to adopt a gender policy framework. An executive pillar and judicial pillar have already been established. What remains is the establishment of a legislative pillar.
So far, the women's organisations have been able to get two positions in the Karenni state consultative council. “With two civil society representatives in place, carrying the wisdom of all the women organisations with them, we can advocate within the system we are trying to change”, she says.
In her experience, women issues are always being depoliticised. “My message for this year’s 16 days campaign, is that women’s issues are political issues, and something that all political decision makers need to take seriously”.
Through awareness building on how women are being marginalised throughout political processes, the revolutionary actors in the conflict have slowly become aware that during the revolution, women are also being captured and targeted. “This is not an issue for female soldiers only, it goes for medical staff, teachers, homemaker, and mothers taking care of children. Many of the roles traditionally occupied by women are considered low status, making them especially vulnerable during conflict. This is important to acknowledge, and we see attitudes slowly changing”, she adds.
It is not without risk that Myanmar’s women activists have taken on the fight against gender inequality. “There are lots of obstacles and we constantly get threatened, both from the perpetrator and from the local community”, the activist explains. “That is why we have organised. Working alongside other women gives us courage”..."
Source/publisher:
Norwegian People's Aid
Date of publication:
2023-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma, Women's rights, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Dec 1 to 7, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Mon State, Rakhine State, Shan State, and Chin State from December 1st to 7th. Military Junta also burnt and killed 11 civilians in Monyea Township, Sagaing Region on December 2nd. 2 Sittwe locals who shared Rakhine News on Facebook, were arrested and opened cases by the Military. The Military Junta also arrested a Community-Based Organization member from Kyaukme Township in North Shan State.
15 civilians died and almost 18 were injured within a week by the Military’s heavy and light attacks. 4 underaged people were injured and 1 died when the Military Junta committed violations. Over 32 civilians were arrested and 12 were killed within a week by the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-10-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
291.31 KB 283.75 KB 157.71 KB
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Description:
"Highlights:
• More than half a million people are estimated to have been newly displaced due to the escalation of armed conflict since 26 October, although figures are fluid due to returns and redisplacement, while communication challenges are making numbers difficult to verify. This adds to the 2 million people who were already displaced before the current escalation of violence.
• Fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various groups, including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), persists in about twothirds of the country.
• Intense clashes have been reported in many townships across northern and southern Shan, Rakhine and Chin, Sagaing, Magway, Kayah, eastern Bago and Kayin in early December, causing further humanitarian needs and challenges.
• Despite insecurity, access, and telecommunication challenges, provision of essential humanitarian assistance to affected people continues where possible using a variety of flexible approaches by humanitarian responders and partners.
• In northern Shan, an estimated 85 per cent of the newly displaced population in northern Shan have received some form of basic humanitarian assistance at least once although this is not sufficient to fully meet their needs.
• Extensive needs and gaps remain in providing regular support to all people in need with displaced people in some parts of the country normally heavily reliant of humanitarian assistance for their survival.
• The UN and partners are exploring pathways to access a greater proportion of affected people, particularly at the China-Myanmar border.
• Key challenges include road closures, movement restrictions, as well as the safety and security of aid workers. The response is further complicated by a fuel crisis, serious banking issues, and soaring commodity prices.
• In Rakhine, high market prices and the scarcity of food and household items have added layers of hardship for entire populations and vulnerable communities, including internally displaced people (IDPs) who have been facing the consequences of years of conflict and the aftermath of Cyclone Mocha.
• The 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) is grossly under-funded with only 29 per cent of required funding received from the donor community. An urgent injection of support is critical to enable humanitarians to respond effectively and at-scale to the escalating needs in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
265.74 KB
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Description:
"8 December 2023: An international criminal tribunal for Myanmar can and must be urgently established, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). A briefing paper published today by SAC-M explains why, and identifies several ways in which such a tribunal could be created. Download the paper here: Establishing an International Criminal Tribunal for Myanmar
Myanmar has long been plagued by systemic impunity designed and perpetuated by successive military juntas. Extensive evidence of grave human rights violations, war crimes, crimes against humanity and possible genocide, of which the military is the primary perpetrator, has been documented over many years. Yet, no genuine trials have ever taken place and no meaningful justice has been achieved for the many, many victims.
“The need for justice in Myanmar is becoming more urgent by the day,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The number of people that have suffered at the hands of Myanmar’s military – the vast majority of them still living in unbearable conditions – is devastating and continues to grow. Myanmar’s peoples simply cannot be made to wait for justice any longer.”
The justice system in Myanmar is currently unable to prosecute those accused of committing international crimes and is unlikely to be for many years to come. An international solution for the accountability deficit is therefore needed. The international community has already established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) and other mechanisms before it to advance the cause of justice in Myanmar. But these efforts alone are insufficient and incomplete.
“The work of the IIMM, the Fact-Finding Mission and other international justice efforts for Myanmar will be in vain unless and until a competent court with comprehensive jurisdiction can commence prosecution of those most responsible for the most serious crimes under international law committed in Myanmar,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The National Unity Government has already accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court in Myanmar, but the Prosecutor of the ICC is not acting on that acceptance, so that is why we are proposing these practical alternatives if the ICC Prosecutor does not act.”
Calls for justice in Myanmar have grown louder since the military attempted a coup in February 2021 and a nationwide resistance emerged in response to its ensuing brutality. The international community has done little during that time to support the cause of justice and freedom in Myanmar. Establishing an international criminal tribunal for Myanmar would be a practical way of finally responding to the calls of the Myanmar people and upholding the international community’s obligations under international law.
“The people’s national uprising is fundamentally changing the course of the Myanmar nation,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “There are many challenges ahead. ASEAN, the United Nations, the international community at large, cannot continue to leave the Myanmar people to face these challenges alone. Ensuring that the primary architects of Myanmar’s suffering are finally brought to justice could be the single most significant contribution that the international community makes to Myanmar’s democratic future.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
95.47 KB 132.37 KB 552.76 KB
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Description:
"Highlights:
More than 500,000 people have been newly displaced and are in urgent need of humanitarian support due to the intense fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces and various ethnic armed organizations in many parts of the country.
Nearly 150,000 people have been newly displaced in the northwest and in Mandalay since early November. Shortage of essential items, rising prices and fuel crisis exacerbating the humanitarian situation.
UNICEF and partners have reached 477,543 affected people with WASH supplies and services includes 75,774 girls and 77,506 boys.
A total of 534,983 children below the age of one were vaccinated against measles and rubella, while 73,742 people receiving primary health care services.
Situation in numbers
5,800,000 children in need of humanitarian assistance
18,100,000 people in need (HAC 2023)
1,858,600 Internally displaced people after 1 February 2021 (UNHCR)
59,500 People displaced to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
306,200 people living in protracted displacement before February 2021
Funding Overview and Partnerships
UNICEF Myanmar appealed for US$217.9 million in 2023 to address the needs of 3.7 million people, including 2.3 million children. During this reporting period, UNICEF secured US$32.45 million (US$23.23 million in 2023 and $9.22 million carried over from 2022), representing 14.9 per cent of its 2023 Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) appeal.
UNICEF received this generous support from the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance (BHA), the United States Fund for UNICEF, the Humanitarian Aid Department of the European Commission (European Commission/ECHO), the Government of Canada, the Government of Japan, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the Government of Norway, the Royal Thai Government, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), the World Health Organization (WHO), the French Committee for UNICEF, Gavi the Vaccine Alliance and UNICEF global humanitarian thematic funding.
With these resources, UNICEF and partners continue to deliver much-needed services in nutrition, health, HIV/AIDS, water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH), education, child protection, gender-based violence in emergencies, social protection and cash-based programming, social behaviour change and accountability to affected populations.
UNICEF also provided humanitarian leadership, cluster coordination and strengthened protection against sexual exploitation and abuse (PSEA). As of reporting period, the funding gap stands out at 85 per cent, which is severely affecting UNICEF’s capacity to respond. Without these resources, targeted populations, especially children, who need basic social services will not be able to receive humanitarian assistance.
UNICEF continues its efforts to mobilize resources and expresses its sincere appreciation to all private and public sector donors for their contributions to supporting the children of Myanmar.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Intense fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various ethnic armed organizations has been escalating in many parts of the country, particularly in northern Shan, Rakhine, Kayah, Sagaing and Chin. The situation remains volatile with continued fighting and large-scale civilian displacement, including amongst children. At the time of reporting, more than 500,000 people had been newly displaced within northern and southern Shan, Kayah, Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Mandalay, eastern Bago, Kayin, Mon and Tanintharyi since late October, with 283 people dead including children and 334 injured. Tension remains because of the fighting; humanitarian work has been suspended while the people who have been displaced, and who are in urgent need of humanitarian support, move from one township to another in search of safety. Movement restrictions have led to significant increases in commodity prices, as well as food and fuel shortages. Armed clashes across different townships have also disrupted the rice harvest.
In northern Shan, armed clashes continued in several townships, resulting in 95 dead and 152 injured and an upsurge of internally displaced people to nearly 84,000 in 16 townships.2 Many families have fled to the China-Myanmar border in northern Shan, Pyin Oo Lwin township in Mandalay and Mansi township in Kachin. An increasing number of people are fleeing from Laukkaing, Chin Shwe Haw and Kunlong to places along the border with China and to Namtit, the principal town of the Wa Self-Administered Division of Shan State. There are 50,000 displaced people in Laukkaing with minimal humanitarian assistance. Lashio Airport remains closed and roads from Lashio to other conflict-affected areas are totally blocked. The road from Lashio to Mandalay and southern Shan is passable, though complicated by the presence of multiple checkpoints. Telecommunications and the Internet are accessible in Lashio but limited in other areas, particularly in the townships bordering China such as Monekoe, Kunlong and Namhkan. The State Administration Council (SAC) has imposed martial law in eight townships, including Lashio, Hseni, Kutkai, Namhkan, Muse, Laukkaing, Kunlong and Konekyan, which is exacerbating the challenges civilians already face.
Armed hostilities have escalated in Rakhine state with intense clashes between the MAF and the Arakan Army, including in Pauktaw, northern townships in Rakhine, in central Rakhine and in Paletwa, southern Chin. There have reportedly been civilian casualties and displacements in several townships due to artillery shelling and gunfire. Main roads and waterways movement have been blocked, resulting in the suspension of humanitarian aid. Since 13 November, 69,000 people were newly displaced in Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Minbya, Mrauk-U, Myebon, Pauktaw, Ponnagyun, Rathedaung and Paletwa townships with at least 20 fatalities and more than 85 injuries3. The security situation in Pauktaw township remains alarming, with more than 20,000 people displaced since mid-November and with at least 12 fatalities.4 Hundreds of people remain trapped, unable to move to safer areas.
In the southeast, fighting has progressively spread in Loikaw, Demoso, Hpruso in Kayah, at the Shan-Kayah border, Kayin, Mon states and eastern Bago, resulting in at least 78 civilian deaths and 55 injuries. More than 180,000 people have been displaced since the escalation began and are in need of urgent relief aid.5 Humanitarian access in Kayah remains extremely restricted due to the ongoing conflict, aerial bombardment and heightened scrutiny of partners at checkpoints. Attacks on civilians and displacement sites have also been reported in Loikaw township in Kayah, with the main airport closed and martial law in effect. An estimated 21,000 people have been displaced in Kayah state, with some 1,000 internally displaced persons in the eastern part of Loikaw urgently needing shelter, food, WASH services and health care.Fighting has been intensifying and more than 16,000 people from Kyarinnseikkyi in Kayin and Kyaikmaraw in Mon states are displaced and are in immediate need of humanitarian assistance. The main road between Kyaikmaraw-Chaung Nakwa and Mudon-Chaung Nakwa has been blocked.
In Kachin State, intense fighting has been reported in the townships of Bhamo, Hpakant, Mansi, Momauk, Myitkyina, Shwegu, Tsawlaw and Waingmaw, leading to cutting-off of telephone and internet services. Myitkyina-Mandalay Road has been blocked intermittently since mid-November.
In the northwest, armed clashes have affected 40 townships, including Falam and Matupi in Chin; Madaya in Mandalay; and Indaw, Kawlin, Pinlebu, Tamu and Tigyaing in Sagaing and in Magway region. Nearly 150,000 people have been newly displaced in the northwest and Mandalay since the fighting began to escalate in early November. Hostilities have killed 90 civilians, and injured 42, including children, and destroyed more than 100 houses. Humanitarian access remains restricted due to roadblocks and fighting; disruption of telecommunications and closure of Kale airport. About 5,000 internally displaced persons from Falam township have been displaced to the India-Myanmar border area in Chin. Of them, some 3,000 internally displaced persons have reportedly crossed the border to seek refuge in India, while the remainder is seeking safety in forest areas within Falam township..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Format :
pdf
Size:
457.23 KB
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Description:
"Theme: Protection and Human Rights..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.97 MB
more
Description:
"The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) today petitioned a Court in Argentina to issue international arrest warrants for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and six other Myanmar officials responsible for the genocide against the Rohingya people.
“This is a historic and unprecedented step towards accountability for the decades-long genocide against the Rohingya people. It shows that our long fight for justice is starting to bear fruit,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK.
“The Argentinian judiciary has already committed to investigate these crimes. Now, we ask the Court to act on overwhelming evidence that these seven individuals are responsible, and to immediately issue international arrest warrants. Those committing genocide should have nowhere to hide from the law.”
Today’s development is part of the investigation in Argentina into the role of Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders in committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, such crimes can be investigated anywhere in the world regardless of where they were committed. The case was opened in 2021 based on a petition by BROUK.
The Argentinian prosecution has initially focused its investigation on a massacre in a Rohingya village in Rathedoung township, Rakhine State, on 27 August 2017. Myanmar military and police attacked the village, killing hundreds of Rohingya people through indiscriminate fire, mutilating bodies of victims, torching houses, and committing widespread rape and sexual violence against women and girls. Moving forward, the Prosecutor will continue the investigation into other villages and areas in Rakhine State that were subjected to “clearance operations” in 2017.
BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant names seven individuals responsible for the attack, but arrest warrants can potentially be issued for more perpetrators as the case progresses. Those named for now include senior military leaders with command responsibility for the massacre, such as Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s Commander-in-Chief and current leader of the military coup in 2021, and Soe Win, Deputy Commander-in-Chief. The request also names two lower-ranking officials, a village Chairman and a police officer, who were direct perpetrators of killings and rapes during the attack. They are accused of genocide and crimes under the Argentinian penal code including aggravated murder, sexual abuse and torture.
In its 2018 report, the Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recommended that Min Aung Hlaing and other perpetrators should be prosecuted for the Rohingya genocide.
The request is based on detailed and credible evidence uncovered during the case’s investigation phase. This included eyewitness testimony from seven Rohingya genocide survivors, who traveled to Buenos Aires to testify in court in June this year.
The First Instance Federal Court Number 1 in Buenos Aires and the Prosecutor will now consider BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant. If the Court accepts it, it will automatically trigger a request to Interpol to issue international arrest warrants for the individuals identified. BROUK also asked that ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the European Union, African Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and States such as the US, the UK and Canada that have imposed economic sanctions and travel bans on perpetrators are notified about the arrest warrant.
“Those responsible for this genocide, including the horrific crimes committed on 27 August 2017, must be held to account, whether they planned them or carried them out directly. This massacre caused unimaginable suffering and is, in many ways, on its own enough to prove that a genocide is taking place. Sadly, however, it is only one of many examples of the violence and abuse Rohingya have faced for decades,” said Tun Khin.
The case in Argentina is the first universal jurisdiction case anywhere in the world concerning the Rohingya genocide. Since the case opened, BROUK has further intensified its investigation against the Myanmar military and those abetting their crimes, including by requesting information from Facebook on how anti-Rohingya hate speech was shared on the platform. During the investigation, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) has extended support to the Prosecutor in Argentina.
BROUK’s efforts complement other international justice processes against the Myanmar military, such as the cases at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
These efforts have taken on new urgency since 1 February 2021, when the Myanmar military tried to seize power through a coup. Since then, the military and its proxies have killed thousands of people opposing its rule and arrested tens of thousands.
“Our fight for justice is not just for the Rohingya, but for all victims of the Myanmar military, regardless of what ethnic groups they belong to. The military has terrorized Myanmar and its people for decades, and repression has only intensified since the coup almost two years ago,” said Tun Khin.
“We commend the Argentinian judiciary´s decision to investigate the crimes committed by the military. If our request for an arrest warrant is accepted, it would be a historic development that brings hope to millions of victims. It would also show Min Aung Hlaing and other officials that the eyes of the world are on them.”
Background
The seven individuals identified in BROUK’s request for an arrest warrant are (all titles refer to their positions at the time of the massacre on 27 August unless otherwise noted):
Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief and 2021 military coup leader
Soe Win, Deputy Commander-in-Chief
Aung Kyaw Zaw, Commander of the Bureau of Special Operations No. 3
Maung Maung Soe, Chief of the Army's Western Command
Aung Aung, Commander of the Army’s Light Infantry Battalion No. 33
Kyaw Shay, police officer
Aung San Mya, village Chairman
For more information, contact Tun Khin on +447888714866..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
197.89 KB
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Description:
"GENEVA (6 November 2023) -- A UN expert today urged UN Member States to save lives endangered by an intensifying military conflict in Myanmar by taking immediate measures to stop the flow of weapons that the military junta is using to commit probable war crimes and crimes against humanity.
"Even though world attention is drawn to multiple conflicts and crises, immediate international action can have a significant impact on the rapidly evolving situation in Myanmar," he said. "Unlike other conflicts where there are calls for more and more weapons, UN Member States can make a critical difference in Myanmar by stopping the flow of weapons to a military junta that is responding to growing losses of territory and troops with indiscriminate attacks on villages", said Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
"There is no time to waste. In just the past few weeks more than a quarter of a million have been displaced throughout Myanmar," he said. "These developments should lay to rest any notion that the military can act as a stabilising or unifying force. The opposite is true. The junta is an agent of chaos and violence. Its relentless attacks and rampant human rights violations are unifying the country in opposition," the Special Rapporteur said.
In late October, a military alliance in northern Shan State launched an offensive that has driven junta forces from scores of camps and wrested control of key border crossings on the border with China. In the following weeks, opposition forces in other parts of the country have also gone on the offensive, notching up military victories and taking key junta positions. The Myanmar military's control over the country---already tenuous before the launch of the offensive---appears to be seriously diminished, Andrews said.
"The junta has responded to military losses in the same way it always has: by attacking civilians and obstructing humanitarian relief," Andrews said.
The Special Rapporteur called on all parties to the conflict to comply with international humanitarian law, including by avoiding attacks on civilians and ensuring that prisoners of war are treated humanely and provided with medical care.
Andrews said measures must be taken now to help ground junta jets and helicopter gunships that are attacking villages, schools, hospitals, and IDP camps. A key step is cutting off the junta's access to jet fuel. The international community must also take all available measures to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to displaced and vulnerable populations, the UN expert said.
"The writing is on the wall for the illegal military junta of Myanmar. Governments, donors, and UN agencies must look to the future and proactively engage the National Unity Government, ethnic resistance organisations, and Myanmar civil society," Andrews said. "Now, more than ever, the international community should be working with them to help lay the foundation for a democratic and rights-respecting country."
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University's Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The UN Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent of any government or organisation and serve in their individual capacity.
For further information and media requests, please contact: [email protected]
For media enquiries regarding other UN independent experts, please contact Maya Derouaz ([email protected]) or Dharisha Indraguptha ([email protected]).
Follow news related to the UN's independent human rights experts on Twitter @UN_SPExperts..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description:
"LAW’s multidisciplinary research seeks to understand if there is any continuing impact(s) of the sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) that was committed by the Myanmar military against Rohingya survivors to determine whether such SGBV can constitute genocide.
Context: Several international efforts since the 2017 ‘clearance operations’ have documented the perpetration of SGBV against the Rohingya. Separately, studies have analysed a broad range of mental health outcomes among the Rohingya population in the aftermath of the ‘clearance operations’ and during the accompanying humanitarian response. This research breaks new ground by exploring the connection between the SGBV experienced by Rohingya in Myanmar and their current psychological state. In essence, there is a lack of clinical evidence that delves into the enduring impact of the systematic SGBV committed against Rohingya in Myanmar, particularly in terms of its consequences for not only survivors’ mental health but also their reproductive capacity and its impact on the community as a whole.
To shed light on these aspects, this research focused on three questions:
What is the physical and psychological impact of the SGBV during 2017 ‘clearance operations’ on Rohingya victims and survivors?
What is the impact of such SGBV on the individual survivors’ familial relations, and is there any impact on the Rohingya society?
Can SGBV against Rohingya – through its perpetration and long-term physical and psychosocial consequences – constitute a crime of genocide under the international law?
Between August 2022 and March 2023, a multi-disciplinary team comprising psychologists, a medical doctor, and lawyers undertook the research and analysed the medical and psychosocial data collected from survivors and examined the findings within the applicable legal framework. The research focuses on the experiences of female, male, and hijra survivors of SGBV who were forcibly displaced from Myanmar over six years ago and currently reside in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.
Key Findings:
The research found that the scale of physical injuries from SGBV committed during the 2017 ‘clearance operations’ resulted in long-term consequences, including permanent damage to survivors’ genitalia, which has impacted their ability to procreate.
All survivors described severe psychological injuries which has left them in a state of extreme emotional distress.
The SGBV also damaged individual survivors’ intrafamilial relationships including their ability to be intimate with their partner, their relationship with extended family networks, and with the broader community. In particular, the use of sexual violence negatively impacted survivors’ parent-child relationships and their psychological capacity to procreate.
The research also found that the systematic nature of the SGBV was destructive to the social fabric of the community in at least three ways:
– Firstly, severe ostracisation of the female survivors from family and kinship resulted in the loss of their cultural identity.
– Secondly, the real and symbolic emasculation of men by instilling powerlessness and diminishing their social role.
– Thirdly, the forced reorganisation of the Rohingya family unit and lineage, and erosion of future social alliances such as marriage within the community.
Recommendations are as follows:
Efforts to hold Myanmar accountable for the serious international crimes against the Rohingya including SGBV, must be advanced on an urgent basis.
Improved protection measures are necessary to ensure Rohingya SGBV survivors’ continuous engagement in international justice proceedings.
Fund and establish quality and long-term specialised support for Rohingya SGBV survivors across genders.
LAW dedicates this research to the Rohingya victims and survivors of sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated in Myanmar. LAW is grateful to those who participated in this research, confided in us, and shared the harrowing experiences they suffered and continue to suffer. Their courage to speak out and pursue justice is deeply moving – we must have the courage to seek justice with them..."
Source/publisher:
Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
Date of publication:
2023-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, Genocide, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.48 MB
Local URL:
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Description:
"Themes: Camp Coordination and Camp Management, Shelter and Non-Food Items..."
Source/publisher:
CCCM Cluster, Shelter Cluster, UN High Commissioner for Refugees via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
399.56 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:
Myanmar’s current political and economic environment presents major challenges for local businesses, particularly those in need of lending. Reduced GDP growth, rising inflation, and currency fluctuations have made operating a business more difficult throughout the country. Microenterprises and households that have been traditionally under-served by conventional financial institutions will today face even greater difficulty accessing the resources they need to survive or grow. At the same time, ongoing armed conflict and the lingering economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have made it harder for microfinance institutions to serve businesses and households. Throughout Myanmar, these complex and interlinked factors continue to impact borrowers and their businesses in different ways.
This study aimed to better understand the experiences and challenges of borrowers and their businesses or livelihood activity by surveying 2372 Vision Fund Myanmar clients about their borrowing activity, business performance, and outlook. The study included separate analyses of farmers and non-farmers as well as borrowers in areas with varying degrees of conflict-exposure.
Key findings of the study include the following:
One-third of MFI clients had borrowed from multiple sources. Farmers were more likely than non-farmers to have debt from multiple sources. Forty-three percent of farmers took on multiple loans compared to 29% of non-farmers.
Non-farmers were more likely than farmers to take on informal debt. Among MFI clients with multiple loans, 62% percent of non-farmers borrowed from informal lenders compared to just 40% of farmers.
Informal borrowing was more common in high-conflict townships than elsewhere. Among borrowers who took on additional debt, 62% of borrowers in high-conflict townships looked to informal lenders, compared to just 50% of borrowers in other townships.
Borrowers with informal debt were threetimes as likely as others to fall behind on debt payments. Although only 16% of borrowers had informal debt, these borrowers were much more likely to fall behind on payments.
Borrowers in areas with more conflict-exposure were 80% more likely to fall behind on interest payments. Twenty-four percent of borrowers in high-conflict townships had pastdue principle compared to 16% of borrowers elsewhere.
Borrowers in areas with more conflict-exposure were less likely to have savings. Borrowers in high-conflict townships were less likely to use mobile apps to hold savings.
Eighty-percent of businesses said their business was profitable, but profits were slim.
Among businesses that were profitable, 92% said profits were “small” and just 8% said profits were “large.” Non-farmers reported thinner profit margins than farmers.
Many businesses still hoped to expand, and few expected to have to close their business in the near future.Just 2% of borrowers planned to discontinue or reduce the size of their business in the next two years; by contrast, half of all businesses hoped to expand their business.
Borrowers in areas with more conflict-exposure were 40% less likely to expand their business. Just 31% of borrowers in high-conflict townships said they planned to expand their business in the next two years, compared to 51% of borrowers elsewhere.
Three-quarters of borrowers said supply and demand were major challenges for their business. Challenges related to supply and demand were more than twice as common as challenges related to cash, credit, labor recruitment, transportation, or security.
Farmers and non-farmers adapted differently to the challenges they faced. Farmers more often adapted to challenges by reducing input costs, while non-farmers more often adapted by reducing the price of their goods or services.
Challenges related to security and transportation were far more common in areas with more conflict-exposure. In high-conflict townships 39-47% of borrowers with business challenges said this included security and transportation problems, compared to just 10-14% of borrowers elsewhere.
The above findings point to several possible recommendations for lenders, development partners, and humanitarian organizations:
Borrowers in areas with more conflict-exposure likely require additional support and services. More borrowers in areas with high conflict-exposure struggle with debt repayment and business operations. Although these businesses may be harder-to-reach, their needs are often greater. Borrowers in these areas may require more resources to achieve similar outcomes to those elsewhere.
Borrowers in areas with more conflict-exposure require lending and savings solutions tailored to their unique circumstances. Conflict-affected businesses face different challenges and exhibit different business and financial behavior, suggesting the need for uniquely-tailored solutions. A one-size-fits-all approach to lending and/or aid may not have the same impact on borrowers in different areas.
Alternatives to mobile-based financial solutions may be necesary. Fewer businesses in areas with more conflict-exposure used mobile platforms for saving. Although the reasons for this were unclear, it may suggest the need for a variety of savings solutions in order to service businesses and households in different settings.
Non-farmers and borrowers in areas with more conflict-exposure may need more avenues to access formal lending. The prevalence of informal borrowing in high-conflict areas and among non-farmers suggests that barriers to formal lending for these groups may need special attention.
Loans intended specifically for business growth may be effective if well-targeted. While businesses in the most conflict-affected areas may be unlikely to plan for expansion, many other businesses with conflict-exposure may nonetheless seek to grow and therefore benefit from such loans.
In-kind support to farmers in the form of agricultural inputs may help them address the financial challenges they face. Farmers reported adapting to challenges by reducing inputs, which hurts yields in the long-run. Lending to these businesses may be most effective if paired with additional aid which targets such adaptation measures..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - Impact on village life, including health and education, Business and the Military
Language:
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pdf
Size:
5.36 MB
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Description:
"On this International Day of Persons with Disabilities, the United Nations reiterates its unwavering commitment to promoting the rights, dignity, and well-being of persons with disabilities, particularly amidst the complex political and humanitarian landscape of Myanmar. In alignment with this year's theme, "United in Action to Rescue and Achieve the SDGs for, with, and by Persons with Disabilities", we emphasize the need for concerted efforts to dismantle barriers of persons with disabilities and cultivate an inclusive society.
In Myanmar, persons with disabilities, especially women and children, face significant challenges. The 2019 Myanmar Inter-Censal Survey reveals a disability prevalence rate of 12.8%, with states like Chin, Rakhine, and Ayeyawady reporting rates as high as 20.6%. Women and girls with disabilities experience compounded vulnerabilities, including restricted access to essential services and heightened risk of gender-based violence (GBV).
The voices of the estimated 5.9 million people living with disabilities in Myanmar, representing about 13% of the country's population[1], are not mere statistics but vital narratives that demand attention and respect. Their unique perspectives and experiences enrich our society, and acknowledging their significance is a crucial step towards a truly equitable and inclusive community.
Education and Healthcare: Cornerstones of Empowerment
Education and health are the fundamental right and key drivers for empowerment. The United Nations, working with partners and communities, strives to create an inclusive educational environment, ensuring that every child, regardless of ability, has access to quality education. In conflict situations, special attention is given to providing adapted learning environments that cater to diverse learning needs.
The United Nations is committed to ensuring comprehensive, quality and accessible health services for all, including persons with disabilities. From maternal healthcare, sexual and reproductive health services to mental health and psychosocial support, our programs aim to address the specific needs of individuals including displaced people in conflict-affected areas, leaving no one behind.
Economic and Social Inclusion: Promoting Equality
The United Nations champions economic and social inclusion as a vital pathway to overall inclusivity. We advocate for economic opportunities that fully integrate persons with disabilities, ensuring their skills and contributions are acknowledged and valued in the workforce. Social inclusion is equally critical. Through community engagement and awareness initiatives, we work towards breaking down societal barriers, fostering an environment of understanding and acceptance that embraces persons with disabilities and their rights.
Inclusive Responses in Conflict Situations: Prioritizing the most Vulnerable
In conflict settings like Myanmar, children and women with disabilities face exacerbated vulnerabilities. Displacement heightens their risk and limits access to essential services. They face limited access to critical services, including sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS), and an increased risk of gender-based violence (GBV). The United Nations is committed to prioritizing and strengthening protection mechanisms for these marginalized groups with compounded vulnerabilities. This involves ensuring their safety, access to life-saving services, and providing inclusive support systems.
Strategic Approach: Collaboration & Partnership
In collaboration with communities, civil society organizations, and organizations for persons with disabilities, we are mainstreaming disability inclusion in humanitarian responses, addressing the specific challenges faced by persons with disabilities in conflict settings. Our strategic and collective efforts are directed towards creating protective, supportive, and empowering environments across humanitarian-peacebuilding-development nexus.
Aligned with Disability Inclusion Strategy[2], the United Nations is committed to ensuring inclusivity and leaving no one behind.
United for Action
As we commemorate this International Day of Persons with Disabilities, let us unite in action to rescue and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for, with, and by persons with disabilities. The United Nations remain committed to working collaboratively with partners and stakeholders to build a more inclusive and equitable society where the rights and contributions of every individual are recognized, respected and celebrated..."
Source/publisher:
UN Country Team in Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-12-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Nov 22 to 30, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Kayah State, Rakhine State, and Shan State from November 22nd to 30th. Military Junta Troop is accused of using Chemical Gas Bombs and high destructive 500-pound bombs in airstrikes. The Ministry of Transport and Communications, which works under the Military, released and announced on November 22nd that they will take action for people who use Satellite Connection. Military Junta extorted and arrested the civilians and youths in Mandalay Region and Tanintharyi Region.
Over 36 civilians died and almost 40 were injured within a week by the Military’s heavy and light attacks. 4 underaged children were injured and 5 died when the Military Junta committed violations. A child also died by the Military Junta Troop’s landmine..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-12-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
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pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.37 MB 1.55 MB 430.55 KB
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Description:
"Highlight:
Conflict between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various groups, including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), continues in many parts of the country.
More townships across the Northwest and Southeast have been affected by widening conflict, causing fresh displacement and civilian casualties.
More than half a million people in multiple states and regions have been newly displaced due to the escalation of fighting since 26 October. This adds to the 2 million people who were already displaced before the current escalation began.
Despite insecurity, access, and telecommunication challenges, small-scale provision of essential humanitarian assistance to affected people continues where possible using a variety of flexible approaches.
In northern Shan, an estimated 50,000 people displaced in Laukkaing township, on the border with China, have only been able to receive minimal assistance. Humanitarian partners are working to negotiate access and provide assistance.
Key transport routes in townships experiencing active fighting nationwide have been blocked both by the MAF and EAOs, restricting people’s movements to safer locations and hampering humanitarian access. Lashio and Loikaw airports remain closed.
In Rakhine, commodity prices are rising due to shortages of food and daily household items in local markets, caused by blockages of roads and waterways both within and into the state.
As of the end of 2023, the Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) for the year is only 29 per cent funded. An urgent injection of funding is critically needed to enable humanitarians to respond effectively and at-scale to the escalating needs. Provisional approval has been granted for a CERF Rapid Response Allocation of up to US$7 million to address needs generates by the recent escalation of conflict and surging displacement..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
194.55 KB 252.18 KB
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Description:
"At least 200 civilians have been killed and 335,000 displaced in Myanmar (Burma) since 27 October when a group of ethnic armed resistance organizations – known as the Three Brotherhood Alliance – launched a campaign against the ruling military junta. “Operation 1027” has galvanized other groups across the country to join in attacks against the junta, making the current fighting the “largest in scale and most extensive geographically” since the February 2021 coup, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Clashes have been particularly heavy in northern Shan, Sagaing, Chin, Rakhine and Mandalay states where armed resistance groups have reportedly targeted military bases and outposts, as well as trade routes.
In Rakhine State, a year-long informal ceasefire between the junta and the Arakan Army ethnic armed group ended on 13 November when the group launched attacks. According to OCHA, 20,000 people have fled the fighting since mid-November in Pauktaw township alone. The junta has cut off access to the town and trapped hundreds of people in the crossfire, while also obstructing access to camps for internally displaced Rohingya..."
Source/publisher:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication:
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Internal displacement/forced migration of Rohingyas, Human Rights and international relations, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
more
Description:
"OVERVIEW
Throughout the third quarter of 2023, Myanmar continued to grapple with a deepening humanitarian crisis marked by ongoing conflict, monsoon floods, and an alarming spread of explosive ordnance. The situation has led to unprecedented levels of displacement, extensive property damage, and the pervasive threat of landmines, especially in the Northwest and Southeast. By the end of the reporting period, close to 2 million people were internally displaced, facing elevated risks from high intensity conflict while navigating unfamiliar areas often contaminated by landmines and other explosive remnants of war. Displaced people continued to experience high to extreme levels of vulnerability with many living in informal sites without proper shelter or services. Many people are facing repeated displacement, depleting their resources with every movement. Pressure for the premature return of displaced people to their places of origin or third locations remains intense in some areas. In addition, severe monsoon weather exacerbated the situation, triggering floods mainly in the Northwest and Southeast, resulting in the destruction of civilian infrastructure and heightened needs.
Notwithstanding the above-mentioned formidable challenges, both local and international humanitarian partners have demonstrated resilience and commitment to staying and delivering, scaling up and adapting their efforts to address deepening needs. Over the first 9 months of 2023, these efforts resulted at least 2.5 million people receiving some form of assistance – a testament to the dedication of the 226 operational partners in Myanmar (up from 164 at the mid-year point). However, this assistance is not as deep, sustained, or multi-sectoral as planned and represents only half of the 5 million people prioritized for assistance. Access and administrative restrictions continued to pose significant obstacles, causing delays and postponements in relief efforts, exacerbating the suffering of affected and displaced populations. Throughout the period under review, the Food Security Cluster continued to push forward with its response to needs in affected areas, accounting for the highest proportion of people reached (1.7 million), followed by the Protection Cluster (1.5 million) and Education Cluster (1.1 million). The figures are based on self-reporting by partners and, while there has been an improvement in the number of organizations sharing information, some responses are still likely to be missed..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.34 MB
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Description:
"29 November 2023: The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) congratulates the Australian Government for its decision to deny entry visas to the players and officials of Shan United football team, owned by Kun Naung Myint Wai – a crony with deep ties to the illegal Myanmar military junta.
Kun Naung Myint Wai is also the chairman of Wa Minn Corporation, which has business links with the Myanmar military’s “ministry of defence.” Kun Naung Myint Wai has alleged connections with Myanmar military-controlled conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which generates vast revenues for the Myanmar military that it uses to fund grave human rights violations against civilians. In February, Australia imposed financial sanctions on MEC.
The decision to bar entry to Shan United football club, which came ahead of its scheduled football match against Sydney-based Macarthur FC in Australia, is a modest but welcome step by the Australian Government to hold accountable those who benefit from their association with Myanmar’s criminal military.
SAC-M urges the Australian Government to build on this positive step by taking more meaningful action to hold the Myanmar military accountable. Australia must now follow like-minded democracies, including the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and the European Union, by imposing further targeted financial sanctions on the Myanmar military, its generals, affiliated entities and cronies..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
114.67 KB
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Sub-title:
Pushbacks Endanger People Fleeing Airstrikes in Karenni State
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Thailand’s government has pushed back thousands of Myanmar refugees at the border, putting their lives at risk in Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said today. In late October 2023, the Thai military began forcibly returning refugees who had been sheltering in border areas to Myanmar’s Karenni State. Many soon returned to Thailand, fearful of being trapped or targeted in renewed clashes in southeastern Myanmar.
“The Thai authorities should stop pushing back recent Myanmar refugees and allow them to seek protection in Thailand,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The return of many of these refugees to Thailand just days after being pushed back indicates their fear for their safety in Myanmar.”
Thailand has sheltered about 90,000 refugees from Myanmar across nine refugee camps since the mid-1980s. After the February 2021 coup in Myanmar, at least 45,000 additional Myanmar refugees fled to Thailand. While the Thai government has allowed these new arrivals to stay in informal temporary shelters near the border, it has also intermittently pushed them back. None of these new arrivals are permitted to enter existing refugee camps and Thai officials place strict restrictions on their movement and access to humanitarian aid and services.
In July, about 9,000 Myanmar refugees sought safety in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son district due to frequent airstrikes in Karenni State. Thai authorities initially permitted them to stay in the informal temporary shelters.
On October 21, the Thai military verbally ordered the refugees to return to Myanmar within two weeks. After the order, the shelters where they had been living emptied as people walked back across the border into Karenni State, a journey that takes four to five days. Many went to Doh Noh Ku, where there is a settlement for internally displaced people.
Pushbacks were still occurring on October 27, when a coalition of armed ethnic and resistance groups began an offensive against the Myanmar military in northern Shan State. Opposition forces elsewhere in Myanmar then also carried out attacks against the military, which responded with airstrikes, including in Karenni State.
By November 27, more than 2,387 Myanmar people had again fled Myanmar, crossing back into Thailand’s Mae Hong Son district.
People who had just returned to a temporary shelter in Mae Hong Son district said that Myanmar military jets flew over the Doh Noh Ku camp before carrying out airstrikes on November 14 and 15. They said at least three bombs struck inside the camp, but that most people had already fled the camp again by that time.
“I had just reached the area outside Doh Noh Ku after walking five days with my family from here [in Thailand],” said a 52-year-old woman. “We didn’t go into the camp, but we watched the planes from afar. When they started dropping bombs, we ran back straight away…. I’m so scared, I get scared at the sound of thunder now.”
Sources on the ground said that the Thai military maintained that these new refugees had been in Thailand for more than three months when their stay in Thailand should be temporary. Officials also said there had been no recent armed clashes on the border so these people could return to Myanmar. Finally, Thai authorities claimed they were straining services meant for refugees in established camps.
The multiple and forced displacements, and lack of security or access to humanitarian aid is exacerbating the strain on these already marginalized communities, Human Rights Watch said.
“I’ve fled at least seven times since leaving my home earlier in the year because of the airstrikes,” said a 45-year-old woman. “You run to one place because you think it’s safe but nowhere is safe.”
Since the 2021 coup, the Myanmar junta has carried out a nationwide campaign of mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. More than two million people have been internally displaced and more than 95,000 refugees have fled to neighboring countries.
Thailand should facilitate cross-border aid to internally displaced people in Myanmar and enable increased humanitarian aid to refugees in temporary shelters in Mae Hong Son district and other areas along the border. Thailand should also provide protection and support to all refugees, including permitting the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to undertake refugee status determination.
Mass pushbacks, coerced or otherwise, may amount to a breach of Thailand’s obligations as a party to the UN Convention Against Torture and violate the customary international law principle prohibiting refoulement, the forcible return of anyone to a place where they would face a genuine risk of persecution, torture, or other ill-treatment, or a threat to their life.
“The Thai government should permit newly arrived Myanmar refugees access to humanitarian aid and help those seeking protection,” Pearson said. “Thai authorities shouldn’t push back refugees facing grave risk in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Highlight:
• Conflict between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various groups, including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), continues in many parts of the country.
• Fighting has been particularly intense in northern Shan, Rakhine, Sagaing, Chin and Mandalay.
• In Rakhine, armed clashes have again escalated in Pauktaw township, where more than 20,000 people have been newly displaced to safer locations since mid-November. Access here is heavily constrained.
• As of 22 November, there are nearly 335,000 people in multiple states and regions who have been newly displaced as a result of the escalation of fighting since 26 October. More than 2 million people are now displaced nationwide.
• Key transport routes in townships with active fighting have been blocked both by the MAF and EAOs, restricting people’s movements to safer locations, as well as hampering humanitarian access. In addition to Lashio and Loikaw, the airport in Kale is now closed.
• Despite insecurity, access and telecommunication challenges, small-scale provision of essential humanitarian assistance to affected people continues where possible using a variety of flexible approaches.
• While the US$1 million from the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund is being disbursed to local actors to support those responding to emerging needs in northern Shan, needs in the Northwest, Southeast and Rakhine are increasing by the day and require immediate response. Urgent additional donor support is critical given the 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan remains severely underfunded with only 28 per cent of requirements received this year.
Situation Overview
Intense hostilities continue between the MAF and various armed groups, including EAOs and PDFs, across multiple states and regions. Nearly 335,000 people have been newly displaced within northern and southern Shan, Kayah, Rakhine, Chin,
Sagaing, Mandalay, eastern Bago, Kayin, Mon, and Tanintharyi due to the surge in conflict since late October. This displacement is creating urgent needs for immediate and ongoing support to both newly displaced and protracted IDP populations, as well as host communities. In addition, almost 200 civilians, including men, women, and children, have reportedly died and 263 others have been injured in the fighting and related insecurity.
Northern Shan
• In northern Shan, fighting continues in several townships, resulting in significant civilian casualties (48 fatalities and 136 injuries reported). More than 320 houses and other civilian properties have reportedly been damaged or destroyed in 6 townships. As of 22 November, the number of new IDPs from the current fighting has risen to nearly 82,000 people who are now taking refuge in 141 sites across 15 townships. Most of the displaced people are staying in religious compounds including monasteries and churches, while others are sheltering in host communities, forested areas or paddy fields along the China-Myanmar border in northern Shan, as well as in Pyin Oo Lwin township in Mandalay and in Mansi township in Kachin.
• Partners are actively delivering essential aid, including cash, food, and healthcare, to those in need, where access has been possible. Humanitarian assistance has reached about half of the IDPs however, there remains a gap in humanitarian support for some locations in Namhkan, Nawnghkio, Mansi and Pyin Oo Lwin townships due to security situation and access restrictions. In Laukkaing township, 30,000 people, who have been displaced on the border with China, have only been able to receive minimal assistance. Partners are managing to transport some supplies to Lashio, though there is still a high unmet need for cash, food, health supplies, shelter materials, NFIs, and dignity kits among the new IDPs.
Rakhine
• Intensified fighting between the MAF and the Arakan Army (AA) in Pauktaw township in central Rakhine, has escalated since the AA's offensive on 21 November. The clashes, involving ground artillery, naval, and air strikes, have left control of the area uncertain. An artillery shell landed near a Rohingya IDP camp in Pauktaw township without causing any casualties. Nearly 20,000 people from Pauktaw town and nearby villages have been displaced to northern Pauktaw and the southern island, the latter of which also hosts 26,000 Rohingya IDPs from the 2012 violence who have been cut off from aid since 10 November. Approximately 100 civilians were reportedly rescued by the AA from Pauktaw town on 22 November, while around 500 remain trapped in the downtown area. Pauktaw is currently inaccessible, with entry points blocked. Urgent humanitarian and protection assistance, including food, cash, water purification tablets, fuel, emergency healthcare, and medical supplies, is needed. There are ongoing advocacy efforts to secure humanitarian access to the newly displaced, including in Pauktaw, and resume services to those in Rohingya IDP camps.
Northwest
• In the Northwest, armed clashes between the MAF and EAOs/PDFs have escalated since late October in 25 townships across Sagaing, Chin, and Mandalay, causing further displacement and civilian casualties. Approximately 33,000 people are newly displaced from Madaya in Mandalay, Matupi in Chin, and Kale and Taze in Sagaing, contributing to the nearly 150,000 people who have been displaced since early November. These hostilities are thought to have resulted in 60 civilian deaths, 16 injuries including children, and the destruction of 74 houses in Chin, Mandalay, and Sagaing. Reports of arbitrary arrests in Myaing in Magway and Madaya in Mandalay have been received, with fears of detainees being used as porters in military operations. Humanitarian access is hindered by ongoing fighting, roadblocks, and movement restrictions in multiple townships. Kale Airport in Sagaing closed on 21 November following an explosion the previous day, with no reopening date announced. The region faces a fuel crisis, particularly in Kale and Tamu townships, and banking issues pose additional challenges for humanitarian efforts..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
215.25 KB 269.05 KB
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Description:
"New report exposes how Rohingya genocide is intensifying amid aid restrictions and armed conflict
The Myanmar military junta is continuing to ignore the International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) orders to protect the Rohingya as state policies are pushing hundreds of thousands of people to the brink of bare survival in Rakhine State, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) said today in a new report.
The report, Struggling to survive, documents how Rohingya people live increasingly desperate lives amid widespread restrictions on humanitarian aid by the junta. Due to restrictions on their freedom of movement, access to healthcare and livelihoods, Rohingya communities are almost entirely dependent on humanitarian aid. At the same time, the Myanmar military and armed groups have tortured, killed and arbitrarily detained Rohingya people as renewed armed conflict threatens to put even more civilians in the firing line in Rakhine State.
“There is no doubt that the Myanmar military is still trying to erase the Rohingya from the face of the earth. Our report exposes how genocidal practices in Rakhine State are not only continuing, but have even intensified over the last six months,” said Tun Khin, President of BROUK.
“Rohingya women, children and men are struggling to survive. Further curbs on aid access, coupled with conflict-related violations, have only made this situation more alarming. The international community must act once and for all to end this ongoing genocide.”
BROUK’s report is timed to coincide with reporting deadlines imposed on Myanmar in the genocide case The Gambia brought to the ICJ in 2019. In 2020, the “World Court” ordered Myanmar to ‘take all measures within its power’ to protect the Rohingya, and to submit reports every six months on its compliance.
A desperate situation in Rakhine State
The report lays bare how policies by the military junta, known as the State Administration Council (SAC), continued to subject Rohingya people to extreme hardships in May-November 2023. Many of these amount to the genocidal acts outlined in the Genocide Convention.
A stark example is the SAC’s failure to protect people in the context of Cyclone Mocha that hit Rakhine State in May 2023, killing some 400 Rohingya and destroying homes, clinics, and sanitation facilities in IDP camps. Long-standing and arbitrary restrictions on Rohingyas’ freedom of movement prevented many from evacuating camps and villages to seek safety. In the cyclone’s aftermath, the regime has blocked humanitarian aid to Rohingya communities, with devastating consequences.
Six months after the cyclone, the 140,000 Rohingya confined to IDP camps have been subjected to increasingly unsanitary, degrading conditions, without enough food, water, or basic shelter. The junta’s restrictions on humanitarian access and lengthy delays in issuing travel authorisations to humanitarian organisations have prevented timely repairs to shelters and sanitation facilities, as well as the delivery of adequate food and nutrition supplies. Discriminatory policies and practices prevent Rohingya from accessing adequate medical care and have led to further preventable deaths since the cyclone.
All Rohingya in Rakhine State continue to live in an open-air prison, with the junta taking no steps to end severe and long-standing restrictions on their freedom of movement and access to education, health care and livelihoods. Threats, extortions and arbitrary detentions are routinely used by security forces against Rohingya.
Despite the humanitarian crisis in Rakhine State, Myanmar continues to push ahead with attempts to repatriate Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh. These moves are opposed by Rohingya refugee communities themselves, while UNHCR has clearly stated that conditions in Rakhine State are not safe for refugees to return in dignity and safety. BROUK’s report highlights that ‘model villages’ for the returnees have been constructed in areas where atrocity crimes during the 2016-2017 ‘clearance operations’ are known to have taken place, in breach of the ICJ’s order instructing Myanmar to ‘prevent the destruction of and ensure the preservation of evidence’ related to alleged genocidal acts.
Armed conflict in Rakhine State
Renewed armed conflict threatens to put Rohingya civilians at greater risk of harm. On 13 November, a fragile ceasefire between the Arakan Army (AA) and SAC forces collapsed, sparking armed clashes in Rakhine State. Rakhine and Rohingya civilians have already been killed and injured by indiscriminate shelling by SAC forces over the past week.
Meanwhile, the Arakan Rohingya Solidarity Army (ARSA) has been increasingly active in the region in recent months, following a crackdown on the group inside Bangladeshi camps. Armed clashes between ARSA and the AA in July have added to fears that Rohingya civilians will increasingly be caught in the crossfire.
BROUK has documented a catalogue of human rights abuses by the AA and ARSA towards Rohingya civilians, including abductions, extortions, arbitrary arrests, and ill-treatment amounting to torture. In late September, for example, the AA imposed a lockdown on Rohingya villages in southern Buthidaung, and abducted and brutally beat 10 Rohingya men falsely accused of ARSA sympathies. Similarly, a few weeks earlier, ARSA are widely suspected of killing a Rohingya elder they accused of providing transportation to AA and SAC soldiers.
The Myanmar military has further arbitrarily arrested and tortured Rohingya men on accusations of ties to the AA or ARSA, in an act of collective punishment.
The high price of international inaction
BROUK calls on the international community to immediately take action to end Myanmar’s genocide against the Rohingya. This must include pressure to lift aid restrictions in Rakhine State, strengthened sanctions against the junta, and support for international justice efforts. BROUK welcomes recent moves by the governments of the UK, Canada, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Germany and Maldives to formally lend support to The Gambia’s genocide case at the ICJ. BROUK urges the international community to find concrete ways to leverage the provisional measures ordered by the ICJ, to ensure they fulfil their purpose of protecting the Rohingya. This includes securing public hearings at the UN Security Council on the junta’s continued breaches of the order and seeking consequences for non-compliance.
“Time is running out for the more than 600,000 Rohingya still living inside Rakhine State. The world must immediately take steps to pressure the Myanmar junta to lift all restrictions on aid as well as Rohingyas’ access to hospitals, schools and livelihoods,” said Tun Khin.
“At the same time, international justice is the only way to hold the military to account for its decades of violence against not just the Rohingya, but all people in Myanmar. More states must lend support to efforts to hold the junta to account for its atrocity crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2023-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Human Rights and international relations, International Criminal Court (Myanmar)
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"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Nov 15 to 21, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Mandalay Region, Bago Region, Mon State, Chin State, and Shan State from November 15th to 21st. Military Junta destroyed 4 of the civilian bridges in Kale, Sagaing Region, and Kyaikmaraw Township, Mon State. The military also prohibited access to travel and fishing in Kyaukphyu Township, Rakhine State on November 19th. Military Junta arrested and extorted the youths who go out at night in the Yangon Region.
Over 50 civilians died and 9 were injured within a week by the Military Junta’s heavy and light attacks. 11 underaged children died when the Military Junta committed violations. PSLF/TNLA released a statement on November 18th that the Military Junta Troop used the Toxic Gas Bombs in the fighting in Namkhan Township, North Shan State..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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1.73 MB
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Description:
"Highlight
The conflict between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various groups, including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), remains intense in many parts of the country.
The escalation is now the largest in scale and most extensive geographically since the early 2021 military takeover, impacting multiple areas, particularly northern and southern Shan, Sagaing, Kayah, Rakhine, and southern Chin.
As of 21 November, there are more than 286,000 people who have been displaced as a result of the intensification of fighting since 26 October.
The security situation in Pauktaw township in Rakhine remains alarming, where more than 20,000 people have been displaced to safer locations within the township since mid-November and hundreds of people have also been trapped and have not been able to move to safer areas.
Key transport routes in townships with active fighting have been blocked both by the MAF and EAOs, restricting people’s movements to safer locations, as well as hampering humanitarian access.
Despite insecurity, access and telecommunication challenges, provision of essential humanitarian assistance to affected people continues in northern Shan using a variety of flexible approaches. Humanitarian partners in the Northwest, Southeast and Rakhine are assessing new needs to respond to the fluid situation. Various preparedness measures, including the pre-positioning of stocks, are ongoing.
While the US$1 million from the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund is being disbursed to local actors to support those responding to emerging needs in northern Shan, needs in the Northwest, Southeast and Rakhine are increasing by the day and require immediate response. Urgent additional donor support is critical given the 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan remains severely underfunded with only 28 per cent of requirements received this year.
Situation Overview
Intense hostilities continue between the MAF and various armed groups, including EAOs and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), across multiple states and regions. This escalation is the largest and most geographically widespread since the 2021 military takeover. Armed clashes have expanded into more areas, including densely populated urban centres, posing a heightened risk to the safety and security of civilian populations across the country.
More than 286,000 people have been newly displaced within northern and southern Shan, Kayah, Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Mandalay, eastern Bago, Kayin, Mon, and Tanintharyi due to the recent surge in conflict. This displacement represents a significant humanitarian concern, with urgent needs for immediate and ongoing support to both newly displaced and protracted IDP populations, as well as host communities. In addition, 187 civilians, including men, women, and children, have reportedly died and 246 others have been injured..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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219.63 KB 275.99 KB
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"Yangon, Myanmar – Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is gravely concerned for the welfare of communities caught up in Myanmar’s escalating conflict, particularly in Shan, Kachin and Rakhine states where we are present and witnessing the direct impacts.
Yesterday, our team in Shan received reports that Pang Hseng Hospital, a facility that MSF has supported in the past, was hit by a drone strike. Thankfully no injuries were reported, but this is only because the hospital recently became non-functional when hostilities escalated at the end of October.
Since the fighting erupted, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), more than 60,000 people have been displaced within the state, and most are completely cut off from humanitarian assistance.
MSF, alongside other humanitarian organisations and local health authorities is managing to provide services in some areas, but continued fighting and access restrictions mean only a fraction of the number of people in need of assistance can be reached.
Many people escaping violence in other areas of Shan state have now fled to Lashio, northern Shan, where MSF is already present providing life-saving HIV and TB services to communities with limited access to treatment. MSF conducted a “rapid needs assessment” of people who have been displaced in the areas we could reach and together with other organisations have been able to donate non-food items and hygiene kits, provide psychological first aid, and medical consultations for women and children.
MSF is also witnessing increasing numbers of missed appointments at our clinic sites where patients come for their regular medication for HIV. Missed appointments mean patients are without their life-saving medication, risking their health, leaving them vulnerable to drug resistance and developing other opportunistic infections.
In Rakhine state, the resumption of conflict after the breakdown of a ceasefire brokered last November, has put a halt to MSF’s regular mobile clinics, where our teams treat 1,500 patients on a weekly basis.
Route blockages and blanket travel restrictions due to active conflict in areas where we run these clinics are making it impossible for MSF teams to even support emergency referrals for critically ill patients.
This is occurring only six months after a devastating cyclone hit the state. Communities are still recovering from its impact.
In Kachin state, while the intensity of the conflict we witnessed a few weeks ago has abated for now, patients returning to our clinics for sexual and reproductive healthcare services and HIV/TB care tell us they fear making the journey to us because of the risk of being caught up in violence along the way, and because of the fear of airstrikes and shelling.
On 25th September, a four person MSF team visited Hpakant General Hospital in Kachin state to prepare a space as part of our support to our HIV cohort transferred to the local health authorities. Armed men began shooting outside the compound, eventually making their way inside the hospital and severely injured one patient.
We are witnessing an unacceptable disregard for the protected nature of hospital infrastructure. With growing medical and humanitarian needs across the country, we implore all parties to ensure the safety of patients and healthcare workers in conflict areas, and to allow safe and unimpeded access to people who have been left without life-saving services while their communities are caught in the crossfire..."
Source/publisher:
Médecins Sans Frontières
Date of publication:
2023-11-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"This Short Update describes events occurring in K’Ser Doh Township, Mergui-Tavoy District in June 2023, including fighting between the State Administration Council (SAC) and People’s Defence Force (PDF) on June 8th 2023 which resulted in the displacement of ten thousand local villagers in Kleh Muh Htee area. On this day, the SAC conducted indiscriminate shelling into villages, causing a female villager to suffer a severely injured leg. Moreover, two villagers from A--- village were arrested and forcibly disappeared by the SAC. Additionally, a villager from A--- village was arrested and brutally tortured by the SAC, accused of being affiliated with a local armed resistance group. The SAC burnt down and looted many of the displaced villagers’ houses during the fighting in A--- village. The SAC also fatally shot a displaced villager in B--- village, Kleh Muh Htee area, on June 11th, 2023.[1]
Indiscriminate shelling, displacement, house burning
On June 8th 2023, the State Administration Council (SAC)[2] entered A--- village, Kleh Muh Htee area, K’Ser Doh Township, Mergui-Tavoy District. The battalion number of the SAC troops that entered A--- village is unknown, although according to local villagers, the SAC troops that most commonly operate in the area are Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[3] #403, #404 and #405. As they entered the village, fighting happened between the SAC troops and the combined armed forces of People’s Defence Force (PDF)[4], who were based in an adjacent village, D--- village, Kleh Muh Htee area, K’Ser Doh Township. They fired at each other with artillery and guns from a distance. These two villages [D--- and A--- villages] are attached to each other [like one village]. Due to the fighting, some mortar shells landed and exploded in the villages, causing local villagers to flee in fear. A woman named Daw[5] M--- was also injured by the shelling during the fighting before she could flee. Daw M--- is currently undergoing treatment in Dawei Hospital to recover from her injuries. Her leg was broken and required metal plates to be implanted to fix the broken bone.
During this fighting, villagers from six villages fled for safety. They took refuge in other villages such as F---, G---, and C--- villages. Some of the villagers stayed in their relatives’ houses and some stayed in the monastery. The displaced villagers are from A--- village, D--- village, Ka Neh Thi Ri village, Kyweh Min Kon village, Kyauk Hk’Mauk village and Pain Neh Kyun village, Kleh Muh Htee area, K’Ser Doh Township, Mergui-Tavoy District. These villagers are facing many challenges, including livelihood challenges, and a lack of food and healthcare. One displaced villager said: “We are so scared of the mortars and guns so we ran into the nipa palm trees when hearing the sounds of shelling. We had to crouch in the water so that the soldiers didn’t see us. It was so devastating. We have seen people displaced on Facebook [posts] but we never thought this would come to us. We had to survive it horribly.”
The total number of households in the displaced villages is over 3,000, which is estimated to include 10,000 villagers. These villagers still dare not return to their villages [as of October 2023] because the SAC is still settled in A--- village at the monastery on E--- hill. These SAC soldiers have continued to fire rounds of mortar shells into the village and regularly patrol the village because of suspected PDF forces operating in the area.
Some villagers could not bring any extra clothes when fleeing from the village. When the shelling stopped, villagers sneaked into the village to collect some clothes and food. A villager in A--- village said: “It only took 5 minutes to get to the village [from the hiding place]. When we reached our houses, the scene that we saw was saddening. Our houses were destroyed by shelling and were burnt down. All our property was looted.” [At least,] six villagers’ houses in A--- village had been burnt down by the SAC.
Arbitrary arrest and enforced disappearance
When the fighting happened on June 8th 2023, five villagers, including two women and three men from A--- village, were arrested. The parents of the two female villagers and one male villager paid 500,000 kyat [238 USD][6] so they could have their children released. However, the two other male villagers were taken [by the SAC soldiers] and no one knows where they were taken to nor their current condition [under detention]. These two villagers are U O---, 50 years old and U P---, 48 years old. Their families were not able to search for them because they are also having to flee for their lives after the attacks on their village. A villager in A--- village said: “We have over 1,500 households in our village. When we fled, we could not care for each other. We heard from the PDF soldiers that the village is full of corpses. We don’t know who are these corpses.” The villagers who fled the fighting are ordinary villagers who work on farming and casual daily work. Some of them do not even have a house to return to because the SAC burnt it. Villagers dare not go back to the village to identify the dead bodies because the SAC is still conducting shelling in the village.
When the fighting occurred in A--- village on June 8th 2023, the SAC also arrested another local villager, Maung[7] N---, who is 29 years old and of Dawei ethnicity He was detained for two days and brutally tortured during the detention. As he expressed: “When they [SAC] arrested me, they questioned me a lot about whether PDF [are] present in the area, and accused me of being a PDF. They hit me with the butt of the gun on my head and my hands. When I suffered pain on my body, I held my hands, and they continued to torture me. Four soldiers were torturing me there. I was detained for two days. During the detention, some soldiers were a bit kind and they gave me rice to eat. During the detention, the SAC soldiers told me ‘How would you compare yourself to the Tatmadaw [Burma Army]? The Tatmadaw has good weapons, enough manpower, enough military power, how would you compare [them to local resistance groups]?’ I felt like falling into hell during the two days of detention. They burned me with a cigarette, they punched me, hit me, kicked me all over. After two days of detention, the fighting happened between that SAC troop and the PDF, and the SAC shelled three mortars. After that, they took a break. They just tied me loosely when taking a break. Therefore, I could untie myself and escape. I did not have any shoes as I fled to the forest. I fled and reached this displacement site.”
About two weeks before the incident, the SAC also arrested around 40 local villagers in A---, Kleh Muh Htee area, including Maung N---. These villagers were also tortured during their detention. They were all later released by the SAC. According to Maung N---, the torture from his second arrest left him with more serious injuries on his head, face, arm and legs. When he was released, his face around the eyes was cut and his whole face was covered in bruises. His wrists and ankles were wounded because of the metal chains that the SAC used to restrain him during the arrest. According to him, the SAC soldiers mostly used the butt of the gun and their boots in torturing him as they felt more pain to punch him with their fists.
Regardless of the threat to life, some displaced villagers continued to try to sneak into the village for emergency needs. On June 11th 2023, a villager named L---, who is 19 years old, from B--- village, Kleh Muh Htee area, K’Ser Doh Township, was shot and killed by the SAC soldiers when he returned to the village to collect medicine for his mother. His mother has a chronic illness and she could not bring her medicine with her when fleeing.
Currently, the Karen National Union (KNU)[8], local community support groups and organisations such as Ta K’Paw, P’Neh Ta K’Paw, as well as the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) and local religious groups, are providing support in the aftermath of these attacks. These organisations provide some food and healthcare support to the displaced villagers.
Further background reading on the situation on indiscriminate shelling, killing, arrest, torture, house burning, displacement and enforced disappearance in Southeast Burma can be found in the following KHRG reports:
Doo Tha Htoo District Situation Update: Two villagers were killed and 17 villagers were injured by SAC’s indiscriminate shelling in Kyeh Htoh Township (December 2022 to February 2023), August 2023
Mu Traw District Short Update: SAC indiscriminate shelling resulting in injured and killed, April 2023, July 2023
Briefing Paper: Deadly Encounters: Killings of civilians by armed actors in Southeast Burma (October 2022 - April 2023), June 2023
Footnotes:
[1] The present document is based on information received in July 2023. It was provided by a community member in Mergui-Tavoy District who has been trained by KHRG to monitor human rights conditions on the ground. The names of the victims, their photos and the exact locations are censored for security reasons. The parts in square brackets are explanations added by KHRG.
[2] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup.
[3] A Burma Army Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Light Infantry Battalions in the Burma Army are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up to date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. LIBs are primarily used for offensive operations, but they are sometimes used for garrison duties.
[4] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalized the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army.
[5] Daw is a Burmese female honorific title used before a person’s name.
[6] All conversion estimates for Kyat in this report are based on the official market rate as of October 17thth 2023 at 1 USD = 2,097 MMK, conversion rate available at https://www.xe.com/currencyconverter/.
[7] Maung is a Burmese male honorific title used before a person’s name
[8] The Karen National Union (KNU) is the main Karen political organisation. It was established in 1947 and has been in conflict with the Burma government since 1949. The KNU wields power across large areas of Southeast Burma and has been calling for the creation of a democratic federal system since 1976. Although it signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, relations with the government remain tense..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2023-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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629.79 KB 462.8 KB 377.69 KB
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"Highlight:
Armed hostilities have escalated in Rakhine State in the past two days, particularly in Pauktaw and Maungdaw townships, and in Paletwa, Chin State.
The Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) have conducted an operation in Pauktaw with air and naval support to reestablish control after the Arakan Army (AA) temporarily took the town on 15 November.
Despite the absence of direct clashes, there have been reports of MAF shelling in AA-controlled areas in Kyauktaw,
Minbya, Mrauk-U, Myebon, Sittwe, and Ponnagyun townships.
Since 13 November, 11 deaths and over 30 injuries have been reported. Additionally, more than 100 people have reportedly been detained by the MAF/State Administration Council.
As of 16 November, the overall number of internally displaced people (IDPs) due to past and present conflict between the AA and the MAF in Rakhine and Paletwa has risen to some 90,000, including more than 26,000 people newly displaced since the ceasefire broke. This is in addition to 150,000 mostly Rohingya people displaced in Rakhine as a result of long-running inter-communal tensions.
Key transport routes and waterways between Sittwe-Yangon and within various townships have been restricted, impacting civilian movement and the delivery of humanitarian aid. Humanitarian assistance has been suspended for several days, with limited access being provided to select locations amid the intensified fighting.
Situation Overview
The MAF and the AA resumed hostilities on 13 November, disrupting the relative calm that followed the informal ceasefire established in November 2022. The recent conflict began in Rathedaung township, where the AA is reported to have attacked two Border Guard Police (BGP) posts near the Maungdaw township border. Hostilities have since spread to the townships of Maungdaw, Kyauktaw, Minbya, Pauktaw, Ponnagyun, and Paletwa. Reports indicate artillery shelling from MAF bases in various townships, predominantly at night. The MAF has also employed naval forces to launch artillery strikes on AA-controlled territories. Local sources have confirmed at least 11 fatalities and more than 30 injuries due to the shelling in Maungdaw, Mrauk-U, Kyauktaw, Minbya, and Ann townships.
The MAF/SAC have increased security measures across the region, including the establishment of additional checkpoints and roadblocks, and conducting household searches to identify suspected AA sympathizers. More than 100 people in Rakhine have been arrested by the MAF/SAC since 13 November. Meanwhile, the AA detained five people, including two in police uniform, in Ponnagyun, suspecting they were en route to Sittwe by boat. Additionally, a curfew from 9 pm to 6 am has been implemented in Sittwe.
The ongoing clashes have resulted in the displacement of 26,175 people (4,765 households) across Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Minbya, Mrauk-U, Myebon, Ponnagyun, Pauktaw, and Rathedaung townships. Of these, the largest number - 19,000 people - are from Pauktaw. This displacement adds to the existing situation where 63,884 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were already affected by earlier AA-MAF conflict, along with approximately 150,000 predominantly Rohingya IDPs in Sittwe and Pauktaw from past inter-communal tension. Rural communities, in particular, are living in fear of escalating violence, and there is a high likelihood that the newly displaced will seek refuge in existing urban displacement sites if the situation worsens. The non-displaced Rohingya population - already facing limited mobility - is at risk of further confinement in their villages.
Since 13 November, virtually all roads and waterways connecting Rakhine townships have been blocked, severely restricting movements, including the transportation of goods and trade. In affected townships in Rakhine and Paletwa, most humanitarian activities have been suspended due to the resurgence of conflict, increased security scrutiny, road and waterway blockades, and movement restrictions between urban and rural areas. Services provided by camp-based staff, community-based staff, and volunteers continue in areas without active conflict. However, activities requiring the movement of supplies, staff, or patients, such as health emergency referral services, have ceased due to stringent movement restrictions..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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91.27 KB 181.11 KB
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"Fighting has intensified greatly in Myanmar in recent weeks. Having started in northern Shan State, it is now spreading elsewhere. As Crisis Group expert Richard Horsey explains in this Q&A, the military is under significant pressure on the battlefield, with worrying humanitarian implications.
What happened?
On 27 October, an alliance of ethnic armed groups launched a coordinated offensive against regime forces in the north of Myanmar’s Shan State, seizing several towns, severing important overland trade routes to China and overrunning dozens of military outposts. Dubbed Operation 1027 after the date they began, these attacks involved several thousand experienced, well-armed fighters attacking multiple locations simultaneously. They represent the biggest battlefield challenge to the military since its February 2021 coup. Sensing that the regime may be at its weakest point yet, several other armed groups have gone on the march in other parts of the country, threatening to overstretch the junta’s military capacity.
Operation 1027 was spearheaded by the Three Brotherhood Alliance, which comprises three ethnic armed groups active in northern Shan State: the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (or MNDAA, a predominantly Kokang group), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (or TNLA, a mainly Ta’ang group) and the Arakan Army (or AA, a mostly Rakhine group). Several resistance forces that first emerged after the coup also participated in the attacks, bringing the fighting closer to the country’s second largest city, Mandalay, and ambushing reinforcements the military is sending to Shan State. On 13 November, the AA then launched a fresh offensive in Rakhine State, in the west, breaking the informal ceasefire that has been in place for a year.
The operation has proceeded rapidly, with outnumbered regime forces abandoning or surrendering scores of military outposts and bases. The junta has been slow to respond to the initial losses. While the military immediately launched airstrikes and long-range artillery barrages, these have so far not been effective in countering Operation 1027. They have, however, caused civilian casualties and the displacement of some 60,000 people in Shan and 200,000 nationwide, according to the UN, bringing the total number of civilians displaced since the coup to over two million.
At a cabinet meeting on 2 November, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing vowed to undertake a counter-attack. Six days later, almost two weeks after the initial assault, he convened the first unscheduled meeting of the National Defence and Security Council since the coup, at which the regime-installed president warned that the country could splinter and Min Aung Hlaing committed to “taking the required actions to counter acts of terror”. The regime has since imposed martial law in eight affected townships of northern Shan State. But the military is having trouble deploying its mobile strike divisions because of the opposition’s ambushes on the main roads and destruction of several key bridges. Nor can it rely heavily on air transport given its limited capacity in that regard.
What triggered this new fighting?
The escalation began in Shan State, on the border with China, which until October had been less affected by post-coup conflict than many other parts of the country.
The groups that make up the Three Brotherhood Alliance have all emerged as significant threats to the military in the last decade or so. Both the MNDAA and TNLA have long aimed to establish territorial control in different parts of the state’s north. They took advantage of the military’s preoccupation with battles elsewhere to launch the attacks.
The MNDAA is seeking to right what it sees as a historical wrong as well as to regain lucrative assets. The group is made up mostly of ethnic Kokang – a Han Chinese minority – which used to control a sizeable enclave on the Chinese border known as the Kokang Self-Administered Zone, and its capital Laukkaing, a hub for unregulated gambling and other illicit industries. In 2009, it defied an order by the military regime of the time stating that all armed groups that had agreed to ceasefires must convert into border guard force units under military command. The military decided to make an example of the MNDAA, expelling it from the Zone and installing border guards from a rival Kokang faction in its place. The operation was led on the ground by none other than Min Aung Hlaing, who later became the military’s commander-in-chief before orchestrating the February 2021 coup and assuming his current role atop the junta. Since its 2009 expulsion, the MNDAA has operated as an insurgency from remote hills, with the objective of wresting back control of the Zone. It made a failed attempt in 2015, with clashes inflicting serious casualties on the military and sending more than 30,000 refugees fleeing into China.
The [MNDAA and the TNLA] thus have overlapping interests, giving them an incentive to launch a joint operation. As for the TNLA, as a recent Crisis Group report documented in detail, the group is seeking to consolidate its control of an autonomous ethnic Ta’ang (Palaung) homeland. It also wants to connect this territory to the Chinese border, for both strategic and economic reasons. The area on which it is focused is adjacent to the Kokang district that the MNDAA wants to take back. The two groups thus have overlapping interests, giving them an incentive to launch a joint operation.
By contrast, the AA does not have territorial ambitions in Shan State, and has played more of a supporting role in the operation. Still, participation in the Three Brotherhood Alliance is important for the group. Its leadership operates from nearby rebel-held lands on the Chinese border; it also gets most of its weapons from the area and it has vital economic interests there.
In its initial communiqué on 27 October, the alliance stated that in addition to its strategic objectives in northern Shan, it was committed to “eradicating the oppressive military dictatorship, a shared aspiration of the entire Myanmar populace”. The articulation of this goal may be more for rhetorical than substantive effect, however, as the three ethnic armed groups involved have stayed mostly aloof from the country’s post-coup convulsions, focusing on asserting their territorial aims. Still, the alliance’s salvo at the junta has been consequential, attracting the participation of post-coup resistance forces in the operation and reigniting hope among the broader anti-regime movement that armed revolution might succeed in toppling the regime.
How serious is the challenge to the regime?
The situation for the regime has quickly turned from a concerning problem in one part of the country into a multi-front threat that constitutes the biggest battlefield challenge it has faced since the February 2021 coup. The Three Brotherhood Alliance attacks in northern Shan alone dealt a major blow to the military. Some units have lost significant weaponry to their opponents, who have seized tanks, armoured personnel carriers, multiple-launch rocket systems, a howitzer, trucks and anti-aircraft heavy machine guns. The attackers also laid their hands on large quantities of light arms and ammunition. It is not clear whether the military can effectively respond to these challenges. Unless it can mount a counteroffensive, the regime may have to accept losing control of strategic border areas for the medium term. That outcome would not just be discomfiting for the junta; it would also alter the balance of power in the area.
The Three Brotherhood Alliance has also taken over sections of the two highways connecting Myanmar and China through northern Shan, leading to an interruption in cross-border trade. Long-term obstruction would be a serious setback for the regime, but it is not especially likely, as informal taxes on this commerce are also a key source of revenue for the TNLA. A short-term blockade is not a serious threat to regime finances or to Myanmar’s overall economy.
The military’s failures are on display for all to see, emboldening opposition groups outside the alliance to seize on this moment of weakness.
Taking a broader view, while the situation in northern Shan does not by itself represent an existential threat to the regime, it encompasses a series of failures and embarrassments of the sort that could prove perilous. The military’s failures are on display for all to see, emboldening opposition groups outside the alliance to seize on this moment of weakness by launching their own attacks elsewhere in the country. Such attacks have already happened in several places.
First, in early November, a few days after Operation 1027 began, one of the country’s largest ethnic armed groups, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), led an assault on the north-western town of Kawlin in Sagaing Region. The town, an important administrative centre, fell after several days of fighting. As Kawlin lies in the lowlands, far from Kachin-populated areas in the mountains where the KIO normally operates, the attack was conducted under the banner of a local people’s defence force allied with the opposition National Unity Government; the KIO has long provided equipment and military training to the force.
Secondly, on 7 November, resistance forces in Kayah State kicked off what they called Operation 1107, first attacking Myanmar military targets in the south of the state and then, on 11 November, the state capital Loikaw. They claim to have shot down an air force jet (the regime says mechanical failure caused the crash).
Thirdly, and even more significantly, the AA – an alliance member – has seized the moment to press its advantage. On 13 November, the AA, which over recent years has become one of the country’s most powerful ethnic armed groups, launched a series of attacks in Rakhine State, ending the period of calm that followed its agreement to an informal ceasefire in November 2022. Tensions had resurfaced over the last few months, and both sides knew that fighting could resume at any time. The regime kept sizeable forces deployed in the state for that eventuality. But with the conflict landscape evolving quickly elsewhere, and new hotspots to address, the regime can ill afford to get bogged down in fighting on another front. It also will not welcome the idea of renewed conflict with the AA, which it has struggled to overcome even when other parts of Myanmar were quiet, back in 2019-2020.
How has China reacted to the fighting on its border?
China has longstanding relations with the ethnic armed groups operating along its Shan State border, dating back to the Cultural Revolution period of the 1960s and 1970s, when most of them were part of a communist insurgency. Beijing has since maintained close ties to these groups, allowing them to integrate their enclaves into China’s rapidly growing economy, and directly and indirectly arming them to deter the Myanmar military from attacking these areas. This is part of the “border management” approach that China has long adopted in its relations with Myanmar in order to maintain stability along its frontier. While it would not be averse to a durable peace, it has mostly assessed that that is unlikely, preferring to support the quasi-peaceful status quo, while recognising that it will find itself helping to manage periodic flare-ups when they occur.
That said, these flare-ups can cause outcomes that Beijing clearly wishes to avoid. For example, China has always been sensitive to the prospect of refugee flows or war spilling into its territory. It will want to avoid a repeat of what happened in 2015, when MNDAA attacks on the Kokang border guard force sent tens of thousands of refugees fleeing across its border.
While Beijing has called publicly for a halt to the fighting, its response has been limited. But while Beijing has called publicly for a halt to the fighting, its response has been limited, and for the most part it appears to be waiting to see how events play out. This approach stems partly from its hope that the alliance will help rein in online scam centres in the Kokang zone. Run by criminal outfits, these centres hire or entrap often vulnerable individuals, whose job is to perpetrate internet fraud and theft. Thousands of Chinese nationals are being held against their will in these centres and forced to carry out scams, many of them targeting Chinese nationals. With such illicit operations proliferating across South East Asia in recent years, curbing these activities has become an important priority for Beijing. It has been using its leverage over groups such as the United Wa State Army to close the scam operations in areas under their control. But its biggest problem has been in Kokang, which as noted is controlled by a border guard force allied with the Myanmar military. Laukkaing and other parts of the region have emerged as key scam centre locations.
The Three Brotherhood Alliance is well aware of Beijing’s growing impatience with the scam industry and has used its own willingness to take on the scammers in order to manage the risk of Chinese backlash in response to its operations. To make clear its intentions, the alliance flagged to China at the end of its initial statement on Operation 1027 that “our commitment extends to” cracking down on the online scam industry.
At least in the short term, a desire to make inroads against the scam centres seems to have trumped China’s traditional border security concerns. Given its frustration that the Myanmar regime and Kokang border guard force were doing little to rein in the scam centres, Beijing will have been pleased to see the border guard force under siege and scam bosses fleeing the area. Moreover, given its long-term relationship with the MNDAA, and significant influence it wields with the group, China may well see advantages in the group’s success.
That said, Beijing is not entirely in watching mode. As the situation in Laukkaing becomes chaotic – with most routes out of town blocked by fighting and food in short supply – there are reports that Chinese police and other forces have entered the city with regime permission. They are likely there to evacuate thousands of trapped Chinese citizens and possibly to detain members of Kokang crime syndicates who have been indicted in China in recent days on charges of running scam centres and murdering Chinese citizens. The alleged victims reportedly include a group held captive at a scam centre who were gunned down by security guards during an escape attempt on 20 October. In addition to the Chinese, hundreds of citizens of other countries are stuck in Laukkaing, including Thai and Vietnamese nationals.
What happens next?
The fast-moving situation, and the potential for fighting to erupt on other fronts, makes developments hard to predict. Much will depend on whether the military is able to regain the initiative in parts of the country or to deter its opponents with punishing air attacks. How the situation evolves with the AA in Rakhine State will be very important, as large-scale fighting there would mean the military would be stretched even more thinly elsewhere.
A likely scenario at this point is that, for the first time in decades, the Myanmar military will have to fight numerous, determined and well-armed opponents at the same time in multiple theatres. But while this challenge will be huge, the military can be expected to show some resiliency. It is a well-trained and well-equipped force, which has been continuously battling various insurgencies since World War II, sometimes against worse odds. Its staying power should not be underestimated. Nor should the regime’s resolve to fight on at all costs. While anti-junta forces are understandably enthusiastic following the dramatic early successes of Operation 1027, military collapse or regime capitulation seem far off. More likely is that the regime will double down on brutal efforts to gain the upper hand on the battlefield, including scorched-earth tactics and indiscriminate bombing and shelling. The result could be that the country settles into a new, even more violent equilibrium, with civilians inevitably paying a heavy price.
Another thing to watch will be China’s reaction as events in northern Shan State continue to unfold. While so far Beijing has largely allowed the fighting to take its course, that posture may not last. If the MNDAA succeeds in taking Laukkaing and routing the border guard force – or if it fails to do so and the conflict drags on – China may then intervene with both the regime and the Three Brotherhood Alliance to end hostilities. More broadly, China will be uncomfortable if the post-coup resistance movement, which Beijing perceives as Western-leaning and unfriendly to its interests, seems to be gaining too much momentum. It may then move to bolster the regime.
Finally, Operation 1027 could increase inter-ethnic tensions and conflict. The shifting balance of power in northern Shan State is alarming Shan communities and armed groups, who see their ethnic rivals such as the Ta’ang and Kokang gaining strength and expanding their territory into ethnic Shan areas. Ta’ang and Shan fighters have already clashed in recent months, including in deadly confrontations on 7 November. The clashes could easily escalate into something more serious.
How should outside actors respond?
China has much more influence over events on its border with Myanmar than any other international actor. If it comes off the sidelines, it would likely have enough leverage to press both the Three Brotherhood Alliance and the military regime to end the fighting. As noted, it could well intercede in this manner should the MNDAA manage to secure control of Laukkaing and the rest of the Kokang zone, or if the conflict drags on and threatens an extended period of instability on its border. But back-room deals that freeze the conflict without addressing its underlying drivers are only going to paper over thwarted ethnic aspirations and set the stage for continued instability and new rounds of fighting in the future.
In fairness to Beijing, a grand solution that brings peace to the border region is hard to envisage. As noted above, one reason China has settled into a pattern of short-term fixes, is that the alternative to such crisis management – that is, a more holistic set of solutions to the post-coup situation – are beyond the ability of any external actor to impose. Essentially, the problem is one of an illegitimate regime and brutal military that have neither the imagination nor the will to craft a peaceful outcome for what is, at its root, a long-term failure of state building.
Nevertheless, Beijing can and should do more than twist arms to bring about a temporary calm. It should do more to transform the political economy of the area, by encouraging and supporting legitimate sources of income in armed group-controlled enclaves along its border, while at the same time pushing for an end to illicit activities across the board – rather than targeting only those criminal activities that are hurting China, as it is doing with scam centres.
Foreign actors have limited influence over the various groups involved in the fighting, but they can at least offer humanitarian support. Beyond China, foreign actors have limited influence over the various groups involved in the fighting, but they can at least offer humanitarian support. They should work with both international and local relief organisations as appropriate to ensure the quick distribution of humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected communities. In particular, funding is urgently needed for organisations providing support to tens of thousands of civilians displaced by the fighting in northern Shan and elsewhere. (Crisis Group has previously made recommendations about how to give more sustained support as post-coup conflicts drag on.) Moreover, as fighting spreads, the number of displaced people is likely to keep growing. If there is a sustained uptick in conflict in Myanmar, as now seems likely, neighbouring countries – particularly Thailand and India – should prepare for potential refugee flows, ensuring that people fleeing conflict and persecution are given safety and treated with dignity. Donors should provide timely support to these refugee populations and, as necessary, host communities.
Finally, given the scale of fighting, it is more important than ever to have accurate information about what is happening on the ground. The regime’s targeting of journalists since the coup means that much of the information emerging from conflict zones comes directly from opposition armed groups themselves, raising obvious questions about its reliability. The work of independent journalists is all the more important because it helps inform a wide range of policy decisions confronting international actors – from where humanitarian aid is most needed to which regime cronies are appropriate targets for sanctions. It is therefore essential to give media outlets and organisations monitoring and analysing the fighting the resources they need to verify that information and provide balanced, independent assessments. Unfortunately, funding for independent Myanmar media, including ethnic media, has been steadily declining since the coup. This latest outbreak of fighting is a reminder of the pressing need for donors to increase their support..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication:
2023-11-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Human Rights and international relations
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397.91 KB
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"KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES:
95,600 Estimated refugee outflows to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021
1,124,800 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 30 June 2023
1,670,200 Estimated total internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar, displaced since 1 February 2021
Source: UN in Myanmar
1,976,400 Estimated total internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 2 October 2023
Source: UN in Myanmar
OVERVIEW
In Myanmar, increased armed conflict and monsoon floods continue to trigger new displacement and exacerbate humanitarian needs. According to the UN, over 1.9 million people remain displaced within the country, with 47 townships in the North-West and the South-East still under martial law. Airstrikes, indiscriminate shelling, landmines, widespread arson, forced recruitment and raids on civilian targets, including homes, schools, health facilities, places of worship, as well as villages and internally displaced people (IDP) sites continued. Heavy rains and flooding temporarily displaced thousands, mostly in the North-West and the South-East. Prolonged humanitarian access constraints are impacting the provision of protection and life-saving services and straining the resilience of affected communities.
In Thailand, according to the Royal Thai Government (RTG), as of 2 October, 7,259 refugees were sheltered in five Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) across three districts (3,790 in Mae Sariang, 821 in Khun Yuam and 2,647 in Mueang) in Mae Hong Son Province. The conflict across the border in Kayah State reportedly subsided in early September and moved further away from the Thai-Myanmar border. In Mae Hong Son, the RTG recorded that a total of 2,673 individuals have returned to Myanmar since July 2023, including 2,130 in September. Further south, following fighting in the Tanintharyi region, the RTG reported 374 new arrivals between 20 and 22 September in Ranong Province who returned to Myanmar on 24 September. Humanitarian access to the TSAs remains limited and is granted on a case-by-case basis.
In India, around 50,600 individuals* from Myanmar’s North-West region have sought protection in the country since February 2021. Of this number, 5,438 individuals are in Delhi and have registered with UNHCR. The number of reported new arrivals to Manipur remains minimal. Due to the changing weather and frequent rains, health problems relating to common colds and fever have been reported among arrivals in the districts of South Mizoram. Community-based organisations (CBOs) and NGOs are facilitating patient referrals to public primary health centres. According to CBOs and humanitarian organizations on the ground, medicine and food are urgent needs..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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pdf
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9.81 MB
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Description:
"Intense fighting continues in northern Shan State following the coordinated attacks by a group of ethnic armed organisations on 27 October. The insurgency is spreading across the country, with different opposition forces launching attacks against military outposts in Kachin, Sagaing, Magway and Kayah. The Myanmar military focused on airstrikes, killing and injuring scores of civilians.
On the morning of 13 November, the Arakan Army attacked two Border Guard posts, suggesting the insurgency has spread to Rakhine State.
UN OCHA reports that the fighting has led to the displacement of some 90,000 people, with refugees also fleeing into China. DG ECHO partners are responding to the enormous humanitarian needs of the displaced, currently providing cash assistance, core relief items, psychosocial support and mine risk education..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of publication:
2023-11-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"This regular update, covering humanitarian developments up to 8 November, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UN agencies. Response figures are based on self-reporting by organizations to clusters. The next humanitarian update will be issued end of November 2023.
HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES
A combination of active conflict, monsoon floods, and access barriers is worsening the humanitarian situation facing vulnerable communities nationwide.
A new front of conflict has intensified in Northern Shan where fighting between Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) has displaced almost 50,000 people since 26 October.
More than two million people are now internally displaced nationwide, many of them multiple times, eroding their coping capacity with each move.
Relentless monsoon floods, especially in the Southeast, have caused severe economic and agricultural losses, exacerbating an already critical humanitarian situation as a result of conflict.
Administrative and physical restrictions are amplifying suffering by delaying or forcing the cancellation of aid deliveries.
Local and international humanitarian partners remain committed to staying and delivering, reaching at least 2.5 million people by end of September 2023.
The combined US$887 million Humanitarian Response Plan and Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeals remain critically underfunded, with only 28 per cent of the required funding received.
Immediate additional financial assistance and the easing of access restrictions are imperative for the humanitarian community to address urgent needs.
SITUATION OVERVIEW
Active conflict, monsoon floods, underfunding and restrictions on humanitarian activities are contributing to deteriorating living situations for vulnerable communities, including internally displaced people. More than two million people remain internally displaced nationwide, with many having experienced repeated displacement. Displaced families are enduring precarious conditions while they are on the move, often seeking refuge in the jungle without proper shelter. Almost half of the country's population is estimated to be living in poverty and an estimated 12.9 million people are estimated to be severely or moderately food insecure. Affected people are facing heightened protection risks, particularly due to contamination by explosive ordnance, including landmines.
This multifaceted crisis has not only deepened the needs of vulnerable groups but has also severely restricted their access to essential services and humanitarian assistance. Relief efforts of both local and international humanitarian organizations have been obstructed. In the face of these formidable obstacles, partners remain resolute in their commitment to assisting those in need. By the end of September, they had reached at least 2.5 million people, responding to escalating needs through diverse and flexible access approaches, including growing numbers of people in the Northwest and an expanded proportion of IDPs. However, despite escalating needs, the 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) and the Cyclone Mocha Flash Appeal remain severely underfunded, leaving thousands of desperate communities without the vital support they require..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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630.72 KB
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"Highlights
Intense fighting, including artillery shelling and airstrikes, has continued in several townships in northern Shan since the attack by an alliance of Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and others against military and police bases on 26 October 2023, causing additional civilian casualties and displacement.
As of 9 November, almost 50,000 people in northern Shan were forced into displacement in religious compounds with relatives. Many have also moved towards the border with China and others are still trying to cross.
Key routes into Lashio township remain blocked both by the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and by EAOs, and all travel routes to northern Shan remain restricted.
Phone and internet services have been disrupted outside Lashio township and the main airport in Lashio remains closed hindering people’s movement, humanitarian access and communications with people in need.
Fighting has also escalated in the Northwest in early November. About 40,000 people have been subsequently displaced due to active fighting in the Northwest.
In northern Shan, faith-based organizations, community-based organizations (CBOs) and civil society organizations (CSOs), in collaboration with humanitarian partners, continue to provide basic essential humanitarian assistance.
US$1 million from the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund will be disbursed to support those responding to emerging needs in northern Shan. This support is, however, insufficient to meet the surge in needs.
A halt in clashes and unimpeded access by all parties are critical to ensuring the delivery of timely, life-saving services to people in need.
Situation Overview
Intense fighting has continued between the MAF and various EAOs, as well as People's Defense Forces (PDFs) across multiple townships in northern Shan since 26 October, leading to additional civilian casualties and surging displacement. Fighting escalated following a series of attacks on MAF and police bases by a coalition of EAOs—namely the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Arakan Army (AA), calling themselves the ‘Three Brotherhood Alliance.’ Consequently, 17 civilians were reportedly killed and 39 were injured, while at least 200 civilian houses were reportedly damaged in 6 townships. Two weeks on, nearly 50,000 people have reportedly been displaced and are currently sheltering in 100 locations in religious compounds or with relatives across 10 townships in northern Shan. According to media reports, several hundred people reportedly crossed the border into China because of ongoing fighting and many others are still trying to cross, but partners can not verify exact numbers.
Key roads to Lashio town have either been closed or blocked by the EAOs or the MAF causing shortages of essential items and price hikes. Major transport routes have been cut off, including the strategic Lashio-Muse highway, leading to a healthcare access crisis that is already reported to have resulted in several deaths. Phone and internet services have been disrupted outside Lashio township and the main airport in Lashio remains closed hindering people’s movement, humanitarian access and communications with people in need. On November 6, a bomb allegedly planted by an EAO exploded at the privately owned CB Bank in Lashio. This incident severely disrupted the bank's operations, leading to all commercial banks reducing operations to only three hours a day. Consequently, there is a significant reduction in the availability of cash in the region. The mobile money application ‘KBZ PAY’ is currently offering limited services, and the only other available mobile banking option, 'WeChat,' operates exclusively along the Myanmar-China border, not in the main urban areas of Lashio. As a result, prices of basic commodities are on the rise. The increasing price of basic commodities as a result of transport and cash flow challenges will further diminish the purchasing power of cash-based assistance provided by humanitarian partners.
In addition, an escalation in fighting has also been reported since early November across multiple townships in the Northwest. On 3 November, the joint forces of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Arakan Army (AA), the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), as well as local PDFs launched coordinated attacks against MAF bases and security positions in Homalin, Kale, Kalewa, Kawlin, Kyunhla, Wuntho, and Tamu townships in Sagaing, as well as Gangaw township in Magway. Intense fighting with airstrikes and artillery shelling occurred in Kawlin town, culminating in the joint forces reportedly seizing the town from the MAF on 6 November. According to local media, approximately 50,000 people from Kawlin town initially fled their homes to safer locations due to the heavy fighting during the first week of November. As of 9 November, 40,000 people remain displaced, while about 10,000 people have returned home. Humanitarian partners are closely monitoring the security situation and trying to verify the exact number and locations of the newly displaced people as well as their needs to provide appropriate assistance..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
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363.93 KB 357.62 KB
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Description:
"Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in the Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Shan State, and Chin State from November 1st to 7th. Military Junta arrested the local civilians and used them as human shields in Shan State and Mandalay Region. They also arrested 5 people from Mandalay who wrote about supporting the 1027 Operation. Military Junta Troop arrested the rice truck in the Tanintharyi Region and took the rice bags.
Over 30 civilians were killed and 34 injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. Civilians left their places 5 times within a week because of the Military Junta Troop’s matching and raiding. An underaged child was injured and 5 children died when the Military Junta committed violations..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
311.86 KB 332.14 KB 525.57 KB
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Description:
"Format: Manual and Guideline....Themes:
CoordinationShelter and Non-Food Items..."
Source/publisher:
Shelter Cluster, UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Date of publication:
2023-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
279 KB
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Description:
"Highlight
The armed conflict that began on 26 October between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF), various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and People’s Defense Forces continues to escalate, significantly impacting the Northeast and Southeast regions of the country.
Some 25,700 individuals in Northern Shan, Bago East and Kayin have reportedly been newly displaced.
In Northern Shan, armed clashes in at least nine out of 22 townships have resulted in a surge of newly displaced persons and mounting humanitarian needs.
In Northern Shan, the total number of internally displaced people (IDPs) now stands at over 37,400, with a recent surge of over 23,000 due to the escalation in fighting. This is on top of the 14,470 IDPs previously displaced, straining an already underresourced humanitarian response.
Essential transit routes connecting Northern Shan to China are currently obstructed by the MAF and EAOs checkpoints, and at least one vital bridge has been destroyed. Additionally, northern Shan, Bago East and Kayin have faced extensive disruptions in mobile data and telecommunication services across numerous areas.
In Northern Shan, faith-based organizations and host communities are offering immediate, basic lifesaving assistance, such as shelter, food, and water. Various humanitarian partners, alongside host communities and private donors, have extended cash assistance, basic food supplies, and essential relief items to the newly displaced.
The support provided, however, has been insufficient to address the growing needs, while access remains extremely restricted..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-11-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
365.23 KB 348.54 KB
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Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Oct 22 to 31, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Kachin State, Shan State, and Bago Region from October 22nd to 31st. Military Junta arrested over 50 civilians and used them as human shields within a week. They burnt and killed 5 civilians from Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region on October 27th. After the leaked the information about farmers from Waw Township had to pay money to the Military Junta troop, the Junta threatened and forced them to sign the document that the news is not real and paid in Bago Region.
Over 30 civilians were killed and 34 injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. Around 11 civilians were arrested and 9 were killed by the Military Junta within a week. Civilians left their places 8 times within a week because of the Military Junta Troop’s matching and raiding. An underaged child died and 7 children were injured when the Military Junta committed violations..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
837.87 KB
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Description:
"Executive Summary
The primary objective of this CAR Assessment on Sagaing Region is to support the Nexus Response Mechanism (NRM) and its partners in assessing current needs, priorities, and dynamics for the purposes of response planning.
However, it is also designed as a public document, to be made available to the wider Myanmar aid community to better enhance understanding of local contexts, present community perceptions, and identify thematic and geographic dynamics and issues. It is not intended as a comprehensive or project-level needs assessment - it is instead intended as a broad and holistic assessment of the humanitarian, development, and political situation and operating environment in Sagaing Region.
Prior to the February 2021 coup, the predominantly Bamar Sagaing Region was largely peaceful, and although it was underdeveloped and impoverished it was also highly agriculturally productive. Since the coup, Sagaing Region has become one of, if not the, epicentre of the Myanmar crisis. Sagaing Region’s population was heavily supportive of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and mass protests against the coup quickly turned to SAC crackdowns, and anti-coup armed group formation in the form of NUG-aligned People’s Defence Forces; indeed, Sagaing hosts more PDFs than any other region in the country. Now, the region is characterised by widespread violence, daily human rights abuses, regular village raids and burnings, and one of the largest ongoing displacement crises in the world.
Responding to this context should be considered one of the paramount challenges facing the international Myanmar aid community; this is complicated by the fact that Sagaing region poses one of the most severe access challenges in Myanmar. Direct programming in Sagaing region is complicated not only by ongoing conflict conditions, but by political barriers imposed by the SAC and the fact that the large majority of pre-conflict CSOs in Sagaing Region have been dissolved. However, local responders do exist; albeit in a variety of forms. New CSOs have been established throughout Sagaing, with varying capacities, and largely funded by local and international private donations.
New NUG-aligned revolutionary governance structures also exist, having largely supplanted SAC structures in many parts of the region, and vary widely in capacity, authority, and reach. New education and healthcare networks have formed, although they operate under considerable constraints and should by no means be considered sufficient for the needs facing the population.
There are three key thematic considerations in Sagaing Region:
› Sagaing region hosts the largest number of displaced people in Myanmar. Much of this displacement is temporary, with IDPs fleeing from their villages during conflict, raids, and crackdowns. Much of it is not; hundreds of villages have been fully or partially destroyed, and many displaced people will not return to their villages of origin for the foreseeable future. The displacement situation in Sagaing region is now a long term concern, with few prospects for durable solutions.
› Local livelihoods have been devastated by the conflict; that said, there are still opportunities to contribute to local livelihoods provision, and doing so is essential. Agriculture is the cornerstone of Sagaing’s economy. Producers are under significant pressure due to skyrocketing costs and access restrictions, and many are wholly unable to farm their fields due to conflict and displacement. That said, Sagaing region is still producing agricultural goods, and markets do remain largely functional even in areas that have fallen out of the control of the SAC; indeed, some parts of Sagaing region are exporting crops to other parts of Myanmar. These functional local agriculture systems are critical to not only the population reliant on them for livelihoods, but the population of IDPs that are now reliant on locally produced agricultural goods.
› SAC education and healthcare systems have largely collapsed in much of Sagaing Region. NUG-linked systems and local education and healthcare networks are functional in many locations, and are attempting to fill gaps; private clinics also remain functional in some locations. However, their capacity is limited by both funding and access constraints. Moreover, both alternative healthcare and education providers appear to be seen by the SAC as indistinguishable from local armed revolutionaries; as such, they are regularly targeted by security forces. These systems are under severe pressure and face numerous risks; however, they are also critical to meeting skyrocketing needs..."
Source/publisher:
Center for Operational Analysis and Research
Date of publication:
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.04 MB
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Description:
"Security and Conflict Incidents
Source/publisher:
Center for Operational Analysis and Research, United Nations Office for Project Services
Date of publication:
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNOPS (United Nations Office for Project Services), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.82 MB
Local URL:
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Description:
"At 04:00 on 27 October, an alliance of ethnic armed organisations launched coordinated attacks on various Myanmar miliary outposts in northern Shan State. Fighting is ongoing around Kyaukme, Laukkai, Lashio and Kunlong districts, and near the towns of Muse and Chinshwehaw.
Between 4,100 and 10,000 people have been displaced. There are civilian casualties and reports of heavy shelling.
The military authorities have closed the local Lashio airport and all access roads to the town have been blocked. This includes the border road to China and, according to certain reports, the road to Mandalay.
DG ECHO partners in Lashio have so far reported their teams as safe, but it is too early to start the response due to the heavy ongoing fighting..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of publication:
2023-10-30
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
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Description:
"Highlight
• Fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) intensified in northern Shan after a series of assaults launched by the “Three Brotherhood Alliance” against military and police bases on the night of 26 October.
• Most intense clashes occurred in Chinshwehaw, Hseni, Kutkai, Kyaukme, Lashio, Laukkaing, Namhkan, and Muse townships in northern Shan, causing civilian casualties and widespread displacement.
• On the same day, the joint forces of the Karen National Liberation Army and People’s Defense Forces attacked several MAF’s bases in Kawkareik township in Kayin.
• Vital routes north from Lashio, the capital city of northern Shan, have been severely restricted by the MAF and EAOs, and mobile communication services have been disrupted. Lashio airport will remain closed until at least 3 November, according to airport authorities. These hindrances are hugely impacting people's mobility, humanitarian access, and communication with affected communities.
• As of 30 October, over 6,200 individuals have reportedly been newly displaced, seeking refuge in nearby forests or religious compounds within northern Shan. Additionally, several hundred people have reportedly crossed the border into China in search of safety.
• Host communities and private donors have provided the newly displaced people with basic food and other essential relief items.
• Humanitarian partners, including the UN, INGOs and local partners, in northern Shan have existing prepositioned relief supplies and stand prepared to respond promptly once security and access improves. In the Southeast, humanitarian partners are currently verifying the number of displaced people and their humanitarian needs to respond accordingly.
• The situation remains fluid with ongoing clashes. While the exact number of the newly displaced people are difficult to verify, the displaced are expected to further increase, stretching the already under-funded humanitarian response in Myanmar.
• The situation in the rest of the country will also need to be closely monitored. The Arakan Army, which is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance, has maintained the temporary ceasefire with the MAF in Rakhine since November 2022.
Situation Overview
Over the past days, the security situation in northern Shan and the Southeast deteriorated significantly due to escalating fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and various ethnic armed organizations. In a statement issued on 27 October, the Three Brotherhood Alliance in northern Shan, composed of three ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) – the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Arakan Army (AA) – announced that they launched attacks against MAF positions and police outposts in northern Shan. Intense gunfire, artillery shelling, and aerial assaults have been reported in 8 out of 22 townships in northern Shan since then. Consequently, seven civilians, including two children, were allegedly killed, and nine civilians, including a child, were injured in Chinshwehaw, Hseni, Kutkai, Lashio, and Namhkan townships.
Moreover, at least more than 6,200 people have been displaced in Hseni, Kutkai, Kyaukme, Lashio, and Muse townships, with around 1,000 of them seeking refuge in forests and more than 5,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) taking shelter in temporary sites, mostly religious compounds.
Unverified reports suggest that approximately 500 people from Chinshwehaw town in Laukkaing township fled across the border to China for safety. There are indications that the number of people fleeing into China is increasing.
Domestic flights to Lashio were suspended from 27 October to 3 November, according to airport authorities, and roads from north of Lashio to access the displaced people remain blocked by both the MAF and EAOs. Mobile communication and data services remain severely limited in Hseni, Kutkai, Muse, Namhkan townships, and Kokang Self-Administered Zone. Additionally, electricity was cut off in Kutkai township due to the destruction of power lines during the fighting.
Attacks by the joint forces of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) against MAF positions were also reported in Kawkareik township in Kayin on 27 October. The fighting has since persisted, particularly in and around Kawkareik town along the Asia Highway Road, disrupting the main transportation route between Myanmar and Thailand. There have been reports of two fatalities and two injuries from artillery shelling in Kawkareik town. Residents of Kawkareik and Kyondoe towns, and nearby villages have been fleeing their homes to safer locations in Kawkareik, Hpa-an, and Hlaingbwe townships. The exact number of newly displaced people is still being verified..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-30
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and displacement in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
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pdf
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231.12 KB
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"Dear Government of Singapore,
The signatories of people of Myanmar[1], signed by over 27,700 (included from ground 1,314) individuals and endorsed by (430) local and international organizations from across the world, are writing to the government of Singapore.
The brutal and illegal Myanmar military junta has been relying on Singapore for funds and the supply of arms, equipment, technology, and jet fuel, enabling its ongoing attacks against the people.
Since February 1, 2021, the junta has been waging a campaign of terror with indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murder, torture, arbitrary detention, rape and the destruction of homes and food supplies.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar recently revealed[2] that Singapore is the third biggest supplier of arms and equipment[3] to the Myanmar military since its coup attempt, in a trade valued at $254 million from at least 138 Singaporean companies.
Singapore also remains a major business center for the military’s cronies. Some, like Tay Za[4] and Naing Htut Aung[5], enjoy lavish lifestyles in the city state while profiting from the destruction of Myanmar lives.
Despite UK and US sanctions, Shoon Group of Companies are continuing to operate in Singapore, supplying the junta with jet fuel[6] that it needs to wage aerial warfare against the people.
It is clear that from Singapore, businesses are transacting with the Myanmar military and conglomerates, enriching war criminals and supporting their international crimes[7]. But this can and must be stopped.
Singapore has committed to investigate companies supplying arms and dual use goods, and United Overseas Bank (UOB) has recently imposed restrictions[8] on transactions involving Myanmar. Singapore needs to now do more to help stop the junta’s campaign of terror.
We call on Singapore to:
1) Introduce sanctions to stop the direct and indirect transfer of arms, dual-use goods, technology, jet fuel, and related transactions, to the Myanmar military,
2) Utilise money laundering provisions and impose sanctions to ensure the illegal junta cannot access the Singapore financial system, including the USD 4.6 billion of funds that belong to the Government of Myanmar,
3) Expedite and make public ongoing investigations into Singaporean companies that have supplied arms, dual-use goods and technology to the Myanmar military.
#DoMoreSingapore
Respectfully,
Signed by the people of Myanmar, (430 orgs) local and international organizations, including (10) local organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names because the junta continues violence in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
430 local and international organizations via Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Oil and gas, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
pdf pdf
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280.92 KB 299.32 KB
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Description:
"At least 287 attacks on Myanmar's health care system have been documented by Insecurity Insight between 01 January-18 September 2023. Access the data on HDX. See where incidents happened on this interactive map.
Numbers may change if or when further information is made available.
Past incident reports: 20 September-03 October 2023; 06-19 September; 23 August-05 September; All Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition (SHCC) factsheets: 2022; 2021; 2020 If you have additional information on an incident documented here, or a new incident, please get in touch. Join our Myanmar mailing list for regular updates. Help support the protection of health care by sharing this resource.
Please copy and paste this link: bit.ly/04-17Oct2023MMRHealth
Documented incidents
As reported on 04 October 2023: In Nyaunglebin district, Bago region, the transport of medicines and fuel was blocked and the transport of rice and cooking oil was restricted by the Myanmar military following heightened clashes between the Myanmar military and a joint force of ethic armed organisations and local resistance forces in the area. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma
05 October 2023: In Kyat Pyin village and village tract, Mogoke township, Thabeikkyin district,
Mandalay region, two pharmacy owners (husband and wife) were arrested by the Myanmar military on accusations of providing the local resistance forces with medicine. Source: Facebook
09 October 2023: In Munglai Hkyet IDP Camp, Nam Sang Yang village tract, Waingmaw township,
Myitkyina district, Kachin state, a local clinic was damaged in an night time explosion which killed at least 27 people. The clinic was functioning at the time of the attack. No casualties at the clinic were reported. Source: Democratic Voice of Burma
10 October 2023: In Pale town and township, Yinmabin district, Sagaing region, the township hospital and a school were occupied by the Myanmar military, following raids on villages in the township. Source: Radio Free Asia
10 October 2023: In Htantlang town and township, Hakha district, Chin state, the township hospital and a school were attacked with artillery and airstrikes by the Myanmar military during clashes between the Myanmar military and a joint force of ethnic armed organisations and local resistance forces. The hospital was not functioning at the time of the attack. Since 18 September 2021, many civilians have left the town due to the attack by the Myanmar military. Source:
Mizzima
12 October 2023: In Ye-U town and township, Shwebo district, Sagaing region, a traditional medicine hospital was attacked with bombs dropped by drones by the local resistance forces.
Since the hospital was occupied by the Myanmar military, it has repeatedly been attacked by the local resistance forces. Source: Khit Thit Media..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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450.78 KB
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Description:
"Format: Map.....Theme: Protection and Human Rights..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
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953.95 KB
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Description:
"Executive Summary:
Under the Myanmar Community Resilience Project (MCRP), the World Bank will be supporting World Food Programme’s (WFP’s) proposed interventions within the scope of its life-saving food and nutrition assistance to conflict-affected populations in Rakhine State in Myanmar. The objective of the MCRP is to improve food security and livelihoods resilience of vulnerable populations in selected areas of Myanmar.
WFP interventions under the Project will support targeted relief and nutrition assistance through food transfers and cash-based transfers to populations affected by crisis, as well as provision of specialized nutritious foods to pregnant and lactating women and adolescent girls and children under 5 in Rakhine State.
This Environmental and Social Management Framework (ESMF) has been prepared to identify the potential environmental and social risks and impacts of proposed Project activities and propose suitable mitigation measures to manage these risks and impacts. It maps out the general WFP and World Bank policies appliable for the Project, and describes the principles, approaches, implementation arrangements, and environmental and social mitigation measures to be followed.
The potential environmental and social risks for project activities are identified as:
Potential exclusion of disadvantaged or vulnerable households;
Potential exclusion of ethnic minorities due to access challenges or language barriers;
Risks to project workers (including health and safety risks, security risks, child labor or forced labor, COVID-19 risks, and sexual exploitation and abuse risks);
Risks to community members (including safety and security risks, discrimination or exclusion, COVID 19 risks, and sexual exploitation and abuse risks);
Solid waste management risks from inappropriate disposal of food packaging;
Food safety risks that may stem from improper storage, transport or distribution of food assistance; and
Potential for insufficient stakeholder engagement and grievance management.
These risks will be managed and mitigated through the application of:
The project’s operational design for targeting and selection of communities and beneficiaries;
WFP policies and operational practices (including the Environmental Policy, the Protection and Accountability Policy, the Food Storage Manual, and Standard Operating Procedures on COVID-19, protection for sexual exploitation and abuse, and community engagement mechanisms);
The measures included in this ESMF and the Annexes to this ESMF (including simplified Labor Management Procedures, Landmine Procedures, and a Safety and Security Approach); and
The Stakeholder Engagement Plan prepared for this project.
Implementation Arrangements. The project will support an extension of WFP’s current programs in Rakhine State. WFP will both implement directly and work closely with and through a strong pool of local and international NGOs in implementing and monitoring its program. At WFP, the project will be overseen by the Deputy Country Director (Programme) and will be directly managed by the Head of Programme (both based in Nay Pyi Taw). Cooperating partners (CPs) will act as an implementing partner for some of the activities. The CPs will be mobilized to support WFP in assessing, distributing, and monitoring activities of the project. WFP will retain responsibility and technical oversight of CPs work. Agreements with CPs will include the requirement to comply with the environmental and social mitigation measures outlined in this ESMF. Local contractors, such as transportation companies, will be required to comply with the Project’s environmental and social risk management measures, including the national laws and regulations and the ESMF.
Monitoring. WFP’s monitoring activities are guided by WFP’s Standard Operating Procedures for monitoring and tailored tools for distribution and post-distribution monitoring. WFP conducts monthly distribution monitoring focusing on distribution output and process, in addition to three rounds of detailed post-distribution monitoring which focus on the outcomes of WFP operations. WFP teams working to implement the project will ensure that monitoring practices include the environmental and social risks identified in the ESMF and will monitor the implementation of E&S risk management measures as part of regular project monitoring.
A separate Stakeholder Engagement Plan (SEP) has been prepared for the Project, based on WFP’s Community Engagement Mechanism Standard Operating Procedures for Myanmar and the World Bank’s Environmental and Social Standard 10 on Stakeholder Engagement. Under its Standard Operating Procedures for its Community Engagement Mechanism WFP already has an operational and accessible community feedback mechanism/grievance mechanism, which has various culturally appropriate means for stakeholders to raise feedback. This grievance mechanism will also be used for the World Bank supported project activities to receive and facilitate resolution of concerns and grievances. The grievance mechanism is also equipped to receive, register and facilitate the resolution of sexual exploitation and abuse complaints, in accordance with the WFP Standard Operating Procedures on sexual exploitation and abuse. WFP has a team of trained focal points to ensure referral of survivors to relevant service providers in a safe, confidential and survivor-centered manner..."
Source/publisher:
World Food Programme (Rome) via reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
WFP (World Food Programme), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
pdf
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558.45 KB
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"NEW YORK (24 October 2023) – A growing trend of coordinated action by Member States, including sanctions targeting key financial institutions and jet fuel, is offering the hope of a more effective path forward to weaken a military junta that is driving Myanmar deeper into a human rights and humanitarian crisis, said Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, in remarks to the General Assembly’s Third Committee in New York.
“The junta continues to attack the people of Myanmar with the relentless bombing of villages, hospitals, schools, and camps for internally displaced persons. But, non-Myanmar nationals are also being victimized by transnational criminal enterprises, including scam operations, that are flourishing on the border.”
“Now is the time for UN Member States to strengthen and coordinate actions that weaken the junta,” Andrews said. “A world beset by conflagrations of mass violence must not lose sight of the runaway fire of brutality and human rights violations that is burning in Myanmar, threatening the lives of millions and eroding regional stability,” he said.
In his report to the UN General Assembly, Andrews highlighted the junta’s attacks against civilians, including reports of mass killings, beheadings, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, forced labor, and the use of human shields by junta forces. Massive humanitarian needs have been exacerbated by the junta’s deliberate obstruction of the delivery of lifesaving aid, according to the report. Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have endured drastic cuts in food rations even as they face the threat of coercive repatriation back into the hands of the same military forces whose genocidal attacks forced them over the border.
“Junta leaders would like the world to believe that only they can restore peace and stability in Myanmar. The opposite is true. The junta is an agent of chaos and violence, creating a vacuum of governance in the country that is increasingly impacting Myanmar’s neighbours and the international community,” Andrews said.
While condemning the actions of Member States that supply the junta with arms and provide other forms of material or diplomatic support, Andrews praised positive actions taken by governments to deprive the junta of weapons, money and legitimacy.
“Sanctions targeting aviation fuel and key financial institutions relied on by the junta are potent measures that could help alleviate the suffering of the people of Myanmar and push the country back towards the path to democracy,” the Special Rapporteur said.
“Some of Myanmar’s neighbours have boycotted diplomatic and defense summits attended by junta officials and denounced the junta’s plans to hold fraudulent elections,” Andrews said.
“The international community must build on the momentum created by these positive developments through a working coalition of States that are committed to human rights and engaging in coordinated actions that add up to a powerful whole,” he said. “The people of Myanmar deserve no less.”
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Statements and reports by Myanmar at regular sessions of the Human Rights Council, Human Rights and international relations, UN Human Rights pages on Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Tougher Measures Needed to Impel Junta to End Abuses
Description:
"A “raging fire of brutality” is engulfing Myanmar, where military forces have killed more than 4,000 civilians since seizing power in a 2021 coup, according to an independent United Nations expert on Myanmar. On Monday before a UN General Assembly committee, the UN secretary-general, the UN special rapporteur on Myanmar, and a special UN investigative team presented separate reports detailing war crimes and crimes against humanity in the country.
Since taking power, the military junta has unlawfully attacked villages in areas controlled by anti-junta forces and ethnic armed groups, including schools, hospitals, and camps for displaced people. Airstrikes in some regions have increased more than 300 percent in the past year. The special rapporteur, Thomas Andrews, said the security forces have executed civilians in custody, “at times in mass killings.” They have “burned, beheaded, dismembered, and disfigured bodies in an apparent attempt to terrorize the civilian population.”
Andrews reported that “[c]ruelty and dehumanization are defining features of sexual crimes perpetrated by the military, including gang rape.” In some cases, the bodies of the victims of extrajudicial killings have shown signs of rape or sexual violence. According to Andrews, “[these] victims have included children.” The UN special investigative mechanism stated that crimes are committed with “the highest levels of cruelty and harm to the victims.”
The reports are shocking but none of them comes as a surprise. Myanmar’s military has a record of brutality that dates back decades: long-running atrocities against ethnic groups, violence against students, monks, and journalists since the 1980s, and post-coup abuses against pro-democracy and minority groups, including Rohingya Muslims who remain in apartheid conditions in Rakhine State.
Myanmar’s generals have never faced any real accountability for these abuses. This impunity has fueled ongoing crimes.
The UN Security Council should urgently impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions on the military’s revenues. The council should also refer Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
China and Russia have opposed such measures. Without Security Council action, governments that have already imposed targeted sanctions on Myanmar’s military and its money flows, including restrictions targeting aviation fuel, should better coordinate to make those sanctions more effective. Neighboring countries, including Thailand and Singapore, should cooperate with these efforts. All concerned governments should be focusing their own legal systems on Myanmar’s military, using universal jurisdiction laws on war crimes and crimes against humanity to build cases for prosecution..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-10-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Oct 15 to 21, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Bago and Mandalay Region from October 15th to 21st. Military Junta arrested 17 civilians and used as human shields in Sagaing Region. The civilians from Sintgu Township, Mandalay Region, fled from the Military attack from the ship, and a civilian was killed and two were injured from Salingyi Township, Sagaing Region. October 20th, 7 civilians from Pyapon Township, Ayeyarwady Region were sentenced to death by District Judge who works under the Military Junta.
About 11 civilians were killed and over 17 injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. Over 10 civilians were arrested and 14 were killed by the Military Junta within a week. Civilians left their places 7 times within a week because of the Military Junta Troop’s raiding and matching..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-10-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) provided emergency assistance to over 1,500 displaced families who are currently living in Myaning Gyi Ngu, Ohn Taw, Khamamaung town and their surrounding areas in Kayin State, Myanmar.
Displaced families face the devastating consequences of armed conflict every day, including the loss of their homes and livelihoods, along with limited access to essentials like food, water, education, medicines and health care.
"Some days, I just want to disappear like smoke. It is too much of a burden for me and my family to bear," says Daw Pu*, a mother who fled from her town with her five children to escape the violence.
"We had to flee using boats, and it took us approximately eight hours to reach this place. This is a small town with few job opportunities, and despite my best efforts, I struggle to support my family," explains Daw Pu*, who now resides in Ohn Taw.
Yet, escaping from the violence is not the only challenge for these families.
In early August 2023, many displaced families and host communities were impacted by floods due to the heavy rain. "I lost all the stocked rice and had to move from our current place because the water level rose above my height," she recalls. "We stayed at other people's homes for 19 days, borrowing their clothes and eating what they would offer to us."
Many displaced families have to similarly rely on support from the host communities and local and international organizations.
"Our emergency distribution lasted six days," says U S.See Lwin, an ICRC team leader for Kayin distribution. "Many of the displaced families have been here for nearly two years. We provided them with rice, oil, peas, salt and mosquito nets. Additionally, for those who arrived in 2023, we provided water buckets, hygiene kits, rope, tarpaulin and seed to grow vegetables," he adds.
Because of the ongoing threat of landmines and other explosive devices, our team also conducted week-long Risk Awareness and Safer Behaviour sessions. We also conducted assessments of communal hand-dug wells as the communities residing in Khamamaung area face water shortage during the dry season.
"Through this support, families will be able to cope with some of the hardships and endure harsh weather," says U S.See Lwin.
Humanitarian access remains a crucial need in Myanmar. People made vulnerable by armed conflict must be given access to essential services such as health care, education, sustainable livelihoods as well as humanitarian aid..."
Source/publisher:
International Committee of the Red Cross
Date of publication:
2023-10-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"What happened, where and when?
Since 4 October 2023, the Myanmar Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DMH) has been issuing flood advisory warnings and weather system alerts for the water levels of major rivers. From 5 to 9 October, heavy rainfall in the late monsoon season triggered extensive flooding in southern Myanmar.
On 9 October, DMH stated that Bago township experienced an unprecedented 7.87 inches (200 millimeters) of rainfall, the highest recorded in 59 years. On 10 October, the Bago River water level reached 4 feet above the danger level which caused widespread flooding in urban and suburban areas. The impact of this flooding has been significant. It has affected families and croplands and led to the displacement of people in areas from Bago City and Yangon, including the townships of Taik Kyi, Hlegu, and Hmawbi. Currently, there is limited first-hand data on needs and sectors relating to the requirements of the affected population due to the current country's complexity. However, food, water, basic household needs, hygiene, and sanitation are immediate needs by looking at current flood impact, pre-existing vulnerabilities, and complexity of the country as well as a request from MRCS regional branches.
Similarly, on 12 October, water was discharged from the Se Taw Gyi dam located in Madaya township within the Mandalay region. This discharge followed a period of heavy rainfall, which led to the unexpected flooding of several villages in central Myanmar's Mandalay region. According to reports more than 30,000 people were compelled to evacuate their homes, leaving their possessions behind.
The excessive rainfall also resulted in the inundation of the main roads in the Mandalay area. In the neighborhoods of the Myothit wards, Payantaw, and Nadi creeks, water levels surged, causing homes to be inundated..."
Source/publisher:
International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-22
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
8.77 MB
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Description:
"MESSAGE FROM THE HEAD OF THE MECHANISM
Almost daily, the Mechanism receives new reports of alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Myanmar. As detailed in our recent Annual Report and in my statement to the UN Human Rights Council on 11 September 2023, the Mechanism has collected copious evidence indicating that the Myanmar military has been committing bolder and more frequent attacks on civilians. The reports and accounts received show that these attacks include the intentional burning of villages, aerial bombardments and mass executions. Our Annual Report also notes that military authorities have not announced any investigations into these incidents, despite their duty under international law to take every reasonable measure to investigate and punish war crimes committed by those under their command.
The evidence that the Mechanism collects and preserves is not intended to gather dust in storage but to be used to facilitate justice. The Mechanism has recently produced three analytical reports regarding crimes committed against the Rohingya, which it is sharing with the relevant authorities in the ongoing proceedings at the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice and in Argentina. These reports focus on the military chain of command in Rakhine State; the failure of the Myanmar authorities to investigate or punish sexual and gender-based crimes; and the organized spread of hate speech by the Myanmar military during the 2017 clearance operations.
The unfortunate reality is that international justice is a slow process, and I know this only increases the suffering of victims of crimes. On 25 August, I participated in a number of events to mark six years since the horrific violence that displaced hundreds of thousands of Rohingya from Myanmar to Bangladesh. Six years on, no one has been held accountable for these crimes. That is six years too long.
Justice requires a sustained effort, and the Mechanism is committed to seeing justice served. With thanks to the courageous individuals and organizations who have provided valuable information to us, we are collecting and analysing evidence in order to identify the individuals responsible for the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar. The analytical reports and case files we are preparing can be used by courts or tribunals at any time in the future. The process of justice may be slow, but every piece of evidence we collect and analyse takes us closer to seeing perpetrators behind bars. We are motivated in our work by the hope that this cycle of impunity that has emboldened the Myanmar military to commit ever-more brazen crimes will be broken..."
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Statements and reports by Myanmar at regular sessions of the Human Rights Council, UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
3.01 MB 328.78 KB
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Description:
"MIMU’s “Who does What Where, When and for Whom” database, or 5W, is a tool tracking the implementation of humanitarian, development and peace focused projects to support coordination, planning and efficient use of resources. MIMU has conducted this exercise regularly in Myanmar since 2008. Information is currently compiled every six months based on reports provided voluntarily by contributing agencies.
The MIMU 5W shows:
➢ which organizations (WHO),
➢ are carrying out which activities (WHAT),
➢ in which locations (WHERE),
➢ project status – whether planned, ongoing or completed (WHEN)
➢ project beneficiary focus (for WHOM) – whether focused on IDPs or other vulnerable communities.
MIMU 5W Products capture information on the presence of organisations and do not indicate the volume of assistance, the number of beneficiaries, or the extent to which needs are met or unmet.
Summary
The MIMU 5W Comparison report compares MIMU 5W results from August 2020 to August 2023, looking particularly at the impact of events in early 2021 on agencies’ reported activities.
2021 saw a significant reduction in the number of reporting agencies and activities compared to the previous round in August 2020:
Over 30% reduction in reporting agencies (from 213 agencies in Aug 2020 to 159/163 agencies in May/Oct 2021), mainly INGOs and NNGOs.
33% reduction in the number of projects reported countrywide (over 200 less projects) in 2021, with reductions mainly in Shan (over 100), Yangon (over 90) and Rakhine (over 60).
A significant reduction in the number of activities reported as ongoing - 43,428 less activities in May 2021, mainly in Tanintharyi (84% reduction), Shan east (58%), Mon (57%), Shan south (55%) and Kayin (50%), and 35,930 less activities in Oct 2021, mainly in Rakhine (18%), Chin and Shan south (11% in each), Tanintharyi (10%), Kayin (9%), Shan north (8%) and Mon (7%).
Suspension of activities was significant. The highest number of suspended activities were reported in May 2021 (19 times higher than in August 2020).
2022 and 2023 has seen increase in reporting agencies and reported activities compared to 2021:
About 1,000 more village tracts/towns reported ongoing activities in 2023 (over 83%-86% of VTs/Towns around the country), mainly in Bago east, Mon, Sagaing and Tanintharyi as compared to 2021.
Less activities reported as suspended in 2023 (1% of total reported activities) compared to 2021 (around 10%) and August 2022 (2%) – this does not indicate however whether activities have ended/completed or resumed.
Overall, despite the higher number of reporting agencies over the past 12 months:
More activities were reported as “completed/ended” – 21,257 more completed/ended activities were found in August 2023 than August 2022. This change was particularly noted within Livelihoods activities, where one agency ended a project with a large number of micro credit activities in June 2023.
A lower percentage of total activities were reported at VTs/Towns level as “ongoing” – 2% less ongoing activities reported as active (from 85% in Aug 2022 and 83% in Aug 2023)
More ongoing activities focused on IDP and Host communities (25% increase) alongside a 6% decrease in Development focused activities..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Human Rights and international relations
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3.01 MB
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Description:
"This Situation Update describes events occurring in Htaw Ta Htoo (Htantabin) Township, Taw Oo (Toungoo) District during the period between September and December 2022. This report outlines the struggles of villagers from five areas: Kaw Thay Der, Khoh Hkee, Maw Nay Pwa, Per Htee and Day Loh. The State Administration Council (SAC) arrested travellers, extorted their family members, and increased military movements causing major obstacles for children and teenagers to attend school. Villagers struggled due to a lack of enough income to cover their daily expenses. Many villagers also developed seasonal sicknesses that remained untreated.[1]
Introduction
This report describes the situation in five areas in Htaw Ta Htoo Township, Taw Oo District, between September and December 2022, namely Kaw Thay Der, Khoh Hkee, Maw Nay Pwa, Per Htee, and Day Loh areas. Villagers reported State Administration Council’s (SAC)[2] increased military activities and livelihood, education, and healthcare challenges.
SAC military activities
After the SAC seized power in Burma, various human rights violations occurred [again], such as fighting, threats, killing, looting, daily indiscriminate shelling, and arbitrary arrests at checkpoints. Additionally, the SAC arrested local villagers travelling and extorted their family members. This caused a great problem for villagers. The SAC indiscriminately fired artillery weapons and conducted air strikes into villages. [Moreover,] landmines were planted on public roads [leading to villagers’ plantations]. These placed villagers’ lives at high risk.
An incident happened on December 15th 2022, in A--- village, Maw Nay Pwa area, Htaw Ta Htoo Township, Taw Oo District. At 1:00 pm, an air strike was conducted [by the SAC] unexpectedly while some villagers were gathering to greet and bless each other [for Christmas]. Children and elderly villagers had to [flee and] hide near the village. A--- village has 63 houses and a population of 439 [villagers]. Many villagers were displaced after the incident and were living far from their plantations. [During December 2022,] they had to travel long distances to purchase and trade food and to bring patients to the hospital.
Due to SAC military operations, some villagers [displaced persons coming from other areas in Southeast Burma], who were also sheltering in villages [located in Maw Nay Pwa area], did not dare to return to their hometowns. In addition, securing livelihoods got much harder for villagers as they were not able to find jobs. Villagers [sheltering in the area] were able to eat only when someone [local villagers] provided them [with food]. Every month, local [Karen National Union (KNU)[3]] authorities arranged [to distribute] essential food supplies.
Armed conflict and livelihood challenges
Between September and December 2022, villagers from the [abovementioned] five areas in Htaw Ta Htoo Township, Taw Oo District, were struggling to secure their livelihoods. Some villagers live in hill areas, while others live in plain areas. Per Htee area is a plain area, while Khoh Hkee, Kaw Thay Der, Maw Nay Pwa and Day Loh areas are situated on the hills. [Villagers from hill areas] grow durian, betel nut, cardamon, and Kaffir lime [for their survival].
From September to December 2022, villagers worked [on their plantations] under danger [at risk to their lives, due to the SAC attacks]. [Due to the climate,] villagers did not harvest good [quality] fruit. Some villagers struggled [to have enough] rice, which is the main food [basis of their diet]. The price of rice also increased. [In addition, villagers had] difficulties in carrying rice [home from shops because the SAC set up check points] on the road.
Following fighting [between the SAC and a resistance armed group] in [these] areas, some civilians were afraid [to stay in their villages], so they moved [fled to a new place]. Villagers had to work despite having unsafe [working] conditions. Villagers [felt] worried and burdened due to fighting, air strikes, and shelling. Some villagers encountered difficulties in carrying food as they lived far away from [food markets]. [Villagers had trouble with] purchasing and trading food. Dry food prices were rising, while fruit [that villagers harvested from their farms] could only be sold at low prices [in the market]. Villagers’ income and expenses were not a match. [Villagers had low-income streams and their expenses outweighed their income streams]. Various difficulties followed villagers in their [daily] livelihood activities. Villagers also worried about military operation activities.
Farmers from Per Htee area complained about the unstable weather to grow beans and to farm. Farmers had no other income other than from farming. So, some farmers started working abroad [to increase their income]. Villagers [in the area] encountered threats, arbitrary arrests, and physical abuse committed by SAC soldiers while they travelled. Day labourers had to work under dangerous circumstances. Stealing also increased in the [local] area.
The five areas all had different [high] prices [in markets]. Villagers had to pay [tax] in various ways [at SAC checkpoints].
Education challenges in Taw Oo District
From September to December 2022, the KECD schools that operate in Htaw T'Htoo Township, Taw Oo District are Bu Hsa Hee School which located in Kho Hkee area, Ler Htaw Doh School, located in Maw Nay Pwa area and Htoh Lwee Wah School, located in Htee K'Waw. SAC military activities [in the Township] increased, becoming an obstacle for children and teenagers [to attend school]. Parents worried for children who lived far from the school because SAC soldiers fired [guns] indiscriminately [while the students travelled to schools], resulting in decreasing enrolment during this period.
Students who lived in dormitories [at boarding schools], like Ler Htaw Doh school from Maw Nay Pwa area, had difficulties purchasing [a sufficient amount of] food because the price of food was high. As a consequence, some students stopped enrolling in school [,unable to afford the school fee]. Some locally established [community self-funded] schools had connections with the three high schools, [therefore, students could easily attend the high schools after completing their schooling at the locally established schools]. Teachers were teaching [in the community-run schools] at risk to their lives, as SAC soldiers [often] came into schools to patrol. SAC patrolling also brought out worries for teachers to continue teaching and became an obstacle for children and young teenagers to access education. Danger will [continue to] occur to villagers due to the conflict that takes place in the area. Many graduated students went to other countries to seek out job opportunities.
Healthcare challenges in Taw Oo District
As it was the winter season between September and December 2022, sickness increased, including flu, headaches, and [other] illnesses. When villagers from Khoh Hkee, Kaw Thay Der, and Maw Nay Pwa areas got sick, they were sent to a [nearby] hospital. SAC soldiers patrolling [on the roads] created difficulties for villagers to travel and posed a danger. Some [sick] children did not receive treatment. In addition, many [children] did not receive vaccinations [at all]. Pregnant women also did not receive proper healthcare.
Similarly, in Per Htee area, a day labourer who got sick was unable to go for a check-up [at the hospital due to travel restrictions]. Some sick villagers were [only] lying in bed [at home] due to this strict situation. Villagers faced rising travel costs and restrictions, as well as the inability to make extra income. Parents needed money [additional financial support] to look after and take care of disabled children. Communities from the area of Htaw Ta Htoo Township, Taw Oo District did not receive healthcare [treatment].
Villagers from the five areas in Htaw Ta Htoo Township, Taw Oo District, expressed their desire for [KNU] authorities to notice their needs [support services such as safety, health care, livelihood, and education in response to SAC abuses]..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2023-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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"We, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are deeply concerned over and condemn the reported bombing that impacted an Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp in the Munglai Hkyet, Kachin State, on October 9, which claimed the lives of many civilians, including children.
We reiterate our urgent call to end all forms of violence immediately, particularly those impacting civilians, and exercise utmost restraint to create a conducive environment for an inclusive dialogue toward a comprehensive solution to the situation in Myanmar.
We reemphasize ASEAN’s commitment to assisting Myanmar in finding a peaceful and durable solution to the ongoing crisis through the complete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus for peace, security, and stability in the region..."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Date of publication:
2023-10-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Kachin State, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin
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155.77 KB
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"The German state prosecutor’s office in Ravensburg has launched a criminal investigation into ND SatCom GmbH for supplying communications equipment to the Myanmar military, including after its illegal coup attempt.
The criminal investigation follows a complaint filed by German Solidarity with Myanmar Democracy e. V. with the attorney Holger Rothbauer, based on evidence and research provided by Justice For Myanmar. The opening of the investigation was first reported by ZDF frontal and Spiegel.
ND SatCom is a German satellite communications corporation based in Immenstaad that, according to its website, “provides all the core competencies necessary for the design, turnkey delivery and logistic support of military satcom systems”. The company is owned by Steffen Görig, a German entrepreneur who acquired it from Airbus in 2014. ND SatCom has subsidiaries in China and Dubai.
Since at least 2016, ND SatCom has provided significant support for the Myanmar Army’s satellite communications system, including 5G satellite communications hardware and software for use in the army’s Meiktila hub, fixed station and manpack systems.
In 2017, as the Myanmar military was committing genocide against the Rohingya, ND SatCom listed a SKYWAN Communications on the Move (COTM) system for Myanmar in the defence section of a webpage titled, “Why ND SatCom was so successful in 2017”. The page has since been taken offline.
ND SatCom equipment has been sent from Vietnam to the Myanmar military as recently as October 2021, following the military’s illegal coup attempt, when satellite modems were shipped to the army’s Directorate of Procurement.
Leaked and open-source evidence shows that equipment was brokered by the private Myanmar company Terabit Wave Company Limited, a subsidiary of the crony A1 Group of Companies, in partnership with the Vietnamese company, OSB Investment and Technology JSC (“OSB”). OSB claims to be a leader in defence communications and has its own research and development program.
Terabit Wave and OSB operate a joint venture in Myanmar, Com & Com Company Limited, which provides military and civilian satellite services, including the maintenance of ND SatCom equipment for the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Signals.
In 2019, ND SatCom appointed Terabit Wave as its dealer to sell satellite communications equipment in Myanmar, and to negotiate and sign contracts. The authorisation was part of a 2019 contract between Terabit Wave and the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Procurement that also involved Com & Com, which was leaked to Justice For Myanmar.
ND Satcom equipment has been supplied to the Myanmar military via the Singapore companies Bright Sky Pte. Ltd. and Interspace Engineering Service Pte. Ltd. Bright Sky Group, a subsidiary of A1 Group of Companies, was struck off in 2023, after it was named as an arms broker by Justice For Myanmar. Interspace Engineering Service is owned by Nguyen Hong Son, who is the co-founder, chairperson and chief executive officer of OSB and a director of Com & Com.
Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions against A1 Group of Companies, OSB Investment and Technology JSC, and their directors and owners for their support to the Myanmar military and complicity in its international crimes.
Vietnam and Singapore, which are both ASEAN members and voted in favour of a UN General Assembly resolution calling on “all Member States to prevent the flow of arms to Myanmar”, should immediately end all transfers of arms, equipment, technology and funds to the junta.
Singapore should investigate Bright Sky Group and Interspace Engineering Service for supplying dual use goods to Myanmar through its territory.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the opening of a criminal investigation into ND SatCom by the German public prosecutor’s office in Ravensburg.
“We urge German authorities to take swift action against ND SatCom and to cut off the Myanmar junta’s access to German equipment and technology.
“The Myanmar military is responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, committed with total impunity, aided by ND SatCom communications technology.
“Satellite communications is essential for military command and control. In Myanmar, improved satellite communications capabilities from ND SatCom support the military’s indiscriminate killings, torture, rape, the razing of whole villages, the destruction of food and forced mass displacement.
“Prosecution is an important step towards accountability for the transfer of arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military, and to prevent future arms transfers from Germany and the European Union, but they need to be widened to all companies involved in the illegal supply of arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military.
“Both Germany and the EU have laws in place to prevent the transfer of arms and dual use goods to the genocidal Myanmar military, but governments have repeatedly failed to enforce them, enabling the military to gain access to equipment and technology that supports ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Germany must show that breaches of the law will not be tolerated, and we call on other EU member states whose companies have illegally transferred arms, equipment and technology to investigate and hold them accountable.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-18
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Individual Documents
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"Changes in context
Almost three years since the February 2021 military takeover, the people of Myanmar remain exposed to an unrelenting political, human rights, economic and humanitarian crisis. The dire situation is posing grave protection risks for civilians, limiting access to vital services including health and education, and driving deep food insecurity. The deteriorating humanitarian situation continues to have severe consequences for millions of civilians who are bearing the brunt of widespread insecurity, escalating attacks and clashes, mass displacement, and limited access to critical services. Forced recruitment – including of children – is being increasingly reported. The use of heavy weapons, including air strikes and artillery fire, continues to claim lives and pose risks to the safety and security of civilians, while raids, random searches and arrests are of grave concern. The destruction of civilian properties, particularly homes, combined with the protracted fighting, is prolonging the displacement of IDPs and further degrading people’s already fragile living conditions. The ongoing conflict combined with spiraling inflation, is disrupting livelihood activities and depleting coping mechanisms, resulting in record humanitarian needs this year.
In May, the situation was further exacerbated by extremely severe cyclone Mocha, the worst natural disaster on record for Myanmar in nearly a decade. The cyclone and the ensuing flooding devastated communities across Rakhine, the Northwest and Kachin with thousands of homes, productive assets, vast swathes of farmland, and critical infrastructure such as hospitals and schools destroyed or severely damaged. It added an additional 500,000 people to the humanitarian target for 2023 (now 5 million people) and worsened the needs of 1.1 million people already targeted within the HRP..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Attack in Kachin State Shows Need for Arms Embargo, Aviation Fuel Bans
Description:
"(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military attacked a village hosting hundreds of displaced civilians in Kachin State on October 9, 2023, killing 28 civilians, including 11 children, committing an apparent war crime, Human Rights Watch said today. The nighttime attack on Mung Lai Hkyet, which also injured more than 60 people and caused extensive damage to civilian structures, did not appear to be targeting a military objective.
Human Rights Watch interviewed five witnesses and reviewed 20 images and three videos of the aftermath of the attack, which suggest Myanmar forces initially conducted an airstrike on the village, then fired a barrage of ground-launched mortars or artillery. Images of areas hit by the initial strike show debris and damage consistent with the effects of shockwaves from large high-explosive bombs delivered by aircraft. Human Rights Watch found no evidence of opposition armed groups in the vicinity of the village at the time of the attack.
“The Myanmar military’s repeated strikes and shelling of a village filled with displaced people were either unlawfully deliberate or indiscriminate,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Concerned governments shouldn’t just condemn this reckless disregard for civilian life, they should take meaningful and concrete actions to stop the military from committing future violations.”
Mung Lai Hkyet is located about five kilometers from the ethnic Kachin Independence Army (KIA) headquarters in Laiza, near the border with China. For decades, the KIA has been engaged in conflict with the Myanmar military, which has a long record of committing war crimes in Kachin State and elsewhere. When a ceasefire with the KIA broke down in 2011, Mung Lai Hkyet, which was mainly inhabited by ethnic Lisu, began hosting internally displaced people fleeing the renewed hostilities.
Clashes in Kachin State have increased since the KIA opposed Myanmar’s military coup in February 2021, causing further displacements to areas such as Mung Lai Hkyet. The KIA has also been training recruits in new armed groups opposing Myanmar’s junta.
A resident of Mung Lai Hkyet told Human Rights Watch that despite the KIA’s presence in Laiza, there were no KIA fighters in the village due to a nightly curfew and there had been no fighting near the village leading up to the incident.
A Laiza resident told Human Rights Watch that the first explosion was the loudest and could also be felt in Laiza: “It shook everything and then we heard a few more, smaller blasts.”
Witnesses told local media that they woke to the sound of the first blast around 11:30 p.m. followed by at least four more blasts. Images of the aftermath show a razed area about 500 meters wide and at least one crater roughly 6 meters deep, splintered wood from buildings, and twisted metal from vehicles.
The Laiza resident, who went to Mung Lai Hkyet the next morning to assist, said that villagers described hearing shells hissing through the air as they ran for cover. “It’s a sound we’re familiar with since up here, we’ve all experienced the military’s attacks,” the resident said. “But when you see the damage, it could not just have been shells that did this.”
All six members of one family were killed in the attack, while in another family the only surviving members were a 1-month-old and a 3-year-old, the resident said. Among those killed were 10 women, 10 girls younger than 18, seven men, and one 3-year-old boy.
Human Rights Watch reviewed a local hospital’s patient registry from October 11 that lists 15 injured survivors, including five children, receiving ongoing treatment.
Gen. Zaw Min Tun, a military spokesperson, denied responsibility for the attack in state media and suggested the explosion was caused by explosives stored in the village by the KIA.
The Myanmar military has repeatedly conducted airstrikes on populated areas in violation of the laws of war. In April, Myanmar forces killed at least 160 people in an airstrike using a thermobaric bomb – or “fuel-air explosive” – in Sagaing Region.
The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project (ACLED) reported that airstrikes in Myanmar have increased every month since February this year.
The laws of war prohibit attacks that target civilians and civilian objects, that do not or cannot discriminate between civilians and combatants, or that are expected to cause harm to civilians or civilian property that is disproportionate to any anticipated military advantage.
The laws of war require parties to a conflict to distinguish at all times between civilian objects and military objectives, and attacking forces must do everything feasible to verify that targets are military objectives. If there is doubt as to whether an object normally used for civilian purposes, such as a school, is being used for military purposes, it should be presumed not to be.
Individuals committing or ordering serious laws-of-war violations with criminal intent, meaning deliberately or recklessly, are responsible for war crimes. The repeated unlawful attacks on Mung Lai Hkyet, without demonstrating the presence of military targets, strongly suggest that the attack was deliberate or reckless.
United Nations officials, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and other groups have repeatedly said that the UN Security Council should impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military and measures to cut off its aviation fuel, as well as targeted sanctions on the military’s revenues.
The United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and other countries have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military and its business and banking interests, meant to pressure the military to stem abuses and engage with diplomatic efforts over Myanmar’s current crisis. Several concerned governments have taken bilateral steps to block sales or transfers of aviation fuel. Concerned governments should better coordinate to enforce those sanctions and make them more effective, while pressing the Security Council to match them globally, Human Rights Watch said.
“The Myanmar military won’t stop committing atrocities until other governments work together to impose real economic restrictions and meaningful blockages of weapons, fuel, and materiel,” Maung said. “The status quo will only bring more war crimes and civilian deaths.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-10-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"Insight Email No. 25
This Insight Email is published on October 16, 2023, as a translation of the original Burmese language version that ISP-Myanmar sent out to the ISP Gabyin members on October 13, 2023.
In this week’s Insight Email No. 25, ISP-Myanmar focuses on the incident of the Mung Lai Hkyet explosion and what the consequences could be. In addition, it gives an analysis of “the Military’s Succession Crisis” and the widening generation gaps in military leadership. The bulletin also discusses the extreme weather and severe floods in Myanmar brought by El Niño at the beginning of the season: Bago City, for example, encountered the worst recorded incident of flooding in 60 years. Furthermore, a widespread trend of corruption is discussed, along with ISP-Myanmar’s socio-economic survey findings. Last, but not least, the ILO’s Commission of Inquiry report on Myanmar and the future consequences of it are examined......1.Huge Explosion in Mung Lai Hkyet IDP Camp
A huge explosion occurred on the night of October 9 in Mung Lai Hkyet, a place close to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) headquarters on the China–Myanmar border. This is a region of plains between two mountain ranges: “hkyet” means “ravine” in the Kachin language and holds a shelter for many refugees. The bizarre explosion in Mung Lai Hkyet was so severe that a large earthen hole remained at ground zero. The whole Mung Lai Hkyet IDP camp was damaged, and at least 130 families of the 600 displaced persons it houses were evacuated in an emergency. Reports indicate that 29 people, including eleven children, were killed and that 57 others were injured in the explosion.
There are controversies surrounding who committed the October 9 attack. A KIA spokesperson said it was presumably an artillery or drone attack by the State Administration Council(SAC) and is still investigating what type of weapon was used. The SAC’s spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, denied that the deed was committed by the SAC, and explained that it may have been an explosion of stored ammonium nitrate. The KIA rejected this statement.....The BBC Burmese news mentioned on October 10 that the destructive explosion in Mung Lai Hkyet caused all residents living within 300 meters to be killed and injured many outside the 300-meter area. The blast left a large hole in the ground and damaged buildings and vehicles in the surrounding area. The scene is likely to be mentioned as a discarded mine site, BBC reported. Mung Lai Hkyet turned into a bald mountain that seem like bulldozed by machines, causing a village to disappear overnight.
The SAC’s military columns have been attacking KIA forces in Nam Sam Yang village for months since July. Concurrently with the Mung Lai Hkyet explosion, the SAC had fired on the area. On September 28, 2023, the SAC forces shelled places near Mung Lai Hkyet, killing one Arakan Army (AA) officer and injuring another ten. Reportedly, the shells were fired from Khara ridge, situated six miles distance from KIA HQ. Khara ridge was a former post of KIA base and the SAC force occupied in 2013. In another incident, on November 19, 2014, the military fired artillery on KIA’s officer training school, and 23 cadets of KIA’s allied forces were killed. In December 2016, the military shelled Mung Lai Hkyet village and at least 400 refugees were forced to flee.
The consequences of the Mung Lai Hkyet incident may be enormous. Immediately, it will have an impact on the SAC’s preparations for the anniversary of the eight-year Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), which it is aiming to organize differently than in the past. The incident may have a moral and sentimental impact on invited guests of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), leaders of political parties, and local and international guests. The incident may fuel distrust and escalate conflicts. If the SAC is sure they were not responsible for the incident, the parties can request an international investigation by China and ASEAN officials. The SAC mentioned that Chinese police are investigating the cause of the explosion while China’s foreign minister only stated that “China is paying close attention to the reports” and “calling on relevant parties to resolve disputes peacefully through dialogue and consultation, avoid escalation of the situation, and take concrete and effective measures to ensure security at the China–Myanmar border.”.....2.The Military’s Succession Crisis and Generation Gap
Lt. Gen. Moe Myint Tun, a member of the State Administration Council (SAC), and Brig. Gen. Yan Naung Soe were convicted of many offenses, including high treason and corruption, and sentenced by court martial on October 10, 2023, to suffer transportation for a life sentence, equal to a 20-year term. Until this adjudication, Moe Myint Tun (DSA 30) took charge of the military as chief of staff and presumably, he gained favor with the commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing. He was then poised to become Min’s successor. It is typical to deduce who is going along on the trips with the SAC head and who are among the top brass by observing the standing protocol in the official newspapers.
Much like the synchronized retirements of Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Deputy Snr. Gen. Maung Aye, if the current Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and Deputy Snr. Gen. Soe Win retire concurrently, Lt. Gen. Mya Tun Oo (DSA 25), who was serving as the chief of general staff for the army, navy, and air force, was once speculated to be the next commander-in-chief of Myanmar defense services. Reportedly, he was thought to be chosen by former junta leader Than Shwe. Nevertheless, since the 2021 military coup, he became minister of defense and was later transferred to deputy prime minister and minister of transport and communications, an apparent demotion. After the punishment of Moe Myint Tun, Lt. Gen. Mya Tun Oo was assigned to key positions as his replacement. But now he is turning 62 and is therefore less likely to lead the military as commander-in-chief.
When Min Aung Hlaing (DSA 19) was selected for the commander-in-chief, he was a military cadet generation 18–19 years younger than his superiors, Snr. Gen. Than Shwe (OTS 9) and Deputy Snr. Gen. Maung Aye (DSA 1). For that reason, the next commander-in-chief could be chosen from the younger military generation from the Defense Service Academy (DSA), and may end up being someone such as the 30th-batch graduate, Lt. Gen. Moe Myint Tun. Moreover, it is generally thought that the new commander-in-chief should be in their 50s, as he would be able to serve under two terms of government (two terms of five years). Since the prospective Moe Myint Tun was removed from the scene, who will become the next commander-in-chief for the Myanmar military is still being speculated about. Some military analysts anticipate he could be the rapidly rising Lt. Gen. Kyaw Swa Lin (born 1971, present age: 52) (DSA 35), the present quartermaster general of the defense services. He was popular when he was commanding the Central Military Command in Mandalay with the rank of brigadier general. In 2020, he was promoted to lieutenant general and became the youngest in that position in Myanmar’s army. Though he is taking the position of quartermaster general, he has not been assigned to lead the military’s Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which sets him apart from his predecessors. Moreover, he is reportedly linked to the now-removed Moe Myint Tun.
Another potential contender for the commander-in-chief position is Lt. Gen. Ko Ko Oo (DSA 38), present commander of Bureau of Special Operation (BSO) No. 1. In 2020, he was appointed to command the Central Military Command in Mandalay with the rank of brigadier general, he was only 45 and the youngest commander of a military regional command. He became head of BSO No. 1 in August 2023. Previously, he commanded the military chief of staff and Military Operation Command (MOC). He is reportedly the son of former deputy minister of President Office No. 4, U Aung Thein, in U Thein Sein’s administration.
Lt. Gen. Thet Pon (DSA 29), the present commander of BSO. No. 5 is another possible successor. He is currently commanding in Yangon. He was honored for his performance on the 2020 National Independence Day. But as he was leading the forces to violently crush peaceful protestors, sanctions were imposed upon him by the governments of the European Union and Canada. But he is unlikely to be selected because of his rather old age. According to the SAC’s Protocol, another important possible contender is Lt. Gen. Ye Win Oo (OTS 77), who is currently the SAC’s joint secretary and commander of Military Affairs Security (MAS). According to the official seating plan, he seems to be on the front line and quite stable in the SAC. Nevertheless, in Myanmar military tradition, commanders of auxiliary forces rarely become commanders-in-chief, but rather, it is most often infantry commanders that come to this highest position. He is now 57.
Yet, military commanders junior to Lt. Gen. Kyaw Swa Lin (DSA 35) could also be selected as commanders-in-chief to be. BSO No. 4 Commander, Lt. Gen. Nyunt Win Swe (DSA 36), should be on watch lists. If the successor selection reaches this point, there will be a widening generation gap in the military. Once, there was an 18- or 19-year gap in the military cadet generation, between Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Min Aung Hlaing, and the gap between Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and the next commander-in-chief will be at least 17 years. The younger officers will find it very difficult to raise questions to the present commanders in charge of the military.
In case, if there were some senior officers selected to be the next commander-in-chief, it is customary to nurture them at least three years in service and it may take time. The present commander-in-chief may groom these officers until he is satisfied. Then the time frame of the military succession will conflict with the speculating election timeline in 2025. Min Aung Hlaing’s dream to shift his career to politics could take longer if he is to leave his military chief post in good hands. At this moment, Myanmar’s military faces tremendous challenges in its legitimacy, in its centrality, in its performance, in its guardian role, and in its popular support.
Last, but not the least, there is an interesting point for military leadership. When the military staged a coup in 1988, the head of SLORC/SPDC, Snr. Gen. Than Shwe, was 48 and Secretary, Gen. Khin Nyunt was in 40s. At the time of 2021 coup, Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing was 66 (presently, he is 68). This could be interpreted as a large difference in age. The current heads of the SAC could lack in proactivity, aggression, attentiveness, and innovation, compared to the junta leaders of SLORC/SPDC in the past. As people age, they become more conservative and resistant to change. Current senior military commanders may want to retire peacefully at ease after their terms. They could be hardly become change makers. As time progresses, the military succession crisis and the deepening generational gap will assume increasing significance.....3.Extreme Weather and Acute Flooding in Myanmar...
Soon after the commencement of the extreme weather phenomenon of El Niño, some areas of Myanmar experienced acute floods. In Bago City, the water level reached 940 cm on October 9, above the “danger level” of 880cm. In three days of flooding, fifteen wards and nine villages (80 percent of the city) were inundated, amounting to the worst flooding in 60 years, affecting 13,000 people. News reported that in addition to Bago City, Hmawbi, Taik-Kyi, Kyaik Hto townships and some places on the Yangon–Mandalay highway and railway were underwater.
During the El Niño phenomenon, extreme weather can cause drought, extreme heat and floods in various places, which can damage crops. In SAC’s official newspaper, the SAC officials explain the nature of El Niño to the public in many townships. However, this is not enough, and many preparations should be made on the side of the authorities, such as disaster preparedness, the empowerment of the population, climate-sensitive budgeting, and linking to international humanitarian agencies and climate diplomacy.
During the last year of the U Thein Sein administration, in July and August 2015 (during the previous El Niño phenomenon), floods inflicted extensive damage in Myanmar: twelve out of 14 states and regions were inundated, affecting a million people. Myanmar faces the problem of flooding almost every year and some years are much worse than others. In 2015, some estimated that Myanmar could lose two percent of its GDP because of flooding. For coming natural emergencies, the mantra of “self-help” is not enough: more preparation is required.....∎ Trends to be watched
Widespread Corruption in Myanmar
To understand the post-coup insight into Myanmar’s society, ISP-Myanmar conducted a socio-economic study in 110 townships to identify the SAC’s performance of public services in the three months of May, June, and July 2023. One question in the study was whether it is necessary to pay bribes to township-level officials to get things done. The findings indicated that it is required to pay cash bribes to township officials in 70 to 107 out of 110 townships observed (64 to 97 percent). It is common for people to have to pay gifts to officials and staff in exchange for the public services they receive.
The study observed the SAC’s municipal, tax office, immigration office, electricity supply office, education, hospitals, and administration offices in terms of taking bribes. According to the July findings, people need to pay immigration officials in 109 townships out of 110 townships observed. The second most corruption-ridden offices are municipal, courts and administration offices. The survey result shows people use money to pay bribes in 103 out of 110 townships surveyed. The office that is most likely to accept gifts, rather than money, as bribes is the education department; this was reported by 57 out of 110 townships in May, and this increased to 76 townships in June and July. Another office likely to accept gifts as bribes is the township court; this was observed in 55 townships in May, and 69 townships in June and July.....It is conspicuous that people use gold to pay bribes. It was found that people pay gold as a bribe to township court officials in nine townships in May, eight townships in June, and nine townships in July. Survey results found that administration offices were second most likely to accept gold jewelry; this was reported by six townships in May, two townships in June, and four townships in July, respectively. The tax offices are the third most likely to accept gold: three townships reported this in May, three townships reported this in June, and four townships reported this in July.
The least corrupted departments were found to be hospitals. This was reported by 25 townships in May, 22 townships in June, and 19 townships in July. This was followed by electricity supply offices, as reported by 18 townships in May, 24 townships in June, and 21 townships in July.
According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI) (2022), Myanmar received a score of 23 out of a range from 0 (“highly corrupt”) to 100 (“very clean”). Myanmar ranked 157th out of the 180 countries in the Index. What the results of the ISP-Myanmar’s survey show is the ‘petty corruption’ present among public servants working at the township level. However, the bribe payments involve gold and cannot be underestimated as petty. It is presumable there could be “policy-level corruption” at higher levels of administration. The recent SAC’s actions taken against Lt. Gen. Moe Myint Tun, Brig. Gen. Yan Naung Soe and other officers may be a good example. However, ISP-Myanmar’s survey findings cannot reveal the corruption of such “big fish”. Academic studies suggested there will be more corruption if there is a combination of a “monopoly of power” and the “discretion of officials” while lacking “accountability.”
In post-coup Myanmar, check-and-balance mechanisms are dysfunctional, as no parliamentary representatives question public services, and there is a very limited and risky role of activists and the media. On the other hand, the pay given to public servants hardly rises in accordance with rapidly increasing inflation and commodity prices. Because of inflation, their spending power is largely dwindling. This trend will inevitably drive these public servants to compensate for their falling standard of living with corruption.
∎ What ISP is reading?
ILO’s Investigation Report and Potential Bigger Impacts on Myanmar
ILO. (August 4, 2023). Towards Freedom and Dignity in Myanmar. 207 pages
A few days ago, the International Labor Organization (ILO) published an investigation report on Myanmar. In June 2021, after the military coup in Myanmar, the ILO called upon the military to restore democracy and respect its citizens’ human rights. At the 344th governing body meeting of Switzerland’s Geneva-based ILO from March 14 to 26, 2022, it was decided to set up a high-level commission of inquiry with respect of the non-observance by Myanmar of the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize Convention, 1948 (No. 87) and the Forced Labor Convention, 1930 (No. 29). The SAC’s Labor Ministry issued a statement on April 4, 2022, strongly rejecting the decision, as it was unilateral.
The Governing Body of the ILO later appointed persons to serve on the Commission of Inquiry: Judge Raul Cano Pangalangan (Philippines) as chairperson and Judge Dhayanithie Pillay (South Africa) and Dr Faustina Pereira (Bangladesh) as members. ILO’s Commission of Inquiry emphasized particularly Convention 87 and Convention 29. The Commission concluded in the report that the military control has “had a disastrous impact on the exercise of basic civil liberties. Trade union members and leaders have been killed, arbitrarily arrested, subjected to sham trials, convicted, detained, abused, and tortured, threatened, intimidated, subjected to surveillance, forced into exile.” In addition, the report of more than 200 pages mentioned with evidence that “women trade union leaders have been exposed to particularly violent treatment on the part of the security apparatus, including sexual violence.”
The ILO’s high-level Commission of Inquiry on Myanmar is the 14th action in its history spanning more than a hundred years. There is a three-month deadline for the Myanmar junta to respond. The Commission has investigated not only the SAC but also the forced labor practices of EAOs in conflict areas, such as the Shan State Army (SSA/SSPP), the Shan State Restoration Council (SSA/RCSS), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Arakan Army (AA).
The SAC Labor Ministry issued a statement mentioning that “Myanmar is a member state of the ILO, complying with ILO Convention No. 87: no one is punished or taken action for practicing his or her rights peacefully or being a member of a trade union. According to the Labor Organization Law (2011), Myanmar granted registrations to over 3,000 organizations – 2,886 basic labor organizations, 162 township labor organizations, 26 region/state labor organizations, nine labor federations, one confederation of trade unions of Myanmar, one basic employers’ organization, one township employers’ organization, and one employers’ federation. More than 190,000 workers are enjoying their rights in these organizations.”
Again, on September 2, 2022, the SAC Labor Ministry strongly rejected the ILO’s website display about Myanmar. A trade unionist assisting with labor issues in Myanmar discussed the ISP-Myanamr for their sandwiched difficulties. Though the SAC claims no official ban on trade unions, the most restrictive new organization law makes it difficult to be registered. These labor campaigners are not collaborating with higher-level ministries, but they are assisting garment workers with township-level officers to mediate industrial conflicts with factory owners and laborers when there were protests and sit-ins to demand pay raises and healthier worksites. Then, they faced criticism from exiles as collaborating with the illegal junta. In the post-coup situation, tripartite negotiations between employers, workers and the government and industrial arbitration have stopped. The SAC announced the minimum wage as 5,800 kyats, changed from 4,800 kyats on October 5, 2023. However, it is unilateral and does not follow the 2013 Minimum Wage Law, which requires to set the minimum wage based on the negotiated result of employers, workers, and government representatives. Unquestionably, workers in Myanmar are losing their rights to be represented, to make demands, and to organize themselves in trade unions.
What could happen if the Myanmar junta doesn’t accept the recommendations of the ILO? In the late 1990s, international sanctions against Myanmar were initiated because of forced labor issues, rather than political ones. This time, if the junta commits similar violations as the ILO demands it to stop, or fails to reform according to the recommendations, the ILO refers the matter to the International Court of Justice, the UN’s top court, without passing through the UN Security Council. On the other hand, the trade unions’ actions will be immense and will fight for the rights of workers in Myanmar, which could result in a heavy blow to trade and tourism..."
Source/publisher:
Institute for Strategy and Policy – Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups.
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pdf
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Description:
"Between October 8th and 14th Military Junta arrested and used as human shields more than 7 civilians from the Sagaing Region . Military Junta burnt and killed 2 civilians including an underaged child from Kale Township in Sagaing Region. Military Junta Troop attacked with heavy artillery to Monelaichat IDP camp in Laiza, Kachin State and 32 civilians including 13 children were killed. The Military Troop also started cutting off Telecommunication in Tedim, Chin State on October 13th.
About 35 civilians died and over 18 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light attacks within a week. They arrested over 22 civilians and killed 7 within a week. 4 children were injured and 15 killed when the Military Junta committed violations..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-10-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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335.56 KB 328.78 KB 657.11 KB
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Description:
"Highlights:
Ongoing conflict continues to lead to displacement. Nearly two million people are internally displaced, of whom more than 1.6 million have been displaced since 2021.
UNICEF supported for 26,264 children to access to formal and non-formal education, including early learning.
UNICEF reached 297,943 affected people with access to clean water for drinking and domestic purposes by the end of September.
The 85 per cent funding gap against the 2023 HAC requirement is severely affecting UNICEF’s capacity to respond to the multisectoral needs of targeted populations, especially children in Myanmar.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
As of September 2023, the total number of internally displaced persons has risen to more than 1.9 million out of a total population of 56 million. More than 1.6 million people have been displaced since February 2021, with more than 50 per cent of them, an estimated 820,800 people, from Sagaing region. Magway region has also been badly affected, with 218,900 people displaced and impacted by regular heavy fighting, air strikes and artillery shelling. An estimated 15,000 people have been displaced and are facing food shortages due to air strikes in Kamma sub township in Magway; humanitarian access is not possible due to security concerns and military operations. In many parts of the country, particularly the northwest, the movement of essential goods and humanitarian access is also still being hampered.
The southeast has the second largest number of displaced populations after the northwest with 545,000 internally displaced persons2. Intensified armed conflicts continue in Myawaddy, Kyarinseikkyi, Kawkareik and Hpa-pun, with 8,300 people taking refuge at the Thailand-Myanmar border.
In Kachin State, the intensification of armed conflicts and heavy military deployments is mainly in the south and southwest. Mines and unexploded ordnance also continue to pose a significant threat to children, the community, and humanitarian workers.
In northern Shan, armed conflicts between the Myanmar Armed Forces and various armed groups in Nawnghkio, Kutkai, Muse and Namhkan townships are continuing to grow, causing people from Muse township to be displaced twice in September.
Fighting in Kayah State increased, also resulting in increased displacement, with the number of internally displaced persons reaching 100,500 as of 18 September. Approximately 800 people, including those who had returned from the Thailand border in mid-September and who are living in the camps in Maesae township, Kayah State are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, which humanitarian access is not possible at the moment..."
Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
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494.31 KB
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"The junta’s military likely used one of its largest aerial-delivered bombs during Monday night’s attack at Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Kachin State, according to an investigation by Amnesty International (AI).
At least 29 people, including 13 children, died at Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Waingmaw Township on Monday night, while 57 were wounded in the attack, according to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). It said regime troops bombarded the village located about two miles north of Laiza Town—the headquarters of the KIA.
“Amnesty International’s weapons expert analyzed photos and videos of the aftermath of the attack, which show evidence of a single massive blast that flattened dozens of nearby buildings – including a church, preschool and many homes – and started fires,” the rights group said in a statement released on Friday.
It also confirmed reports that the first blast was followed by others, citing survivors of the attack.
The size of the crater and the damage from the first bomb is consistent with the largest aerial-delivered bombs known to be in the inventory of the Myanmar military, AI said. The junta’s military almost certainly used an unguided bomb, which is completely inappropriate for use in the vicinity of civilians, it added.
“This murderous assault by the Myanmar military is further proof of their complete disregard for civilian life,” said Matthew Wells, director of AI’s Crisis Response Program. “The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar,” he added.
The junta denied responsibility for the attack, saying on Wednesday that a KIA warehouse containing more than 100 tons of ammonium nitrate and weapons exploded.
AI’s report said the bomb fell on a large open field near a road with regular vehicle traffic that was unlikely to be an ammonium nitrate storage area.
The Myanmar military has an extensive history of carrying out indiscriminate attacks similar to Monday’s, including on other camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs).
KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the KIA would never put a gunpowder warehouse near civilians.
“The [KIA] investigation team found pieces of bombs, and they are examining them,” he said.
Mung Lai Hkyet sheltered more than 600 IDPs before it was obliterated. Survivors have been taking refuge in four shelters near the office of Woichyai IDP camp since the attack. They are in great need of humanitarian assistance, a local aid group said.
In October last year, junta aircraft bombed an outdoor concert at A’Nang Pa Village in Kachin State’s Hpakant Township, killing at least 75 people. The concert was being held to mark the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the KIA’s political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization.
Amnesty International is again calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer Monday night’s attack to the International Criminal Court so that those responsible can be brought to justice..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-10-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Title: Myanmar: 28 civilians killed in military air strike – new investigation and witness testimony
Sub-title:
At least 12 children killed, and a reported 57 people injured
Description:
"The Myanmar military killed at least 28 civilians in an air strike on a displaced persons camp in an attack that may amount to a war crime, Amnesty International said today.
At approximately 11.30pm on 9 October 2023, the Myanmar military launched an attack that hit the Mung Lai Hkyet displacement camp, close to the town of Laiza in Kachin State, near Myanmar’s border with China.
Witnesses told Amnesty International that a large bomb exploded near the camp, which was followed by sustained mortar fire from nearby Myanmar military positions.
The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar
Matthew Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme
The camp is home to an estimated 150 displaced families and situated near other civilian homes in Mung Lai Hkyet village. The camp is around three miles from central Laiza, the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A), an ethnic armed group that has fought the Myanmar military for decades.
“This murderous assault by the Myanmar military is further proof of their complete disregard for civilian life,” said Matthew Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme.
“The air strike on the Mung Lai Hkyet displaced persons camp is the latest in a long list of indiscriminate attacks against civilians committed by the Myanmar military since its coup in 2021, many of which amount to war crimes.
“The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar. The UN Security Council should impose a long-overdue arms embargo, including on the supply of aviation fuel, as the Myanmar military repeatedly unleashes its arsenal on civilians across the country.”
Amnesty International’s weapons expert analyzed photos and videos of the aftermath of the attack, which show evidence of a single massive blast that flattened dozens of nearby buildings – including a church, preschool and many homes – and started fires.
The blast wave caused catastrophic overpressure and fragmentation injuries to the victims, including fatal wounds to heads, lacerations that exposed organs, and the removal and pulverization of limbs. The size of the crater and observed damage is consistent with the largest aerial-delivered bombs known to be in the inventory of the Myanmar military. Amnesty International believes the Myanmar military almost certainly used an unguided bomb, which is an inaccurate weapon completely inappropriate for use in the vicinity of civilians.
The Myanmar military denied responsibility in a statement, saying it was an explosion of a site where the KIO/A stored ammonium nitrate. That explanation is at odds with consistent witness accounts, which noted the explosion served as the start of a coordinated attack. In addition, the bomb fell on a large open field with regular vehicle traffic, unlikely to be an ammonium nitrate storage area.
Based on the totality of the evidence, Amnesty International finds the most likely scenario to be a strike with a single unguided bomb. The Myanmar military has an extensive history of carrying out indiscriminate attacks similar to this one, including on other displaced persons camps.
Under international humanitarian law, which applies to the ongoing non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar, including in Kachin State, indiscriminate attacks are those that fail to distinguish between military objectives and civilians or civilian objects, and as such are prohibited. Where an indiscriminate attack kills or injuries civilians, it amounts to a war crime.
‘On that night, I even thought that I would die’
Amnesty International interviewed three witnesses of the attack and immediate aftermath.
One woman, whose family survived the blast, told Amnesty International: “I went to bed around 10.30pm. While I was listening to news about the conflict between Israel and Hamas on Facebook, at around 11.30pm, a huge bomb fell.
“I was staying with my niece in one room, and my sister and other people were staying in another room. I suddenly woke up once the heavy weapons exploded. While I was still laying in my bed, I called out to my family members… I said, ‘We cannot stay here anymore. We need to move’.
“As we are IDPs [internally displaced people], we have to live on other people’s land… We did not have a place to dig a bomb shelter. We had to hide in the concrete water drain on the side of the road. We sat there and kept on shouting for help… On that night, I even thought that I would die.”
The woman and her nine family members remained hiding as mortar fire landed a short distance away, before escaping to take shelter nearby. She added: “When I look into the future of our [IDP] lives, I feel darkness.”
A person staying nearby, who arrived approximately two hours after the bomb exploded, told Amnesty International: “We don’t know how they dropped or fired the first bomb, but we know that the… follow-up firing came from where [Myanmar] military posts are located.
“I saw 28 bodies… Almost all [of the] people were killed because of the bomb blast. Some of their heads were destroyed beyond recognition. A mother and two of her children were among the victims. I could not bear it when I saw the baby and children die. I could not control my tears.”
According to a list of victims seen by Amnesty International, which appears to have been compiled by the KIO, at least 12 children were among those killed, and at least 57 more people were injured.
Another witness living next to the camp, who said he heard the sound of a jet overhead, told Amnesty International the bomb left a huge crater in the middle of a nearby field. He said a Baptist church on a hill, like dozens of other civilian objects near where the bomb fell, was destroyed.
He said: “The explosion destroyed all the houses… In Kachin language, this kind of bomb is called a ‘hell bomb’… I had to crawl out of the debris to survive… My whole body is in pain, and my ears are still buzzing from the bombing.”
Amnesty International is again calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, so that those responsible for crimes under international law can be brought to justice.
Background
Since carrying out a coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has increasingly relied on air strikes to attack the civilian population.
The KIO/A is one of numerous ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar’s border areas. The Myanmar military and the KIO/A have been engaged in a non-international armed conflict for decades. Fighting between the two forces has continued since the coup, with the KIO/A active in the broader nation-wide movement against the military’s rule.
In a May 2022 report, ‘Bullets rained from the sky’: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, Amnesty International found that Myanmar’s military had subjected civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages.
A further investigation in October 2022 found that deadly air strikes on a music concert in Kachin State, which killed dozens of people including civilians, appeared to fit a pattern of unlawful attacks. A November 2022 report, Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, identified companies involved in the supply chain of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, and revealed new accounts of air strikes on civilians..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2023-10-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"By Chiara Torelli
On the night of October 10th, 2023, the residents of Mung Lai Hkyet village, in Myanmar's Kachin state, awoke to explosions and tremors as bombs reduced their homes to rubble.
In one of the deadliest attacks on civilians since the military coup in 2021, 29 civilians were killed, including up to 13 children, and another 57 injured. Most were internally displaced persons, who had escaped previous attacks on their homes.
Local sources suggest the village was targeted by a plane or drone, rather than ground artillery, and place the blame squarely on the military government, who have denied any involvement.
Since the coup, on February 1st 2021, AOAV has recorded 1,408 incidents of explosive weapons use in Myanmar, and 2,793 civilian casualties (1,016 killed, 1777 injured).
55% (769) of incidents of explosive weapons use are attributed to non-state actors, in particular the People's Defence Forces, Ethnic Armed Organisations, and local defence forces, but 80% (2,236) of civilian casualties are attributed to the military government.
| Perpetrator status | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Non-State Actors | 769 | 343 | | State | 560 | 2236 | | State and Non-State Actors | 1 | 0 | | unknown | 78 | 214 |
Explosive weapons use in Myanmar since February 2021
Following the coup, the military government has regularly targeted populated locations with explosive weapons: villages account for the vast majority of recorded incidents of the military government's explosive weapons use, 64% (361), as well as the majority of resulting civilian casualties, 64% (1,426).
Public gatherings, which account for only 1% (6) of the military government's explosive attacks, are the second most affected location in terms of civilian casualties, with 9% (193) of civilian harm occurring in these locations.
| Location | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Village | 361 | 1426 | | Public gathering | 6 | 193 | | Encampment | 18 | 140 | | Place of worship | 22 | 132 | | Urban residential | 35 | 87 | | School | 14 | 81 | | Other | 10 | 46 | | No information | 30 | 28 | | Multiple (urban) | 4 | 18 | | Hospital | 6 | 16 | | public building | 1 | 15 | | Road | 9 | 14 | | Agricultural land | 9 | 13 | | Police station | 1 | 7 | | Entertainment | 2 | 7 | | Armed base | 27 | 4 | | Market | 2 | 4 | | Commercial premises | 2 | 3 | | Humanitarian infrastructure | 1 | 2 |
Myanmar military government's explosive weapons use since 1st February 2021
Ground-launched weapons account for the majority of civilian harm caused by the military government's use of explosive weapons in Myanmar, having killed and injured 50% (1,122) of the 2,236 civilian casualties. However, air-launched weapons have, on average, caused more civilian harm per incident, killing and injuring an average of 6.69 civilians per attack.
| Launch method | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Ground-launched | 366 | 1122 | | Air-launched | 140 | 936 | | Multiple types | 22 | 135 | | Mine | 31 | 42 | | Unclear | 1 | 1 |
Myanmar military government's explosive weapons use since 1st February 2021
Myanmar, which in 2021 was the ninth most impacted country for civilian harm from explosive weapons, saw the sixth highest level of civilian casualties in 2022. Civilian casualties rose by 178% last year, from 353 recorded in 2021 to 980 in 2022 -- the highest level of civilian harm reported since 2010, and largely due to the military's response to intensified resistance and the growth of local People's Defense Forces.
AOAV's casualty figures represent the lowest of estimations in terms of the number of people killed and injured by explosive weapon use. In an effort to quantify the explicit harm caused by specific explosive weapons, AOAV solely records incident-specific casualty figures, as reported in English-language media.
AOAV condemns the use of violence against civilians and the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. All actors should stop using explosive weapons with wide-area effects where there is likely to be a high concentration of civilians..."
Source/publisher:
Action on Armed Violence (London) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"WEEKLY HIGHLIGHTS:
In the South-East, the number of displaced slightly decreased from 546,100 last week to 545,000 this week.
In Kayin State, some 3,800 IDPs returned to their place of origin in Kyainseikgyi Township.
In the Tanintharyi Region, due to indiscriminate shelling of heavy weapons in the area, close to 400 IDPs from Palaw Township, over 300 IDPs from Tanintharyi Township and over 5,300 IDPs from Thayetchaung Township were displaced within their Townships. Among them, some 1,200 IDPs were displaced within Thayetchaung Township as a secondary displacement. However, 1,800 IDPs returned to their place of origin in Thayetchaung township.
In Shan (South), some 150 IDPs were able to return to their place of origin in Pekon Township.
Across the border, about 7,100 people from Myanmar remain displaced in Mae Hong Son Province,
Thailand..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
921.2 KB
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Description:
"Seventy-eighth session
Item 73(c) of the provisional agenda*
Promotion and protection of human rights: human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives
Summary
The people of Myanmar continue to suffer from a deteriorating human rights and humanitarian crisis. An illegitimate military junta would like the world to believe that only it can restore peace and stability to the country. The opposite is true. The coup of February 2021 has been followed by ever greater levels of human rights violations, violence, oppression, lawlessness, and poverty.
Junta forces have responded to losses on the ground with a widespread campaign of violence against civilians that includes an escalation of airstrikes on villages and the burning of tens of thousands of homes. Displacement and human suffering continue on a massive scale, exacerbated by the landfall of Cyclone Mocha and the junta’s shameless restrictions on humanitarian aid. Nearly 20,000 political prisoners are now behind bars where many endure torture and appalling conditions. Rohingya continue to face systematic human rights violations in Myanmar and rapidly deteriorating conditions in refugee camps in Bangladesh.
In this report, the Special Rapporteur describes conditions in Myanmar that should be of grave concern to Member States. However, he also describes developments that offer a path forward for a more effective international approach to the crisis. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights recently made a public call for “new thinking” to address the crisis in Myanmar. This report cites timely examples of new thinking and new action, including the sanctioning of jet fuel and key financial institutions relied on by the junta. The Special Rapporteur makes a series of recommendations and urges Member States to continue to strengthen and coordinate actions to support the people of Myanmar, who have demonstrated remarkable courage and tenacity to defend human rights and seek an end to this crisis..."
Source/publisher:
UN General Assembly
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Collected resolutions of the GA on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general
Language:
more
Description:
"12 October 2023: United Nations (UN) member States must take decisive action to bring the Myanmar military junta to justice following the latest junta attack which killed at least 29 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar’s Kachin state on Monday, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The junta attack began without warning around 11.30 pm on Monday, 9 October, destroying the village of Munglai Hyket where 100 families displaced by junta violence were taking refuge. Powerful artillery explosions ripped through the village leaving craters where houses once stood. At least 11 of the 29 people killed were children and 56 people were injured. This could constitute a war crime.
“The Myanmar military is so emboldened by the indifference of the international community in response to its decades of atrocity crimes that it is now attacking camps for internally displaced people,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The military is flagrantly massacring the most vulnerable people in society, and yet UN entities in Myanmar will not even publicly name the military as the perpetrator. At what point will the UN decide to stand with the Myanmar people?”
Monday’s attack is the deadliest junta attack on civilians in Kachin state this year and comes almost a year after a junta airstrike on a music concert killed at least 60 people in the village of A Nang Pa, Kachin state, on 23 October 2022.
The junta has escalated its campaign of brutal violence against civilians across the country this year in wilful defiance of UN Security Council resolution 2669, adopted in December 2022. The resolution “demands an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country”. Security Council demands within resolutions are considered legally binding under international law but the resolution does not include any measures for the Security Council to act to enforce its binding demand.
“The junta is a rogue criminal gang that cannot be reasoned with,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Attacking a camp for displaced people is an act so utterly depraved that it defies humanity. Such depraved acts of violence are the reason the Myanmar people have been forced into a nation-defining struggle to liberate themselves entirely from the Myanmar military’s influence.”
The UN Security Council must enforce the junta’s compliance with its resolution using its powers under chapter VII of the UN Charter, through the imposition of a global arms embargo and targeted financial sanctions against the junta, and the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC).
If the Security Council won’t, or can’t, act, member States must take action through the General Assembly and pass an urgent resolution during the current 78th session.
“The abhorrent junta attack in Munglai Hyket is a result of the utter failure of the international community to act for the protection of the Myanmar people,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Continued failure of UN member States to take collective concrete action to end Myanmar military impunity is a betrayal of the Myanmar people.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"At least two of three siblings hospitalized following the strikes that annihilated their village in Kachin State shortly before midnight on Monday have yet to learn that their mother was killed, according to a volunteer helping survivors.
One is too young—one-and-a-half-months old—while the three-year old is unconscious. It is unclear whether their elder brother, a six-year-old, can comprehend what happened.
“Their mother died at the camp while her three children suffered injuries from the bombing. The middle child is severely injured, and he remains unconscious,” the volunteer said, adding: “Their father is somewhere at a front line fighting against junta troops.”
Like his oldest son, he may not yet know that his wife had been killed. He also may not know that his three children have been hospitalized.
The three siblings are among the 57 people injured that night in a series of blasts that killed at least 29 people, including 13 children—one of whom was just one-and-half-years old.
Regime troops bombarded the village located about two miles north of Laiza Town, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) said. Laiza is the KIA”s headquarters.
“A girl from my village lost all of her family members; her parents, her older brother and his wife. She is the only one who was not harmed because she was studying away from home,” a resident of Mung Lai Hkyet Village said. “Now she has nothing.”
She is not the only one. She is not the only one who lost an entire family, residents of the village that was home to internally displaced persons (IDPs) said.
The junta said on Wednesday that the deaths were a result of an explosion at a KIA warehouse containing about 105 tonnes of ammonium nitrate and weapons—countering the media reports that said the deaths were caused by the junta’s airstrikes or shelling.
KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu dismissed the regime’s account as “propaganda”, telling The Irrawaddy that the armed group would never position a gunpowder warehouse near civilians. A KIA investigation had determined that junta had either used a high-tech drone or a fleet of drones carrying bombs to strike the IDP camp, he added.
Other media reports say a series of blasts began shortly before midnight, with some reporting that the first one occurred at 11.30pm.
Former residents of the village told The Irrawaddy that there was a series of explosions. The first was massive, and it was followed by several more, they said. Some pointed to craters that they said were proof their village was obliterated by numerous bombs.
More than 600 IDPs from Mung Lai Hkyet Village are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, local aid groups said on Wednesday.
Most former residents of the village are taking refuge in four shelters near the office of Woichyai IDP camp, a representative of the camp told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
“We are struggling … We don’t have enough space for a large number of people. We also don’t have enough food to feed them,” he said.
“They lost everything. We need to provide food, water, clothes, bedding, blankets, diapers, utensils and all sorts of commodities for them,” he added.
Road blocks due to ongoing fighting between KIA troops and junta infantry units make it almost impossible to deliver humanitarian assistance to the victims, said a volunteer from Myitkyina, Kachin State’s capital.
Former residents of Mung Lai Hkyet cannot return to their village because it no longer exists.
“We want justice … This is not the first time they [junta troops] committed crimes against humanity,” a Kachin human rights activist, adding: “I want to stress the need for humanitarian assistance for those affected.”
Following the massacre, the KIA and Myanmar parallel National Unity Government condemned the bombing as a war crime.
The United Nations responded with a press release. It quoted Secretary-General Antonio Guterres saying he was “alarmed” by the deaths and that “those responsible must be held to account.”
“The Secretary-General condemns all forms of violence, including the military’s intensifying attacks throughout the country, which continue to fuel regional instability,” the press release from Guterres’ office added.
The British embassy in Yangon also issued a statement. It said it was “appalled by reports of a Myanmar military strike” that killed civilians..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin
Language:
more
Sub-title:
At least 29 people, including children, have been killed in an artillery strike on a displaced persons' camp in north-east Myanmar, near the Chinese border.
Description:
"The camp is in an area controlled by the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), one of several ethnic insurgent groups which have been fighting for self-rule for many decades.
All the victims were civilians, a KIO spokesman told the BBC.
It is one the deadliest attacks in the 63-year-long conflict in Kachin State.
Kachin officials say the armed forces have scaled up attacks on KIO-run areas over the past year because of growing Kachin support for other insurgent groups fighting the military government.
Much of Myanmar has been embroiled in a wider civil war since a 2021 military coup displaced the country's elected government. The military has increasingly used air strikes against opposition-controlled towns and villages since seizing power.
The exiled National Unity Government (NUG) has blamed the junta for the attack on the camp, describing it as a "war crime and crime against humanity".
Junta spokesman Maj Gen Zaw Min Tun denied that the military was behind the attack.
He claimed the army did not have any operations in the area and said the destruction was "probably" caused by stockpiled explosives.
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Images shared by local media showed bodies being pulled from the rubble and dozens of body bags lying side by side.
The attack late on Monday night happened in the Mong Lai Khet camp for displaced persons - on the outskirts of Laiza, the town on the Chinese border where the KIO has its headquarters.
Parts of the camp were destroyed by powerful explosions at about midnight, KIO officials told the BBC.
Footage of the aftermath shows many houses obliterated and large numbers of casualties.
Kachin officials believe at least 11 children are among those killed. Fifty-six more people were also injured in the latest attack, 44 of whom had been taken to hospital for treatment.
The United Nations in Myanmar said it was "deeply concerned" about reports of deaths in the camp.
"IDP camps are places of refuge, and civilians, no matter where they are, should never be a target," it said in a statement on Facebook.
The British embassy in the capital, Yangon, said it was "appalled by reports of a Myanmar military strike" that killed civilians.
The area around the camp has experienced conflict for many years, as it is not far from the front lines, where Kachin troops in trenches face off against government forces.
However, locals say that no fighting has taken place near the camp in recent times.
It is possible the attack was carried out from the air, but Col Naw Bu of the Kachin Independence Army said the group "did not hear any aircraft".
Almost exactly one year ago, the Myanmar air force used precision-guided bombs to attack an open-air concert at another Kachin base in the night, killing more than 80 people.
The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) - the KIO's armed wing - is one of the largest and most powerful insurgent groups in Myanmar. It has been fighting the central government sporadically since 1960 and consistently since a ceasefire broke down in 2011.
Since the coup, the military government has viewed the KIA as a significant threat, as it has been giving weapons and training to some of the new insurgent groups which have formed across the country to resist military rule.
KIA also has a long-standing alliance with the Arakan Army, an insurgent group formed initially in Kachin State. But since 2016, it has been operating in Rakhine State, on the other side of the country, where it has successfully challenged the military for control of much of the territory.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights said in its latest report on the country that it had found a "seemingly endless spiral of military violence"..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin
Language:
more
Description:
"OVERVIEW
The humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been deteriorating since the military coup in February 2021 that overthrew the Government led by the National League for Democracy. The takeover of the military junta has intensified violence and conflict across the country and limited people’s freedom. The operating environment has also shrunk for humanitarian and development organisations. To design programmes, including life-saving interventions, and anticipate potential risks, humanitarian decision makers and responders need comprehensive, quality information and analyses to understand the evolving context and needs of affected communities. The generation of, access to, and sharing of data and information on the situation in Myanmar have significantly decreased since the coup. A limited amount of publicly available data and information products and scattered information characterise the Myanmar humanitarian analysis ecosystem for the humanitarian response. There are a few public repositories available, but they are not comprehensive with a potential risk of duplication in analysis and data collection efforts. This poses challenges to designing and planning a targeted and effective response.
About this report
This report analyses the current analysis ecosystem in the humanitarian context of Myanmar. It highlights the humanitarian sector’s analysis needs and gaps resulting from the reduced operational space and consequent constraints on data collection and data and information sharing. It also outlines a few opportunities to strengthen the ecosystem based on ACAPS’ expertise in humanitarian analysis. Understanding the information and analysis ecosystem in Myanmar, specifically regarding humanitarian needs, provides decision makers with an overview of what information already exists, what the information gaps are, and how some can be addressed.
Methodology
ACAPS went through the following steps to develop this report.
We conducted a secondary data review of publicly available documents to collect information on the analysis landscape and existing access constraints in Myanmar.
We also conducted a secondary data review of the main publicly available data and information products on Myanmar published between February 2021 and December 2022. ACAPS considered publicly available products related to the humanitarian context gathered on ReliefWeb and various organisations’ websites. From these, we developed a metadatabase using 610 unique products as a sample. Products published in a series (either at regular or irregular intervals) were considered unique regardless of the number of times they were published in the given time frame. The metadatabase was also built as a time-bound snapshot of publicly available data and information on Myanmar to use as a sample for the analysis.
We interviewed 18 key informants, including information management (IM) representatives, research institutions, and individuals working on face-to-face and remote data collection and analysis in Myanmar.
We analysed the above through the lens of an ideal analysis ecosystem.
Limitations
ACAPS developed the metadatabase that supported our study on the Myanmar humanitarian analysis ecosystem based on a selection of publicly available data and information products published between February 2021 and December 2022. Many reports in Myanmar are not publicly available because of context sensitivities. The scarcity of information and data collection restrictions in the country also make it difficult to understand the information and analysis landscape. ACAPS consulted different organisations and experts to complement the findings extracted from the metadatabase..."
Source/publisher:
ACAPS
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.4 MB
more
Description:
"SG/SM/21987
The Secretary-General is alarmed by reports of the killing of dozens of civilians – including internally displaced persons, many of them women and children - in a bombing in Myanmar’s Kachin state on 9 October. Those responsible must be held to account.
The Secretary-General condemns all forms of violence, including the military’s intensifying attacks throughout the country, which continue to fuel regional instability. He continues to urge neighboring countries in particular to leverage their influence.
The Secretary-General reaffirms that civilians should be protected in accordance with international humanitarian law.
For information media. Not an official record..."
Source/publisher:
UN Secretary-General
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, UN Secretary-General's statements on Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"A military strike on the village of Mung Lai Hkyet in Kachin State, that includes camps for displaced people took place at 11.00 pm of 9 October. Twenty-nine people were killed, including 10 children, and 56 people wounded.
As of 25 September there are 1,968,200 Internally Displaced People, IDPs in Myanmar of which 1,662,000 were displaced after 1 February 2021, and 1,031,600 are in Magway and Sagaing. Military raids in Pale and Ye-U in Sagaing State on 6 October caused the displacement of approximately 20,000 new IDPs.
Heavy rainfall has been affecting southern Myanmar since 8 October, causing widespread floods and resulting in casualties and damage.
According to ASEAN Disaster Information Network (ADINet) and media, as of 9 October due to floods more than 12,155 people have been internally displaced, of whom 12,000 in Bago Township of Bago Region, 100 in Taikkyi Township of Yangon Region and 55 in Kyaikhto Township of Mon State due to floods. Moreover, almost 2,839 houses have been affected. For the next 24 hours, more rainfall is forecast over the affected regions..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Flooding in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"The United States condemns yesterday’s attack by the Burma military regime on the Kachin State town of Munglai Hkyet, which hosts a camp for internally displaced persons, killing and injuring dozens, including women and children.
This latest attack by the Burma military regime is yet another example of its disregard for human life and underscores the need for the UN Security Council to act beyond Resolution 2669. We underline our commitment to using all tools at the Security Council’s disposal to support ASEAN’s efforts to find a peaceful resolution to the crisis, a commitment affirmed by the vast majority of the Security Council.
We reiterate our call on the regime to cease all forms of violence, free all those unjustly detained, allow unhindered humanitarian access, and respect the democratic aspirations of the people of Burma. The regime must abide by its obligations under international humanitarian law, including with regard to the protection of civilians.
The United States will continue to support peace, human rights, and the establishment of a path toward a genuine and inclusive democracy in Burma through our work with members of the Security Council, other UN Member States, and regional partners, including ASEAN..."
Source/publisher:
United States Mission to the United Nations
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Documented incidents
As reported on 21 September 2023: In Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung townships, Rakhine state, the restrictions of transport of medicine, rice, cement, and nails were reinforced by the junta government. Source: VOA Burmese
21 September 2023: In Seik Mu village and village tract, Hpakant township, Mohnyin district,
Kachin state, a private general practitioner clinic was used as the site for planned shooting. On the arrival of the junta security force in a civilian vehicle at the clinic for seeking treatment, a joint force of local resistance forces and Kachin Independence Army opened fire at the vehicle, killing two policemen and injuring the remaining three. There is no report about damage to the clinic or casualties of the people at the clinic. The clinic was open at the time of the attack. Sources:
Myanmar Now, Shwe Phee Myay News Agency and The Voice of Shan-Ni
23-24 September 2023: Near Yangon city and region, a male prisoner at the Insein Prison died of a heart attack after being denied medical treatment for his condition whilst incarcerated. Source:
Radio Free Asia
23 September 2023: In Kyangin town and township, Myanaung district, Ayeyarwady region, two CDM-affiliated health workers were abducted from their home by the junta security forces in a nighttime raid at their house with an alleged reason of illegal provision of health care. The two victims were a couple - the wife was a 25-year-old midwife and the husband a 26-year-old public health supervisor Grade II. Both were charged under Counter-Terrorism Laws and detained at a local police station for interrogation. Sources: Ayeyarwaddy Times and Network Media Group
24 September 2023: In Shwebo town, township, and district, Sagaing region, a male president of an LNGO who was a retired combat medic, was abducted and an ambulance was seized by local resistance forces. He was known to have provided medical care to junta security forces, in his role as the LNGO president. Sources: Myaelatt Athan and Telegram
25 September 2023: In Hpakant town and township, Mohnyin district, Kachin state, local resistance forces entered a functioning hospital and shot three patients dead. The victims were the Military Security Affairs major and two policemen. After the attack, health workers at the hospital were inquired by the Myanmar military. Sources: Kachin News Group, Myanmar Now, Radio Free Asia and Telegram
30 September 2023: At the military checkpoint near Za Wea village and village tract, Tanintharyi township, Myeik district, Tanintharyi region, a LNGO volunteer ambulance driver was abducted and the ambulance was seized by the Myanmar military. The driver was on his way back to Thar Ra Bwin village after dropping off a patient in Myeik town. He had previousl;y been allowed to pass the military checkpoint on 29 September on his way to Myeik town with the patient onboard..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
445.15 KB
more
Description:
"Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Bago Region, Sagaing Region and Kayah State from October 1st to 7th. Heavy artillery attacks from Military Junta ships killed a civilian from Yesagyo Township, Magway Region on October 1st. Junta People arrested 11 civilians and 5 were used as human shields from Sagaing Region and Magway Region.
5 civilians died and 6 injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. A child was also injured when the Military Junta committed violations. Civilians fled twice to safety by the matching and raiding of Military Junta Troop within a week..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-10-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
274.13 KB 271.6 KB 138.18 KB
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Sub-title:
It’s time to start thinking beyond the country’s nightmarish era of military rule and begin planning for a better future
Description:
"In our decades of interactions with presidents, prime ministers, government ministers and diplomats all over the world, one flawed assumption has underpinned their understanding and approach to our country. That assumption is that Myanmar’s military is somehow invincible.
It’s not a word they use, because the assumption is so deeply ingrained that they don’t even talk about it. The military cannot be defeated—that is their starting point. Their whole policymaking approach stems from this. Over the years, this has led them down paths so convoluted that at some points they have even argued that cross-border aid to ethnic communities fleeing Myanmar army attacks will fuel conflict.
The false assumption of Myanmar military invincibility led the international community to pressure ethnic revolutionary organisations to engage in the sham “peace process” 11 years ago. We warned them that the military’s claims that it wanted peace were not genuine. For the military, this was just a pause button, not a stop button, we said. But Western governments didn’t listen and instead wasted—and still waste—millions of dollars of aid money trying to convince themselves that there can be peace with the Myanmar military.
The assumption of military invincibility led them to pressure Aung San Suu Kyi to run for election and serve in parliament under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.
In the 2000s, the assumption that the military was invincible led some Yangon diplomats to decide that they knew better than the people of Myanmar, who wanted nothing more than to see an end to military rule. Instead, these diplomats argued that sanctions should be lifted and that ways should be found to engage with the military for some imaginary gradual reform process, despite everything we know about the military mindset and behaviour.
We were told we had to compromise with the military and “dialogue” with them, even as they bombed our villages, schools and clinics. Even now, when we try to defend our people and our land, we are accused of provoking the military and blamed for the attacks against us.
In largely peaceful Yangon, in the bubble where foreign diplomats and United Nations agencies reside, this false assumption still underpins their approach. They assume that the military is there to stay. From that starting point, they like to talk about “creative” alternatives. They talk about whether there are any members of the military or the junta who are a little more open-minded and suggest supporting a younger, reform-minded generation of the military unhappy with the current situation. It’s the same fruitless debate that diplomats have engaged in since the 1990s.
Gradually, in the Yangon bubble, diplomats and international agencies are deciding that the military is here to stay, and that they have no choice but to step up their engagement with the generals. They say they have to do so for the sake of meeting humanitarian needs, even as they provide little or no aid to parts of the country that are not under military control and where civil society is ready to deliver life-saving aid.
Outside of Yangon, there is a very different situation. People are doing everything they can to resist military rule. From boycotts to taking up arms, people know that there can be no human rights, no economic development and no true federal democracy while the Myanmar military holds power. For the first time in decades, the military is losing control of significantly more areas of the country.
“A Shifting Power Balance—Junta Control Shrinks in Southeast Burma,” a new report released by the Karen Peace Support Network last month, reveals that since the coup, the Myanmar military has lost 62 military bases to Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army and its allies.
On the western and eastern boundaries of northern KNU territory there have been big strategic gains. The KNU’s expansion westwards and southwards also poses a significant threat to the junta’s main road and rail transport artery from Yangon to Naypyitaw, as well as to the Asia Highway trade corridor from Yangon to Myawaddy on the Thai border.
Areas under KNU civilian administration are expanding fast. Schools operated by the Karen Education and Culture Department have tripled to more than 900. Meanwhile, schools operated by the regime’s education ministry in KNU and mixed administration areas have fallen from 370 to zero.
In Sagaing and Magway regions, the military has faced unprecedented resistance, losing large areas to the control of the People’s Defence Force (PDF). The military has ceded administrative control to the Arakan Army in large parts of Rakhine State. In Kachin, Chin and Karenni states, the military is struggling to maintain or regain territory.
We are not claiming that the Myanmar military is about to collapse. We know only too well about the vast manpower and weaponry that it has at its disposal, having both experienced attacks by the military ourselves.
What we are saying is that there has been a major shift in dynamics on the ground. The military has not faced this kind of pressure in living memory. The appearance of normality in Yangon and a handful of other cities is an exception, not the rule.
The external pressures that the military is facing from the armed resistance and its loss of territory are visible to all. Internal pressures within the military are also increasingly evident, with the regime making sudden and erratic economic decisions and purging and reshuffling its members and other military personnel.
The shifting power balance in Karen State and other areas should already have prompted governments and UN agencies to reassess their approach, both politically and logistically for the delivery of humanitarian assistance. In the areas where they can be most useful, they remain woefully behind the curve.
History is full of examples of seemingly invincible regimes which no longer exist. Some collapsed suddenly and almost overnight. Some took years of struggle to overcome.
At the moment, the international community seems to have put all its policy eggs in the basket of military invincibility and a long grinding conflict. It seems to have done very little short- or long-term planning for a scenario in which the Myanmar military is, at long last, defeated by the country’s people.
We can’t say when the military will fall. But fall it will. There is no alternative for our people or our country. What does it say about international policy-making towards Myanmar that so little thought has gone into preparing for the day that the people of Myanmar are working so hard to reach? The defeat of the military is the essential first stepping stone towards a free Myanmar. We—and the world—need to be ready for what comes next..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-10-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"“The troublemaker of Myanmar already has one foot in the grave. Should she die now, perhaps she would be worshiped as NUG Goddess.”
This was the caption for a photo-shopped picture of jailed civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recently published on the pro-junta Telegram channel “Ba Nyunt” and then shared by other likeminded channels on the platform.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was called “Ma Tin Shwe” in the caption, a pronoun used to refer to any woman. “NUG” is the acronym for the parallel National Unity Government.
The hateful caption was just one of many defamatory posts created by pro-junta Telegram channels about the Nobel laureate, civilian leader, and champion of democracy at home and abroad, according to the Beautifier of Diversity Network, which monitors pro-regime Telegram channels.
“Women are always targeted,” said a monitor from the network, which has been monitoring 13 social media accounts, including pro-junta Telegram channels that spread hate speech.
Hate speech has surged on social media platforms since the coup. The platforms are used not only to incite violence, but are also as breeding grounds for launching and amplifying hatred against individuals, and ethnic, religious and sexual minorities, the network said.
A wave of hate speech targeting women followed the release of a film labeled “blasphemous’ by the regime, according to data from the network.
The movie “Don’t Expect Anything” was written and produced by Swiss director Didier Nusbaumer and uploaded to the YouTube channel “Isi Dhamma” on July 24. The regime alleged that the film harmed Myanmar’s culture and Buddhist traditions, and arrested its director and cast.
Research by The Irrawaddy has also found that hate speech degrading women always accompanies attacks on revolutionary figures.
Criticism and denunciation accounted for 39 percent of hate speech, insulting posts accounted for 27 percent, threats accounted for 15 percent, and incitement to violence accounted for 13 percent, according to research conducted by the Beautifier of Diversity Network from June to August.
Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states that “any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.”
According to research by independent organizations, the rise of hate speech since the coup can be divided into three groups—hate speech on the grounds of race, religion, political beliefs and sexual orientation; posts that provide details about dissidents including their home addresses and calls for arresting, killing or raping of them; and posts that portray those involved in Spring Revolution as terrorists, traitors or criminals.
Hate speech against women, including pro-democracy activist Pencilo, a key figure involved in raising funds for the revolution, are posted daily on social media.
Non-Buddhist women are subjected to racially, religiously, and sexually discriminatory and derogatory remarks. Recently, several pro-junta Telegram channels, including “Han Nyein Oo” shared a post accusing Muslim Ma Thuzar Myint of committing adultery, and participating in a sex chat with a fake Buddhist monk who participated in the Spring Revolution.
The post used a common racial slur for people of Indian origin (“kalar”) to describe Ma Thuzar Myint, who is a supporter of the National League for Democracy.
Ma Thuzar Myint and at least one other woman were sexually abused online by Buddhist monk Ashin Kethara, who calls himself the Spring Revolution Sayadaw. Pro-junta Telegram channels have exploited his misogyny to attack all people involved in raising funds for Spring Revolution.
Ma Thuzar Myint said: “They tend to chastise women more severely in a way to degrade and cheapen them. I feel like women suffer more from hate speech than men. I myself have [been a] victim. Women are criticized twice as much as men are.”
About a dozen pro-junta Telegram channels operate as a network, sharing propaganda and hate speech. Some channels, including “Ka Ka Han” and “Hmine Wai,” have more than 60,000 subscribers each.
Hate speech is not only perpetrated on regime-friendly social media. Some individuals and organizations who support revolutionary forces fighting for democracy and human rights also spread hate speech.
Pro-democracy activist Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi, who leads the Sisters2Sisters campaign that raises awareness about sexual violence perpetrated by the military junta, said:
“Regarding the attacks on people serving in the regime, often they are targeted by hate speech for their gender and their sexual orientation. And often vulgar language is used against women civil servants who do not join the Civil Disobedience Movement.”
The junta’s tourism minister, Daw Thet Thet Khine, is often attacked by anti-junta social media users. Most of the hate speech directed towards her focuses on her transgender husband, Dr. Aung Kyaw Win. This is usually hate speech against the LGBT community in general and same-sex marriage in particular. Both pro-junta and resistance members use it.
Pro-democracy activists fighting the regime have been urged to avoid attacking people on the basis of their race, religious beliefs or sexual orientation. While social cohesion, understanding and integration are necessary to resist the wave of hate speech created by the regime, it is also important that those who oppose the regime do not use hate speech, rights activists and hate-speech monitors say.
Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi said the increase in sexist hate speech is attributable to the nature of Myanmar’s military, which is steeped in sexism.
More than half of those who were arrested after being identified by pro-junta Telegram channels as anti-junta have been women. Of the more than 1,100 people arrested from February 2022 to May 2023, 57 percent of women were women, according to an analysis of arrests reported in junta media.
Women detainees continue to be subjected to online abuse and sexism after being arrested. After actress May Pan Che and singers Shwe Yi Thein Tan and May La Thazin were arrested for expressing their condolences for the victims of the junta’s deadly air strikes on Pazi Gyi Village in Sagaing Region, they were labelled whores who deserved no mercy.
Telegram channel “Han Nyein Oo,” which has over 16,000 subscribers, called them prostitutes, adding: “I want to see photos of them handcuffed and kneeling on the ground like other detained loose cannons. Those bitches must be suppressed. Why show mercy to them?”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-10-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
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