Librarian's Choice
အဓိကအကြောင်းအရာ
Description/subject:
Part A: On Sham National Convention and Analysis on SPDC?s Constitutional
Principles:
(1) A critique of the SPDC Constitutional Principles;
(2) Brief presentation of National Convention Delegates on their
experiences (at the press conference of NCUB July 15);
(3) Overview on National Convention by Mr. B.K. Sen;
(4) Cease fire issue and SPDC?s National Convention;
(a) Introduction to Cease fire Background of KIO and its
involvement in SPDC?s National Convention;
(b) KIO?s recommendation to SPDC?s National Convention;
(5) BBC Interview of BLC GS and U Aung Naing Oo on SPDC?s
Constitutional principles...
Part (B): Heinous Crimes in Burma and the International Criminal Court:
(1) BLC?s Legal Analysis on Heinous Crime taking place in Burma;
(2) Grave Crimes and ICC by Janet Benshoof...
Part (C): On The Rule of Law:
(1) BLC Statement on USDA;
(3) Three lawyers (inside Burma) discussions on the Rule of Law;
(4) Political Crisis in Turkey and the Role of Constitutional Court...
Part (D): On Social Security:
(1) BLC?s Social security report for 2007.
Source/publisher:
Burma Lawyers Council (BLC)
Date of publication:
2007-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.56 MB
Local URL:
LIOB_27.pdf
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"This bulletin examines the role of information technology, citizen journalists, and bloggers in Burma and presents a technical analysis of the abrupt shutdown of Internet connectivity by the Burmese government on September 29, 2007, following its violent crackdown on protesters there. Completely cutting international Internet links is rare. Nepal, which severed all international Internet connections when the King declared martial law in February 2005, is the only other state to take such drastic action. Although extreme, the measures taken by the Burmese government to limit citizens' use of the Internet during this crisis are consistent with previous OpenNet Initiative (ONI) findings in Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan, where authorities controlled access to communication technologies as a way to limit social mobilization around key political events. What makes the Burmese junta stand out, however, is its apparent goal of also preventing information from reaching a wider international audience.
The shutdown of Internet connectivity was precipitated by its use by citizens to send photographs, updates and videos that documented the violent suppression of protests in Burma, information that contributed to widespread international condemnation of the Burmese military rulers' gross violations of human rights.
We examine the impact of communication technology in shaping these key political events in Burma, the limitations of these tools, and the prospects for the next round of information wars".
Source/publisher:
"OpenNet Initiative Bulletin"
Date of publication:
2007-10-23
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Media - control of media in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
623.32 KB
Local URL:
ONI_Bulletin_Burma_2007.pdf
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary: "The Irrawaddy, one of Asia?s great river systems which flows through Burma?s heartlands, is about to be dammed. Burma?s military junta is allowing Chinese companies to build a giant 152-meter-tall hydropower dam and transmit the electricity back to China. The dam is one in a series that the junta has planned involving the export of power to neighboring countries. While the regime will gain new revenues, Burma?s ordinary citizens, who have no say in the process, will bear the costs.
A project-launching ceremony for the dam at the confluence (or Myitsone in Burmese), where the Irrawaddy begins, was held in May 2007 in Burma?s northernmost Kachin State. The dam will generate 3,600 MW of electricity, most of which will be transmitted to China, fitting into the Chinese Central Government?s ?West to East Power Transmission Policy? The power will be worth an estimated US$500 million per year. The Irrawaddy Myitsone dam is the first in a series of seven large Chinese dams to be built along this waterway.
Deeply concerned about the dam?s potential impacts, elders, community leaders and villagers from across Kachin State have sent protest letters directly to Senior General Than Shwe and the military?s Northern Commander to stop the project, but the objections have so far fallen on deaf ears.
An estimated 47 villages will be inundated in a region recognized as one of the world?seight "hottest hotspots of biodiversity." Approximately 10,000 people will be displaced, losing their livelihoods, and exacerbating the existing problems of unemployment, drug addiction and HIV/AIDS in the area. Roads that are the link betweenmajor towns in theremote state will be cutoffby the floods impacting communication, transportation, and trade.
Recent dam breaks in nearby rivers in 2006 have swept away houses and bridges, causing fatalities and destroying power stations and dam structures beyond repair. Northern Burma is earthquake-prone, and the Irrawaddy Myitsone dam site is less than 100 km from the major Sagaing fault line. Dam breakage or unnatural flood surges would be disastrous for Myitkyina, the capital city of Kachin State that lies only 40 kilometers downstream of the dam.
The well-documented negative impacts of large dams on fisheries, flood plain farming and river bank cultivation will impact the millions that rely on the Irrawaddy. Health concerns that include an increase in malaria and the release of toxic methyl-mercury from the dam?s reservoir will endanger Burma?s people, further burdening a healthcare system that is ranked as one of the worst in the world. The critically endangered Irrawaddy dolphin may become extinct in its namesake river.
Human rights abuses by the military have been extensively reported, including the junta?s use of troops and landmines to secure large development projects, resulting in forced labor, land confiscation and threats to life. There is no reason to expect that the communities living at the Irrawaddy Myitsone dam site will not suffer the same consequences. Women are particularly susceptible to sexual violence by troops. In addition to these risks, women face pressures to participate in the sex trade once construction sites are set up and livelihoods are lost, and are increasingly vulnerable to human trafficking.
For centuries, the Myitsone has been the source of songs, poems and legends which are not only the heritage of the Kachin but all the people of Burma. If this dam were to go ahead, a national cultural landmark would be permanently submerged and lost to future generations.
The Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) joins those who have already spoken out to call for an end to the Irrawaddy Myitsone dam project. The ruling military junta is promoting mega-development that places all the costs and risks on disenfranchised peoples while fortifying military control. Small-scale alternatives that recognize the rights of local communities and empower them to participate and manage resources are possible. China is an important neighbor that can be a positive influence in the region. KDNG calls on China to abide at least by its own standards when operating in Burma and to heed the voices of affected peoples."
Source/publisher:
Kachin Development Networking Group
Date of publication:
2007-10-22
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Dams and other projects on rivers in Burma/Myanmar (countrywide), Burma/Myanmar: "Development"-induced displacement, Dams and other projects on the Irrawaddy and its tributories
Language:
English, Burmese
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
2.69 MB 1.55 MB
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Description/subject:
La conditionnalit?, de par sa nature essentiellement politique, a souvent ?t? ?tudi?e par
des politologues plut?t que par des juristes. Ce constat est attribuable ? l?absence d?une
r?glementation juridique internationale relative ? la conditionnalit?, et ? sa mise en oeuvre de
nature essentiellement ad hoc, et non syst?matique. Tous les Etats n?appliquent pas la
conditionnalit? politique, ni ne l?appliquent-ils tous de mani?re homog?ne; et encore moins y
sont-ils tous soumis ?quitablement. La conditionnalit? est toujours subordonn?e ? des
exigences g?opolitiques, strat?giques, commerciales et ?conomiques.1
Beaucoup d?arguments peuvent ?tre mobilis?s contre la conditionnalit?: le principe de
non ing?rence, la critique du n?ocolonialisme, le relativisme culturel, etc. Toutefois, la
n?cessit? de prot?ger et de promouvoir les droits de l?homme peut suffire ? la l?gitimer, pour
le moins d?un point de vue conceptuel. D?un point de vue juridique, reste encore ? prouver la
l?galit? de cette pratique dans le droit international. L?argument principal ? cet effet r?side
dans l?article 2.1. du Pacte International sur les Droits civils et Politiques, ratifi? par la
communaut? internationale, lequel sugg?re que tous les Etats parties prennent des initiatives,
notamment par l?interm?diaire de l?aide internationale et de la coop?ration, pour parvenir ? la
r?alisation compl?te des droits reconnus dans le Pacte.2
La Communaut? europ?enne, au sortir de la Guerre Froide, adopte une nouvelle
conception du d?veloppement et de sa mise en oeuvre ; une conception plus lib?rale, et qui
engage davantage la responsabilit? des PVD dans le processus de d?veloppement. Dans ce
contexte surgit la notion de conditionnalit? politique de l?aide : d?sormais, l?aide est d?livr?e
? condition que les pays r?cipiendaires s?engagent ? respecter les droits fondamentaux et les
principes d?mocratiques.
L?aide au d?veloppement communautaire n?a pas toujours impliqu? cette notion de
m?rite ; nous le verrons dans la premi?re partie. Les bases juridiques sur lesquelles a ?t?
con?ue la politique d?aide au d?veloppement communautaire jusque dans les ann?es 1990
datent du Trait? de Rome. Les relations avec les ? pays et territoires d?outre mer ?
constituaient ? l??poque une partie substantielle du Trait?, de mani?re ? assurer la p?rennit?
des relations entre les m?tropoles europ?ennes et leurs colonies une fois leur ind?pendance
acquise. La conception des relations entre les PVD et la CEE a donc ?t? durablement marqu?e
par les dispositions du Trait? de Rome. G?ographiquement, cela signifiait des relations z?l?es avec les pays ACP (regroupant, plus ou moins, les ex PTOM ), dans le cadre des Conventions
successives de Lom? ; et des relations tardives et modestes avec les PVD non associ?s, selon
la terminologie r?v?latrice de la r?glementation communautaire. Politiquement, les
Conventions de Lom? r?glaient la coop?ration au d?veloppement communautaire avec les
pays ACP sur base d?une relation neutre, sans condition politique ou ?conomique pr?alable.
L??chec de cette politique appara?t de plus en plus flagrant apr?s la crise de la dette et
l?incapacit? des ?conomies en d?veloppement, surtout des pays ACP, ? s?ins?rer dans le
syst?me ?conomique mondial globalis?. A la m?me ?poque, la fin de la Guerre Froide voit les
d?mocraties lib?rales occidentales triompher. L?Union Europ?enne est cr??e en 1992 sur base
des principes lib?raux d??conomie de march?, de bonne gouvernance, de d?mocratie et de
respect des droits de l?homme. D?sormais, ces principes impr?gneront la politique ext?rieure
communautaire d?finie dans le cadre de la PESC. Les relations communautaires avec les PVD
doivent ?tre revues dans cette optique lib?rale. La nouvelle politique des droits de l?homme va
?tre mise en oeuvre ? travers la conditionnalit? politique de l?aide au d?veloppement.
D?sormais, la politique de d?veloppement ne doit plus ?tre consid?r?e de mani?re
isol?e mais comme un ?l?ment de la politique ext?rieure communautaire.3 Nous l?
observerons, en analysant les relations r?gionales eurasiatiques, dans la deuxi?me partie. Le
partenariat avec l?ANASE a une port?e allant de la coop?ration commerciale, ?conomique et
politique ? la coop?ration au d?veloppement. Le dialogue intergouvernemental au sein de
l?ASEM (qui r?unit les 27 membres de l?UE et 16 pays asiatiques dont la Chine, le Japon,
l?Inde, la Cor?e du Sud et les pays membres de l?ANASE ) a aussi un dessein
multidimensionnel, confrontant les diff?rentes parties relativement ? leurs politiques
?trang?re, ?conomique et financi?re.
Dans la quatri?me partie, nous ?tudierons le cas de la conditionnalit? politique
appliqu?e ? la Birmanie, gouvern?e depuis 40 ans par une junte militaire devenue la b?te noire
de la communaut? internationale. Depuis 1997, la Birmanie ne b?n?ficie plus de pr?f?rences
tarifaires pour ses exportations vers l?UE. Pas plus ne dispose-t-elle aujourd?hui de l?aide
communautaire au d?veloppement. Apres une pr?sentation g?n?rale du pays et son histoire
contemporaine, nous tenterons d??valuer les effets de la strat?gie communautaire dans le cas
birman et l?opportunit? d?appliquer la conditionnalit? politique (et les sanctions qu?elle
implique) pour mener un pays ? se r?former et ? se d?velopper.
Louise Culot
Source/publisher:
Universit? Libre de Bruxelles
Date of publication:
2007-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Multilateral economic development assistance, Sanctions, European Union-Burma relations (commentary/analysis), Human Rights and international relations, EU economic development assistance
Language:
Francais, French
Format :
pdf
Size:
481.21 KB
Local URL:
Louise_Culot.pdf
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Description/subject:
On 18 April 2007, four men in Hinthada, a township in the coastal delta region of Burma, were attacked by a government-organised gang. On July 24, one of them and five local farmers were sentenced to four to eight years in jail for ?upsetting public tranquillity”. Together they are The HINTHADA 6. To find out more about their story and what it means for human rights in Burma, read more...
Source/publisher:
Asian Human Rights Commission
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English, Burmese
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Summary:
"The present report is submitted in accordance with General Assembly resolution 61/232.
The Special Rapporteur welcomes the decision of the Government of Myanmar to reconvene the National Convention for its last session on 18 July 2007, to finish laying down principles for a new constitution as part of a seven-stage road map to democracy. He remains concerned, however, at the lack of opportunity for effective and genuine participation by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnic groups, which have deliberately chosen not to participate owing to the lack of transparency and meaningful input.
He has repeated on several occasions that there will be no authentic democratic transition in Myanmar until all political prisoners are released. Given the importance of the last phase of the National Convention, he deplores the extension of the house arrest of the NLD General Secretary and the continued detention of other political leaders. At a time of such importance to the political reform process and in view of the need for reconciliation, such severe treatment of senior ethnic nationality leaders sends a very counterproductive signal, shocking many citizens and human rights observers.
The human rights concerns enumerated in the present report are largely very similar to those highlighted by the Special Rapporteur last year. The Special Rapporteur deplores the fact that the Government, despite several requests, has not invited him to visit the country. For this reason he was not able to assess any improvements or verify the accuracy of the allegations received from credible sources.
Severe restrictions on fundamental freedoms are imposed on political activists and human rights defenders. As of 27 June 2007, the number of political prisoners was estimated at 1,192. Throughout the country communities are subjected to patterns of abuse by members of the military who, in order to assert greater central government control, and often to implement national development projects, resort to forced labour, the seizure of property and assets and the forced relocation of populations, particularly in the border areas where ethnic nationality groups reside.
The lack of an effective commitment by the Government of Myanmar to respond to the human rights situation continues to raise serious concerns. At the national level, the capacity of law enforcement institutions and the independence and impartiality of the judiciary have been hindered by sustained impunity. The restrictions on the exercise of fundamental freedoms by political opponents, human rights defenders and victims of human rights abuses is also a matter of concern.
The Special Rapporteur also takes note with great satisfaction of the Understanding between the International Labour Organizations and the Government of Myanmar, concluded on 26 February 2007, to provide a mechanism to enable victims of forced labour to seek redress. The Special Rapporteur has also noted concrete developments which he considers to be significant milestones in the fight against impunity in Myanmar. These include the establishment of a national redress mechanism to receive complaints of forced labour, and the dialogue initiated by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict with the Government regarding the development of an action plan to halt recruitment of child soldiers and to develop reintegration programmes and the setting up of a national mechanism to report on human rights violations committed against children during armed conflict. These mechanisms should lead to greater access to currently restricted areas for the provision of humanitarian assistance, as well as the monitoring of violations.
The Special Rapporteur is convinced that Myanmar would benefit from more active cooperation with his mandate, now under terms of reference that have been redefined by the Human Rights Council. He insists that it is his obligation to go public about allegations of human rights violations, but that this does not exclude a constructive and continuous dialogue with the Government. These two elements of his mandate can contribute to a new dynamic for the improvement of the situation of human rights in the country.
As indicated by the Special Rapporteur in his previous report, it will not be easy for Myanmar to promote political transition and basic human rights. The collaboration of the United Nations and the international community are essential to support the efforts of the Government and civil society.
In his recommendations, the Special Rapporteur encourages the international community to promote a framework of principles to enable Member States to pursue a plurality of strategies and cooperation with the Government of Myanmar in accordance with their particular strengths and capacities. It is urgent that the international community build on existing programmes of humanitarian assistance and support health, education and human rights, in particular through support to the development of civil society..." N.B. this report was written before the recent events in the country. The Special Rapporteur is expected to address the Third Committee of the General Assembly on the afternoon of 24 October 2007, when he will no doubt talk about the crackdown - OBL.
Paulo Sergio Pinheiro
Source/publisher:
United Nations (A/62/223)
Date of publication:
2007-08-13
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Reports to the GA by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (English)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
89.91 KB
Local URL:
UNGA2007-SRM-report-A-62-223-en.pdf
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Description/subject:
INTRODUCTION:
Clinical stages of HIV/AIDS for adults;
UNHCR point of view on HIV/AIDS;
The right to access to care...
DIAGNOSIS:
Voluntary Counselling and Testing: Are we doing it correctly or p with words?...
MANAGEMENT:
Antiretroviral therapy (ART);
Nutrient requirements for people living with HIV/AIDS;
Mycobacterium Tuberculosis infection in HIV/AIDS...
SOCIAL:
Responding to bad news including HIV/AIDS result; Stigmatization and discrimination;
Home based care: A day as a home visitor and interview;
Testimonial of people living with HIV/AIDS...
PREVENTION:
PMCT activities in Maela refugee camp; How to increase condom use? Cotrimoxazole prophylaxis and Glossary.
Source/publisher:
Aide Medicale Internationale (AMI)
Date of publication:
2005-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-10-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Health Messenger" etc., HIV/AIDS - Burma/Myanmar
Language:
Burmese, English
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
4.04 MB 9.67 MB
Local URL:
HM29-HIV-2005-09-lr.pdf, HM29-HIV-2005-09-mr.pdf
HM29-HIV-2005-09-lr.pdf, HM29-HIV-2005-09-mr.pdf more
Description/subject:
The 15 chapters of principles adopted by the National Convention which the SPDC has said will form the basis of a new constitution.
Source/publisher:
"The New Light of Myanmar" via Khin Kyaw Han
Date of publication:
2007-09-10
Date of entry/update:
2007-09-14
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The National Convention (texts of Principles), The National Convention (preparations, procedures, proceedings, legislation, statements etc.), National constitutions, draft constitutions, amendments and announcements (texts)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
545.72 KB
Local URL:
DBP-KKH.pdf
DBP-KKH.pdf more
Description/subject:
This is the main link to the 2006 Yearbook, with integrated html, pdf and photo files..."The Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2006 is available in two formats: HTML for online viewing; and PDF format for download. Use the following Table of Contents to navigate each chapter of the Yearbook sequentially. Each chapter may also be downloaded individually by using the links in the table below. Alternatively, the whole Yearbook may be downloaded in its entirety as a single file..."...N.B. the full pdf version is 7.16MB rather than the 716MB given in the TOC.
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
Date of publication:
2007-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-09-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma Human Rights Yearbook 2006: html and pdf version, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
4 KB 7.11 MB
Local URL:
YB2006.pdf
YB2006.pdf more
Description/subject:
"Recent protests over gas prices in Burma raise a complex question: Why Is Burma -- which sits atop a massive reserve of natural gas -- such an economic basket case? Look no further than the military government's track record of abysmal economic management.
Formally classified as a "least developed" country by the United Nations, Burma is mired in deep poverty. Annual per capita GDP is around $1,800 in terms of purchasing-power parity ($300 at the market exchange rate). That's considerably below the income of the next poorest members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Cambodia and Laos, which boast per capita purchasing-power parity GDPs of $2,700 and $2,100, respectively. Burma's unemployment rate is officially just over 10%, but the real figure may be closer to 30%, with many people in the labor force either underemployed or engaged in activities of very low productivity, such as subsistence farming.
Add to that a moribund financial system. At a time when even Vietnam is enjoying a booming stock market, Burma boasts all of about 400 bank branches (most of which are decrepit agencies of state-owned institutions), and only 20% of the population have bank accounts. Inflation is rampant -- averaging between 30% and 40% per year over the past five years (it's currently around 50%) -- thanks to a government that for years has financed extraordinary fiscal deficits by running the printing presses..."
Sean Turnell
Source/publisher:
Wall Street Journal Online
Date of publication:
2007-09-04
Date of entry/update:
2007-09-09
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
16.42 KB
Local URL:
Gas_Attack-Sean_Turnell.pdf
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Description/subject:
"...The KIO strongly urges the adoption of the following amendments in the Constitution..."
Source/publisher:
Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)
Date of publication:
2007-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-08-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The National Convention (preparations, procedures, proceedings, legislation, statements etc.)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
24.93 KB
Local URL:
KIO_proposal.pdf
KIO_proposal.pdf more
Description/subject:
"Having fled regions of Burma which are among the closest equivalents of hell on earth, refugees from an array of ethnic groups have found an uneasy stopping point in Malaysia. They have run for their lives from forced labor, land confiscation, agricide, military rape and torture, religious persecution, and other severe human rights violations, as well as in some cases forced conscription into the very government army that is committing these crimes. While Malaysia does not border Burma, and is distant from the inland homes of many of the refugees, it is within reach of the Burma/Thailand border. Malaysia has become a particular destination for refugees from areas of Burma that do not border Thailand, the traditional first stop for those who have fled Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Project Maje
Date of publication:
2007-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-08-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese refugees in Malaysia
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Panel of Alternate Chairmen presents collections of
suggestions made by NC delegates on laying down detailed
basic principles for Election, Political Parties and Provisions
on State of Emergency to be included in State Constitution; "Every citizen shall have the right to vote and
to stand for election according to law" - "YANGON, 20 July— The following is the
collection of suggestions made by NC delegates on
?Election” submitted to the Plenary Session of the
National Convention held at the Pyidaungsu Hall
of Nyaunghnapin Camp in Hmawby Township
today."
Source/publisher:
"The New Light of Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2007-07-21
Date of entry/update:
2007-07-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The National Convention (preparations, procedures, proceedings, legislation, statements etc.)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
361.21 KB
Local URL:
Proc2007-07-20.pdf
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Description/subject:
National Convention reconvenes at Nyaunghnapin Camp in Hmawby Township; "Those with negative views about NC just a handful of people, whereas those supporting the NC majority" - opening speech delivered by Chairman
of the National Convention Convening Commission Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council Lt-Gen Thein Sein at the Plenary Session of the National Convention which resumed today; Secretary of National Convention Convening Commission explains procedures of the National Convention) - the clarification on procedures of the National Convention made by Secretary of the National Convention Convening Commission Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan at the Plenary Session of the National Convention that resumed today.
Source/publisher:
"The New Light of Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2007-07-19
Date of entry/update:
2007-07-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The National Convention (preparations, procedures, proceedings, legislation, statements etc.)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
61.76 KB
Local URL:
Proc2007-07-18.pdf
Proc2007-07-18.pdf more
Description/subject:
"As a primary school student, I read about Sayagyi (a great teacher or
a principal) U Razak and fellow martyrs in school textbooks and in
remembrance booklets of Martyrs? Day, (19th July, 1947), the day he was
assassinated along with U Aung San and seven other cabinet members
and colleagues. Later in my twenties and thirties, I read the few available
writings by U Razak, and articles written about him by his former students,
and talked with people who knew him well.
From this exposure, I learned about U Razak?s deep love for Burma, his
courage to fight for our country?s independence, his respect for diversity,
his desire for unity and his far-sighted wisdom. As a leader, his vision
carried beyond our country and highlighted the principles of humanity,
integrity, knowledge, courage, freedom and peace. The points U Razak,
as Burma?s Minister for Education and National Planning, emphasized
in his 1947 speech at the First South East Asian Regional Conference
of International Student Service in Madras, India, are still valid if not
more pronounced in 2007. In times of intolerance and divisiveness, such
as today, his vision and gentle yet persistent approach sought to unite
diverse groups through education for the common goal of freedom
and development should be referenced and explored further as we seek
practical actions for long-lasting peace, security and prosperity..."
CONTENTS:
I. Preface;
II. A Tribute to Sayagyi U Razak
By Dr. Nyi Nyi;
III. Freedom Movements As Peace Movements
By Honorable U Razak;
IV. The Burman Muslim Organization
By A. Razak, B.A.;
V. Translator?s Note...
1. Sayagyi U Razak And Mandalay University
By M.A. Ma Ohn;
2. Our Selfless Sayagyi
By Colonel Khin Nyo;
3. Sayagyi Didn?t Care For High Offices
By U Saw Hla;
4. Our Sayagyi U Razak;
By Thakin Chan Tun;
5. Affection Just As One Has For One?s Mother
By Pinnie;
6. A Partial Profile Of Sayagyi U Razak
By Aung Kyi;
7. Just Like A Father
By Thuriya Than Maung;
8. Our Marvellous Sayagyi
By Maung Maung Mya;
9. In Fond Memory Of Sayagyi U Razak
By Colonel Wai Lin;
10. Sayagyi U Razak And I
By Theikpan Hmu Tin.
Source/publisher:
Private publisher
Date of publication:
2007-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-07-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
894.72 KB
Local URL:
U_Razak_of_Burma.pdf
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Description/subject:
A ZOA Position Paper..."In the context of its Karen Education Project (KEP), ZOA has begun
the process of developing specific strategies to address the issue of
inclusive education? (or inclusion in education). During a staff
workshop held in June 2006, we began this process by discussing
the concepts of exclusion and inclusion, and the situation in the
education sector in the refugee camps. The staff also openly
discussed ZOA?s role in encouraging (and sometimes discouraging)
an inclusive approach to education.
The main theme that cut across this workshop was that inclusion
goes beyond the principle of non-discrimination in service
delivery. It is about actively helping the disadvantaged to
become less disadvantaged, the excluded to be included, and the
voiceless to have a voice?. Another important issue was that
inclusion should not be seen as a separate project: it cuts across
all our activities and needs to be mainstreamed in these activities.
The ZOA inclusion initiative is also very much about awareness?.
We asked ourselves to what extent we are aware of our attitudes
and behaviour, and the (positive or negative) impacts these
might have on the participation of particular groups of people in
the activities that we organize. Being aware of the impact of our
own attitudes and actions is seen as a crucial starting point in
promoting the inclusion of marginalized groups in the camp
communities.
ZOA is committed to move this process forward, and we have
begun by:
• carrying out a participatory assessment of the current situation
with regards to inclusion in the education sector, i.e., analyzing
existing practices and gaps
• defining specific strategies to promote inclusive education on the
basis of the assessment
• translating the strategies into activities to be included in ZOA
Activity Plans for 2007 and 2008..."
Liberty Thawda, Marc van der Stouwe, Say Naw, Su-Ann Oh
Source/publisher:
ZOA Refugee Care, Thailand
Date of publication:
2007-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-07-09
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
472.37 KB
Local URL:
ZOAPosition_Paper-Having_Their_Say.pdf
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Description/subject:
"Decades of repressive military rule, civil war, corruption, bad governance, isolation, and
widespread violations of human rights and international humanitarian law have rendered
Burma?s health care system incapable of responding effectively to endemic and emerging
infectious diseases. Burma?s major infectious diseases—malaria, HIV/AIDS, and tuberculosis
(TB)—are severe health problems in many areas of the country. Malaria is the most common
cause of morbidity and mortality due to infectious disease in Burma. Eighty-nine percent of the
estimated population of 52 million lived in malarial risk areas in 1994, with about 80 percent of
reported infections due to Plasmodium falciparum, the most dangerous form of the disease.
Burma has one of the highest TB rates in the world, with nearly 97,000 new cases detected each
year.4 Drug resistance to both TB and malaria is rising, as is the broad availability of counterfeit
antimalarial drugs. In June 2007, a TB clinic operated by Médecins Sans Frontières?France in
the Thai border town of Mae Sot reported it had confirmed two cases of extensively drugresistant
TB in Burmese migrants who had previously received treatment in Burma. Meanwhile,
HIV/AIDS, once contained to high-risk groups in Burma, has spread to the general population,
which is defined as a prevalence of 1 percent among reproductive-age adults.5
Meanwhile, the Burmese government spends less than 3 percent of national expenditures on
health, while the military, with a standing army of over 400,000 troops, consumes 40 percent.6
By comparison, many of Burma?s neighbors spend considerably more on health: Thailand
(6.1%7), China (5.6 %8), India (6.1%9), Laos (3.2%10), Bangladesh (3.4%11), and Cambodia
(12%12).....The report recommends that:
• The Burmese government develop a national health care system in which care is
distributed effectively, equitably, and transparently.
• The Burmese government increase its spending on health and education to confront
the country?s long-standing health problems, especially the rise of drug-resistant
malaria and tuberculosis.
• The Burmese government rescind guidelines issued last year by the country?s
Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development because these guidelines
have restricted such organizations as the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) from providing relief in Burma.
• The Burmese government allow ICRC to resume visits to prisoners without the
requirement that ICRC doctors be accompanied by members of the Union Solidarity
and Development Association or other organizations.
• The Burmese government take immediate steps to halt the internal conflict and
violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in eastern Burma that
are creating an unprecedented number of internally displaced persons and facilitating
the spread of infectious diseases in the region.
• Foreign aid organizations and donors monitor and evaluate how aid to combat
infectious diseases in Burma is affecting domestic expenditures on health and
education.
• Relevant national and local government agencies, United Nations agencies, NGOs
establish a regional narcotics working group which would assess drug trends in the
region and monitor the impact of poppy eradication programs on farming
communities.
• UN agencies, national and local governments, and international and local NGOs
cooperate closely to facilitate greater information-sharing and collaboration among
agencies and organizations working to lessen the burden of infectious diseases in
Burma and its border regions. These institutions must develop a regional response
to the growing problem of counterfeit antimalarial drugs."
Eric Stover, Voravit Suwanvanichkij, Andrew Moss, David Tuller, Thomas J. Lee, Emily Whichard, Rachel Shigekane, Chris Beyrer, David Scott Mathieson
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley; Center for Public Health and Human Rights, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.
Date of publication:
2007-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-06-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
HIV/AIDS - Burma/Myanmar, General studies and surveys on health in Burma, Malaria, Tuberculosis and other lung/respiratory tract diseases
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.15 MB
Local URL:
GatheringStorm_BurmaReport_2007.pdf
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) military junta claimed a 12.2 % growth in the
Burmese economy in 2006 but international sources say differently; they forecast a slim growth of
2 to 3 % rise. Production and exploration in the oil and gas sector is active, but the rest of
economy remains weak. Agriculture suffers from poor productivity, with output below
potential. Manufacturing is constrained by inadequate quantity and quality of inputs, due to
problems of imports and power shortages. Weak Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth reflects poor
prospects for consumption and investment.
In October 2005, the SPDC increased eight folds the state-subsidized petrol prices. This prompted
higher prices for basic commodities. Inflation returned to double digit rates. Monetary policy has
not addressed the inflationary pressures. Interest rates remain unchanged since 2001,
despite high inflation. But the SPDC increased the interest rates by two per cent points to 12 per
cent on 16 April 2006. Real rates are likely to be negative. Prices for important commodities soared
in the wake of junta?s decision to raise public-sector salaries in April 2006. Rice and fuel prices
remain high. Official data do not reveal the full extent of inflation reaching 14.3 % in December
2005 and 11 % in early 2006. Based on the official data series, the Economist Intelligent Unit (EIU)
estimates the annual inflation to average over 21 % in 2006.The true rate of inflation could be 50 %.
Strong growth in both narrow money supply (M1) and quasi-money (comprising time, savings
and foreign exchange deposits) contributed to a 26.8 % year-on-year expansion in broad money
supply (M2) at the end of May 2006. The junta demands credit from the Central Bank, which it uses
to fund its budget deficit. Total outstanding credit of the junta was 2.5 trillion kyat (nearly
US$440 billion at the official exchange rate, or US$1.9 billion at the free-market exchange rate) by
May 2006, an increase of 28 %.
The state budget remained unbalanced with substantial deficits during much of the 1990s.
Fiscal deficits are financed automatically by credit from the Central Bank, a source of domestic
inflation and instability in the economy. The Junta?s state expenditures are disproportionately
allocated on items that deny sustainable development of the people or the nation. Defense,
ceremonies and rituals, festivals, inspection tours, meetings and seminars, building physical
infrastructure-roads, railways, bridges, dams, monuments, museums, shiny office complexes and
fancy airports, represent wasteful consumption or constitute expensive capital outlays, undertaken
without proper feasibility studies and environmental impact assessments, and unclear, uncertain
and dubious returns on investment. Chronic state budget deficits contribute to rapid monetary
growth and everspiraling inflation.
In order to recover the budget deficit, the junta-increased taxes and collected money and
forced people to labor for developmental projects such as construction of roads, dams, and
bridges. The junta continues to control, command, and centralize Burma?s people and the
economy. Exchange rate distortions favor a few at the expense of many. Fiscal deficit comes at the
expense of social spending which has been reduced far below necessary levels. At the same time,
financing the fiscal deficit through central bank credit is one underlying factor of persistent high
inflation.
The nation?s tax revenue remains buoyant, rising by 28.1 % year on year in nominal terms in
the first 11 months of fiscal year 2005/06 (April-March). Total tax revenue reached 292 billion
kyat during this period (around US$50 billion at the inflated official exchange rate, or US$225
million at free-market exchange rate). Although revenue is still rising, growth has slowed since
2004/05, when revenue expanded by 77 % year on year for the whole fiscal year. This in part
reflects a correction after an increase in average import tariffs, imposed in mid-2004, brought a
424 % year-on-year surge in customs tax fell by 15.1 per cent year on year to 16.2 billion kyat. A
clamp-down on corruption among customs officials in recent months may be part of an effort to
boost revenue from customs tax. Other sources of tax revenue expanded in the first 11 months of
2005/06. Profit tax jumped by 49 per cent year on year, slightly ahead of commodities and services
tax (which rose by 47 per cent) and income tax (11 per cent)1.
2
Total public-sector deficit reached 6 % of GDP for 2004/05. Heavy losses by the state-owned
enterprises (SOE) typically accounted for over 60 % of the overall deficit. The SPDC?s fiscal position
is also weighted down by high off-budget spending on the country?s huge armed forces. The budget
position is unlikely to have improved in 2005/06 and 2006/07 (the current fiscal year), owing to the
junta?s expansionary fiscal policy. The junta?s decision to relocate many government offices to a
huge new administrative complex at Naypyidaw, 320 km north of Rangoon, imposed heavy costs. In
addition, in April 2006 the junta raised salaries for around 1 million civil servants and military
officers by between 500 and 1,200 per cent.
The black market is estimated to be as big if not bigger than the official economy. Published
statistics on foreign trade are greatly understated because of the size of the black market and
unofficial border trade. Burma?s trade with Thailand, China, and India is rising. Though the Burmese
government has good economic relations with its neighbors, better investment and business
climates and an improved political situation are needed to promote foreign investment, exports,
and tourism.
No new foreign direct investment projects have been approved in recent months. Foreign Direct
Investment (FDI) approvals totaled a meager US$35.7 million for the first 11 months of 2005/06,
down from US$158.3 million for the whole of 2004/05. It is possible that the data do not capture
some small FDI flows, such as those by Thai and Chinese firms in small projects along the border
with Burma. International tourist arrivals totaled 320,275 in 2005, up by 5 % year on year, according
to data from the Central Statistical Organization (CSO). Although arrivals rose, the pace of growth
slowed compared with 2004 (rose 11.6 per cent). The slowdown reflected a 5.6 % year on year drop
in arrivals by air, to 145,959, around 46 % total arrivals.
Total international reserves reached US$951 million at the end of June 2006, according to data
from the IMF. Reserves increased sharply in the first quarter of the year, surpassing US$900 million
for the first time, before rising further in the second quarter. The main reason for the improvement
in the overall balance-of-payments position and international reserves has been the rise in exports,
which have been driven by strong growth in exports of natural gas.
The official kyat exchange rate remains artificially inflated. The exchange rate like the rest of the
junta system does not reflect the reality of the monetary system. The free-market exchange rate of
kyat to US$ was 1,350:US$1 in July-October 2006, having recovered from kyat 1,450:US$1 at the
end of April, which also put pressure on prices. There has been a mild appreciation of the kyat
since then. The ratio of the parallel rate to the official rate is nearly 200:1. The kyat came under
pressure earlier this year owing to fears that a pay rise for civil servants would sharply push up
prices. However, strong gas exports have boosted international reserves, thereby helping the kyat
to stabilize. The little-used official exchange rate is fixed against the International Monetary Fund?s
(IMF) special drawing rights (SDR) unit. The official rate held steady at around kyat 5.9:US$1 by
August 2006.
Sein Htay
Source/publisher:
Burma Fund (NCGUB)
Date of publication:
2007-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-06-06
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Economy: general, analytical, statistical (various sources), NCGUB website, reports and other publications, Studies on the Burmese economy by individual Burmese economists
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.55 MB
Local URL:
Burma_Economic_Review_2006.pdf
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Description/subject:
"Kuki Students Democratic Front (KSDF) came into existence on 12 December 1993. The organisation was formed at Moreh, in Manipur state of India by dedicated Kuki Students leaders and like-minded Kuki peoples. These students had fled Burma in 1988, following the students uprising against the dictatorial rule of the Military junta. We have our office in Moreh (Head Office), Delhi, South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand...The aims and objectives of Kuki Students Democratic Front are stated as follows:
1. To make the Government recognize our rights over our ancestral land. In this regard we should be granted self-determination to preserve our identity and culture, and to freely practice our religion.
2. For peaceful advancement and progress in the field of education and socio-economic development.
3. To end military rule by supporting the democratic movements.
4. To establish a federal union in Burma as desired by all constituent nations, so that the rights of these various nations are ensured, cherished and protected.
5. To allow the peaceful return of Khadawmi victims who were driven out from their land in 1967 by Ne Win Government..."
Source/publisher:
Kuki Students Democratic Front (KDSF)
Date of entry/update:
2007-05-29
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Kuki
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"...This report advocates a policy of engagement with the present
government to work towards sustainable dialogue. This does not mean
appeasement in support of the status quo; rather, it advocates stability
in change through gradualism. The international community needs to
prioritize the challenges facing the country and decide how to deal
with the most practical and urgent ones first... If one is to accept the high risk of any sudden regime instability,
possible state collapse, and further human insecurity as undesirable,
gradualism as an approach should then be adopted. If so, the
Burma/Myanmar question (or debate) could perhaps be reframed as a
process instead, namely:
· Reform through Relief
· Democracy (and Human rights) through Development
· Change through Continuity...
Burma/Myanmar is not at the crossroads - the country has long
wandered into the wilderness. It is the international community that is
at the crossroads. While recognizing the need for action, there is no
consensus as to what ?action” would actually entail. This underlines
the lack of credibility on the international community?s part. The
varied responses of members of the international community thus far
have further complicated efforts in Burma/Myanmar?s road to
recovery. Opposing strategies between the West and Asian states have
cancelled out each other?s efforts, since Burma/Myanmar, and
especially the military leaders, can rely on Asia to fulfill its needs, at
least partially...The UN Security Council is not the best of places to resolve the
Burma/Myanmar crisis. Nonetheless, the UN Special Envoy should
continue to maintain contacts with the SPDC as a channel for
diplomacy both formally and informally. The UN should also look
into the further use of its various agencies to address the development
and humanitarian situation in the country. While operating inside the
country, they can also formally and informally engage not just the
military leadership, but also mid-ranking officers, as well as the
various ethnic communities...It is accepted that democratization and a return to genuine civilian
control is an essential ingredient for the treatment of the country?s
many ailments. The issue here concerns timing and process. A sensible
solution is to facilitate the improvement of civilian-military relations,
leading to eventual democratic transition. Such an approach is more
realistic than the abrupt displacement of the existing military regime
in the hope that a civilian government would be able to assume
control...Burma/Myanmar is riddled with extremely complex problems and there is
no silver bullet remedy for its ailments. Action must be tempered by realistic
and practical goals and that means working towards gradual change in the
country by adopting a long term and holistic perspective of what needs to be
done. The admirable thing about Aung San Suu Kyi has long been her
patient dedication to peaceful and non-violent struggle. Therefore, while the
intentions are admittedly good, it would nevertheless be shameful to see
misguided policies flung towards the existing (and highly unpopular)
military government in a way which could plunge the country into state
collapse ? or worse ? civil war. The only peaceful solution available would be
a political settlement, starting with political dialogue, which would enable
the three parties to reconcile their differences ? or at least work out a
cohabitation arrangement ? so that the country could embark on a genuine
and sustained path of recovery. The international community?s role is to
facilitate such a process, rather than be overly occupied with the idea of
regime change..."
Christopher Len, Johan Alvin
Source/publisher:
Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program - Johns Hopkins University-SAIS & Uppsala University
Date of publication:
2007-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2007-05-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
International and Regional Involvement
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1 MB
Local URL:
BurmaMyanmar-Len&Alvin.pdf
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Description/subject:
This report is a preliminary exploration of forced migration/internal displacement in Burma/Myanmar in two main areas. The first is the status in terms of international standards, specifically those embodied in the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, of the people who leave home not because of conflict or relocation orders, but as a result of a range of coercive measures which drive down incomes to the point that the household economy collapses and people have no choice but to leave home. Some analysts describe this form of population movement as "economic migration" since it has an economic dimension. The present report, however, looks at the coercive nature of the pressures which contribute to the collapse of the household economy and argues that their compulsory and irresistible nature brings this kind of population movement squarely into the field of forced migration, even though the immediate cause of leaving home may also be described in economic terms...
The second area is geographic. The report looks at those parts of Burma not covered by the IDP Surveys of the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, which concentrate on the conflict and post-conflict areas of Eastern Burma. It hardly touches on conflict-induced displacement since most parts of Burma covered in these pages, including the major cities, are government-controlled, and there is little overt military conflict in these States and Divisions. Within these parts of the country, the report looks at the coercive measures referred to above. It also carries reports of direct relocation by government agents through which whole rural and urban communities are removed from their homes and either ordered to go to specific places, or else left to their own devices. The report annexes contain more than 500 pages of documentation on forced displacement and causes of displacement in Arakan, Chin, Kachin and Eastern and Northern Shan States as well as Irrawaddy, Magwe, Mandalay, West Pegu, Rangoon and Sagaing Divisions. It also has a section on displacement within urban and peri-urban areas.
Andrew Bosson
Source/publisher:
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC)
Date of publication:
2007-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-05-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Study of internal displacement/forced migration in SPDC-controlled areas, Agricultural land confiscation/grabbing, Policies leading to food insecurity in Burma, Food Security and displacement in Burma, Economic oppression, Extortion, Robbery
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
716.88 KB
Local URL:
IDMC-Burma_report_mai07.pdf
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Description/subject:
"In pursuit of domestic submission and international recognition of its legitimacy the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) currently ruling Burma pronounces daily on the manifold military-implemented development programmes initiated across the country which, it argues, are both supported by and beneficial to local communities. Villagers in Karen State, however, consistently reject such claims. Rather, these individuals describe a systematic programme of military expansionism with which the junta aims to establish control over all aspects of civilian life. In the name of development, the regime?s agenda in Karen State has involved multifarious infrastructure and regimentation projects that restrict travel and trade and facilitate increased extortion of funds, food, supplies and labour from the civilian population, thereby exacerbating poverty, malnutrition and the overall humanitarian crisis. Given the detrimental consequences of the SPDC?s development agenda, villagers in Karen areas have resisted military efforts to control their lives and livelihoods under the rubric of development. In this way these villagers have worked to claim their right to determine for themselves the direction in which they wish their communities to develop. Drawing on over 90 interviews with local villagers in Karen State, SPDC order documents, official SPDC press statements, international media sources, reports by international aid agencies and academic studies this report finds that rather than prosperity, the SPDC?s ?development? agenda has instead brought increased military control over civilian lives, undermined villagers? rights and delivered deleterious humanitarian outcomes contradictory to the very rhetoric the junta has used to justify its actions."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG 2007-01)
Date of publication:
2007-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-27
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.97 MB
Local URL:
khrg-Development_by_Decree-op100-75-50.pdf
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Description/subject:
A large, ecumenical Buddhist site, with a Burma/Myanmar slant, encompassing the U Ba Khin as well as the Mahasi Sayadaw traditions. Features also Western teachers like Jack Kornfeld and Sharon Salzberg. Lots of downloadable material in the fields of:
BUDDHA;
DHAMMA;
SANGHA;
Teachers;
Ancient Pagoda;
Meditation;
Interview;
News/Opinion;
Tipitka;
Audio DataBase;
Video DataBase;
Books DataBase;
Sayadaw Photo;
Pa Auk Photo;
Monasteries;
DhammaWeb Art;
DhammaWeb Photo (mostly of Burma). The Tipitaka DataBase (complete?) is very impressive.
Source/publisher:
DhammaWeb
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-19
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English, Burmese
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"Migrant children in Mae Sot are faced with excessive
working hours, lack of time off, and unhealthy
proximity to dangerous machines and chemicals.
They also endure the practice of debt bondage and the
systematic seizure of their identification documents.
Indeed many of these children in Mae Sot can most
accurately be described as enduring the "worst forms
of child labour, prohibited by the International Labour Organization's Convention No. 182 - a Convention that the Royal Thai Government ratified in
February, 2001.
These child workers reported that they were virtually forced to remain at the factory due to restrictions placed
on their movements by factory owners, and by threats of arrest and harassment by police and other officials
if they were stopped outside the factory gates. Put succinctly, Mae Sot has perfected a system where children
are literally working day and night, week after week, for wages that are far below the legal minimum wage,
to the point of absolute exhaustion..."
Philip S. Robertson Jr., Editor
Source/publisher:
International Labour Organisation
Date of publication:
2005-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-04-04
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Child workers, Children, Burma-related legislation and human rights issues in Thailand, Domestic Workers from Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.46 MB
Local URL:
workingdayandnight-english.pdf
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Description/subject:
"...As reported in GB.298/5/1, a Supplementary Understanding was signed between the ILO
and the Government of Myanmar on 26 February 2007. The mechanism that it established
to deal with complaints of forced labour came into force immediately. This document will
provide a brief update to the Governing Body on the initial functioning of the mechanism
(it being recalled, however, that the complaints themselves are dealt with on a confidential
basis)..."
Source/publisher:
International Labour Office (GB.298/5/1(Add.2))
Date of publication:
2007-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2007-03-27
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Archive from January 2010.
Source/publisher:
Independent Mon News Agency (IMNA)
Date of entry/update:
2007-03-20
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Independent Mon News Agency (IMNA)
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
A crisp, well-organised site which can be used as a one-stop source for most key ILO material and activitiesw on Burma/Myanmar, though it does not carry the Observations of the Committee of Experts (for which, see OBL or the main ILO site -- www.ilo.org) -- and you may have to go to the main ILO site for the very latest documents and for the French and Spanish versions.
Source/publisher:
International Labour Office
Date of entry/update:
2007-03-17
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
SUMMARY: "...During the course of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur, the reform process proposed in the ?seven-point road map for national reconciliation and democratic transition?, after showing some readiness to become open to various relevant actors, has been further strictly limited and delineated. As a result, the political space has been redefined in narrower terms. In addition, obstructions in the past couple of years have held back the pace and inclusiveness of the reforms that are required for democratization. The work of the National Convention has been adversely affected by this development.
Over the decades, the space for the establishment of civilian and democratic institutions has been seriously curtailed. The exercise of fundamental freedoms has been severely restricted. The house arrest of Aung Sang Suu Kyi, which was further prolonged for one year on 27 May 2006, illustrates well this state of affairs. As of 16 December 2006, the number of political prisoners was estimated to be 1,201. The Special Rapporteur has consistently indicated that national reconciliation requires meaningful and inclusive dialogue with and between political representatives. He firmly believes that the national reconciliation and the stability of Myanmar are not well served by the arrest and detention of several political leaders or by the severe and sustained restrictions on fundamental freedoms. The persecution of members of political parties in the opposition and human rights defenders shows that today, the road map for democracy faces too many obstacles to bring about a genuine transition. In the past, the Special Rapporteur has acknowledged that the road map could play a positive role in the political transition. Sadly, the positive momentum of the early years of his mandate has apparently stalled.
The capacity of law enforcement institutions and the independence and impartiality of the judiciary have been hampered by sustained impunity. This situation has contributed to reinforcing inequality and has increased the gap between the poorest and the richest.
The Special Rapporteur remains particularly concerned about impunity, which has become systematic and must be urgently addressed by the Government of Myanmar. It has become increasingly clear that impunity stems not only from a lack of institutional capacity. Impunity has allowed those who have oppressed voices that question existing policies and practices to avoid being held accountable. Several individuals and groups responsible for committing serious violations of human rights, in particular members of the military, have not been prosecuted. There is also little evidence that these serious crimes have been investigated by relevant authorities.
Grave human rights violations are committed by persons within the established structures of the State Peace and Development Council and are not only perpetrated with impunity but authorized by law. In that respect, the Special Rapporteur is also very concerned about the continued misuse of the legal system, which denies the rule of law and represents a major obstacle to securing the effective and meaningful exercise of fundamental freedoms by citizens. He considers the criminalization of the exercise of fundamental freedoms by political opponents, human rights defenders and victims of human rights abuses to be a matter of particular concern.
During the course of his mandate, the Special Rapporteur has been very concerned about the 10 years of intensified military campaigns in ethnic areas of eastern Myanmar and its impact on the humanitarian and human rights situation, especially on civilians who have been targeted during the attacks. The situation should be considered in connection with the widespread practice of land confiscation throughout the country, which is seemingly aimed at anchoring military control, especially in ethnic areas. It has led to numerous forced evictions, relocations and resettlements, forced migration and internal displacement. Given the scale of the current military campaign, the situation may lead to a humanitarian crisis if it is not addressed immediately. The Special Rapporteur therefore welcomes the recent appointment of the Resident Coordinator as Humanitarian Coordinator. He believes that the formal engagement of the humanitarian sector of the United Nations Secretariat will provide stronger, essential support in ensuring the integrity and independence of ongoing efforts.
The Special Rapporteur takes note with great satisfaction of the recent release of political prisoners, including the five ?88 generation? student leaders arrested last September. He expresses the hope that other prominent political prisoners will benefit from the amnesty granted in early January 2007. He therefore welcomes the statement made by the Secretary-General on 8 January 2007 on this issue and commends the work done by the United Nations within the ?good offices? mission."
Sr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro
Source/publisher:
United Nations (A/HRC/4/14 -- Advanced edited version)
Date of publication:
2007-02-12
Date of entry/update:
2007-03-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Reports to the CHR/HRC by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (English), Statements and reports by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar and the High Commissioner for Human Rights to regular sessions of the Human Rights Council
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
86.55 KB
Local URL:
HRC2007-SRM-rep.pdf
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Description/subject:
"...The present document traces its origins to conclusions reached earlier by the International
Labour Conference and the Governing Body. At its 95th Session (June 2006), the
International Labour Conference adopted the report of the Selection Committee, which had
concluded that ?the ILO has the possibility to seek an advisory opinion from the
International Court of Justice which would
require the formulation of a specific legal
question relating to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29)”. 1 At its November
2006 session, the Governing Body examined elements that could be brought before the
Court for this purpose...In light of the signature on 26 February 2007 of a Supplementary Understanding between
the International Labour Office and the Government of Myanmar (see GB.298/5/1), there
would seem to be no reason to submit a request for an advisory opinion on this question at
the moment. Thus the Governing Body may wish to keep suspended a referral of this
question to the International Court of Justice..."
Source/publisher:
International Labour Office (GB.298/5/2)
Date of publication:
2007-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2007-03-08
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Events of 2006..."Since 1962 Burma, with an estimated population of 54 million, has been ruled by a succession of highly authoritarian military regimes dominated by the majority Burman ethnic group. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), led by Senior General Than Shwe, was the country's de facto government, with subordinate peace and development councils ruling by decree at the division, state, city, township, ward, and village levels. Military officers wielded the ultimate authority at each level of government. In 1990 prodemocracy parties won more than 80 percent of the seats in a general parliamentary election, but the regime continued to ignore the results. The military government totally controlled the country's armed forces, excluding a few active insurgent groups.
The government's human rights record worsened during the year. The regime continued to abridge the right of citizens to change their government. The government detained five leaders of the 88 Generation Students prodemocracy activists. The government refused to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to visit prisoners privately. The army increased attacks on ethnic minority villagers in Bago Division and Karen State designed to drive them from their traditional land. In addition, the government continued to commit other serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, disappearances, rape, and torture. The government abused prisoners and detainees, held persons in harsh and life threatening conditions, routinely used incommunicado detention, and imprisoned citizens arbitrarily for political motives. National League for Democracy (NLD) General Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD Vice Chairman Tin Oo remained under house arrest. Governmental authorities routinely infringed on citizens' privacy and resorted more frequently to forced relocations. The government restricted freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. The government did not allow domestic human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to function independently, and international NGOs encountered a hostile environment. Violence and societal discrimination against women continued, as did forced recruitment of child soldiers, discrimination against ethnic minorities, and trafficking in persons, particularly of women and girls. Workers rights remained restricted, and forced labor, including that of children, also persisted.
Ethnic armed groups allegedly committed human rights abuses, including forced labor, although reportedly to a much lesser extent than the government. Some cease fire groups also reportedly committed abuses, including forced relocation of villagers in their home regions. Armed insurgent groups and cease fire groups also practiced forced conscription of child soldiers..."
Source/publisher:
US State Dept, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Date of publication:
2007-03-06
Date of entry/update:
2007-03-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"Each of Burma?s citizens has a stake in the country?s development and should have a say
in how it develops its economic potential, including its human and natural resources.
In the future, it is likely that Burma?s people will act to exploit their economic potential
in conjunction with international economic institutions. To do so most effectively, they
will have to deal carefully with the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Asian
Development Bank, and other international financial institutions (IFIs). They will also
have to develop national institutions, strategies, and mechanisms to manage wisely Burma?s
trade relations as well as the revenues generated by exploitation of the country?s natural
resources...
Burma and the IFIs:
IFIs are profit-making organizations. IFIs do not wait for the establishment of democracy,
the rule of law, and other good governance practices before they begin operating in a country.
IFIs engage in a country when the IFIs decide that they will likely profit from such an
engagement and when the country?s government and the international community are
ready to accept such an engagement. Instead of helping countries implement national-development and poverty-reduction
strategies devised with the participation of their citizens, IFIs often dominate the formation
of such strategies to such a degree that the people of these countries lose control
of the process. The IFIs see economic growth as the key tool for promoting development
and reducing poverty, and they apply a narrow, blanket set of reforms to achieve it. This
focus on economic growth and the blanket application of reforms, however, have failed to
work in many countries and have had disastrous effects in some.
In order to avoid losing control of development and poverty-reduction strategies and
to make IFI assistance most effective for its people, Burma must have: a clear set of development
objectives; a strategic, comprehensive social and economic policy framework; and
good-governance principles and practices.
Whether they live in Burma or abroad, Burmese people who favor a democratic government,
a free-market economy, rule of law, and the development of sound political and
economic institutions must begin as soon as possible to organize themselves; to gather
information on Burma?s economy, its economic potential, and the needs of its people;
and to devise their own comprehensive, strategic social and economic policy framework
as well as good governance principles and practices. The Burmese people should be wary
of efforts by the IFIs to re-engage in Burma before the establishment of democracy, rule
of law, and other elements of an open society in their country.
Burma will have to clear arrears of about $170 million before the IFIs re-engage.
Burma?s people should be aware that the IFIs? lending practices put pressure on countries
to borrow and that many countries, often by borrowing for large infrastructure projects
that do little to promote growth, incur unsustainable levels of debt that pose serious
problems....
Burma and Trade:
As a consequence of Burma?s lack of a comprehensive, strategic social and economic
policy framework, the country?s commodity-centered trade with China and other nearby
countries is providing the Burmese only short-term gains that benefit mostly foreign
interests and people associated with Burma?s military regime. Volatility in commodity
markets makes dependence upon commodities an unstable basis for sound, long-term
economic development.
To capture long-term gains from trade, broaden the distribution of these gains, and
stimulate development, Burma needs a comprehensive, strategic social and economic
policy framework. This framework should take into account trade flows, exchange rates, Instead of helping countries implement national-development and poverty-reduction
strategies devised with the participation of their citizens, IFIs often dominate the formation
of such strategies to such a degree that the people of these countries lose control
of the process. The IFIs see economic growth as the key tool for promoting development
and reducing poverty, and they apply a narrow, blanket set of reforms to achieve it. This
focus on economic growth and the blanket application of reforms, however, have failed to
work in many countries and have had disastrous effects in some.
In order to avoid losing control of development and poverty-reduction strategies and
to make IFI assistance most effective for its people, Burma must have: a clear set of development
objectives; a strategic, comprehensive social and economic policy framework; and
good-governance principles and practices.
Whether they live in Burma or abroad, Burmese people who favor a democratic government,
a free-market economy, rule of law, and the development of sound political and
economic institutions must begin as soon as possible to organize themselves; to gather
information on Burma?s economy, its economic potential, and the needs of its people;
and to devise their own comprehensive, strategic social and economic policy framework
as well as good governance principles and practices. The Burmese people should be wary
of efforts by the IFIs to re-engage in Burma before the establishment of democracy, rule
of law, and other elements of an open society in their country.
Burma will have to clear arrears of about $170 million before the IFIs re-engage.
Burma?s people should be aware that the IFIs? lending practices put pressure on countries
to borrow and that many countries, often by borrowing for large infrastructure projects
that do little to promote growth, incur unsustainable levels of debt that pose serious
problems...
Burma and Trade:
As a consequence of Burma?s lack of a comprehensive, strategic social and economic
policy framework, the country?s commodity-centered trade with China and other nearby
countries is providing the Burmese only short-term gains that benefit mostly foreign
interests and people associated with Burma?s military regime. Volatility in commodity
markets makes dependence upon commodities an unstable basis for sound, long-term
economic development.
To capture long-term gains from trade, broaden the distribution of these gains, and
stimulate development, Burma needs a comprehensive, strategic social and economic
policy framework. This framework should take into account trade flows, exchange rates,foreign investment, and domestic issues like infrastructure and education improvements,
human resources development, and industrial development...
Burma and the Resource Curse:
Natural-resource-rich countries like Burma are more likely than resource-poor countries
to experience flat economic growth, endure greater poverty, incur unwieldy debt, develop
authoritarian and repressive governments, and suffer armed conflict. Receiving significant
revenues in payment for natural resources can free a country?s government from
the need to collect taxes from its citizens; this severs a vital bond between the citizentaxpayer
and the government and dampens the government?s incentives to implement
sound economic, social, and fiscal policies in a transparent and accountable manner. In
many countries, revenues from extraction of natural resources actually trigger a decline
in living standards and exacerbate social problems.
Revenues generated by exploitation of Burma?s natural resources are helping to
sustain the country?s military dictatorship, contributing to human rights abuses and conflict,
and failing to alleviate the poverty and poor governance most Burmese suffer. Natural
resource extraction in Burma has produced long-term damage to the environment; contributed
to a decline in agricultural productivity; aggravated corruption of the government
and civil society; exacerbated the illegal drug trade, the exploitat
Yuki Akimoto
Source/publisher:
Open Society Institute (OSI)
Date of publication:
2006-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-02-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English, Burmese
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.87 MB
Local URL:
opportunities_20061115.pdf
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Description/subject:
Abstract:
"Against the background of closer diplomatic, political and security ties between
Myanmar and China since 1988, their economic relations have also grown stronger
throughout the 1990s and up to 2005. China is now a major supplier of consumer and
capital goods to Myanmar, in particular through border trade. China also provides a
large amount of economic cooperation in the areas of infrastructure, energy and
state-owned economic enterprises. Nevertheless, Myanmar?s trade with China has failed
to have a substantial impact on its broad-based economic and industrial development.
China?s economic cooperation apparently supports the present regime, but its effects on
the whole economy will be limited with an unfavorable macroeconomic environment and
distorted incentives structure. As a conclusion, strengthened economic ties with China
will be instrumental in regime survival, but will not be a powerful force affecting the
process of economic development in Myanmar."...Keywords: Myanmar (Burma), China, trade, border trade, economic cooperation,
energy, oil and gas
Toshihiro Kudo
Source/publisher:
IDE DISCUSSION PAPER No. 66
Date of publication:
2006-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-02-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Chinese investment
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
The ongoing rape, murder, torture and forced labour suffered by
women living under the Burmese Military Regime in Karen State... Executive Summary: "This report, "State of Terror" clearly documents the range of human rights abuses that continue
to be perpetrated across Karen State as part of the SPDC?s sustained campaign of terror.
The report focuses in particular on the abuses experienced by women and girls and draws on
over 40001 documented cases of human rights abuses perpetrated by the SPDC. These
case studies provide shocking evidence of the entrenched and widespread abuses
perpetrated against the civilian population of Karen State by the Burmese Military Regime.
Many of the recent accounts of human rights violations which occurred in late 2005 and 2006
provide irrefutable evidence that the SPDC?s attacks during this period have increased and
have deliberately targeted the civilian population. The recent dramatic increase in the number
of internally displaced people (IDPs) as well as in those crossing the border in search of
asylum, bears further testimony to the escalation of attacks on the civilian women, men and
children of Karen State.
The report builds on the findings contained in "Shattering Silences", published by the Karen
Women?s Organisation in April 2004. That report detailed the alarmingly high number of
women and girls who have been raped by the military during the years of the SPDC?s
occupation of Karen State. This new report documents the range of other human rights
abuses experienced by Karen women and girls, in particular those of forced labour and
forced portering. The report locates these atrocities within a human rights framework, to show
the direct link of accountability the SPDC bears for the violations committed in these cases.
It also demonstrates the multiplicity of human rights violations occurring, as forced labour is
often committed in conjunction with other human rights violations such as rape, beating,
mutilation, torture, murder, denial of rights to food, water and shelter, and denial of the right
to legal redress. These human rights abuses occur as part of a strategy designed to terrorise
and subjugate the Karen people, to completely destroy their culture and communities. This
report demonstrates very clearly that it is the women who bear the greatest burden of these
systematic attacks, as they are doubly oppressed both on the grounds of their ethnicity and
their gender.
Attacks have continued in spite of the informal ceasefire agreement reached with the SPDC
in January 2004. It is clear that rather than honouring the agreement, the SPDC have
proceeded with systematic reinforcement of their military infrastructure across Karen State,
bringing in more troops, increasing their stocks of food and ammunition and building army
camps across the state. From this position of increased strength the SPDC have conducted
ongoing attacks on villages across Karen State since September 2005. As this report goes to
press over one year later, it is clear that rather than abating, the intensity of these attacks has
only increased. Karen women and children continue to be killed and raped by SPDC soldiers,
are subjected to forced labour, including portering, and are displaced from their homes. In the
first half of 2006 alone KWO received reports of almost 5,000 villagers being taken as forced
labourers, with over five times that many being forcibly relocated from their villages as their
farms, homes and rice paddies were burned. As a consequence, increasing numbers of refugees are fleeing across the border into Thailand and many, many more are internally
displaced.
The world now knows the full extent of human rights violations being committed by the SPDC,
particularly against women and children from the ethnic groups across Burma. The situation
is past critical. The international community must take immediate action to stop these most
grave atrocities."
Source/publisher:
The Karen Women
Date of publication:
2007-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2007-02-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Karen (Kayin) State, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
673.45 KB
Local URL:
KWO-2007-state_of_terror-en-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"The Burmese army launched a large scale offensive in the districts of Toungoo,
Nyaung Lay Bin and Muthraw in northern Karen State in November 2005 targeting the
civilian Karen population. This offensive has been ongoing for over a year and it
continues today. Villages are being shelled with mortars, looted and burnt to the
ground. Crops and food supplies are being destroyed. Burmese soldiers are ordered
to shoot on sight, regardless of whether it is a combatant or a defenseless civilian. As
a result more than 27,000 people have been forced from their homes, either hiding in
the jungle or trying to find refuge in Thailand. The Burmese army continues to increase
its military presence in these areas and carry out attacks against villagers.
In addition to the increased number of military attacks and militarisation of
these districts, which has been ongoing for a number of years, in particular since the
Karen National Union (KNU) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) agreed
to a verbal ceasefire in January 2004, there has also been a rise in human rights
abuses perpetrated by the army. These include: force labour and portering demands,
land confiscation, rape and other gender based violence, looting and destruction of
property, arbitrary taxation, restriction of movement, torture and extra-judicial killings.
Despite the fact that this offensive has been underway for over a year now there
is not a clear singular reason behind the attacks. However, a number of contributing
factors have emerged: the move to the new capital Pyinmana and the establishment
of a five kilometre security zone around it, the acquisition of land for national development
projects, and the need to secure transportation routes to and from these sites.
Additionally, the three districts targeted are considered the heartland? of Karen resistance
to Burmese oppression. Despite the armed struggle though the KNU and Karen
National Liberation Army (KNLA) against the regime, it is the people, the civilian
villagers, that pose the biggest threat to local and regional SPDC power these days.
The non-violent resistance strategies, such as defying orders from the military and
fleeing into the jungle rather than being controlled, employed by the villagers make
them active participants in the struggle for peace and justice in Burma, not passive
victims.
Nonetheless, the reasons behind the offensive do not detract from the fact that
the Burmese army is attacking the civilian Karen population without any form of
provocation. In addition to purposely attacking villagers the Burmese army is also
undermining the grassroots people?s ability to survive. The villagers in the offensive
area, who are mainly farmers, were beginning to harvest their crops when the offensive
began last November. As villagers had to flee to safety in the jungle, their crops
either rotted in the fields or were eaten by animals, leading to food shortages.
This acute food shortage will be further exacerbated next year. As the offensive
continued over the past twelve months more villagers had to flee the Burmese troops.
This meant that they could not prepare for next years crop. Consequently in November
and December 2006 there will be no crop to harvest and food scarcity will continue
next year, regardless of the political situation.
Most of the 27,000 people who have been displaced have very little, if any, food.
Their diets are supplemented with food that they can find from the jungle. Due to the
severe landmine contamination of the areas, it is extremely dangerous to search for
food.
In addition to food scarcity internally displaced persons (IDPs) face serious
Executive Summary
Executive Summary
9 Burma Issues
health issues, especially during the wet season. Malaria is prevalent, as are skin
diseases, dysentery and malnutrition. It is the children and the elderly who suffer the
most under the given conditions. Heavily pregnant women also face additional hardships
as they have to flee the same as other villagers, walking for days and giving
birth while on the run. Villagers, as a result of military attacks, are more likely to be
injured by a landmine or through soldier violence, for example being shot or stabbed.
Access to medical services is virtually non-existent, and what is available is gravely
insufficient. As a result people often die from preventable and curable diseases and
treatable injuries.
The regime prevents all non-governmental organisations and United Nations
agencies inside Burma giving humanitarian aid to the villagers affected by the offensive.
The junta prohibits organisations traveling to these areas and documenting human
rights violations and the humanitarian crisis. It is virtually impossible to bypass
these regulations, as the region is very mountainous and all transportation routes,
apart from walking, are controlled by the SPDC.
Some community-based organizations that work cross-border from Thailand
manage to bring some assistance to the IDPs, but it is only a tiny amount of what is
needed. The SPDC deems the activities of these groups illegal and if the Burmese
army catches workers they will simply disappear – never to be heard of or seen again.
While the majority of IDPs choose to stay in hiding near their villages as a form
of non-violent resistance, others decide to travel to Thailand to seek refuge in the
camps along the Thai-Burma border. So far this year Thai authorities have allowed
approximately 3,000 people to cross the border and enter a refugee camp near Mae
Sariang, Thailand. However, the Thai authorities have not consistently kept the border
open and have frequently refused IDPs entrance to the kingdom, reasoning that
they are not fleeing fighting, but are merely capitalising on the resettlement opportunities
that are being opened up to the refugees in the camp.
As a result of the border?s sporadic closure, approximately 1,400 IDPs (a figure
that is continually rising) are living in a makeshift camp along the Salween River, on
the Burmese side of the border. This temporary IDP settlement receives aid from
organisations working along the Thai-Burma border, at the discretion of the Thai authorities,
but there are numerous protection issues associated with the camp. There
is a Burmese army base that is only an hour?s walk away, making the IDPs vulnerable
to a potential attack.
This is the worst offensive that the junta has conducted since it joined ASEAN
in 1997. However, the offensive is not an isolated event, but rather the continuation of
a campaign by the military junta to control the population of Burma. Despite the fact
that this offensive has been underway for over a year, the international community is
yet to find a solution that will persuade the SPDC to stop their attacks on civilians.
Throughout the numerous military campaigns thousands of lives have been lost – all
valuable and irreplaceable."
Source/publisher:
Burma Issues
Date of publication:
2006-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-01-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
645.99 KB
Local URL:
Shoot-on-sight.pdf-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
The oft-cited UN Habitat report on the 1989-1990 urban resettlement programme in Burma which the report estimates affected 1.5 million people (16 percent of the urban population). "...During the early months of 1990 international attention was focused on
the Yangon squatter clearance and resettlement programme launched by
the Government in 1989. The Mission found that the programme is not limited
to Yangon, but has broad national coverage. The scale and characteristics
of the land-development and other works was considered by the Mission to
be of such overwhelming significance to the present and future urban
situation that the Mission concentrated its resources on attempting to
assemble a comprehensive record of the programme and assessing the
impacts and implications.
The programme consists of: (a) land development for sites-and- services
resettlement schemes, and for complete housing units for public servants;
(b) new and improved roads; (c) urban rail transport; (d) road, rail and
pedestrian bridges; (e) parks and gardens; (f) redevelopment for commercial
and residential uses of sites cleared as a result of resettlement and fires; (g)
clean-up campaigns, building renovations, and repainting of facades; and
(h) rehabilitation of drains and water bodies.
For the size of the overall country population and for an urban population
of less than 10 million, the scale of works within the time period allocated is
probably unprecedented internationally. Based on visits to selected towns,
analysis of maps and layout plans, and the data supplied by GAD and HD,
the Mission estimates that the total population affected by the resettlement
and new housing components is in the order of 1.5 million, or 4 per cent of
the total population, and 16 percent of the urban population. Roughly 50 per
cent of this number is in Yangon, Mandalay, Taunggyi and Bago, all centres
visited by the Mission..."
Source/publisher:
The United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat)
Date of publication:
1990-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2007-01-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Urban displacement, Urban land use, Urban development
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.08 MB
Local URL:
Habitat_report.pdf
Habitat_report.pdf more
Description/subject:
These 1:250,000 maps were prepared in the mid-1950s by the [US] Army Map Service from large-scale topographic maps, including: Burma 1:63,360, Directorate of Military Survey, India, 1944-45; Burma: 1:126,720. Survey of India 1941; British Admiralty charts and Japanese Army maps. Planimetric details partially revised by photo-planimetric methods...Click here for Index Map
Complete list of map images in this collection:
Index Map (435 K);
NC 47-2 Bokpyin (4.4 MB);
NC 47-6 Kra Buri (4.6 MB);
ND 46-4 Ama (3.9 MB);
ND 47-2 Ye (6.2 MB);
ND 47-6 Tavoy (5.8 MB);
ND 47-10 Palauk 1959 ed. (5.8 MB);
ND 47-10 Palauk 1962 ed. (4.9 MB);
ND 47-14 Mergui (4.6 MB);
NE 46-3 Kyaukpyu (6.5 MB);
NE 46-4 Thayetmyo (6.6 MB);
NE 46-7 Sandoway (5.0 MB);
NE 46-8 Prome (6.9 MB);
NE 46-12 Henzada (6.6 MB);
NE 46-15 Sinma (3.8 MB);
NE 46-16 Bassein (6.3 MB);
NE 46-16 Bassein and Vicinity [verso] (961K);
NE 47-1 Pyinmana (6.9 MB);
NE 47-5 Toungoo (6.8 MB);
NE 47-9 Pegu (6.3 MB);
NE 47-13 Rangoon (5.6 MB);
NE 47-13 Rangoon and Vicinity [verso] (1.1 MB);
NE 47-14 Moulmein (6.2 MB);
NF 46-3 Mawlaik (6.5 MB);
NF 46-4 Wuntho (6.4 MB);
NF 46-7 Gangaw (6.2 MB);
NF 46-8 Shwebo (5.9 MB);
NF 46-10 Cox's Bazar (5.9 MB);
NF 46-11 Mount Victoria (6.4 MB);
NF 46-12 Myingyin (5.7 MB);
NF 46-14 Akyab (4.1 MB);
NF 46-15 Myohaung (6.6 MB);
NF 46-16 Yenangyaung (6.1 MB);
NF 47-1 Mong Mit (6.6 MB);
NF 47-2 Hsenwi (6.4 MB);
NF 47-5 Maymyo (6.4 MB)
NF 47-6 Mong Yai (6.5 MB);
NF 47-9 Mandalay (6.3 MB);
NF 47-9 Mandalay, Burma and Vicinity [verso] (1.6 MB);
NF 47-10 Lai-Hka (6.2 MB);
NF 47-11 Keng Tung (6.7 MB);
NF 47-11 reliability diagram, notes, glossary [verso] (1.1 MB);
NF 47-13 Yamethin (6.4 MB);
NF 47-14 Mong Pan (6.7 MB);
NG 46-8 Sibsagar (5.7 MB);
NG 46-12 Tamanthi (5.4 MB);
NG 46-16 Paungbyin (5.9 MB);
NG 47-1 Putao (6.1 MB);
NG 47-5 Maingkwan (5.9 MB);
NG 47-9 Myitkyina (5.9 MB);
NG 47-13 Bhamo (5.9 MB).
Source/publisher:
Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection (University of Texas)
Date of publication:
1954-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2006-12-31
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Maps and satellite imagery
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
How a single news agency report led to the accepted belief that China has a sophisticated intelligence post in Burmese waters
For almost 15 years, there has been a steady stream of newspaper stories, scholarly monographs and books that have referred inter alia to a large Chinese signals intelligence (SIGINT) station on Burma?s Great Coco Island, in the Andaman Sea. Yet it would now appear that there is no such base on this island, nor ever has been. The explosion of this myth highlights the dearth of reliable information about strategic developments in Burma since the creation of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) in 1988.
Andrew Selth
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 1
Date of publication:
2006-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2006-12-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
General/Strategic, China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
1. Profiles of Burma?s Banks,
Sean Turnell;
2. The Risks and Benefits of Using Brokers: The Journey
from Burma into Thailand;
Jacqueline Lees;
3. Employment and Poverty in Mae Hong Son Province
Thailand: Burmese? Refugees in the Labour Market
Alison Vicary
4. Afterword:
Shrimp Selling and Tuna Canning in Mahachai (Thailand),
Kyi May Kaung.
Source/publisher:
Burma Economic Watch
Date of publication:
2006-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2006-12-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.9 MB
Local URL:
BEW-2006-01.pdf
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Description/subject:
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
Preface;
Burma at a Glance: Facts & Figures;
Map of Burma;
Historical Background;
Acronyms and Abbreviations...
Facts on Human Rights Violations in Burma 2005:
1. Forced Labor, Portering, and Military Conscription;
2. Extra-judicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions;
3. Arbitrary Detention and Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances;
4. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment;
5. Deprivation of Livelihood;
6. Rights of the Child;
7. Rights of Women;
8. Rights of Ethnic Minorities;
9. Rights to Education and Health;
10. Freedom of Belief and Religion;
11. Freedom of Opinion, Expression and the Press;
12. Freedom of Assembly, Association and Movement;
13. Internally Displaced People and Forced Relocation;
14. The Situation of Refugees;
15. The Situation of Migrant Workers;
16. Landmines in Burma.
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
Date of publication:
2006-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2006-12-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.25 MB (496 pages) - Original version
Local URL:
YB2005.pdf
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Description/subject:
I. Background; II. Developments following the International
Labour Conference; III. Mission to Yangon; Appendix I:Appendix II:
Conclusions of the Special Sitting of the Committee on
the Application of Standards of the ILC, June 2006
Conclusions of the Selection Committee on the
additional agenda item concerning Myanmar, as
adopted by the 95th Session of the International
Labour Conference, June 2006; Appendix III:
Text of a ?draft supplementary Understanding”
submitted to the Myanmar authorities on
29 September.
Source/publisher:
International Labour Office (GB.297/8/1)
Date of publication:
2006-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2006-11-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
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