Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar

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Title: အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်မှုများ အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖော်ပြချက်
Description: "အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်စက်မှုများမှာ မတရားအာဏာလုယူမှု လပေါင်း (၉) လ ကြာလာသည့်အချိန်ထိ ဆထက်တိုး၍ ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာနေသည်။ မြို့ရွာများအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများ၊ လက်နက်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်မှုများကြောင့် ကလေးသူငယ် များအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားထိခိုက်နစ်နာခံစားရမှုများမှာ တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်အနှံ့ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် အခကြေးငွေဖြင့် ပြန်လည်ရွေးခိုင်းမှုများ၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်များ၏ နေရာ များထိ လိုက်လံခြိမ်းခြောက်နှောင့်ယှက်မှုများ၊ ညှဉ်းပန်း နှိပ်စက်မှုများကိုလည်း စနစ်တကျကျူးလွန် လျက်ရှိရာ ပြည်သူများအား အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းမိုးနေစေရန် အလို့ငှာ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် အကောင် အထည်ဖော်လျက်ရှိသည်။ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့်ဆက်နွယ်သော ပြစ်ဒဏ် ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံရသူ (၁၃၁၆)ဦး၊ တရားရင်ဆိုင်နေရသူ (၄၃၂၀)ဦး၊ စုစုပေါင်း (၅၆၃၆) ကို လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ မတရားဖမ်း ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူများကို ယခုကဲ့သို့ ပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ကြေညာ ခြင်းမှာ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၌ မျက်နှာပန်းလှစေရန် နိုင်ငံရေးရည်ရွယ်ချက်အရ လွှတ်ပေးခဲ့ခြင်းသာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ လွှတ်ပေးခဲ့သည်ဟု ကြေညာခဲ့သော်လည်း နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီ စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ မှတ်တမ်းပြုချက်များအရ အောက်တိုဘာ ၃၁ အထိ အရေအတွက် အားဖြင့် (၄၀၇၂) ဦးမှာ လွတ်မြောက်လာခဲ့ပြီး ထိုအထဲမှ ပြန်လည်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ အရေအတွက်မှာ (၁၂၂) ဦး ရှိသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ပြန်လည်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများကြောင့် တိမ်းရှောင်နေရသူများလည်းရှိနေသလို ပြန်လည်အဖမ်းခံရ သော အရေအတွက်မှာ မြေပြင်တွင် ထိုထက်ပိုများမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း ချင်းပြည်နယ် ထန်တလန်မြို့၊ ဖလမ်းမြို့နယ်နှင့် မင်းတပ်မြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများမှ ဘုရားကျောင်းတစ်လုံးနှင့် အိမ်ခြေ (၄၀၀) လုံးထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရ သည်။ အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၉ ရက်နေ့က ထန်တလန်မြို့ မီးလောင်မှု ဖြစ်စဉ်ကို စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်က ငြင်းဆန်ထား သော်လည်း စစ်အုပ်စုအမာခံ ပြည်ထောင်စု ကြံ့ခိုင်ရေးနှင့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးပါတီ၏ ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူက လူမှု ကွန်ရက်စာမျက်နှာထက်မှတစ်ဆင့် ထန်တလန်ဖြစ်စဉ်ကို နမူနာယူကြရန် ပြည်သူလူထုကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှု ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၀ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ပြည်သူ့ထောက်ခံမဲအများဆုံးရရှိခဲ့သော အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်ပါတီ၏ ပါတီရုံးများ၊ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ ထောက်ခံသူများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်လျက်ရှိရာ အောက်တိုဘာ အတွင်း ပါတီရုံး အနည်းဆုံး (၁၀) ရုံးထက်မနည်း တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရမှုဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်။ ပါတီရုံး၏ ခြံစည်းရိုး၊ တံခါး၊ ဆိုင်းဘုတ်၊ ဗီနိုင်းနှင့် အလံများ ရိုက်ချိုးဖျက်ဆီးပစ်ခြင်းများအပြင် ရုံးခန်းအတွင်း ဝင်ရောက်ကာ ပစ္စည်းများ ဖျက်ဆီးယူငင်ခြင်း၊ မီးကွင်းပစ်ခြင်း၊ ဗုံးပစ်ထည့်ခြင်းနှင့် ဖောက်ခွဲဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း စသည့်ပုံစံများ ဖြင့် တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ NLD ပါတီအဖွဲ့ဝင်များနှင့် အရပ်သားများ ပိုင်ဆိုင်သော ဟိုတယ်၊ ဆေးရုံ၊ နေအိမ်နှင့် ဆိုင်ခန်းများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မတရားသိမ်းဆည်းချိတ်ပိတ်မှုများကို အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း အနည်းဆုံး (၂၅) ခုထက်မနည်း ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည်။ ဖမ်းဆီးမှု AAPP မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အချက်အလက်များအရ အောက်တိုဘာ ၁ ကနေ ၃၁ ရက်နေ့အထိ စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရသူပေါင်း (၃၁၉) ရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသမီးဦးရေ (၈၀)ဦး၊ အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ဦးရေ (၉)ဦးနှင့် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ (၂၇) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို နေ့စဉ်ဆန္ဒပြနေသည့် မန္တလေးမြို့မှ သံဃသမဂ္ဂစစ်ကြောင်းသည် အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂ ရက်နေ့၊ မွန်းလွဲ ၁ နာရီခွဲခန့်တွင် လမ်းပေါ်၌ ချီတက်ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖော်နေစဉ် အရပ်ဝတ်များ ဝတ်ဆင်ထားသော စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်နက်ကိုင် ၁၀ ဦးခန့်က အိမ်စီးကား နှစ်စီးဖြင့် ရောက်ရှိလာပြီး ကားဖြင့်တိုက်၍ ဖြိုခွင်းခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါဖြိုခွင်းမှုတွင် သံဃာ(၅)ပါးကို လူဝတ်လဲကာ သေနတ်ဖြင့်ချိန်၍ ရိုက်နှက် ဖမ်းဆီးသွားခဲ့သည့်အပြင် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၃)ဦးကိုလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးသွားခဲ့ကြပြီး ယင်းနေ့ ညပိုင်းတွင် မြတောင်ကျောင်းတိုက်ကို ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်း၍ ရှာဖွေခဲ့ကြပြန်သည်။ အလိုရှိသူကို ဖမ်းမမိ၍ မိသားစုကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများမှာ နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် ဆက်လက်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ရာ စစ်တပ် အာဏာသိမ်းအပြီး ပြည်သူ့ဘက်ရပ်တည်၍ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့သူ နေပြည်တော်အခြေစိုက် ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့မှ ရဲအုပ်၏ဇနီးနှင့် အသက် (၉) နှစ်အရွယ် သမီးတို့မှာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသလဲဆိုသည်ကို မသိရှိရသေးပေ။ ထို့အပြင် အောက်တိုဘာ ၉ ရက်နေ့တွင် တနင်္သာရီတိုင်း၊ သရက်ချောင်းမြို့နယ်၌လည်း ဖခင်ဖြစ်သူကို ဖမ်းမမိ၍ ဇနီးသည်နှင့်အတူ နှစ်နှစ်နှင့် ခြောက်နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးငယ်နှစ်ဦးကိုပါ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခဲ့မှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်မှု စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အညှိုးထားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၇၉) ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ထိုအထဲတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ (၁၇) ဦး၊ အမျိုးသမီး (၆) ဦးနှင့် အသက် ၁၈ နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ် (၃) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ ခင်ဦးမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ပျဉ်ထောင် ကျေးရွာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်သား (၁၀၀) ခန့်မှ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းခဲ့ပြီး ထွက်ပြေးသော ဒေသခံရွာသားများကို လိုက်လံပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သောကြောင့် အသက် ၅ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးတစ်ဦး အပါအဝင် ဒေသခံရွာသား (၅) ဦးမှာ လယ်တောအတွင်း ကျည်ထိမှန်၍ အသက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ကြ ရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် နေအိမ်များကို ဖျက်ဆီးသွားခဲ့ပြီး ဒေသခံများ၏ ကား ငါးစီး၊ ထော်လာဂျီနှင့် ဆိုင်ကယ် အစီး ၄၀ နှင့် ဆန်၊ဆီ စသည့် ရိက္ခာများကိုပါ ယူဆောင်သွားခဲ့သည်။ မကွေးဗဟိုအကျဉ်းထောင်မှ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့က ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်လာသူ ကိုကျော်နိုင်ထွန်း (ခ) အသေးလေးကို အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့က မကွေးမြို့၊ အောင်မေတ္တာရပ်ကွက် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှူး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုနှင့် ပက်သတ်ပြီး မသင်္ကာမှုဖြင့် နေအိမ်တွင် စစ်တပ်က ထပ်မံလာရောက်ဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် နောက်တစ်ရက်အကြာ အောက်တိုဘာ လ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် အလောင်း လာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါကြောင့် သေဆုံးသွားသည်ဟု ရဲက ပြောဆိုသော်လည်း သေဆုံးသူ၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်နှင့် ဦးခေါင်းတခုလုံး (အထူးသဖြင့် နောက်စေ့) ပျက်စီးကျေမွနေကြောင်း သိရှိ ရသည်။ အထက်ပါဖေါ်ပြချက်များသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်၏ အောက်တိုဘာလအတွင်း၌ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော တရားမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု များအား အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖေါ်ပြချက်မျှသာဖြစ်ပြီး အခြားသော တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်များတွင်လည်း ထိုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ များစွာရှိခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း.."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Soldiers burn house and detain mother of protester after police officer shot dead in Tanintharyi
Sub-title: A local guerrilla group has claimed responsibility for the killing and said it also destroyed five junta-owned phone towers
Description: "Soldiers burned down the home of an anti-coup activist and arrested the mother of a protest leader in Tanintharyi on Monday after local guerrillas shot and killed a police officer. Military units arrived in Pyinhtein village, Launglon Township shortly after officer Nay Myo Aung was gunned down on the nearby Launglon-Sitpye road. The soldiers raided the home of Min Lwin Oo, 31, who is part of the anti-junta Dawei District Strike Committee. When they were unable to find him they took his 56-year-old mother, Cho Than, instead. “It’s just absurd that my mother was taken for my involvement in the revolution,” Min Lwin Oo told Myanmar Now. “There’s no law stating that they can do such a thing,” he added. “I should be the one paying for my actions, not my mother. She didn't even talk with anyone in the neighbourhood. She was always just busy with housework.” He added that he would not surrender to the junta despite his mother being taken hostage. “My mother’s a fearless woman, she would have already expected this. I even told her to stay elsewhere but she didn’t. She just said that she would face them bravely if she got arrested.” Soldiers also ransacked the neighbouring village of Sitpyea the same day. They stormed the home of 21-year-old Wai Yan Soe, another Dawei District Strike Committee member, and when they couldn’t find him they burned the house down. The military also broke furniture and stole his belongings during the raid on his house, Wai Yan Soe told Myanmar Now. Junta spokesperson Zaw Min Tun did not answer calls seeking comment. Soldiers arrested a 14-year-old girl and four women working as Covid-19 control volunteers in Sitpyea in late August following an anti-coup street protest the same day. Those arrested were not involved in the protest, locals said. The Dawei District Strike Committee has used flash mob tactics to keep street protests alive in the area amid deadly crackdowns by the junta. Meanwhile other local groups have engaged in armed resistance. A group called the Nway Oo Guerilla Force claimed responsibility for the assassination of the police officer on Monday and said it has also destroyed five junta-owned Mytel communication towers. Junta forces have repeatedly targeted the family members of protesters since the February 1 coup with arrests and violence, which serve both as an attempt to coerce activists into handing themselves in and as a means to punish them. Late last month soldiers viciously beat a five-year-old girl and a 70-year-old woman in a village in Magway Region because, locals believe, they are distantly related to a local protest leader..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Forces Again Use Civilians as Human Shields
Description: "Myanmar junta forces used 19 detained civilians as human shields during a raid on a village in Pekon Township, Shan State on Wednesday, according to local civilian armed forces. After sustaining heavy casualties in ambushes and mine attacks by civilian resistance forces, the military regime’s forces are using arrested civilians as human shields in their operations in Magwe and Sagaing regions and Chin and Kayah states. Junta forces are also using civilian vehicles and ambulances while traveling and conducting operations against People’s Defense Forces to deter ambushes and landmine attacks. Previously, 30 people were used as human shields by junta troops while marching in Demoso, Hpruso and Bawlakeh in Kayah State and Pekon Township in southern Shan State in late August. On Friday, a leaked photo went viral online showing more than a dozen civilians, blindfolded and tied together with a rope, being forced to march in front of a military column in a village in Pekon Township, Shan State. The Karenni Nationalities Defense Force of Pekon confirmed that all the arrested people are from Shwe Pyi Aye Village, which was bombarded by military regime forces early on Wednesday morning. The KNDF-Pekon shared a list of the detainees’ names on Friday and said some of them had yet to be released. Junta forces shelled a civilian area in Shwe Pyi Aye Village at around 3 a.m. on Wednesday. The shelling occurred after the regime forces, who were deployed on a hill, engaged in an intense firefight with a joint force of Pekon People’s Defense Force fighters and other Karenni armed forces on Tuesday afternoon. After the clash, three civilians were also injured by random junta attacks on residential areas, according to the Pekon PDF. Due to the junta bombardment, more than 500 residents of Shwe Pyi Aye Village had to flee into the forests. An official of the Free Burma Rangers, an armed group assisting the fleeing villagers, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the 19 villagers including some aged between 50 and 60, were arrested by junta soldiers while returning to their homes. KNDF-Pekon said that military regime forces destroyed property belonging to the fleeing villagers, as well as looting houses and stealing vehicles during the raid on the village on Wednesday. Currently, around 3,500 residents from several villages and wards of Mobye and Pekon, Shan State have fled their homes due to junta raids and artillery strikes on civilian areas following the clashes with civilian resistance forces. On Friday morning, two people including a woman were killed and three people including a 6-year-old-boy were injured when military regime forces attacked civilian areas of Mobye using artillery shells. On Sunday, one civilian was also killed and five others including a 3-year-old girl and a 9-year-old boy were injured when the junta shelled residential areas of Mobye. In early October, junta soldiers also used 15 detained villagers as human shields while marching through the north of Gangaw Township, Magwe Region, where many dozens of junta troops had been killed in landmine attacks by local PDFs. While marching to locations in Chin State recently, junta forces reportedly forced civilian vehicles including private buses and passenger buses to accompany their military convoy in order to deter ambushes by the Chinland Defense Force, according to the armed group. Junta forces also used local civilians in Mindat as human shields while raiding the mountainous town in Chin State in mid-May. Regime forces have continued to commit atrocities including raiding and burning down villages, bombarding residential areas of towns and arbitrarily killing civilians, especially in Magwe and Sagaing regions and Chin and Kayah states. With the exception of Rakhine State, military regime forces nationwide are facing a growing number of attacks from PDFs and ethnic armed forces..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-10-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Violence Against or Obstruction of Health Care in Myanmar (February-September 2021)
Description: "On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar armed forces (known as the Tatmadaw) seized control of the country, following a general election that the National League for Democracy party won by a landslide. The military-run State Administrative Council (SAC) has targeted doctors and other health workers for taking a leading role in the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Doctors and nurses have been served with warrants and arrested, health workers have been injured while providing care to protestors, ambulances have been destroyed, and health facilities have been raided. Now, nine months into the coup, the emergency in Myanmar has evolved into a protracted crisis; the violence against health care workers continues as part of the military’s offensive against anti-coup movements, and civilians’ access to health care is becoming increasingly compromised. This document is the result of collaboration between Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights, and the Johns Hopkins Center for Public Health and Human Rights as part of the Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition (SHCC). It discusses reported incidents of violence against health workers, facilities, and transport in Myanmar between February 1 and September 30, 2021 to highlight the impact on the health system as a whole. It further includes personal testimonies by nurses on how the conflict is impacting them and analysis on the security situation for aid organizations working there. It does not include information on violence against patients. The incidents referred to are based on the dataset 01 February - 30 September 2021 Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar Data, which is available on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX)..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-10-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement on Data Collection of Political Prisoner Releases: Continued Lack of Transparency by Junta Since 18 October - နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို လွှတ်ပေးမှုအပေါ် အချက်အလက်ရရှိမှုဆိုင်ရာ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "26 October 2021 On October 18, the military junta announced they would release 1,316 sentenced detainees and 4,320 more facing trial, i.e., a total of 5,636 civilians were promised to be released. However, according to AAPP documentation, as of October 25, only 4,065 victims have been released, 480 of whom have been identified. In the past, the military junta has refused to release official data on arbitrary detentions, nor published lists of those being released. The exact number and identification of prisoners must be publicly announced. AAPP is now collecting and verifying data on those detainees being released. Therefore, we invite the public holding any further information about the release of survivors to contact the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. We will continue to confirm the recently released after having verified. Once again, we call on the military junta to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. We request the international community’s support, to put pressure on the military junta and hold accountable the arbitrary detentions and all other inhumane acts.....အောက်တိုဘာလ ၂၆ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့်ဆက်နွယ်သော ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခြင်းခံရသူ (၁၃၁၆)ဦး၊ တရားရင်ဆိုင်နေရသူ (၄၃၂၀)ဦး၊ စုစုပေါင်း (၅၆၃၆) ကို လွှတ်ပေးမည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ မှတ်တမ်းပြုချက်များအရ အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၅ အထိ အရေအတွက်အားဖြင့် (၄၀၆၅) ဦးမှာ လွတ်မြောက်လာခဲ့ပြီး ထိုအထဲမှ နာမည်နှင့်တကွ အတည်ပြုနိုင်သည့် လွတ်မြောက်သူ (၄၈၀) ဦး ရှိသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် ယခင်ကတည်းက မတရားဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံရသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များကို တရားဝင် ထုတ်ပြန်လေ့မရှိသလို လွှတ်ပေးသည့်အခါတွင်လည်း မည်သူတို့ကို လွှတ်ပေးလိုက်သည်ဆိုသည့် စာရင်းကို တရားဝင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခြင်းမရှိခဲ့ပေ။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူများနှင့် ပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးခြင်းခံရသူများ၏ အချက် အလက်များကို အများပြည်သူ သိရှိနိုင်စေရန် အလို့ငှာ တရားဝင်တိတိကျကျ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လွတ်မြောက်လာသူဦးရေအတိအကျနှင့် အမည်စာရင်းမှာ ချက်ချင်းရရှိရန် လက်လှမ်းမမီနိုင်သလို လွတ်မြောက်လာသူ တစ်ဦးချင်းစီ၏ အချက်အလက်များအား စုဆောင်းအတည်ပြုမှုများကို AAPP အနေဖြင့် အချိန်ယူ၍ ဆက်လက်စိစစ်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ လွတ်မြောက်လာသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များနှင့် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံ ရသူများ၏ အချက်အလက်များ ရရှိပါက မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းထံသို့ ပေးပို့ပေးရန်အတွက်လေးစားစွာဖြင့် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံလိုပါသည်။ အတည်ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမည်စာရင်းများကို ဆက်လက် ဖော်ပြပေးသွားပါမည်။ လက်ရှိ အထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရဆဲ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်နှင့် သမ္မတကြီးဦးဝင်းမြင့်အပါအဝင် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအားလုံးကို စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် ချွင်းချက်မရှိ အမြန်ဆုံးပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးရန်၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်း အဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူများအရေးအပါအဝင် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူမဆန်သော လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရေး ပိုမိုဖိအားပေးဆောင်ရွက်ရန် မိမိတို့မှ အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-10-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar prison release falls short with over 20 journalists still behind bars
Description: "Bangkok, October 25, 2021 – Myanmar’s military junta should immediately follow up its recent release of at least 15 jailed journalists by freeing all those still wrongfully held in detention, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. On October 18, the country’s military government announced the release of over 5,600 prisoners in an amnesty on humanitarian grounds, according to news reports. At least 15 journalists were subsequently freed, according to local news reports and CPJ’s communication with editors and executives at their respective news organizations. “Myanmar’s release of at least 15 journalists while leaving over 20 others to languish behind bars is a cynical attempt to alleviate rising international pressure against its repression,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Partial measures simply aren’t good enough: Myanmar’s junta must free all of the journalists it is holding wrongfully in detention.” A CPJ special report in July documented the situation of journalists jailed in the wake of the military’s democracy-suspending February 1 coup, and found that at least 32 journalists were imprisoned due to their work as of July 1. Many were held on charges under Article 505(a) of the penal code, a broad and vaguely worded provision that penalizes incitement and the spreading of “false news” with maximum three-year prison penalties, according to CPJ research; four of those recently released had been sentenced to prison terms under the provision. The journalists, who were freed October 18 and 19, included: Local independent media outlet Democratic Voice of Burma journalists Min Nyo, Kaung Myat Hlaing (Aung Kyaw), and Thet Naing Win, according to DVB editor-in-chief Aye Chan Naing, who communicated with CPJ via email. All three had been handed prison sentences under Article 505(a), according to CPJ research. Mizzima news website co-founder Thin Thin Aung, reporter Zaw Zaw, and office assistant James Pu Thoure, according to news reports and Mizzima founder and chairman Soe Myint, who communicated with CPJ by email. Zaw Zaw had been handed a two-year prison sentence under Article 505(a), according to CPJ research. Independent news outlet Myitkyina News Journal reporters Myo Myat Myat Pan, Tu Lawt (Christopher), and Ah Je, who were released in Kachin State, the local publication’s chief executive Brang Mai told CPJ via email. Kachin Wave News website photographer La Raw, according to Htoi Awng, an editor at the local publication who communicated with CPJ via messaging app. The 74 Media news website reported on its Facebook page that its reporter Chan Bu was released. Voice of Thanbyuzayat news website photographer Htet Myat Thu, according to the publication’s editor-in-chief Paing Htoo, who communicated with CPJ via messaging app. Tachileik News Agency reporter Kyaw Zin Hein, according to the agency’s editor Cherry Htike, who communicated with CPJ by messaging app. Dakhina Insight reporter Naing Linn Tun, Thanlyin Post editor Tu Tu Thar, and freelance reporter Aung Kyaw Oo, according to local reports and the Detained Journalists of Myanmar private Facebook group administrator Han Zaw, who communicated with CPJ via email. CPJ emailed Myanmar’s Ministry of Information for comment, but did not receive an immediate response. In an open letter in April, CPJ called on coup maker Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to release all of the journalists jailed by his military regime..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-10-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: UK IS RAISING NORTH-WESTERN BURMA CRISIS WITH UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEMBERS
Description: "The British Foreign Office is ‘in discussion’ with UN Security Council members regarding the escalating crisis in North-Western Burma, according to a Foreign Office Minister today. Amanda Milling MP, Minister of State for Asia, made the statement in answer to written questions in the British Parliament today. “We are very pleased to see this kind of international leadership by the British government,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government is right to be taking this threat seriously and sounding out UN Security Council members about a meeting”. Questions regarding whether the British government was seeking a UN Security Council discussion regarding the North-Western Burma situation were asked by Stephen Kinnock, Shadow Secretary of State for Asia, and by Lyn Brown MP, following a media release from Burma Campaign UK on 20th October warning of a possible large scale military offensive, and calling for a UN Security Council meeting. The media release from Burma Campaign UK is available here. Amanda Milling MP stated in response to both questions: “The UK is deeply concerned about the situation in Chin and Sagaing States, particularly the significant troop movements by the Myanmar Armed Forces and reports of multiple civilian casualties. Current clashes have created mass displacement, with thousands of people now fleeing across the Indian border into Manipur and Mizoram state. This not only exacerbates the crisis in Myanmar but causes further regional instability. On 15 October the British Embassy in Yangon released a statement urging the military to end their campaign of violence and flagging our concern for communities, their livelihoods, property and places of worship. We are monitoring developments closely and are in discussion with our international partners in the UN Security Council.” The questions and answers are available here: In response to Stephen Kinnock MP: https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2021-10-20/59806 In response to Lyn Brown MP: https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2021-10-20/59747 Since Burma Campaign UK made the urgent call for a UN Security Council meeting on Wednesday 20th October, more organisations and individuals have been sounding the alarm, including Chin civil society organisations and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews. The statement from Chin Civil Society Organisations in available here: United Nations Security Council: Convene an Emergency Meeting to Address The Impending Crisis in Chin State and Northwestern Burma/Myanmar United Nations media release regarding the Special Rapporteur’s presentation to the UN General Assembly is available here: Myanmar: UN expert fears spike in atrocities amid reports of troops massing in north “It is vital that UN Security Council members agree to a meeting and send the strongest possible warning to the Burmese military that there will be serious consequences if the military continue to escalate attacks against civilians in North-Western Burma,” said Anna Roberts..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-10-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Report on the human rights situation in Chin and Kayah States of Myanmar
Description: "Introduction: 1. This report complements the earlier report produced by the National Unity Government (NUG) of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar on the human rights situation in Sagaing and Magway Regions.2 2. Since its failed military coup d’état of 1 February 2021, the illegal military junta has directed escalating, excessive and disproportionate force against the people of Myanmar. As at 18 October 2021, at least 1181 civilians had been killed by security forces countrywide, while another 7355 remained in detention.3 An estimated 612 persons had been arrested in Chin State alone, 70 of which (61 males and nine females) took place in August and September 2021.4 3. Increasingly since April 2021, security forces – operating at the direction and in the full knowledge of the junta leadership – have intensified operations in ethnic minority areas and in centres of resistance. The military continues to employ its long practised ‘four cuts strategy’, known as Pyat Ley Pyat, cutting off communities and presumed insurgents in these areas from funding, food, intelligence and recruits. This strategy has been accompanied by internet and phone blackouts, and forced displacement. 4. The NUG has documented credible reports of grave human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law, including unlawful killings and murder, torture and mistreatment, sexual and gender-based violence, abductions, arbitrary detention, the use of human shields, the indiscriminate use of landmines, the destruction of homes and property, and looting. The information contained in this report is drawn from multiple sources, including victims, witnesses, medical personnel, and local residents and organisations. Select emblematic incidents are set out below. Other incidents remain under investigation and subject to verification. Open source references are provided where available.....Chin State: 5. Chin State is located in western Myanmar and borders Bangladesh and India. It shares internal borders with Rakhine State, and Magway and Sagaing Regions.5 Chin State comprises 9 townships, including Falam, Hakha, Kanpetlet, Mindat, and Thantlang, and is amongst the poorest parts of Myanmar. 6. At 18 October 2021, at least 33 civilians, including eight children, had been killed by junta security forces in Chin State since February 2021. Unconfirmed reports suggest that four military battalions, including Light Infantry Battalion 222 (LIB-222) and Light Infantry Division 66 (LID-66), have been deployed to Chin State. 7. The international community has expressed growing alarm at troop build ups in Chin State. Notably, the United Kingdom (penholder on Myanmar at the United Nations (UN) Security Council) and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released recent statements. On 15 October 2021, the United Kingdom acknowledged that ‘[r]epeated large scale attacks have demonstrated the Myanmar Military has no regard for the people of Myanmar’.6 On 8 October 2021, OHCHR noted the military’s ‘established pattern of attacks’ against unarmed individuals and urged ‘the international community to speak with one voice, to prevent the commission of further serious human rights violations against the people of Myanmar’.7 8. This escalation of force in Chin State has included the use of artillery, with multiple reports of civilians having been killed and injured and homes destroyed by shelling. On 18 September 2021 in Thantlang Township, 18 civilian homes were destroyed by shelling. As many as 15,000 villagers have fled Thantlang Township on account of these indiscriminate attacks.8 9. The military has also employed airstrikes in Chin State. On 10 September 2021 in Lon Ler village of Thantlang Township, local villagers were forced to flee airstrikes that reportedly followed clashes between the Chin National Front and junta forces.9 10. The NUG is also investigating multiple incidents in which junta troops have allegedly shot and killed civilians. On 18 September 2021 in Thantlang Township, a Christian pastor was murdered by junta soldiers.10 His wedding-band finger was cut off and his ring removed, acts that constitute despoliation and pillage of the dead.11 On 29 September, two men – one aged in his seventies, the other in his fifties – were shot and killed by junta soldiers while they were driving in Thantlang Township. Two other civilians were reportedly injured in the same incident.12 11. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Mr. Thomas Andrews, has deemed as credible reports that junta soldiers used an estimated 10 to 14 civilians, including a pregnant woman, as human shields during an attack on Mindat Township in August 2021. The Special Rapporteur has also documented the use of sexual violence, arbitrary detention, the blocking of roads, and the cutting off of the water supply in Mindat, forcing the displacement of over 30,000 villagers.13 12. According to the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), between 30,000 to 35,000 persons from Chin State have fled to Mizoram State in India since 1 February 2021, while another 20,000 people remain internally displaced in Mindat Township. CHRO also estimates that up to 10,000 residents of Thantlang Township have been displaced since 6 September 2021.14..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication: 2021-10-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Ethnic Minority Student Killed in Myanmar Junta Custody
Description: "A final-year engineering student who led anti-regime protests in Naypyitaw and Mandalay has died in military custody, his friends told The Irrawaddy. Ko Lin Paing Soe, a Buddhist Gurkha student from Kyaukse Technological University, was tortured because of his ethnicity and died on his first night in custody, said his friend, who is a member of Mandalay Yadanabon University student union. “We only just learned that he died. He died soon after he was detained on Sept. 30. He was beaten because he was non-Burmese and died in interrogation. The regime said he was sent to Obo Prison in Mandalay, which was a lie,” he told The Irrawaddy. Ko Lin Paing Soe led protests in Mandalay and Naypyitaw and was detained with two classmates and a striking nurse when junta forces in Mandalay raided the houses of protest leaders on Sept. 30. They were beaten by junta soldiers while being taken away, said another friend. He said a military source says they were taken to Mandalay Palace and interrogated the whole night. “I was told [soldiers] used racially and religiously offensive language against Ko Lin Paing Soe during interrogation and he was beaten inhumanely,” said his friend. His death was only revealed on Monday. “It is the inhumanity of the fascist military. Besides jailing civilians, they are killing people and covering up the deaths. Ko Lin Paing Soe’s family should have been told about his death,” said his friend. The military regime has used live ammunition on peaceful protesters and rammed them with vehicles. It has detained thousands of anti-regime activists and striking government employees. Non-Buddhists, LGBT people, student union members and National League for Democracy supporters were reportedly subjected to harsher torture during interrogation..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-10-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Brief 3: Myanmar at War: D-Day and Its Repercussions
Description: "This brief, the third in a series, reviews Myanmar’s conflict trends for the month of September 2021. It focuses on the significance of the National Unity Government’s (NUG) September 7 declaration of “resistance war” against the junta, e.g., the long-rumored ‘D-Day.’1 This brief builds upon analysis presented in Brief 2: Myanmar’s Shifting Military Balance, which described how armed resistance to military dictatorship continued to expand in scope during July and August 2021. Particularly significant, by the end of August a total of 250 out of the country’s 330 townships had experienced at least some conflict incidents since 1 February. Key to armed resistance has been the increasing assertion and steady expansion of self-defense groups. Since the coup, approximately 240 such groups have declared themselves in one way or another. It is likely that at least 180 of them have been active to some extent. The NUG’s September 7 declaration was a major milestone in the country’s history.2 Since then, there has been a notable increase in attacks across the country on Tatmadaw forces and other State Administration Council (SAC) apparatuses. Self-defense groups and key EAOs are active in resistance actions across the length and breadth of the country aside from Rakhine.3 A strong argument can be made that resistance to military rule is now self-sustaining in terms of resourcing, safe havens, and personnel, and cannot be easily extinguished by the Tatmadaw.4 The Tatmadaw has had no success forcing key EAOs to sign ceasefires or to break their burgeoning relationships with the NUG and peoples’ defense forces (PDFs). Resistance forces now have established safe havens with both the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Karen National Union (KNU) where they can safely train and equip fighters.5 Raids on villages are ineffective at killing PDF fighters. Tatmadaw ‘clearance operations’ in remote townships are costly and ineffective at controlling territory for the long-term. There are simply not enough security forces to move around. It is not assured that SAC will lose, but a month after D-Day, it certainly does not have the military initiative. The Tatmadaw is increasingly having to react to events driven by the resistance.6 As before, the analysis in this brief is underpinned by a ‘conflict incidents’ dataset compiled by the author. This dataset comprises approximately 3,400 incidents from 1 February to 30 September but focuses specifically on ‘conflict incidents’ from May onwards when the nature of resistance shifted towards nationwide armed revolt. This dataset draws on Exera daily briefs but is complemented by other sources, such as 74 Media, Khit Thit Media, and Mizzima’s daily updates. The author notes up front his own doubts about trying to quantify a highly fluid situation. Such datasets are useful for highlighting general trends and trajectories and the analysis below should be understood accordingly.7 Lastly, the brief intentionally provides a wide range of references to support policymakers interested in specific topics. Did D-Day have any effect? The September 7 announcement by NUG interim president Duwa Lashi La provoked a lot of interest around the world and a palpable sense of excitement within the country. After a month, it is possible to make some preliminary observations about whether it had any significance to the military situation on the ground. Over September there were approximately 779 conflict incidents, compared to 523 in August and 443 in July.8 This represents a 49 percent increase month-on-month.9 A review of the most conflict-affected townships, both overall and during September, highlights they are all over the country, including in major urban townships in Yangon and Mandalay. September saw new townships all over the country emerge as hotspots, such as: Ye Township, Mon State; Launglon Township, Tanintharyi Region; Thantlang Township, Chin State; and Ayadaw Township, Sagaing Region. Examined from another angle, daily national averages of conflict incidents increased from 16.9 in August to 26 in September.10 Mandalay saw the steepest change, nearly doubling its average with several townships in Mandalay city seeing sharp rises in conflict incidents (see Annex 1). Magway was also notable, increasing from 1.55 to 2.64 conflict incidents per day, driven by resistance attacks in Yesagyo, Gangaw, Pauk, Saw and Taungdwingyi Townships. Yangon and Sagaing Regions were already high in August but still increased over September; from 3.61 to 5.4 and 3.84 to 6.8 incidents per day respectively. Overall, Sagaing, Magway, Yangon, and Mandalay Magway Regions represented 68 percent of all conflict incidents in September. The widespread presence and quickening pace of armed resistance and conflict incidents in Bamar Regions is unprecedented. While the remaining three regions are not at the same levels, Bago, Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi Regions also saw their daily averages of conflict incidents increase over September compared to August (see Annex 1). This was due to increased actions in townships with existing concentrations of conflict incidents – for instance Pathein, Bago, and Dawei – but more significantly by rapid increases in other townships that did not have extensive conflict histories. For instance, Thayetchaung Township in Tanintharyi Regions escalated markedly in September as did Kyaukkyi Township in Bago Region. Seven townships also became active for the first time in September in these three Regions, namely Einme and Ngaputaw Townships in Ayeyarwady Region; Daik-U, Gyobingauk, Kawa, and Monyo Towships in Bago Region; and Tanintharyi Township in Tanintharyi Region. The D-Day announcement did not significantly change the strategy and tactics used by self-defense groups. Rather, it signaled a distinct escalation in attacks utilizing available resources. Self-defense groups are utilizing the gamut of tactics applied to date, including IED and mine attacks, assassinations, arson attacks, attacks on police stations, and bombings of strategic routes, offices, and infrastructure. Several new tactics have also emerged, such as the routine sabotage of MyTel telecom towers. During September there was a clear escalation of bombings in both Yangon and Mandalay. By example, from September 1 to 22, there were at least 39 explosions in Yangon Region alone.11 Sabotage of MyTel telecom towers escalated significantly over September and by the end of the month over a hundred had been destroyed since the coup.12 As mentioned, conflict incidents have been consistently present in the States since the coup except for Rakhine. However, Shan State was relatively calm over September aside from consistently high levels of conflict incidents in Muse Township in the northeast and Phekon Township in the south, which has been the case for several months now. Overall, conflict incidents decreased across the State from 48 in August to 33 in September. That Shan State is relatively calm is a historic anomaly, but the ongoing fighting between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) -- Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) coalition persists at comparatively low numbers of conflict incidents, albeit at high intensity as they are significant military forces engaging in battles. The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an EAO from the Kokang community, has been active in Muse but was also increasingly active in Lashio Township during the last week of September. There were also notable attacks on Tatmadaw-allied forces in Kalaw Township.13 Although Chin State saw an overall increase in conflict incidents, both Kayah and Karen States saw slight decreases. Fighting over September was particularly pronounced in Chin State’s Thantlang, Hakha and Tedim Townships in the north and Kantpetlet Township in the south. September was also significant for the amount of coordination by Chin self-defense groups and those in nearby Sagaing and Magway 0 50 100 150 200 250 Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month Conflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region MonthConflict Incidents Per State/Region Month May June JuneJune July JulyJuly AugustAugustAugustAugustAugustAugust SeptemberSeptemberSeptemberSeptember September SeptemberSeptember 4 Regions. Mon State also saw notable increases in conflict incidents over September, more than doubling compared to August. This was driven by marked increases in Ye, Bilin and Thaton Townships..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Matthew B. Arnold, Ph.D.
Date of publication: 2021-10-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Under the Tatmadaw: Much Has Changed Since 1988
Description: "I and many other journalists who covered the 1988 pro-democracy uprising felt a sense of déjà vu when, once again, the Tatmadaw’s tanks rolled into major cities and cracked down brutally on protesters while some embittered activists took to the borders to fight and to form a government working mostly in exile. Is it happening again? Will there be another few decades of harsh military rule, resistance and suffering? Will the men in green ever come to their senses and realize that they are destroying the country, not “saving” it? On closer reflection, however, there are some fundamental differences between the situation today and that of 33 years ago. First of all, digital media has changed the world, and Myanmar is no exception. In 1988, the internet and smartphones did not exist and we who covered the uprising from Bangkok had to depend on shaky and often faulty landlines. It all began on Aug. 8,1988—hence “8888”—with massive demonstrations all over the country. The military was called out to suppress the uprising and did so brutally. Thousands of people—yes, thousands, not hundreds as some chroniclers claim—were gunned down in the then capital Yangon and elsewhere. When that failed to cow the public into submission, the Tatmadaw withdrew from the streets and public view, hoping that it would create the kind of chaos it would need to step in and “restore order”. And that was exactly what it did on Sept. 18, when a junta called the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) assumed power and another massacre of protesters took place. During that month, from mid-August to Sept. 18, Myanmar actually enjoyed its first month of intellectual freedom since the initial military takeover in 1962. After more than two decades of strict governmental control of the media, new lively papers emerged, some daily and others intermittent. By the end of August, Yangon alone had nearly 40 independent newspapers, magazines and journals full of political commentaries, biting satires and cartoons ridiculing the ruling elite. They had fanciful titles such as the Light of Dawn, Liberation Daily, Scoop, New Victory, the Newsletter and so on. Some were handwritten and photocopied or mimeographed, while others had access to professional printing presses, often free of charge because their owners wanted to show that they also supported the movement for democracy. Despite the use of English titles for many of the publications, they were in the Burmese language, published locally in Yangon, Mandalay, Mawlamyine, Pathein and elsewhere, and it was rare that the information they contained reached the outside world. The same was true of photographic images. Many Myanmar photographers took excellent pictures and those were also published locally. One of them is Htein Win, and thanks to him there is evidence of the events of 1988. An experienced photographer, in 1974 Htein Win had also photographed the student demonstrations triggered by the funeral of the Myanmar former secretary general of the United Nations, U Thant. But very few international press photographers were inside the country, among them Alain Evrard from Belgium and a Japanese photographer who used the name Ryo Takeda. Takeda photographed demonstrators kneeling before soldiers and urging them not to shoot, while Evrard took the most iconic picture of the suppression of the 1988 uprising: a shot of a Tatmadaw officer leading an attack on a group of demonstrators — and soldiers carrying guns with bayonets charging the crowd. Evrard had to hide his film rolls in his underpants and smuggle them out of Myanmar. Once in Bangkok, days after the event, he could have his film developed and prints made. A few videotapes, all on VHS, also reached Bangkok, but they were of very poor quality. Sporadic demonstrations continued for a while after the formation of the SLORC and the imposition of draconian martial law measures, but the Tatmadaw was soon in near-total control of cities and towns and even major villages. But an estimated 10,000 activists, most of them young, fled to areas along Myanmar’s borders which were under the control of various ethnic rebel armies. On November 1, they formed the All Burma Students Democratic Front and organized themselves along military lines and dressed up in uniforms with insignia. The hope was that they, together with their ethnic allies, would defeat the Tatmadaw militarily. Then came the May 1990 election, which, to the surprise of many, was free and fair. The National League for Democracy (NLD) scored a landslide victory, capturing 392 of the 485 seats that were up for grabs (of a total of 492; elections were not held in seven constituencies) while the Tatmadaw-supported National Unity Party scored a mere 10 seats. But that Pyithu Hluttaw, or National Assembly, was never convened. Instead, the SLORC eventually decided to form a constituent assembly consisting of about a hundred MPs-elect and 600 delegates handpicked by the Tatmadaw. When it became clear a couple of months after the May 1990 election that the SLORC was not going to honor the outcome and began arresting MPs-elect, some fled to the Thai border along with other NLD activists. In December 1990, they formed what they called the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s cousin U Sein Win, an elected MP, as prime minister. A loose alliance was formed with the ABSDF and some of the ethnic rebels. Internationally, there was widespread condemnation of the mass killings and arrests in 1988 as well as the SLORC’s decision to ignore the results of the 1990 election. But, at that time, there were almost no foreign investors in Myanmar. One of the few was Fritz Werner Industrie-Ausrüstungen, a German firm that was involved in arms production and had personal connections with the then dictator General Ne Win. There was, in other words, very little at stake economically for the outside world, including Myanmar’s immediate neighbors. Looking back at those events which took place three decades ago, it is evident that we are now dealing with an entirely new situation with different dynamics internally, regionally and internationally. After the 2010 election, the Tatmadaw decided to allow a high degree of freedom of expression, and that lasted until the Feb. 1 coup. But during those 10 years, tech-savvy young people known as Generation Z became masters at using the internet—and many of them are still active after the coup. Today, nothing happens in Myanmar without it being disseminated worldwide on Facebook and other social media. People also communicate with each other relatively safely via digital platforms, some of which are encrypted. In real, crude and brutal terms, more people were gunned down by the Tatmadaw in 1988 than today, but the documentary evidence was never there. Some, but not as many as in 1988, have resorted to armed struggle—but in a way that Myanmar has not seen in recent history. The military-structured ABSDF soon fell apart because of factional infighting, some resulting in activists killing other activists. There was an acute shortage of weapons and even medical supplies. Many fell sick with malaria and other diseases contracted in the jungle. The dream of an armed uprising from the borders never materialized. The erstwhile ABSDF militants trickled back to their old hometowns, or ended up in exile in the US, Australia and Europe. This time, there is armed resistance as well, but it includes urban guerrilla warfare of a kind not seen in Myanmar before. Bombs are exploding on an almost daily basis in cities and towns all over the country, even in the old capital Yangon and the new one, Naypyitaw. Suspected Tatmadaw informants are being assassinated and militants are blowing up military-owned property like Mytel communication towers. Local resistance forces, which are active also in the Burman-dominated heartland, have ambushed Tatmadaw convoys with guns and homemade bombs. And the Tatmadaw today is no longer the highly disciplined fighting force it was in the 1980s and before. Judging from reports from inside the country—and then not only from internet activists—the Tatmadaw has suffered heavy casualties with hundreds of dead and many more wounded. Furthermore, the old NCGUB never managed to attract anything that could be interpreted as recognition. It became redundant after 2010 and was dissolved two years later. The new National Unity Government (NUG) has the backing of several MPs who, unlike those in 1990, have actually served as MPs, and that of Myanmar’s representative to the United Nations, U Kyaw Moe Tun. Informal meetings have been held with representatives of foreign governments. On Oct. 5, the French Senate extended what can be seen as a recognition of the NUG, and the European Parliament passed a similar resolution a day later. And, as The Irrawaddy reported on Oct. 6, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah has issued a warning to the junta in Naypyitaw, the State Administration Council (SAC), that his country will hold talks with the NUG if the generals fail to cooperate with a recently appointed special envoy of ASEAN, of which Myanmar is a fellow member. But the deciding factors could be what certainly did not exist in 1988: a once thriving local business environment and foreign investors. Strikes and military crackdowns have been bad for business. The World Bank forecasts in its July report an 18 percent annual decline for Myanmar’s economy, nearly double what was predicted in March. Other estimates are even more dire; Global credit rating agency Fitch Solutions, for instance, expects a contraction of 20 percent or more. In short, the economy is on the verge of collapse, and the blame for that lies entirely with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s decision to oust the elected government and seize absolute power. Regional trading partners like ASEAN and China may not care about democracy and human rights, but they don’t want to see their investments go up in smoke over the Myanmar battlefield. China has invested heavily in Myanmar’s fledgling industry and in infrastructure projects such as a deep-sea port at Kyaukphyu, Rakhine State. High-speed railroads are on the drawing board, and so are plans to dredge the Irrawaddy River for trade. Chaos is the last thing the Chinese would want to see in Myanmar. Singapore exported US$2.7 billion worth of goods to Myanmar in 2020, mainly mineral fuels, oil, electronics and machinery. Trade with Vietnam was also booming before the coup and Vietnamese companies have invested in real estate and a huge new shopping mall in Yangon. Mytel is a joint venture between Tatmadaw-controlled Myanmar Economic Corporation and Viettel, which is owned by the Vietnamese military. Vietnam, hardly a democracy, would not normally have cared about a military takeover in a foreign country, but the Vietnamese can hardly be pleased to see their co-owned communication towers being blown up, and other investments being ruined because of the coup. So will the new junta survive? The old SLORC was never under the same pressure at home or internationally as the SAC. But, in the end, it depends on what will happen inside the Tatmadaw when—and it seems inevitable—Myanmar sinks even deeper into economic, social and political crisis. But what will come in place of SAC, if it falls, is impossible to predict. What can be said with certainty, though, is that Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen had probably not anticipated any of this when they decided to launch their ill-fated coup on Feb. 1. What the generals could get away with in 1988 is not possible in 2021. Bertil Lintner is a Swedish journalist, author and strategic consultant who has been writing about Asia for nearly four decades..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Violence Committed by the Terrorist Junta in September - စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်မှုများ
Description: "စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းယူသည့် အချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်ကန့်ကွက်ခဲ့ကြသည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန်နှိပ်ကွပ်မှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ပြုလုပ်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၇) ရက်နေ့တွင် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို လက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်မှုများဖြင့် ပြန်လှန်ခုခံသွားရန် ကြေညာချက် ထွက်ပေါ်ခဲ့ပြီးနောက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှာ ပိုမို ဆိုးရွားရက်စက်လာခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်တို့တွင် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်ပါးစေ တပ်ရင်းတပ်ခွဲများက အကြမ်းဖက်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများပြုလုပ်ကာ မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ ကြသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ရွာလုံးကျွတ် ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင် ကြရသည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများမှာ တစ်နေ့ထက်တစ်နေ့ ပိုမို များပြားလာလျက်ရှိနေသည်။ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများပြုလုပ်ရာတွင် လူကိုသာအကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းမျိုးမကဘဲ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကိုပါ သိမ်းဆည်း ခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ မီးရှို့ခြင်း ဖြစ်ရပ်များအပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်၍ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကိုပါ စနစ်တကျ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိနေသည်။ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်များကို စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ၊ ဆေးဝါး၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့် လိုအပ်သော အခြေခံအထောက်အပံ့များ ကူညီ ပံ့ပိုးပေးနေသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုပေးနေသော စေတနာ့ဝန်ထမ်းများမှာလည်း စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းကို ခံနေရသည်။ လွတ်လပ်စွာထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများမှာ စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ထက်တွင် ဆိုးရွားစွာချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရသည့် အခြေအနေတွင်ရှိနေပြီး သတင်းအချက်အလက်ဆက်သွယ်မှုပြတ်တောက်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ မန္တလေးတိုင်း၊ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကချင်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် ချင်းပြည်နယ်ရှိ မြို့နယ်ပေါင်း (၂၀) ကျော်တွင် အင်တာနက်ဖြတ်တောက်မှုများကိုလည်း စနစ်တကျ ပြုလုပ်ထားသည်။ ယခင် အရပ်သားအစိုးရ လက်ထက်က ပယ်ဖျက်ခဲ့သည့် မည်သည့်အချိန်တွင်မဆို အကြောင်းပြချက်မရှိဘဲစိတ်ထင်တိုင်း နေအိမ်များသို့ အချိန်မရွေး ဝင်ရောက်စစ်ဆေးနိုင်သည့် ဧည့်စာရင်းဥပဒေကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ပြန်လည်အသက်သွင်းလာပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်များမှာ ပိုမို၍ ကြီးမားကျယ်ပြန့်စွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခံနေရလျက် ရှိနေသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဗဟိုအဖွဲ့က နေအိမ်၊ တိုက်ခန်းငှားရမ်းသူအိမ်ရှင်များကို နေအိမ်၊ တိုက်ခန်းများအား ငှားရမ်းမည်ဆိုပါက ငှားရမ်း နေထိုင်သည့် သူများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးမှူးရုံးများသို့ ငှားရမ်းနေထိုင်သူများ၏ ကိုယ်ရေးအချက်အလက်၊ အထောက်အထားပြည့်စုံစွာဖြင့် တင်းကြပ်သည့် သတ်မှတ်ချက်များနှင့်အတိုင်း ဧည့်စာရင်း တိုင်ကြားရန်နှင့် မိမိငှားရမ်းထားသောသူများသည် သံသယ ဖြစ်ဖွယ်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပါက သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို အချိန်မီသတင်းပို့ အကြောင်းကြားခြင်းရန် ကြေညာချက်ကို စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း ထုတ်ပြန်လာခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ငှားရမ်းထားသည့်နေအိမ်တိုက်ခန်းများတွင် နေထိုင်သူများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်ကြောင်း ဖော်ထုတ် ရရှိပြီး ဧည့်စာရင်းတိုင်ကြားထားခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း စိစစ်တွေ့ရှိရပါက ငှားရမ်းသည့် ပိုင်ရှင်များတွင် တာဝန်ရှိသည့်အတွက် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေအရ အရေးယူခံရမည့်အပြင် အဆိုပါငှားရမ်းထားသည့် နေအိမ်၊ တိုက်ခန်းများကို အကြမ်းဖက်မှု တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဥပဒေအရ သက်သေခံအဖြစ် သိမ်းဆည်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်သလို တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးပေါ်ပေါက်ချက်အရ နိုင်ငံတော် ဘဏ္ဍာအဖြစ် သိမ်းဆည်းခံရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းလည်း ထိုကြေညာချက်တွင် ပါဝင်သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်မှုများ အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖော်ပြချက် ဖမ်းဆီးမှု AAPP မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထားသည့် အချက်အလက်များအရ စက်တင်ဘာ ၁ ကနေ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့အထိ စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုကြောင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံခဲ့ရသူပေါင်း (၅၅၅) ရှိခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသမီး ဦးရေ (၉၅)၊ အသက် (၁၈) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ်ဦးရေ (၁၇) နှင့် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူ (၂၅) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်မှု စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အညှိုးထားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၉၆) ဦး အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ထိုအထဲတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူ (၈) ဦးနှင့် အသက် (၁၈) နှစ်အောက် ကလေးသူငယ် (၈) ဦး ပါဝင်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်ဖျက်ဆီးမှု စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန်ဆန့်ကျင်ကန့်ကွက်သော ဒေသတစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထင်ရှားသည့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိ ပုလဲမြို့နယ်၊ တန့်ဆည်မြို့နယ်၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်၊ ကနီမြို့နယ် အစရှိသည့် မြို့နယ်များနှင့် ကျေးရွာများတွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်က စီးနင်းဝင်ရောက်မှုများ၊ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးအကြောင်းပြုကာ ရှာဖွေဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းများ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လက်နက်ငယ်များ အသုံးပြု၍ တရစပ်ထိုးစစ်ဆင်မှုများကြောင့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများမှ ဒေသခံထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာတို့မှာ ဘေးလွတ်ရာသို့ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကနီမြို့နယ်၌ အသက် ၁၃ နှစ်အရွယ်သာရှိသေးသည့် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသော မိန်းကလေးတစ်ဦးမှာ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့က စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေ တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ အဓမ္မပြုကျင့်မှုကို ခံခဲ့ရကြောင်း ဒေသခံများ၏ ပြောကြားချက်အရ သိရ သည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျောက်ရစ်ကျေးရွာ၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ရေရှင်ကျေးရွာ၊ လယ်ခြားကျေးရွာ၊ ဒိုးနွယ်ကျေးရွာ၊ ကျောက်ပြုတ်ကျေးရွာ၊ တန်ဆည်မြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျီကုန်းကျေးရွာ၊ ယင်းမာပင်မြို့နယ်ရှိ ကံစုကျေးရွာများတွင်လည်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုများ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ရန်ကုန်တိုင်း စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့၌ မှော်ဘီမြို့နယ်၊ စမ်းကြီးကျေးရွာရှိ ပြည်သူ ၃၀ ဦးကို လုပ်အားပေးရန်ပေါ်တာအဖြစ် စစ်အုပ်စု ၏လက်ပါးစေ တပ်ဖွဲ့များက အတင်းအကျပ် ခေါ်ဆောင်သွားခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့ နံနက် ၁နာရီခွဲ အချိန်ခန့်တွင် စမ်းချောင်းမြို့နယ်၊ မြေနီကုန်း တံတားအဆင်း၌ လူငယ် ၃ ဦးကိုဖမ်းဆီးပြီးနောက် သေနတ်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သလို သွေးအိုင်ထဲ လဲနေသည့် ထိုလူငယ် များကို ဝိုင်းဝန်းကန်ကျောက်သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြပြီး ရုပ်အလောင်းများကို တင်ဆောင်သွားခဲ့ကြသည်။ မကွေးတိုင်း ဆောမြို့နယ်၊ ရေစကြိုမြို့နယ်၊ ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်၊ မြိုင်မြို့နယ် အစရှိသည့် မကွေးတိုင်းအတွင်းရှိ မြို့နယ်များတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုက လက်နက်ကြီးများနှင့် အဆက်မပြတ်ပစ်ခတ်မှုများ၊ နေအိမ်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ရာ ဒေသခံများ ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်အုပ်စုက လူနာတင်ကား၊ ပရဟိတကားများကို အသုံးပြု၍ ရွာများကို စီးနင်းမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်၊ မွေ့လယ်ကျေးရွာအနီးတွင် မွေ့လယ်ကျေးရွာမှ ဒေသခံရွာသား သုံးဦး နှင့် လယ်ရှည် ကျေးရွာမှ ဒေသခံရွာသား နှစ်ဦးတို့၏ ရုပ်အလောင်းများကို စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့ နှင့် ၁၄ ရက်နေ့တို့တွင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ရပြီး သေဆုံးသူများတွင် နောက်စေ့ကို သေနတ်ဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်းခံထားရပြီး ခန္ဓာကိုယ်နှင့် ဦးခေါင်း၊ မျက်နှာတို့တွင် ရိုက်နှက်ခြင်း ခံထားရသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများ၊ ခြေထောက်နှင့်လက်ကို ဓားဖြင့် မွှန်းထားသော ဒဏ်ရာများ၊ လိင်အင်္ဂါဖြတ်တောက်ခြင်းခံထား ရသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများကို မြင်တွေ့ခဲ့ကြရသည်။ အလားတူ မြိုင်မြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ လူမှုကူညီရေးကားအပါအဝင် ဆိုင်ကယ်အစီးရေ ၃၀၀ ကျော်ကို မီးတင်ရှို့မှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ ၉ ရက်နေ့ နံနက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဂန်ဂေါမြို့နယ် အတွင်းရှိ မြင်သားကျေးရွာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ မီးတင်ရှို့ ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ပြီး အနည်းဆုံး ဒေသခံရွာသား ၁၈ ဦးကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဂန့်ဂေါမြို့နယ်၊ နှမ်းခါး၊ သာလင်းနှင့် ထယ်လှော်ရွာများကိုကို ဝင်ရောက် စီးနင်းခဲ့ပြီး မီးရှို့ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် အနည်းဆုံး လူနေအိမ် ၅၀ ခန့် ပြာကျခဲ့ရသည်။ ကချင်ပြည်နယ် မိုးညှင်းမြို့ပေါ်တွင် စစ်အုပ်စုမှ အိမ်ခွန်ဆောင်ရန်အတွက် အတင်းအဓမ္မလိုက်လံကောက်ခံလျက်ရှိရာ အိမ်အခြေအနေပေါ် မူတည်ပြီး သောင်းဂဏန်းမှ သိန်းဂဏန်းအထိ ငွေကြေး ပေးဆောင်နေရသည်။ တနိုင်းမြို့နယ်၊ တရုန်ကျေးရွာတွင် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့က အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်နှင့် ကချင်လွတ်လပ်ရေးတပ်မတော် (KIA) တို့ တိုက်ပွဲ ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့ရာ စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်က တရုန်ကျေးရွာအတွင်းကို လက်နက်ကြီးများ ပစ်ခတ်ခြင်း၊ သေနတ်များ ပစ်ခတ်နေခြင်းတို့ကြောင့် တရုန်ကျေးရွာရှိ အသက် ၄၀ ဝန်းကျင်အရွယ် အမျိုးသမီးဦးခေါင်းကို ကျည်ထိမှန်ခဲ့ပြီး ဒေသခံ ၂၀၀ ဝန်းကျင်ခန့်မှာ ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ရွှေကူမြို့နယ်တွင် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့က စစ်အုပ်စု တပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ စီးလာသည့် သင်္ဘောပေါ်မှ လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သဖြင့် ရွှေဘုံသာကျေးရွာမှ အမျိုးသားနှစ်ဦးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီး တစ်ဦး လက်နက်စမှန်ကာ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရရှိပြီး နှစ်ဦးမှာ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းကို ခံခဲ့ရသည်။ ကရင်ပြည်နယ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဒူးပလာယာခရိုင်၊ ကော့ကရိတ်မြို့နယ်၊ ပိုင်ကလာဒုံကျေးရွာတွင်လည်း အမျိုးသမီးတစ်ဦးကို စစ်အုပ်စုက ဖမ်းဆီးခေါ်ဆောင်သွားပြီး စစ်ကြောင်းအရှေ့မှ လမ်းပြအဖြစ် လူသားဒိုင်းသဖွယ် အသုံးပြုကာ KNU ထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေအတွင်းကို ဝင်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကြာအင်းဆိပ်ကြီးမြို့နယ်၊ တောင်စွန်းကျေးရွာ ဘုန်းတော်ကြီးကျောင်း ပရဝဏ်မြေတွင် တပ်စွဲထားသည့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်ဖွဲ့မှ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့၊ ညနေ ၈ နာရီကျော်အချိန်တွင် ကျေးရွာများအနီး၌ လက်နက်ကြီး၊လက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်သည့်အတွက် ရွာသားအများစုမှာ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ခေါင်းအိကျေးရွာသို့ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်ကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်နေပြီး စက်တင်ဘာလ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကုန်းဆုံကျေးရွာ ထိုင်တော်မူဘုရားမှ ခေါင်းအိနှင့် စက်တော်ကျေးရွာများဘက်သို့ အင်အား ၅၀၀ ခန့်ဖြင့် ထိုးစစ်ဆင် ဝင်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ချင်းပြည်နယ် ဟားခါးမြို့ မြို့သစ်စီမံကိန်းဖော်ဆောင်သည့်နေရာတွင် မီးကြိုးသွယ်တန်းနေသည့် လူငယ် ၂၀ ခန့်ကို စက်တင်ဘာလ ၃ ရက်နေ့၊ နေ့လယ် ၁ နာရီခန့်က စစ်အုပ်စု၏ တပ်များမှ မြေပြင်နှင့် ရဟတ်ယာဉ်ပေါ်မှနေ၍ သေနတ်နှင့်ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သည်သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့၊ ည ၁၀ နာရီခန့်တွင် ဟားခါးမြို့တွင်း ပစ်ခတ်မှုများကြောင့် ပြည်သူအချို့ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့ကာ နေအိမ်များမှာ လက်နက်ကြီးကြောင့် ပျက်စီး ခဲ့သည်။ ထန်တလန်မြို့တွင် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၉ ရက်နေ့၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က မြို့တွင်းသို့ လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လက်နက်ငယ်များဖြင့် ရမ်းသန်း ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် မြို့တွင်းရှိ နေအိမ်တချို့မီးလောင်ပျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက်နေ့၊ နေ့လယ်ပိုင်း၌လည်း ထန်တလန် မြို့နယ်ရှိ Lungler (လုံလဲရ်) ကျေးရွာကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဂျက်လေယာဉ် တစ်စီးမှ ဗုံးကျဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက်နေ့၊ နေ့လယ်ပိုင်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏တပ်မှ ထန်တလန်မြို့ပေါ်ကို လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သောကြောင့် နေအိမ် ၁၉ လုံးမီးလောင်ပြာကျခဲ့ပြီး မီးငြှိမ်းသတ်ရန်သွားသည့် ထန်တလန်ရာပြည့်နှစ်ခြင်းခရစ်ယာန် အသင်းတော် (TCBC) မှ သင်းအုပ်ဆရာ ကျုံးဗျက်ဟုမ်းသည် ပစ်သတ်ခြင်းခံခဲ့ရကာ ၎င်း၏ နာရီ၊ ဖုန်း နှင့် မင်္ဂလာ လက်စွပ်ကို လက်ချောင်းကိုပါဖြတ်ပြီး စစ်အုပ်စုတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ယူဆောင်သွားခဲ့ကြသည်။ ထန်တလန်မြို့ခံများသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ရန်ကို ကြောက်သောကြောင့် တစ်မြို့လုံးနီးပါးထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ကယားပြည်နယ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၇ ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေတပ်နှင့် ကရင်နီအမျိုးသား ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (KNDF)တို့ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွား ခဲ့ပြီးနောက် စစ်အုပ်စုဘက်မှ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် ခြောက်မိုင်ရှိနေအိမ် သုံးလုံးခန့် မီးလောင်သွားခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် စစ်အုပ်စု တပ်ဖွဲ့ ဝင်များသည် ဒေါပိုးစီ၊ စံပြ ၆ မိုင်နှင့် ဒီးမော့ဆိုရှိ ဒေါငံခါးရပ်ကွက်မှ နေအိမ်တချို့အား ဝင်ရောက်မီးရှို့ ခဲ့သည်။ အလားတူ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်က လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် ဒေါစဲကျေးရွာရှိ လူနေအိမ် လေးလုံးထိမှန် ပျက်စီးခဲ့ပြီး အသက် ၈ နှစ်ဝန်းကျင်ကလေးငယ်တစ်ဦး ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ ဒီးမော့ဆိုမြို့နယ်တွင် တိုက်ပွဲပြင်းထန်ခဲ့ပြီး ကျေးရွာ (၁၀) ရွာမှ ဒေသခံ ၃ ထောင်ကျော်သည် တောတောင်များအတွင်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်မှ ဘောလခဲမြို့မှ နေ၍ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသမ်းပစ်ခတ်မှုကြောင့် နန်းဖဲကျေးရွာရှိ တောင်ယာခုတ်တောင်သူ အမျိုးသမီးတစ်ဦး သေဆုံးသွားခဲ့ပြီး (၄) ဦး ဒဏ်ရာရရှိခဲ့သည်။ စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၅ ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ ဒီးမော့ဆိုမြို့နယ်၊ သေးဆူလဲနှင့် ကုန်းသာကျေးရွာများအတွင်း တပ်စွဲပြီး အဆိုပါကျေးရွာများရှိ အများပြည်သူပိုင်နေအိမ်များအား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးသွားကြသည်။ အထက်ပါဖေါ်ပြချက်များသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်၏ စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း၌ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော တရားမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများအား အကျဉ်းချုပ် ဖေါ်ပြချက်မျှသာဖြစ်ပြီး အခြားသော တိုင်းနှင့်ပြည်နယ်များတွင်လည်း ထိုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများ များစွာရှိခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Violence Committed by the Terrorist Junta in September
Description: "Since the attempted military coup, the terrorist junta has been violently cracking down on civilians who protest the military coup. Civilians faced intense and daily repression from the terrorist junta. On September 7, the National Unity Government declared the terrorist groups’ indiscriminate violence has been deteriorating. In response a defensive war against the junta was called, and peoples support for the NUG, and PDF requested. During the month of September, the junta’s battalion troops violently raided villages, burning houses, killing civilians, and looting and destroying properties in Magway Region, Sagaing Region and Chin State. Entire villages forced to flee, with the number of abandoned villages increasing day by day. This terrorist like junta are not only arbitrarily arresting people, but also looting their property, setting fire to, and destroying buildings. After arrest, detainees are being systematically tortured and killed by the junta. At the same time, voluntary humanitarian groups providing food, medicine and other basic needs for internally displaced persons have been targeted by the junta. A civilians’ right to freedom of expression is completely disregarded by the military junta. In 20 townships over Mandalay, Magway, and Sagaing Region, and Kachin and Chin State, the junta has cut internet connection to disrupting communication and the free flow of information. The repressive Ward or Village Tract Administration Law was rejected under the previous civilian government, but in the aftermath of the coup was reinstated by the junta group. Under this law the military can enter your home at any time, for any reason. This law threatens the safety and well-being of the entire population. In September, the juntas so-called Central Committee for Combating Terrorism, announced that a house or apartment owner who rents out the property, must now report the tenants’ personal information to the relevant administrative office. At the same time, if tenants are found to be acting suspicious, the landlord has to report it immediately, to the relevant officer. In addition, the statement said that if the house/apartment owner does not report a registration list, and the tenants are found to have committed “acts of violence”, that apartment will be taken as state ownership, under the anti-terrorism law, and the property owner charged under the existing law. Summary of Junta’s September Crimes Arrests According to data collected by AAPP documentation, 555 people were arbitrarily arrested and detained between September 1 and 30, by the junta. This included (95) women, (17) children under 18 and (25) hostages. Killings This month, at least 96 civilians were killed by the junta’s targeted attacks. Among them, eight victims were tortured to death and eight were children, under the age of 18. Acts of Terrorism in Sagaing Region Pearl Township, Tangse Township, Kalemyo Township, and Kany Township have been areas of strong opposition to the military since the illegitimate coup. In disproportionate response, junta troops have raided villages, looted property, and bringing destruction to entire areas of innocent civilian populations. Junta forces have used different kinds of heavy artillery to attack villages. Thousands have been forced fleeing to their homes. According to a report from a local villager, a 13-year-old girl was raped by a member of the junta, on September 16, in Kany Township. Kyauk Yit village in Myaung Township, Yeshin village in Kalemyo Township, Lal Chya village, Doe Nwe Village, Kyauk Pyut village, Kyigone village in Tanse Township, and Kansu village in Yinmarbin Township were also set on fire to by junta troops. Yangon Region On September 7, in Sangyi village, Hmawbi Township, the junta armed forces took 30 villagers, and forcibly used them as porters. On September 25, at around 1:30 AM, at the edge of Myay Ni Gone Bridge, Sanchaung Township, three youths were detained, shot, and killed. The junta were kicking the youths, as they lay in a pool of their own blood, the soldiers later took the dead bodies away. Magway Region In Saw Township, Yezakyo Township, and Gangaw Township in Magway Division, the terrorist junta group were using artillery to enter villages and raid houses. Most of the local villagers were forced to flee their homes, whilst the junta group uses ambulances and charity cars to raid towns. Nearby Mwe Le village in Gangaw Township, the dead bodies of three locals from Mwe Le village and two dead bodies from Le Shay village were found on September 13 and 14. Gunshot wounds were found on the back of the heads of the bodies, and all over, including heads and faces displaying injuries from severe beatings. They were also found to have knife wounds on their hand and legs, and their male organsq were cut. In Myaing Township, junta troops have committed arson killings, setting fire to charity vehicles and more than 300 motorcycles. In the early morning of September 9, the junta set fire to Myin Thar village in Gangaw Township and killed at least 18 local villagers. Hnan Khar, Thaliin and Htae Hlaw villages in Gangaw Township were also raided by the junta and at least 50 houses burned to the ground. Kachin State In Mohnyin, the junta is forcibly collecting tens of thousands of Kyats in “property taxes”, depending on the condition of the house. On 10 September, in Tarong village, Tanai Township, there was a clash between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and terrorist junta troops. Later on, the junta were shooting artillery shells and heavy gun fire into Tarong village. A 40-year-old woman was shot in the head and some 200 locals forced to flee. On September 11, a vehicle carrying junta troops used heavy artillery on Shwe Bon Thar village. Mortar shells were also fired, two men and one woman were injured, and two others were detained. Karen State On September 1, in Pailaladon Village, Kawkareik Township, Dooplaya District, the junta abducted a woman to use as a human shield. Junta troops entered KNU controlled areas with the woman as a guide on the frontline. They then set up camp in the Taungsoon village in Kayin Seik Gyi Township. The junta were shooting artillery shells and gunfire into the village on 25 September, at around 8pm, forcing many of the locals to flee. Shan State Since September 1, the terrorist group has been firing heavy artillery shells at Khaung Ei village in Phekone Township. On September 2, approximately 500 troops entered Kone Ei and Sattaw village. Chin State Around 20 youths were detained on September 3 at the Myothit project construction site in Hakha City. At around 1pm, junta troops were shooting from both a helicopter and the ground. On September 7, by around 10pm, junta troops were firing artillery shells and gunfire in Hakha city. Some civilians were injured and many houses damage from the heavy artillery shells. On September 9, in Thantlang Township, the military fired heavy artillery, mortar shells and gunfire into the city. Some houses within the city were burnt down. At around midday, on September 10, the terrorist group were using fighter jets to bombard Lungler village in Thantlang Township. In the afternoon of September 18, the military fired into Thantlang Township. Nineteen homes were set on fire by heavy artillery shelling. A pastor from Thantlang Centenary Church (TCBC), Cung Biek Hong, was shot to death. The terrorist junta cut off his finger to take his wedding ring. His phone and watch were also stolen by the junta. Residents of Thantlang fled, from fear of the terrorist group. Kayah State On September 7, heavy fighting broke out between junta troops and the Karenni National Defense Force (KNDF). The junta used heavy artillery and three houses were burnt down within a six-mile area. In addition, the junta group set fire to buildings in Daw Poe Si village, Sanpya village and Daw Nga Kha Ward in Dimawso. Four houses in Daw Se village were destroyed by heavy artillery and an eight-year-old child was injured. There was intensive fighting in Demawso Township, and more than 3000 locals from 10 different villages fled into the mountains. On September 9, a female farmer was killed, and four others injured when artillery shells were fired from a military junta camp in Bawla Khe Township. On September 25, junta troops attacked Demawso Township, they initially entered and set up camp in Sule village and Kone Thar village, before setting fire to local homes. This is but just a summary of the human rights violations committed by the terrorist junta group in September. There have been similar atrocities across other states and divisions, in September and the months before, amounting the serious crimes against humanity..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-04
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Title: Eight Months After Coup, Myanmar Must Fend For Itself Amid Muted Response to Junta Abuses
Sub-title: Observers say that without stronger global action, the country is at risk of total collapse.
Description: "Two-thirds of a year after the military seized power in a coup, government mismanagement has made life in Myanmar worse by nearly every metric, but the junta has shown little interest in stepping down and observers say that without a stronger global response the country could be heading for ruin. Friday marks the eighth month of junta rule in Myanmar, which had enjoyed a decade-long experiment with democracy until Feb. 1, when the military overthrew the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government by claiming the party had stolen the country’s November 2020 ballot through voter fraud. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed anti-coup protests, killing at least 1,146 people and arresting 6,921 others, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). In addition to the country’s spiraling political crisis, an ongoing coronavirus outbreak—hampered by arrests of medical professionals engaged in the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)—has seen at least 17,682 people die from COVID-19, with more than 462,000 people infected since the start of the pandemic. On Sept. 7, the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) declared a nationwide state of emergency and called for open rebellion against junta rule, prompting an escalation of attacks on military targets by various allied pro-democracy militias and ethnic armed groups. The number of civilians displaced by the violence numbers in the hundreds of thousands and aid workers face a humanitarian crisis. The instability has caused investors to flee the country, pumping up already high unemployment rates and prompting a lack of confidence that has sent the value of the kyat into a freefall. The official U.S. dollar exchange rate rose Thursday to around 1,980 kyats, down from 1,330 on Feb. 1, while the black-market rate climbed to 2,500 kyats. The cost of a tical of gold (0.578 ounces) has soared to 2 million kyats, up from 1.3 million on the day of the coup. Lines have formed at banks around the nation as people race to withdraw their savings, and inflation has sent the cost of daily necessities soaring to an all-time high. The country’s largest border trade zone, Muse, has closed its gates with China, while border gates with other neighboring countries remain shuttered. Imported goods are costly and largely unattainable to the public. Myanmar's GDP is projected to fall by negative 18.4 percent in 2021, according to the latest report by the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Global response muted Despite its failure to lead, the junta has found support from Russia and China, and while the governments of Western nations have leveled sanctions against the military over its violent repression of protesters, the NUG told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the international community has largely left the people of Myanmar to fend for themselves. “Since the military took over, innocent people have been brutally suppressed and their homes destroyed. Thousands of people have become helpless because of the brutalities,” said Naing Htoo Aung, permanent secretary at the NUG Ministry of Defense. “The NUG has called on the international community to respond effectively to these issues, but no effective international action has come, and the atrocities of the military are getting worse. That is why both the people and the NUG had no other alternative but to start a war in self-defense, instead of waiting for the international community to act.” He said a combination of international pressure and self-reliance are key to resolving Myanmar’s current crisis. “We are working hard to bring international pressure [on the junta], but at the same time the struggle of those at home is crucial,” he said. “Foreign pressure can make the people’s struggle stronger, but we all need to understand that real power must be demonstrated at home.” In April, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) leaders agreed to a “five-point consensus” that would see the junta end violence in the country and enter into dialogue to find a peaceful solution to the country’s political crisis, however few measures have been implemented and the military has instead ramped up a crackdown on its opponents. Locked in a stalemate Ye Tun, a political analyst, said he fears the people of Myanmar will be the ones to suffer while the junta and NUG remain locked in a stalemate. “One side thinks it has full public support and the world is behind it, while the other believes that it can defeat the opposition and control the state with the strength of the armed forces,” he said. “Neither wants to hear about talks or negotiations.” Ye Tun said he believes that if the two sides allow mediators to approach with a solution, a positive result could be found. However, dialogue has proved unsuccessful in recent decades between vying stakeholders in Myanmar, and many now believe that the people themselves must act if they hope to end military rule. “We cannot rely on anyone to put an end to the situation of our people and our country,” a resident of Yangon’s North Dagon township told RFA, speaking on condition of anonymity. “We called out for international help, but our calls have been met with empty statements. Nothing works. So many people have died, and thousands are homeless. We can no longer sit and wait for others to help us with our problems. We must fight it out ourselves.”..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: This Is What Impunity Looks Like
Sub-title: Myanmar’s Coup Built on Years of Failed Accountability
Description: "On August 1, Myanmar’s commander-in-chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, dressed in civilian clothes, made a televised speech six months to the day after leading a coup that thrust the country back under brutal military rule. Amid claims of establishing a multiparty democracy, the junta leader announced that his manufactured state of emergency, which has given rise to massive human rights abuses, would be extended until August 2023. Later that day, Min Aung Hlaing appointed himself prime minister of the State Administration Council (SAC) junta’s “caretaker government.” “We have to try to bring them back to a stable condition,” he said of the junta’s use of force against the millions of peaceful protesters who have taken to the streets since February 1. “We must apply our collective strengths.” The past eight months have offered a stark demonstration of the military’s application of its “collective strengths.” Since the coup, security forces have carried out a bloody crackdown on nationwide protests with the same callous disregard for life that has driven their scorched-earth strategy in ethnic regions for decades. Police and soldiers have killed over 1,000 people, including about 75 children, arrested more than 6,000 protesters, journalists, and others, and tortured and raped detainees. Human Rights Watch determined that the military’s post-coup abuses—vast, methodical, and systematic—amount to crimes against humanity. The broad-based and consistent nature of the crackdown reflects not the individual actions of security officers, but a countrywide policy of the junta. Crimes against humanity committed since February 1 include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering. Across the country, security forces have repeatedly used lethal force, including live ammunition, mortar shells, and grenades, while using so-called less-lethal weapons indiscriminately and excessively. Video footage has captured soldiers shooting down children on motorbikes, brutally beating medical aid workers, and firing shotguns into crowds of peacefully protesting doctors. These displays are tragic but not surprising for anyone who has been paying attention to the human rights situation in the country. In 2017, Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated crimes against humanity in which the military committed genocidal acts and other horrific abuses against ethnic Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, killing thousands and forcing over 730,000 to flee to Bangladesh. The same notorious military units implicated in the 2017 atrocities—since sanctioned by the US and UK—have been deployed in the streets of Yangon, Mandalay, and other cities and towns since the coup, terrorizing protesters calling for civilian democratic rule. The throughline of these two grave crises—the 2021 coup and the 2017 atrocities against the Rohingya—lies in the decades-long impunity enjoyed by Myanmar’s military, or Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw is an institution driven by brutality. It sows disunity and fear with the sole aim of propping up the supremacy of its leadership. It seeks to create an oppressive atmosphere of terror, in ways both overt and subtle. It knows no other way of exercising power. And has done so unchecked for decades. The coup has made clear that the bloodshed happening today on the streets is a direct corollary of a military that for years has faced few to no consequences for its crimes. In the four years since the military’s atrocities in northern Rakhine State, the situation for Rohingya in Myanmar and abroad offers a dismal reflection of justice delayed. In Rakhine State, 600,000 Rohingya remain trapped under a system of discriminatory laws and policies that amount to apartheid under international law. In Bangladesh, nearly a million Rohingya refugees live in sprawling, overcrowded camps, their prospects of voluntarily returning to a Myanmar where they could live safely and securely more distant than ever. The commander-in-chief who orchestrated the ethnic cleansing campaign that led to the massacres of their families and neighbors has now not only evaded justice, but installed himself as leader of the country. There have been some flashes of progress toward accountability. Gambia, one of the smallest countries in Africa, has brought Myanmar before the International Court of Justice for violating the 1948 Genocide Convention in its atrocities against the Rohingya. The International Criminal Court is conducting a limited investigation into alleged crimes against humanity which were completed in Bangladesh that will identify individuals for prosecution. But as a whole, the international response to the Tatmadaw’s cycles of ethnic cleansing and forced deportation of the Rohingya has been fragmented and halting. The UN Security Council, the body with the authority to respond with binding resolutions on states, has remained paralyzed. At the time of coup, the Council had not produced a formal document on Myanmar in over three years. Diplomats meanwhile have favored the closed-room tactics of quiet diplomacy and “dialogue” over strong measures for accountability—a futile approach compounded by an enduring and misguided faith in the former de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s imagined democratic credibility. A clear and consistent multilateral strategy for accountability and justice never emerged in the wake of the 2017 violence. Instead, the military maintained its grasp on Myanmar’s levers of political and economic power, with Min Aung Hlaing remaining untouched at the helm. When armored vehicles rolled through the streets of the capital, Naypyidaw, before dawn on February 1, with the military detaining Aung San Suu Kyi and other elected leaders, foreign governments were quick to voice concern. Their condemnation grew louder as the death toll of protesters rose in March and April. Some consequences followed. The US, UK, EU, and Canada sanctioned junta leaders and major military enterprises, including its two main conglomerates, the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). But the sanctions’ toll on the military’s cash flow has not been enough. France and other governments have skirted the global call for sanctions on the massive foreign oil and gas revenues that bankroll the junta and its weapon purchases. Japan and Australia have done even less, issuing no sanctions on military leaders or entities since February, despite condemning the coup. Meanwhile, the Security Council’s historical inaction on Myanmar endures, with permanent members Russia and China—long serving as Myanmar’s protectors at the Council—resisting substantive action, and Western members too timid to push the limits. As a result, the Council has done little beyond issuing statements calling for the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence. “What are we waiting for?” a US diplomat asked in a speech at a July council meeting. “The longer we delay, the more people die. This Council is failing in our collective responsibility to safeguard international peace and security. And it is failing the people of Burma.” The UK, the Security Council’s designated penholder for resolutions on Myanmar, has for years taken a hyper-cautious approach to the country. Since the coup, it has bound its own hands under the banner of maintaining consensus among council members, focusing on anodyne statements over substantive action. This strategy already failed to achieve an ounce of justice for the Rohingya, only emboldening the military with a sense of reprieve. The unwillingness of the UK, US, and France to press for a resolution in fear of vetoes by China and Russia has ultimately betrayed the Council’s mandate to ensure international peace and security as well as the millions of people risking their lives in Myanmar by opposing the coup. “We will do everything we can to mobilize all the key actors and international community to put enough pressure on Myanmar to make sure that this coup fails,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres said days after the coup. Eight months on, that momentum has waned. The Security Council failed to capitalize on the international outcry triggered by the coup and the window it offered for real, swift impact. The people of Myanmar continue protesting, but they do so with a sense of having been abandoned. “There is nobody coming to help them to stop this violence,” said activist Khin Ohmar. The dangerous narrative persists that there is a way forward with the Tatmadaw seated at the table. Calls for “all parties to engage in dialogue,” as the UK ambassador to Myanmar recently tweeted, ring hollow in the face of the military’s depravity and stark repression of any opposition. The UK and other governments’ delayed action under the pretense of waiting for effective leadership from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is similarly empty. The regional bloc has a track record of neglecting its responsibility to act to protect the people of Southeast Asia. Since releasing its five-point consensus in April, ASEAN has taken no meaningful steps to press the junta to end its abuses. Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, has been unwilling to meet even ASEAN’s low bar. In June, faced with Security Council inertia, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling on member states to prevent the flow of weapons into Myanmar. Lamentably, the Security Council has yet to follow the General Assembly’s lead with a binding global arms embargo. The Human Rights Council held a Special Session following the coup but adopted a watered-down resolution in the interest of consensus. Subsequent resolutions have been stronger, but the crisis has received reduced attention from the Council in recent months. Over the next months, UN member states will be drafting a Myanmar resolution for the Third Committee of the 76th General Assembly session now underway. Drafters should ensure the resolution expressly condemns Min Aung Hlaing and the Tatmadaw as orchestrators of the crisis, identifies the abuses committed since February 1 as crimes against humanity, and calls for the Security Council to advance international accountability. The resolution should recognize the coup and the atrocities against the Rohingya as intersecting crises with shared perpetrators that demand a cohesive response. This could reinvigorate pressure on the Security Council to pass a resolution instituting a global arms embargo and referring the Tatmadaw’s grave crimes across Myanmar since at least 2011 to the International Criminal Court. The Council should also impose targeted sanctions including global travel bans and asset freezes on the leadership of the junta and military-owned conglomerates. To cut off the military from the revenue funding its ongoing crimes against humanity, the US, UK, EU, and other governments should work together to strengthen international sanctions. Governments should target the junta’s gas revenues, its largest source of foreign income, totaling about US$1 billion annually in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, and other profits. Broad coordination and enforcement are crucial for these to have an effective influence on the military’s calculations. Myanmar’s crisis may have faded from the front pages of world news, but its urgency still pulses across the country, a hum both daily and catastrophic. “They are attempting for the disintegration of the Tatmadaw,” said Min Aung Hlaing, denouncing the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement in his August 1 speech. In fact, what the protesters are risking their lives for is nothing more than respect for their rights and freedoms, and justice for their suffering. But concerned governments supporting the fight for civilian democratic rule in Myanmar also need to recognize that achieving such aims will require excising the Tatmadaw from the vast control it wields in every layer of Myanmar life..."
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Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Mandalay NLD member dies in custody a day after his arrest
Sub-title: Family members say they were denied permission to see the body of Than Tun Oo, who was arrested on Saturday
Description: "A National League for Democracy (NLD) member who was arrested in Mandalay’s Aung Myay Tharzan Township on Saturday has died in custody, according to a source close to his family. Than Tun Oo, who was also known as Min Ko Thein, died within 24 hours of his arrest, the source told Myanmar Now. “His whole family, including his two children and his mother, who is in her seventies, was at home when they took him away,” the source said. The soldiers who carried out the raid shouted at his family to remain inside the house as Than Tun Oo was taken outside and forced to kneel in the yard. When he had difficulty getting down to the ground due to his weight, the soldiers fired a shot and said they would “help him get on his knees,” the source said. “He agreed to go with them and took his medication for hypertension and cramps with him when he left,” she added. A lieutenant colonel involved in making the arrest accused Than Tun Oo, who was also a well-known community volunteer, of helping to transport weapons for anti-regime forces. However, a thorough search of his home failed to yield any weapons or incriminating evidence. A day later, the family was informed that Than Tun Oo had died of a heart attack and that he had been cremated because he had also contracted Covid-19. “When his mother, two aunts and sister started crying at the news of his death, they were warned to stop or they would face arrest themselves,” said the family friend. Another woman who was a close friend of the victim condemned the military’s callous treatment of the family. “It’s really cruel that they managed to kill a person within 24 hours and then they break the news to his family with a cold heart,” she said. Apart from being overweight, Than Tun Oo did not have any underlying medical conditions, she added. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, since the February 1 coup at least 66 people have died in the regime’s custody within 24 hours of their arrest..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement From Spring Revolution Interfaith Network: Statement No. – 5/2021 - နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက် သဘောထားကြေညာချက် - စာအမှတ် ၅/၂၀၂၁
Description: "1. We have observed increased torture, raids, killings and extrajudicial arrests of innocence people in Myanmar including lawless confiscation private lands and houses. 2. On 23rd September 2021, Myanmar Military had illegally raided and detained a group of activists including U Ragu Nay Myint, who is a former political prisoner and Hindu leader actively working on interreligious peace building. 3. We have learnt that people detained form the case are accused with act of terrorism based with baseless accusations and their family are pushed towards difficult situation as their private home are confiscated. 4. We have also observed that on 25th September 2021, Myanmar Military publicly killed and tortured 3 young people on the street in MyaeNegon, Yangon. 5. Myanmar Military has been also committing atrocity crimes and war crimes in Sagaing, Magway regions and other ethnic regions admit shutting down of the internet to cover up their crimes. 6. We strongly condemn all awful acts of Myanmar Military and we affirm our commitment to do anything we can to contribute to the success of the revolution and stand in solidarity with our fellow people of Myanmar.....ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ် ရဲ့ ဆိုးယုတ်နိမ့်ကျသော နည်းလမ်း နှင့် လူမဆန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် အပြင်းအထန်ရှုတ်ချပြီး ပြည်သူနှင့် အတူ တစ်သားတည်း ရပ်တည်ကာ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက်မှ သဘောထားကြေညာချက်ထုတ်ပြန် #faiths4springrevolution..."
Source/publisher: The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
Date of publication: 2021-09-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Plea to armed groups to avoid harming civilians including children - ကလေးသူငယ်များအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားများအပေါ် ထိခိုက်မှုမရှိစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းချက်
Description: "1. It has been nearly eight months since entire Myanmar people staged Spring Revolution opposing Myanmar military's February 1 coup. The National Unity Government has also declared a nationwide state of emergency to wage a "people's defensive war" against the military. 2. The military regime has been continuously committing human rights violations since the coup, and evidence of its systematic, deliberate and widespread human rights violations points to international crimes. The oppressed are revolting in various ways against those atrocities. 3. The National unity Government has established military code of conduct and rules of engagement for People’s Defense Force to ensure they respect human rights and avoid inflicting harm on innocent civilians in the revolt. 4. Under no circumstances, violence shall be used against innocent civilians, particularly the vulnerable groups including women, children, the elderly and the disabled. It is clearly stated in international human rights laws that women and children must be given special protection during conflicts. Our ministry is working together with international community to document the regime's human rights violations including those against women and children, and to hold perpetrators accountable under the law. 5. Thus, ordinary civilians including the vulnerable groups such as women, children, the elderly and the disabled must be protected from harm anywhere, anytime and under any circumstances. Every armed unit and group has responsibility not to harm them. 6. We urge respective armed groups around Myanmar that are revolting in their own ways against the military regime to exercise due caution not to violate international human rights laws..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication: 2021-09-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Woman Hospitalized After Being Beaten by Myanmar Junta Forces
Description: "A woman detained by Myanmar’s military regime has been hospitalized in Dawei after she was beaten during her interrogation, according to sources close to her. Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw, a former English student at Dawei University, was detained on Monday night, along with three other people including a 13-year-old girl, in Dawei, the capital of Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar. “Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw has the records of donations made to People’s Defense Forces. She was beaten during her interrogation when she was asked about it. We are sure she is now in hospital,” said a member of the Dawei University Students Union who wished to remain anonymous. Initially, Dawei University Students Union said that Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw had attempted to commit suicide by drinking methylated spirts after being tortured, and was then taken to hospital. But the secretary of the Dawei University Students Union said he could not confirm those reports. “I am sure she is in the hospital. But I can’t confirm if she took methylated spirits,” said the secretary. Ma Soe Mie Mie Kyaw is now at Dawei Military Hospital. The man and woman detained alongside her – Ko Soe Pyae Aung and Ma Shar Pyae Khin – are being held at Dawei’s main police station. The 13-year-old girl was released by the regime. Last week, junta troops detained five people in Dawei, including three university students and a striking employee of the military-owned Myawaddy Bank and her husband. At least 1,120 people have been killed by the military regime since the February 1 coup and a further 6,698 detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Another 1,984 people are the subject of arrest warrants..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: HRC48 Oral Statement on Item 4: Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Description: "Madam President, Special Rapporteur, The people of Myanmar have been pushed beyond the breaking point by the military junta’s continuous atrocities. Since the attempted coup, the junta has killed at least 1,114 and arrested 8,289 people. At least 6,637, including children, are still in detention, with many subjected to torture. The junta continues to respond to the nationwide resistance with unimaginable cruelty and violence, inflicting countless human suffering on the people of Myanmar. It continues to escalate and expand military offensives in Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Mon States and in Magway and Sagaing Regions, deliberately and indiscriminately targeting civilians. It is blocking and destroying aid, attacking aid workers, setting villages on fire, looting, destroying properties, conducting mass killings and using people as human shields and forced labourers. In July, the junta killed at least 43 villagers in four mass killings in Sagaing Region. In Mon State, on 3 September, the junta soldiers shot and killed Ei Thwe Moe and her unborn child, and severely injured her husband Puu Day. In Kachin State, the ruthless Infantry Battalian 58 stationed near Waingmaw Township, continues to kill civilians indiscriminately. In Central Myanmar, the junta burned and destroyed essential supplies donated to villagers in Kin Ma village in Magway Region. As recent as on September 18, in Chin state, the junta shot dead a Christian pastor, cut off finger and looted his wedding ring as it burned at least 19 houses in Thantlang Township and shot indiscriminately at civilians, forcing most residents to flee. For nearly eight months the people of Myanmar have bravely resisted the military’s merciless violence while the international community has stood by and watched with no concrete action. These atrocities, that amount to crimes against humanity, are enabled by many states, especially those in the UN Security Council, that continue to prevent action to hold the military to account. Coordinated actions, including global arms embargo, targeted sanctions, and the referral of Myanmar to the ICC, are essential to stop further bloodshed and prevent a nationwide civil war in Myanmar. Thank you..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of publication: 2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No. 16/2021 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ က သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အမှတ် (၁၆/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ https://nugmyanmar.org အပတ်စဉ် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၆/၂၀၂၁) ၂၄ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ ၁၉ ရက်နေ့တွင်အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးများတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေအနေများကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီသို့ တင်သွင်းခဲ့သည်။ ထိုအစီရင်ခံစာတွင် တိုင်းဒေသကြီး နှစ်ခု၌ စစ်ကောင်စီက အရပ်သားများအပေါ် စတင်ထိုးစစ်ဆင်၍ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည့် ဇူလိုင်၊ ဩဂုတ် နှင့်စက်တင်ဘာလအတွင်း ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ အသက်သေဆုံးသည်အထိ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများ၊ တရားဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများကို ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်အား လက်နက်များတင်ပို့ရောင်းချခြင်းနှင့် စစ်ရေးအကူအညီပေးအပ်ခြင်းများ ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ပြီး တရားမျှတမှုအတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုတရားရုံးအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာလုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများ မှတဆင့် ထိထိရောက်ရောက်ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်ခံနေရသော စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးများမှ ပြည်သူများအပါအဝင် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ထောက်ပံ့ပေးရန် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနက တောင်းဆိုထားပါသည်။ ၂။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြုပ်နှံမှု ဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အောက်ပါရည်ရွယ်ချက်များဖြင့် ပေးပို့လာသည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အခွန်အကောက် ဥပဒေအား ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က အတည်ပြုပြဌာန်းလိုက်သည်။ “၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အခွန်အကောက်ဥပဒေ ပြဌာန်းရခြင်း ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ” ၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ (၁) ရက်နေ့မတိုင်မီ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အခွန်အကောက်ဥပဒေကို မဖြစ်မနေ ပြဌာန်းနိုင်ရေး။ ၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ပြုတ်ကျရေးအတွက် အဓိက လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသည့် ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေများကို အခွန်ထမ်းပြည်သူများ ကိုယ်တိုင် လိုလားစွာ ပေးဆောင်နိုင်သည့် အခွန်နှုန်းထားများနှင့် အညီ ကောက်ခံရရှိနိုင်ရေး။ ၃။ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် အဓိက ဝန်ထုတ်ဝန်ပိုးမဖြစ်စေမည့် အခွန်နှုန်းထားများကို ခေတ်ကာလ အခြေအနေ နှင့်လျော်ညီစွာ ပြဌာန်းပြီး ပြည်သူနှင့်အတူ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်နိုင်စေရေးအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး။ ၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ဘတ်ဂျက်အသုံးစရိတ်လိုအပ်ချက်ကို ပြည်သူများလိုလားစွာ ထမ်းဆောင်သည့် အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာရန်ပုံငွေများဖြင့် စနစ်တကျ သုံးစွဲနိုင်ရေး။ ၃။ ကာကွယ်မှုပေးရန် တာဝန်ရှိမှု (Responsibility to Protect) ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ကြီးအဆင့် နှစ်စဉ်အစည်းအဝေးကို “ကာကွယ်မှုပေးရန် တာဝန်ရှိမှုနှင့် ဆိုးဝါးပြင်းထန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များ ကာကွယ်တားဆီးမှု တွင် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးများ၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍ” ခေါင်းစဉ်ဖြင့် စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၀ ရက်တွင် ကျင်းပခဲ့ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာ သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်း တက်ရောက် စကားပြောကြားခဲ့သည်။ ပြောကြားမှုတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အပါအဝင် အခြားဆိုးဝါးသော ပြစ်မှုကျူးလွန်မှုများကို ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရေးနှင့် ပြစ်မှု ကျူးလွန်သူများကို တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိရေး တို့အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်း၏ ထောက်ခံ အားပေးမှုဟာ အထူးအရေးကြီးကြောင်း၊ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ ပြစ်ဒဏ် ခတ်ခြင်းမှကင်းလွတ်နေသော ဆိုးဝါးသည့် အစဉ်အလာကို ရပ်တန့်ရာမှာ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လုံခြုံရေး ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ကူညီဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်းကြောင်း၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ စိစစ်မှတ်တမ်းတွေအရ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျား/မ အခြေခံသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုသည် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်စစ်ဆင်ရေး၏ ဝိသေသ လက္ခဏာ ဖြစ်ကြောင်းနှင့် ပဋိပက္ခ ဖြစ်ပွားမှုနှင့်ဆက်စပ်ပြီး လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုဟာ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ စစ်ဗျူဟာ တစ်ရပ် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့၊ ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ အရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လွတ်လပ်သော စုံစမ်း စစ်ဆေးရေးယန္တရား အပါအဝင် အခြားအပြည်ပြည် ဆိုင်ရာ တရားဥပဒေ၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ဆိုင်ရာ ယန္တရားများနှင့် ဆက်လက်ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းတို့ ပါဝင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No.16/2021
Description: "1 . The Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar reported recent violations of human rights in Sagaing and Magwe Divisions to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on 19 September 2021. The report described the ruthless clearance operations in Sagaing and Magwe Divisions in July, August and September 2021 by the Military by means of state terrorism, murder, massacre, torture and extrajudicial arrests and detentions. The UNHRC was urged by the ministry for an immediate arms embargo on Myanmar, derecognition of international military ties with Myanmar, immediate cessation of violation of human rights in Myanmar, a judicial action on these injustices through international criminal laws and procedures such as the International Criminal Court, and humanitarian aids for Myanmar citizens including people of Sagaing and Magwe Divisions who have been subjected to these atrocities. 2. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw approved the 2021 Union Revenue and Taxation Law prepared, with the following objectives, by the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment. The following are the objectives of the 2021 Union Revenue and Taxation Law. i) Ratification of the 2021 Union Revenue and Taxation Law before 1 October 2021 ii) Collection of the tax on the charitable funds raised for the deposition of the Myanmar Military through the same rates as people who pay tax iii) Determination of a tax rate appropriate to the time and situation, which will not impose a financial burden on people, with a view to a firm unity with people for an expeditious victory of the Spring Revolution iv) The National Unity Government’s expenditure to be funded formally and systematically from the tax revenue levied by the Government 3. The ministerial meeting on The Responsibility to Protect and the Role of Women and Girls in Atrocity Prevention was held on 20 September 2021. The Myanmar Ambassador to the United Nations U Kyaw Moe Tun addressed that collaboration with and support from international communities were crucial for prevention of sexual and gender-based violations in Myanmar and criminal culpability of the offenders. He urged international communities and the United Nations Security Council to stop the Myanmar Military’s ritual to ignore these offences. He quoted UN reports and said that sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar was a hallmark of the Myanmar Military’s operations. These violations were used with the intent to intimidate, terrorise and punish the civilian population and as a tactic of war. For these past and present sexual and gender-based violations, the National Unity Government will continue to collaborate with the International Criminal Court, the United Nations Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and other international human rights courts and tribunals, to prepare files in order to facilitate and expedite fair and independent criminal proceedings..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement on the inhumane acts of the Terrorist Military Council in Hakha and Thantlang - ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ ၂၂ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၈)ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များမှ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့များတွင် လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ရမ်းသမ်းပစ်ခတ်ခဲ့ရာ ဘာသာရေး အဆောက်အဦအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ့အိုးအိမ်ပေါင်းများစွာ မီးလောင် ပျက်ဆီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၎င်းအပြင် မီးလောင်ကျွမ်းမှုကို ငြိမ်းသတ်ရန် သွားရောက်သည့် ထန်တလန်မြို့မှ ခရစ်ယာန်ဘာသာရေးသင်းအုပ်ဆရာတစ်ပါးအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များမှ ပစ်သတ်၍ ဆရာတော်၏ လက်သူကြွယ်ဖြတ်ပြီး ဝတ်ဆင်ထားသော လက်ထပ်လက်စွပ်နှင့် လက်ပတ်နာရီအား ယူသွားကြပါသည်။ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ဟားခါးမြို့နှင့် ထန်တလန်မြို့၏ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာမှုများနှင့် ဆုံးရှုံးမှုများအတွက် CNO/CNDF မှ ထပ်တူဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲမိပါသည်။ မိမိတို့ ချင်းဌာနေတွင် လူမဆန်စွာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရက်စက်ယုတ်မာမှုအပေါ် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချကြောင်းနှင့် ချင်းတမျိူးသားလုံးနှင့်အတူ CNO/CNDF မှ သွေးကြွေးဆပ် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Chin National Organization
Date of publication: 2021-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Locals Describe Myanmar Military Massacre of Yaw Villagers
Description: "Yaw Region, once a haven of peace and tranquility, is now a war zone with civilian resistance fighters battling Myanmar’s military regime. Local people in Yaw – which comprises Gangaw, Hteelin, Saw and Kyukhtu townships in Magwe Region and which is located between the Pongtaung-Ponnya mountain range on the western banks of the Chindwin River and the Chin Hills – are rebelling against military rule with whatever weapons they have. Most of the villages in Yaw support the National League for Democracy Party, whose government was ousted by the Myanmar military in a February 1 coup. But the area is also home to military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party strongholds, where Pyu Saw Htee groups – militia trained and armed by the junta – are active. Civilian resistance fighters in Yaw have only traditional hunting rifles to battle junta forces, who significantly outnumber them. As a result, the number of civilian deaths, displaced people and homes destroyed in junta raids is increasing. The memory of what happened on September 9 in Myin Thar, a large village in Yaw with a population of 3,800 people, will haunt the villagers for the rest of their life. It was a tragic and painful sight for people resisting the military regime. On the morning of September 9, Myin Thar was thrown into chaos after locals heard that junta troops were torching nearby Thar Lin Village, located to the west of Myin Thar on the opposite bank of the Myitthar River. Then, junta troops and armed men in sports shorts came across the bridge that links Thar Lin and Myin Thar villages. A firefight erupted at 10am between civilian resistance fighters and the regime forces. The resistance fighters were forced to withdraw after the junta troops used heavy weapons. A total of 18 people, including teenage boys and senior citizens, died in Myin Thar on September 9, and some 20 houses were burned down by the junta forces. “We formed a defense group out of fear that our village might be raided and torched. We defended for around 45 minutes with traditional hunting rifles after they opened fire on us. We are upset,” said one villager. Regime spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun said junta troops went to Myin Thar in response to a tip that a local People’s Defense Force (PDF) was active there. The junta spokesperson claimed that the regime forces were attacked by some 50 men near the village. One soldier died and the military seized 23 rifles and eight homemade grenade launchers, added Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun. But he did not mention the deaths of the 18 villagers. Locals said that the armed men in civilian clothes who fought alongside the junta troops are Pyu Saw Htee members. Some villagers were killed after the junta forces entered the village. And since September 9, the village is enveloped in silence and grief and the residents live in fear of another attack. Piles of corpses were found. Almost all of them had been shot in the head, suggesting that the victims, many already wounded, were executed. “Most of them were shot in the head. Their heads were broken and their brains spilled out like a ripe papaya that has fallen from a tree,” said one resident. U Tun Ngwe, 86, was found dead with signs that he had been tied up and beaten to death. A 50-year-old paralyzed man barely able to walk had been shot dead in a chair in his house. It appears that every male that the junta forces encountered was shot dead. Some villagers fled to the forest or the village monastery. Around 20 junta soldiers and armed men came to the monastery and threatened to shoot those in hiding if they did not come out. Residents including elderly persons, women, mothers and children were forced to kneel down for more than an hour and interrogated. “Your children and brothers must have been among those killed in the fighting. Go and collect their bodies at the bridge. There are at least ten of them. Go and collect their bodies after we leave,” the junta soldiers reportedly told the villagers. Junta troops burned and looted houses, said witnesses. The following morning, they torched more houses before they left. Then, the residents returned to their homes and collected bodies. The youngest victim was barely 16. “Some of the victims were the only sons in their families and their parents broke down. Since that day, everyone in the village, whether young or old, is in tears,” said a resident. Junta forces have also raided some 15 villages in Gangaw Township, killing more than 20 locals and displacing thousands of villagers. They have raided Hnan Kha Village in Gangaw four times, destroying some 50 houses. In response to junta attacks, the combined forces of the Gangaw PDF and the Chin Defense Force-Hakha have ambushed military convoys on the Gangaw-Kale Road with mines. People everywhere in Yaw were very upset when they saw the pictures of the young victims from Myin Thar Village, alongside the rudimentary rifles they had used to defend themselves from the regime troops. “They [junta forces] are too inhumane. I can’t bear hearing their voices,” said one female Yaw resident. “I don’t want to experience this anymore. I wish other people also did not have to face this. I believe we will win the fight. We are not afraid of the junta forces, but we feel disgusted by them,” she added. Many Myin Thar villagers are too upset to return to their village and are staying elsewhere. The victims who died on September 9 were cremated near the bridge at the entrance of the village. Residents plan to plant a garden in their memory in the future..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Coup Leader Met by Protests in Kachin State
Description: "Kachin youths gathered in downtown Myitkyina to show their opposition to coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to the capital of Kachin State in northern Myanmar. Over a dozen youths staged a flash mob protest against the coup leader during his visit to Myitkyina over the weekend. “Min Aung Hlaing, don’t you feel ashamed to come to Kachin land? Get out of Kachin Land,” shouted the youths in unison, despite the heavy presence of junta forces. “We can’t welcome the military leader who has killed hundreds of people to our land,” said an anti-regime activist from Myitkyina. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has visited Kachin State numerous times as the chief of the Myanmar military, but this was his first visit to Kachin since the February 1 coup. By THE IRRAWADDY 21 September 2021 Kachin youths gathered in downtown Myitkyina to show their opposition to coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to the capital of Kachin State in northern Myanmar. Over a dozen youths staged a flash mob protest against the coup leader during his visit to Myitkyina over the weekend. “Min Aung Hlaing, don’t you feel ashamed to come to Kachin land? Get out of Kachin Land,” shouted the youths in unison, despite the heavy presence of junta forces. “We can’t welcome the military leader who has killed hundreds of people to our land,” said an anti-regime activist from Myitkyina. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has visited Kachin State numerous times as the chief of the Myanmar military, but this was his first visit to Kachin since the February 1 coup. Sunday’s protest was also the first time he has been booed by Kachin people, despite the fact that he has overseen military operations even before the coup that have killed hundreds and displaced tens of thousands of people in Kachin. Junta-appointed Kachin State Chief Minister Khet Htein Nan presented the coup leader with a Kachin traditional costume, bag and ceremonial silver sword, prompting huge criticism in Kachin circles. Kachin communities have slammed Khet Htein Nan as a traitor to the Kachin people. He was condemned by the Kachin people for accepting the position of chief minister from the military regime and a series of protests have been staged against him, with some locals calling for social punishment against him and his family. Khat Htein Nan has drawn fresh criticism following Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s weekend visit to Myitkyina, with Kachin people calling for a boycott of the clothing business run by his daughter. The coup leader arrived in Myitkyina on Saturday and met military personnel and their families from Northern Command and the Myitkyina battalion, as well as junta-appointed Kachin State ministers. At the meeting with military personnel, he repeated claims that he has made to soldiers in other parts of the country that Myanmar is in crisis because the National League for Democracy (NLD) rigged the vote in the 2020 general election. “From what we have seen and heard the current political situation is quite complicated and there are serious armed conflicts in Kachin. Security is always in a state of emergency in Kachin. We heard that he came to give some guidance regarding that situation,” a source close to Northern Command told The Irrawaddy. There have been frequent clashes between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Myanmar military since a bilateral ceasefire broke down in 2011, although fighting stopped for two years before the February 1 coup. Since March 11, the KIA has attacked regime troops and police stations in Kachin and northern Shan State, inflicting heavy casualties on junta forces. Clashes have taken place in some eight townships across Kachin State. The KIA has claimed that the regime had brought in thousands of extra soldiers since late March. The ethnic armed group has provided military training to civilians wishing to fight back against the regime, as well as giving shelter to political activists and NLD lawmakers wanted by the junta. Moreover, Duwa Lashi La, the acting president of the parallel National Unity Government, is reportedly backed by the KIA and other influential Kachin politicians. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing likely attaches great importance to Kachin State as the KIA is viewed by the regime as the major ethnic armed group backing the nationwide revolt against the junta’s coup. KIA information chief Colonel Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy that the central executive committee of the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA’s political wing, had no comment so far on the coup leader’s visit to Kachin..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Announcement: 2021 MacBride Peace Prize recipients
Description: "Announcement: 2021 MacBride Peace Prize recipients Alexander Kmentt, Ambassador and Director of the Department of Disarmament, Arms-Control and Non-proliferation, Austria Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Myanmar/Burma About the Sean MacBride Peace Prize Every year the IPB awards a special prize to a person or organization that has done outstanding work for peace, disarmament and/or human rights. These were the principal concerns of Sean MacBride, the distinguished Irish statesman who was Chairman of IPB from 1968-74 and President from 1974-1985. MacBride began his career as a fighter against British colonial rule, studied law and rose to high office in the independent Irish Republic. He was a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize (1974) The award is decided by the IPB Steering Committee. IPB members are welcome to make suggestions and provide background documentation on potential candidates. The Prize is a non-monetary one. Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Burma Established in 2000, AAPP is a human rights organization that advocates for the release and rehabilitation of all political prisoners within Burma/Myanmar. The organization is headquartered in Mae Sot, Thailand, close to the Burman border as many of AAPP’s staff members are former political prisoners exiled from the country. The organization accurately states that “As long as political prisoners exist inside Burma, Burma will not be free”. Since the military coup d’état staged by the Burman military on February 1 2021, the AAPP have continued to tirelessly and diligently documented each and every death caused by the Junta. Their work makes them targets of the Junta, but this is a sacrifice they willingly embrace, placing the future and wellbeing of their country before themselves. In recognition of their bravery and commitment to securing the freedom and democratic rule of Burma, the IPB decided to award AAPP the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for 2021. The AAPP has graciously accepted this award which will be officially given during a ceremony in 2022. Alexander Kmentt, Ambassador and Director of the Department of Disarmament, Arms-Control and Non-proliferation, Austria Mr Alexander Kmentt is the President-designate for the First Meeting of States Parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a role he fulfils alongside his Directorship of the Department of Disarmament. Arms-Control and Non-proliferation within the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mr Kmentt has a long career behind him of advocating for a reduction in arms production, sale and use, especially nuclear weapons, bringing these issues to the highest levels of government and imploring decision makers to take notice and take action. Mr Kmentt was one of the key architects to the TPNW. In 2014 he organized the Vienna Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons which culminated in the Humanitarian Pledge which was endorsed by 135 States and played a significant role in the TPNDW’s fruition. For these reasons, among others, the IPB board decided to award Mr Kmentt the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for 2021. Mr Kmentt has humbly accepted this award, which will also be given during a ceremony in 2022.
Source/publisher: International Peace Bureau ( Berlin)
Date of publication: 2021-09-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Regime Soldiers Kill Christian Pastor, Cut Ring From His Hand
Description: "A Chin Christian pastor was shot dead and his wedding ring was looted by Myanmar junta soldiers who cut off the pastor’s finger during an urban clash with civilian resistance forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State on Saturday. On the day, a six-hour prolonged firefight between junta forces and a combined force of the Chinland Defense Force-Thantlang (CDF-T) and the Chin National Army (CNA) occurred in Thantlang. The CDF-T claimed that more than 30 junta troops were killed during the firefight with no casualties on the civilian forces’ side. In the afternoon, 19 houses were set ablaze when junta soldiers opened fire randomly into the town with heavy weapons and explosives. Christian pastor Cung Biak Hum was shot dead by the junta forces when he went outside to help put out the fires caused by the military’s artillery fire. Following the killing and burning down of the houses in the town, the Chin Baptist Convention (CBC) on Sunday issued a statement condemning the atrocities of junta forces against civilians in Chin State. “We are deeply hurt and frightened by the killing of the pastor and stripping of a golden ring by cutting off his finger, as well as the looting of other belongings; [a] watch and mobile phone,” the CBC said in a statement. Most of the residents of Thantlang have reportedly fled the town after seeing the intense violence committed by the junta forces. Myanmar has seen armed resistance by civilians against the junta in Chin State since late April, after junta forces failed to release detained anti-regime protesters in the mountaintop town of Mindat. Last week, a combined force of the CDF-T and CNA seized and burned down a military outpost in Lungler Village near the Indian border west of Thantlang. On Saturday night, at least five people including a child were injured and two houses were burnt to ashes when junta forces randomly opened fire with heavy artillery in residential areas in Hakha, the capital of Chin State..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Women's League of Burma - August Situation Update
Description: "In the seven months which have now passed since the junta’s attempted coup, the people of Burma/Myanmar have been forced to endure multiple grievances, all of which have taken a toll on the state’s economy and socio-political affairs. The whole country has been pushed back to living under constant threads and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing, torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. The junta also employs state-controlled media to defame women who have joined resistance forces. The junta’s spokesperson in particular has used sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women in an attempt to discredit them. After the arrest, the people continue to suffer from the violence during the interrogation process and in detention. Three dozen civilians have already been tortured to death following interrogations by the military. Many died within 24 hours of being tortured. Eighty- two percent of those in detention are in locations that the junta has not disclosed. At this moment, it is impossible to know how many more women and children are being abused under the scrutiny and increased surveillance of the junta. Women face various challenges as they face the onslaught of the pandemic in the midst of the coup and crippling internal conflict. Female health workers are under attack as they join the hundreds forced to go underground as the junta seeks out medical professionals with any connection to the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
Date of publication: 2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 905.84 KB (12 Pages)
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Title: MYANMAR’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
Description: "AN INTRODUCTION TO MYANMAR’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT: On 8 November 2020, Myanmar held a third round of national elections since the start of an extended reform process instigated by the 2008 Constitution and national elections in 2010 and 2015. This reform process was premised on the country transitioning away from military dictatorship and civil war and towards peace and federalism. During the November 2020 elections, the military-backed political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), lost decisively to the National League for Democracy (NLD), which is led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Subsequently, the USDP and the military started to make false claims of widespread electoral fraud. Both domestic and international election monitors had deemed the poll fair and credible. Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, launched a coup d’état on 1 February 2021, removing the elected NLD government led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. The Tatmadaw’s commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing took power, forming a dictatorial body of the “State Administration Council” (SAC), composed largely of generals. The Tatmadaw also announced a “one-year-long state of emergency” and that multi-party elections would be held at the end of this year. This period was subsequently extended by SAC in July. The generals announced, unsurprisingly, that elections would not be held within one year of the coup but instead would not be held until at least August 2023. Despite their own unconstitutional actions in the form of a coup, the Tatmadaw cynically contends that the 2008 Constitution is still sacrosanct. Opposition to the Tatmadaw’s unconstitutional and coercive action was quick and nation-wide. Peaceful protests spread across the entire country demanding the release of all political prisoners and the return of the elected government. The Tatmadaw’s claims of electoral fraud were met with widespread contempt from the Myanmar people because of the military’s distinctly toxic history of launching coups and denying or corrupting elections. As peaceful protests were expanding across the country in early February, a novel movement also began to emerge. This movement intended to demonstrate both moral and ethical repulsion at the actions of the coup leaders but also to begin applying peaceful pressure on the military regime to relinquish power. The first incident of what would quickly grow into a national movement occurred on 2nd February. Medical doctors and other healthcare workers at the Mandalay General Hospital, all civil servants, posted social media statements that they would not work for an illegal military regime. As Naypyidaw surgeon Zwe Min Aung recounted to the Voice of America, “At the time, we really disagreed [with] this [the military coup], and we created [a] small group in Mandalay hospital and other hospitals, too. We distributed the statement on February 2 from Facebook and the nationwide CDM began.”2 Though CDM began as an online campaign but has expanded into a wider prodemocracy movement as civil servants from across the ministries started to boycott the military regime. As the movement gained momentum, ever wider parts of Myanmar society joined to make their opposition to the junta known.....MYANMAR’S PEOPLE REJECT MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: Myanmar is not a failed state. Its condition is not that of chronic state weakness caused by civil war, corruption, or entrenched dictatorship. Rather, it is a country where the public, as well as both the private and public sectors, reject the military coup staged on 1 February 2021. In this sense, Myanmar is a country where the near entirety of the population - including civil servants and the private sector – is staging a general strike to peacefully protest the illegal seizure of power by the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw. This effort is the CDM, a non-violent endeavour of an entire population to resist brutal dictatorship. By early-2021, the public had experienced nearly a decade of civilian leadership, economic growth and more generally reform and positive change. This was particularly so after the fully free elections in 2015 that brought the NLD political party, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to power. The prospects of returning to decades of impoverishment and dictatorial violence through Tatmadaw rule was revolting to the tens of millions of Myanmar citizens who sought to show their unwillingness to accept the coup through peaceful demonstrations in countless villages, towns, and cities across the country. CDM is composed of three major groups from the Myanmar people: the general public, private sector businesses and associations, and civil service personnel. CDM by Myanmar’s Public Since the 1 February coup, countless protests have taken place daily across the entire country to show solidarity for CDM and to demonstrate an absolute rejection of the junta. Over February and March, hundreds-of-thousands of normal Myanmar citizens gathered across the country’s cities, towns, and villages to demonstrate their anger and demand a future of federal democracy. These early mass demonstrations served to unite the various societies within Myanmar. The revulsion of the junta is near universal. For instance, Myanmar’s national football team refused to play under military dictatorship, while hundreds of monks led a prayer session supporting CDM and protestors. Numerous professional associations have regularly demonstrated on the streets wearing their respective attires (doctors, nurses, engineers, teachers, and lawyers). Women have been prominent in the protests and LGBTs groups have also joined protests. The mass protests were not limited to one ethnic group or a particular area of the country. They were across the entire country, spanning religious, ethnic, and socio-economic lines. What united all the millions of people peacefully protesting was a shared desire for a better future defined by a path of democratization, peace, and economic development. The traumas of decades of brutal dictatorship, civil war and crushing impoverishment under the military are too painful to accept returning to. As such, some of the most common placards held high delivered the key messages - “Respect Our Votes” and “Say No to Coup.” Some young women joined early protests playfully wearing wedding gowns and holding placards with messages such as “we don’t accept military coup.” Myanmar’s people just want a normal life for themselves and their families. They know the military will never provide that. Given its toxic history, Myanmar’s military predictably resorted to mass violence against peaceful protesters as they have done so many times over the decades since independence in 1948. Large protests were no longer possible by the end of March after the military started regularly using war weaponry automatic rifles, rocket propelled grenades, and machine guns to disperse peaceful protest rallies. Despite this violence by an organization claiming to protect the people, viz. a national army, Myanmar’s people have continued to protest across the country using novel methods - such as so-called ‘flash mobs’ - to avoid opportunities by the junta to kill. Such is their determination and despite the risk of death, Myanmar’s people can still be seen from the smallest villages to the largest cities demonstrating their desire for a return to democracy and a better future..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 2.12 MB(Original version), 428.52 KB (Reduce version) -15 pages
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Title: Paris Exhibition Puts Myanmar Junta's Repression on Display
Sub-title: Burmese Artists Send Message to France, Global Community to Address Rights
Description: "The Myanmar military’s February 1 coup sparked the largest and most widespread protests in the country's recent history, showing people’s determination not to be dragged back into a dark past of military dictatorship. The military responded with ruthless repression, killing more than 1,000 people, arbitrarily arresting and detaining thousands, banning independent media, and cutting off internet access. The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses, including murder, rape and other sexual violence, and torture amount to crimes against humanity. From the early months of the protests, many Burmese artists also took to the streets, using their art and creativity to peacefully call for a return to democratically elected civilian government and the end of the junta’s abuses. These artists created amazing visual materials in response to the events. Combining social activism, creativity, and an increasing resolve not to give in to military intimidation, most of their artworks were not designed to be hung in galleries, but rather to serve as messages and images to be displayed at marches or posted on social media. A unique selection of these artworks is being shown in Paris through Fighting Fear: #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar, a month-long exhibition of 14 works from seven young artists from Myanmar set up at the Place du Palais Royal, in the center of the French capital. The exhibition opens on September 18, which coincides with an infamous day in Myanmar’s history when soldiers killed thousands of protesters during a 1988 mass uprising in Yangon, then Myanmar’s capital. Now again in 2021, the people of Myanmar are risking their lives to demand restoration of democratic rule and respect for human rights. These powerful artistic testimonies warn of the urgent need to break the global apathy that has arisen in the face of the junta's brutal crackdown. The Paris exhibition is a wake-up call to France and other governments to be bold and work together in response to the Myanmar junta's atrocities. Coordinated sanctions on oil and gas revenues, which are the junta’s main source of income, and a global arms embargo are urgently needed. This is the least governments around the world can do to support the courageous citizens and artists of Myanmar standing up and risking their lives to resist the junta’s ferocious crackdown..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Days into military’s occupation of Gangaw, five more civilians found murdered
Sub-title: At least 25 civilians are believed to have been killed by the junta in the Magway Region township less than one week after troops began terrorising villages in the area
Description: "Locals found the bodies of five more villagers killed in Magway Region’s Gangaw Township this week, presumably by junta troops who have been occupying this area of northwestern Myanmar since September 9. At least three of the bodies showed signs of torture, according to eyewitnesses. Oo Thu, age 30, and Maung Shwe, 50, were found on Monday just south of their home village of Hmwae Lal, 50km from Gangaw town. Their bodies were bruised and they had been shot in the stomach. Another body of a 30-year-old man with an intellectual disability was found on Tuesday and had been visibly mutilated, according to a local. He was also from Hmwae Lal. “There was a knife wound on his neck. It appears that they slit his throat. We are assuming that they stabbed him first, cut off his private parts and ultimately slit his throat,” the local said. The three villagers went missing on September 11 when the junta soldiers who occupied Hmwae Lal that day arrested them, the local said. The troops moved on to station themselves in other villages the following day. The bodies of two men in their 20s from Yae Shin—15km from Hmwae Lal—were also found on Tuesday afternoon in the forest outside their village. They were identified as Naing Lin Tun and Phoe Phyu, who had gone missing while returning to Yae Shin from Gangaw on September 12. “They were working in Gangaw. One of them worked as a helper on buses. The other was a construction worker. They were coming back home from work when they ran into the soldiers,” a Yae Shin local told Myanmar Now. Citing eyewitnesses, he added that 400,000 kyat (US$218) in cash and the two men’s mobile phones were missing and the motorcycle they had been riding had been burned and destroyed. The men were cremated on the same day they were found. None of the five victims were involved in the anti-dictatorship movement, according to the local sources, who also said they believed the military council’s troops were responsible for the killings. All Myanmar Now’s calls to the junta’s spokesperson regarding the murders went unanswered. On Wednesday morning, resistance forces from the Yaw region of Magway—an area comprised of Gangaw, Htilin and Saw townships—calling themselves the Yaw Defence Force (YDF) ambushed the junta’s troops stationed in the village of Kyauk Pyoke, according to a spokesperson from the group. Kyauk Pyoke is located some 30km from Hmwae Lal in neighbouring Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township on the east side of Myittha River. The YDF collaborated with a Kalay-based guerrilla force to carry out the attack and reportedly killed six soldiers and injured one. “All of our troops came away unscathed. The military units have been patrolling the area around the village. We caught them by surprise,” he told Myanmar Now. Since Monday, the troops had been occupying Kyauk Pyoke and Kyaukse—also in Sagaing—after the Kalay-based guerrilla force ambushed their convoy and killed two soldiers near the villages. Following the National Unity Government’s September 7 declaration of war on the coup regime, the military intensified their attacks on villages in the Yaw region in an effort to crush the armed resistance and local support for it. From September 9 until 14—the first six days of the junta’s terrorisation of Gangaw—locals have said at least 25 civilians were killed and almost 100 houses were burned down. Military units raided the village of Thar Lin on the morning of September 9, then clashed with local resistance forces as they attempted to occupy Myin Thar village, resulting in the deaths of 18 locals, including multiple teenaged minors. Once the troops took Myin Thar, they reportedly burned down some 20 homes in the village. On both September 11 and 13, the junta raided Hnan Khar village on the Kalay-Gangaw road, and burned down nearly 50 homes. On the day between the two raids on Hnan Khar, September 12, soldiers ransacked Htei Hlaw village, killing a member of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and a 55-year-old man. They also reportedly set fire to 27 homes. In Kyaukse, a village on the border between Gangaw and Kalay Township in Sagaing Region, junta troops burned down two homes and killed two elderly people who had been seeking refuge from the violence in a monastery. Local PDFs have said that the military council has suffered dozens of casualties in attacks by resistance forces. The junta has not made a statement on the matter. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of September 14, there have been at least 1,089 civilians killed at the hands of the military council since the February 1 coup..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: New Briefing Paper by the Human Rights Foundation of Monland Condemns Privacy Violations & Increased Surveillance by the Junta
Description: "HURFOM: A new briefing paper by the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), “We have lost our private sphere:” the infringement of privacy rights under the military junta in Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region, finds civilian rights to privacy have been eroded by the power-seeking junta. Since the attempted coup on 1 February, the regime has taken steps to extend their authority into civilian homes and their personal devices. Through premeditated amendments to Burma’s legal framework, the junta has endeavored to justify their assault on fundamental privacy rights. Homes of prominent activists and democratically elected officials have been raided by military forces. Innocent civilians have been forced to hand over their mobile devices as soldiers try to extract evidence of pro-democracy activities. Their actions are all in violation of basic privacy laws which grant citizens protection from excessive state-oversight into their personal belongings and housing. In pursuit of evidence to criminalize civilians who have overwhelmingly opposed the coup, the junta has made amendments to several laws. Based on cases HURFOM collected between March and August 2021, the following laws were violated by the junta in Mon State, Karen State and Dawei: Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens: 89 cases Ward or Village Tract Administration Law: 62 cases Penal Code: 35 cases Electronic Transactions Law: 14 cases In the strongest possible terms, HURFOM condemns the attacks on civilian livelihoods, which have created a climate of fear and intimidation. The junta is deliberately violating democratic norms and principles by extorting local people for information and financial gain. Changing the laws to accommodate their ruthlessness is cowardly and shows signs of weakness, not strength. We call for an immediate end to the junta’s illegitimate oversight and access into civilian lives and property. Laws must be reformed to protect the people – not advance the interests of the regime. HURFOM’s extensive documentation of crimes against civilians since the coup is evident that no matter how brutal or harsh their policies are, the military cannot break the spirit of the people..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication: 2021-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Civilians Arrested as Myanmar Military Cracks Down in Kayah State
Description: "Almost 30 civilians in Kayah State have been detained recently by the Myanmar military on suspicion of anti-regime activities, the Karenni Human Rights Group (KHRG) told The Irrawaddy. 26 people were arrested between August 27 and September 12 in Demoso and Loikaw townships. Military tensions are running high between junta troops and Karenni resistance forces in those areas, according to the KHRG, an independent civil society organization that monitors the human rights situation in Kayah State for the United Nations and international human rights agencies. On September 9, four timber truck drivers were detained in Demoso. Prior to that, 12 farmers were arrested in Tee Lon village in Loikaw, according to Ko Banyar of the KHRG. Another five men were detained in Loikaw after junta forces found anti-regime photos on their phones. A photo widely circulated on social media recently shows two teenage boys making a three-finger salute – a sign of opposition to military rule – with their hands tied and the rope being held by a man in Myanmar military uniform who was sitting beside them. Reports said that the photo was taken before the teenagers were shot dead by junta troops. However, the two were later identified as 14 and 15 year-olds from Demoso who were subsequently sent to a junta interrogation center, said Demoso residents. In August, regime troops detained seven men, including a 15-year-old, in Demoso, and eight villagers including a woman in Hpruso. Four men, including the 15-year-old, were released in the first week of September. The others are believed to still be under detention. The KHRG reported that junta troops had tortured detained civilians and also used them as human shields when travelling in conflict zones. Military regime spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun denied arresting civilians in Kayah State. “We haven’t arrested anyone who is not a member of a People’s Defense Force (PDF). We have only arrested those who were involved in clashes. We don’t arrest people if we have no evidence. All those who were detained were caught along with weapons and ammunition. There might have been interrogations [of civilians]. But it is done for security,” said the regime spokesman. Kayah State is largely stable except in certain villages that are rebelling, added Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun. Karenni resistance forces from the Karenni Army, the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force and local PDF’s have been fighting regime troops in Demoso and Loikaw since late May. Clashes intensified after the parallel National Unity Government declared a nationwide war against the junta on September 7. Fighting broke out on the evening of September 7 between local resistance forces and junta soldiers stationed in Daw Poe Si village at the border of Demoso and Loikaw townships. Six houses in 5th Mile and 6th Mile villages burned down after junta forces fired artillery following the clash, forcing residents to flee their homes. Clashes have ceased since September 12, but locals are not yet returning to their homes as military tensions remain high in the area. Junta troops have been making surprise checks on travellers in Loikaw and Demoso, as well as detaining and beating suspects, said a displaced woman from Ngwe Taung Village. “Men are checked more especially. Previously, they only asked you where you are going and what you are going to do. But now they are asking your name, your ID number, phone number, and they note down your motorbike or car number plate. They even check the gallery and contacts on your phone. You can get arrested if they find a photo that they think is suspicious. So many people are not returning to their villages. The checks and inspections are quite tight,” she said. Kayah State has a population of over 280,000 people, according to 2019 statistics, and half of them have been displaced by the recent fighting in the state, the Karenni State Consultative Council told The Irrawaddy..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Junta Kills At Least 12 Civilians Over Weekend
Description: "At least a dozen civilians were killed by junta forces in Magwe, Sagaing and Yangon regions during the weekend. On Sunday, junta forces killed two brothers in Taungdwingyi Township, Magwe Region, after a telecom mast belonging to the military-owned Mytel, one of four telecom operators in Myanmar, was destroyed. Resistance fighters said in a statement that the troops tortured villagers as they interrogated them over the incident and two were killed. Four other villagers were detained, it added. Telecom towers owned by Myanmar’s military are being targeted by resistance fighters following the shadow National Unity Government’s declaration of war against the junta on September 7. The junta troops also burned several houses during raids on Hnan Khar and Htet Hlaw villages on Gangaw Township in the region, a resistance stronghold, over the weekend. According to residents, a villager and resistance fighter were shot dead by junta troops in Htet Hlaw on Sunday morning during a raid. Around 30 houses were also burned down during the raid, forcing villagers to flee. Villagers said they found the two bodies when they returned to put out the fires. On Monday morning, junta troops torched Hnan Khar, burning at least 10 houses. Nearly 40 houses have been partially or completely destroyed in the village since Friday. In Myaung Township, Sagaing Region, seven villagers, who were trapped in their village during clashes between junta forces and resistance fighters, were reportedly shot dead by regime soldiers. In Yangon Region, 36-year-old Ko Aung Ko was shot dead after he reportedly failed to stop his car at a checkpoint on Saturday night. His wife, who was a passenger, was shot and is in a critical condition. Since the February coup, junta forces have killed at least 1,080 people, including teenagers, children, student activists, protesters, politicians, bystanders and pedestrians. More than 8,000 people have been detained of whom 6,398 remain in custody, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-14
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No.14/2021
Description: "Republic of the Union of Myanmar National Unity Government https://nugmyanmar.org Press Release (14/2021) 13 September 2021 MYANMAR, September 13, 2021. The Myanmar National Unity Government (NUG) announced the people's defensive revolution against the military junta on September 7, 2021. It issued an order declaring a State of Emergency in the country, closing all government offices for an indefinite period, and a directive outlining the Code of Conduct for People’s Defense Forces. The announcement was met with overwhelming support from the people. Min Aung Hlaing’s military junta continues to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar and has dragged the country into instability and severe economic, humanitarian, and health crises in the last seven months. Immediately after the attempted coup, millions in Myanmar joined non-violent resistance movements and peaceful protests. The military responded with violence, killing more than 1,000 unarmed protesters, arbitrarily detaining more than 7,000 people, looting and destruction of civilian properties, and violating International Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws in its offensive operation against ethnic areas. With the illegal and failed coup having entered its eighth month, it is clear that the military junta is not interested in a peaceful political settlement but will continue to use violence in an attempt to gain power. The NUG, as the legitimate government of Myanmar, has the solemn responsibility to protect the interests and security of our people and bring stability back to the country. With the failure of various political and diplomatic efforts to stop the military’s brutality in the past eight months, local communities are forced to form defense forces and to defend themselves from continuous military atrocities. The NUG restates its commitment to ensuring that needs to create a unified chain of command amongst People’s Defense Forces, respect the NUG’s Code of Conduct which are in line with International Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws, and the Geneva Conventions. The NUG has also accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, meaning that all actors in Myanmar can now be held accountable for their actions under the Rome Statute. The NUG is striving to save Myanmar from the root cause of Myanmar’s civil wars and crises—the military. The People’s Defense Forces will play a very important role in reforming Myanmar’s security sector in the future and ensuring the establishment of a Federal Army that respects and follows international law, protects the people, and serves the Federal Democratic Union under civilian rule. At the same time, the NUG is giving a clear message to the forces of the military that they have a choice – they are ordered to depart immediately from their posts and seek the protection of the People’s Defense Forces and EAOs (Ethnic Armed Organizations). The NUG has invited and continues to invite members of the military and police forces to join with the people and the NUG. The NUG will ensure the security and safety of those who join and of their families, and make arrangements for those who wish to continue their duties as soldiers. The NUG, as the legitimate government of Myanmar, appreciates and recognizes various international efforts in support of Myanmar, and will continue its own efforts to engage the international community and respect international laws in implementing our goals and objectives. We note however, that, by default, the military has been invited to officially participate in some international meetings by some States, and is forging military and economic deals with some other countries thereby illegally encroaching on the legitimacy of the NUG as the sole representative of the people of Myanmar. In addition, the military has rejected the efforts of many international organizations and agencies to deliver health aid to the people, causing countless needless deaths from COVID-19, while generating instability and health crises across the region. The international community obviously cannot be relied upon to intercede on behalf of the democracy movement and secure the safety and well-being of the people of Myanmar from the frontal and brutal assault of the military junta. For that reason, the last seven months have clearly shown that national solidarity and collective action will be the most effective way to end the coup, chaos, and instability caused by the military. As the people continue to resist military rule, escalation of violence from the military is inevitable. The excessive and deadly force already used against peaceful protesters by the military has driven young people to take up a force-ready self-defensive revolution. The people across Myanmar have already formed the defense groups and initiated the defense activities, and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) are preparing to defend themselves from military forces entering into their areas to attack villages. PDF have joined hands with the EAOs in their various states and regions to develop more coordinated defense plans. The NUG calls for the unity of all the people of Myanmar to uproot the military oppressors – the perpetrators of violence against the people – for good and to establish a peaceful federal democratic union that fully safeguards equality, freedom, inclusion and democracy for all. It further calls on the international community to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government of the people. As such, the NUG will listen to the demands of the people of Myanmar and respond to their need for protection from the military’s brutality. We acknowledge and accept our right and our duty to defend the people..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: National Unity Government: Press Release No.14/2021 - ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ က သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အမှတ် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ https://nugmyanmar.org သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၃) ရက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး စတင်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၇) ရက်နေ့စွဲဖြင့် ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ တိုင်းပြည်အား အရေးပေါ် အခြေအနေ ကြေညာ၍ အစိုးရရုံးများအား ရက်အကန့်အသတ်မရှိ ပိတ်ထားကြောင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များ လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းကမ်းများ ကိုလည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်ကို ပြည်သူများက တခဲနက် ကြိုဆိုထောက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည်။ မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ခုနှစ်လအတွင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအား ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်မှုများစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့်အပြင် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများနှင့်အတူ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်း ပေါင်းများစွာ ကြုံတွေ့စေခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းရန်ကြိုးပမ်းမှု ပေါ်ပေါက်ပြီး မကြာခင်မှာပင် သန်းပေါင်းများစွာသော ပြည်သူလူထုသည် အကြမ်းမဖက် ခုခံလှုပ်ရှားမှုများနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်ပွဲများတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များက လက်နက်မဲ့ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်နေသည့် လူပေါင်း ထောင်ကျော်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လူပေါင်း (၇၀၀၀) ကျော် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း အစရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင် စစ်ဆင်ရေးများ ပြုလုပ်ကာ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ တရားမဝင်၊ မအောင်မြင်သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုက ရှစ်လအတွင်းသို့ ဝင်ရောက်လာပြီဖြစ်သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဖြေရှင်းမှုကို လုံးဝ စိတ်မဝင်စားပဲ အာဏာဆက်လက်တည်မြဲရေးအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက် ကျူးလွန်သွားမည်မှာ သေချာလျက်ရှိသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်နှင့် လုံခြုံမှုတို့ကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် တိုင်းပြည်အား တည်ငြိမ်မှုကို ဆောင်ကျဉ်းပေးရန် အလေးအနက် တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ခုနှစ်လအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် သံတမန်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှုသက်သက်ဖြင့် ပြဿနာများကို မဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ကြောင်း သေချာခဲ့သည့်နောက်တွင် မိမိတို့ဒေသ ရပ်ရွာများကို စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ဖိနှိပ် ရက်စက်မှုများမှ ကာကွယ်ရန် အဆိုပါ ရပ်ရွာဒေသမှ ပြည်သူများက ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များကို မလွှဲမရှောင်သာ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ရသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများ၊ ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူညီချက်တို့နှင့် လိုက်လျောညီထွေဖြစ်သော ကျင့်ဝတ် စည်းကမ်းများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း အတည်ပြုပါသည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့် အာဏာကို လက်ခံထားပြီး မြန်မာပြည်တွင်းရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူအားလုံး မိမိတို့လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ရောမသဘောတူညီချက် နှင့်အညီ တာဝန်ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်နှင့် လက်ရှိအကြပ်အတည်းများ၏ အခြေခံ အကြောင်းတရားဖြစ်သော စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဖယ်ရှားရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် အနာဂတ်တွင်အကောင်အထည်ဖေါ်မည့် လုံခြုံရေးကဏ္ဍ ပြုပြင် ပြောင်းလဲရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ဥပဒေကို လေးစားလိုက်နာသော၊ ပြည်သူလူထုကို ကာကွယ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်တပ်မတော်ဖွဲ့စည်းရေးတွင် အရေးကြီးသည့် အခန်း ကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အရပ်သားအုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် အမှုထမ်းမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့တာဝန်များကို စွန့်ခွာ၍ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းရန် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိကြောင်း အသိပေးလိုသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် များအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်သူ များအား ပူးပေါင်းရန် ဖိတ်ခေါ်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ ပူးပေါင်းလာသူများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့ မိသားစုများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကို အာမခံပြီး တာဝန်ဆက်လက် ထမ်းဆောင်လို ပါကလည်း စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ပေးမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု များစွာကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုပြီး ဆက်လက်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားကာ မိမိတို့ ရည်မှန်းချက်အောင်မြင်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ဆက်လက်လေးစားလိုက်နာသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ သို့သော်လည်း တဖက်တွင် နိုင်ငံအချို့၏ တရားဝင် ဖိတ်ကြားမှုဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီက အချို့သော နိုင်ငံတကာ အစည်းအဝေး များတွင် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ရနေရပြီး အချို့နိုင်ငံများနှင့် စစ်ရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး သဘောတူညီချက်များပင် ရရှိနေကြောင်း တွေ့ရသောကြောင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၏ ပြည်သူများ ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် တစ်ခုတည်းသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရဖြစ်မှုကို ထိခိုက်မှုများရှိလာကြောင်း တွေ့ရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အေဂျင်စီ များ၏ ပြည်သူ လူထုအတွက် ကျန်းမာရေး အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းချက်များကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ငြင်းပယ်ခဲ့ သောကြောင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါဖြင့် မသေသင့်ပဲ လူပေါင်းများစွာ သေကြေပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပြီး ဒေသတွင်း၌လည်း မတည်ငြိမ်မှုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်းများ ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီ လှုပ်ရှားမှုကိုယ်စား ကြားဝင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား ကူညီကာကွယ်ပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကို အားကိုး၍မရတော့ပါ။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ခုနှစ်လတာ ကာလကို ပြန်လည်ဆန်းစစ်ကြည့်ပါက တမျိုးသားလုံး စုစည်းညီညွတ်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု တို့ဖြင့်သာလျှင် စစ်ကောင်စီကြောင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သော အာဏာသိမ်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုနှင့် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင် လိမ့်မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သိသာထင်ရှား နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူလူထုက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဆက်လက်ခုခံတွန်းလှန်နေချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပိုမို မြင့်တက်လာနိုင်ခြင်းကို ရှောင်လွှဲ၍ရမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုများကို သေစေနိုင်သော လက်နက်များဖြင့် အလွန်အမင်း အင်အားသုံးဖြိုခွဲခဲ့မှုများက လူငယ်များကို ရရာအင်အားသုံး၍ မိမိကိုယ်ကိုခုခံရန် တွန်းပို့ခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်သူများ က နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းလုံးတွင် ခုခံရေးအဖွဲ့များ ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ခုခံ တွန်းလှန်မှုများကို စတင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများက မိမိတို့နယ်မြေအတွင်း ကျုးကျော် ထိုးဖောက်ဝင်ရောက်ပြီး ရပ်ရွာများကို တိုက်ခိုက်လာ တော့မည့် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့များအား ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန် ပြင်ဆင် နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့်လည်း တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဒေသများ အတွင်း အတူပူးပေါင်းလက်တွဲ၍ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်သွားရန် ပြင်ဆင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၏ တရားခံဖြစ်သော အာဏာရှင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အမြစ်ပြတ် ခုခံတွန်းလှန် သွားရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအားလုံး၏ ညီမျှမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ အားလုံးပါဝင်မှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေးများအား အပြည့်အဝ ကာကွယ် စောင့်ရှောက်မည့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်သူ တရပ်လုံးက စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် ကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်း အပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ပြည်သူလူထုက ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခဲ့သော တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကိုလည်း ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ သို့မှသာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုကို လေးစားလိုက်နာပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် လိုအပ်ချက်ကို တုန့်ပြန် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးအား ကောင်းစွာ အသိအမှတ်ပြု လက်ခံထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication: 2021-09-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Students Sacrifice Books For Bullets in ‘Fight For Future’ Against Junta
Sub-title: A growing number of children are leaving school and picking up arms out of desperation.
Description: "Security forces in Myanmar are targeting anti-junta youth activists throughout the country, forcing many to drop out of school and take up arms with militia groups seeking to unseat the military regime despite international laws prohibiting children from becoming soldiers, family members said Thursday. Youth activists, many of whom say they felt hopeless about their future under military rule, began to join the widespread resistance movement against the junta after it seized power from Myanmar’s democratically elected government in a Feb. 1 coup. Many have been arrested or even killed in clashes with the military, prompting concern from observers who lament what they say is an increasingly lost generation of children forced to sacrifice their dreams in the hopes of reclaiming their country from an oppressive regime. In the seven months since the coup, security forces have killed 1,058 civilians and arrested at least 6,343—mostly during crackdowns on anti-junta protesters—according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The junta says it had to unseat Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government, claiming the party engineered a landslide victory in Myanmar’s November 2020 election through widespread voter fraud. It has yet to present evidence of its claims, though, and public unrest is at an all-time high. Among the youth activists who have joined the fight against the military is 16-year-old Zaw Myo Mai Laban from the Kachin state capital Myitkyina, who went underground in June after around 50 soldiers and police officers tried to arrest him at his home for taking part in anti-junta protests. “We know young students like us are not physically fit for fighting yet—we’ve only just passed childhood,” the member of the Basic Education Students' Union Network (BESUN) of hundreds of students from more than 50 townships told RFA’s Myanmar Service. “However, we are doing this with the sole intention of fighting injustice and oppression. We give encouragement to one another when we find ourselves weak and try harder to be competent for the revolution.” Zaw Myo Mai Laban said that ethnic armed groups in the liberated areas of the country’s remote border regions had initially refused to allow those under the age of 18 to attend military training, in accordance with international laws prohibiting the use of child soldiers, but eventually relented due to “the strong enthusiasm of the young students.” “It is true that I am underage according to international law and laws against child soldiers, but [the military is] killing people whether they are underage or not,” he said. “International law doesn’t mean anything to the military.” Despite the military’s heavy-handed response to anti-junta protests, many high school students continue to take part in the gatherings, particularly in Myanmar’s largest cities Yangon and Mandalay. A student with BESUN in Mandalay, who spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity, said he participates in protests daily “for the future of the country’s youth.” “We are more afraid of losing our future than we are of the military,” he said. “Education in Myanmar at present is completely in shambles. Conditions were just about to see some improvement when they staged this coup. All our hopes were dashed … We had a spirit of revolution long before the coup, and their atrocities made us want to fight back even more.” ”When your friends are killed, there is little you can do but grieve for them. I would rather fight for them instead,” he said. Most of the high school students now involved in the anti-junta movement are minors under parental guardianship. Many parents told RFA they are worried about their sons and daughters being arrested, maimed, or killed, although some have allowed their children to join the protests. The mother of two high school students aged 15 and 17 in Yangon’s South Okkalapa township said she accompanies her children to protests but has asked them not to join the armed uprising. “I went along with them so they would not get into trouble or be harmed, because you can’t stop them from joining the protests,” she said. “However, I asked them not to do anything like take up arms because they are not old enough. If they get arrested and sent to prison for taking part in the protests, at least I could go and see them. I may be selfish, but I cannot allow my young kids to join a revolution.” A student with the Launglon township branch of BESUN in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi division, who also declined to be named, said he regularly speaks with parents as part of an effort to bring more youths into the anti-junta movement. “If students don’t get involved in politics, politics will work against them,” he said. “We enlightened [parents] by explaining that students have been detained and tortured too. This helped them understand why we have taken to the streets, and they allowed their sons and daughters to join us.” Investigating youth activists Meanwhile, authorities have spared no effort in investigating high school students involved in anti-junta activities. In Myanmar’s Bago region, five high school students were arrested in the first week of September, including one who died in detention while being interrogated. According to AAPP, at least 23 school age children were among those killed in the past seven months since the coup, while at least 20 high school students have been arrested. An AAPP spokesman told RFA that school age children are still very much at risk from the military. “If things continue like this, the children in our country will no longer have a future, including those who would one day be the nation’s leaders,” he said. “Children must have the right to freedom of movement and to follow their dreams. They shouldn’t be living in fear. However, at present, they must be careful even of what they wear because of current restrictions. The loss of their future is a loss for the country.” Calls by RFA to military spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun seeking comment went unanswered Thursday..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-09-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Arrests, torture, beatings and jail – inside Myanmar’s daily junta reality
Topic: 2021-08-31
Topic: 2021-08-31
Description: "Myanmar’s military leaders used its armed forces to launch its coup and take control of the country from its elected government on 1 February 2021. In protest, millions of people took to the streets. The military responded to these protests by sending armed soldiers and police into residential areas to arrest defiant civilians, workers, students, doctors and nurses. In March, martial law was enforced in Yangon, snipers were used, and protesters were shot on sight. To restrict news coverage of their crimes and to impede the organisatiojn of protests, the military ordered telecommunication companies to restrict internet and mobile phone coverage. Independent media outlets had their licences withdrawn, offices were raided and trashed. Journalists were targeted and hunted by soldiers and police. Obscure laws were added to the penal code and used to restrict freedom of speech and expression. State-controlled media published pages of arrest warrants and photographs of the wanted, including journalists. To avoid arrest, independent journalists went underground or sought refuge with border based ethnic armed organisations. Myanmar journalists are well aware that being “arrested” and held in detention by the military doesn’t come with respect for their legal or human rights. The military uses a wide range of obscure laws, some dating back to colonial times, to detain, intimidate and silence its critics — academics, medics, journalists, students and workers. 95 journalists arrested Independent website, Reporting ASEAN, recorded that, as of August 18, 95 journalists had been arrested and 42 were being held in detention. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) estimated by August 29 that the military has now killed at least 1026 people, arrested 7627, issued warrants for 1984 and are still holding 6025 in detention. They want names Those arrested are taken to interrogation centres and held indefinitely without contact with family or legal representation. Torture is used to extort names and contacts from the detained to be added to the military’s long list of those to be hunted down and suppressed into silence. One of those names on the military’s wanted list is that of journalist Nyan Linn Htet, now in hiding, after a warrant under Section 505 (a) was issued for his arrest. Nyan Linn Htet, managing editor of Mekong News, in an interview with the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) explains the impact of being hunted has had on both him and his family. “If I’m arrested it means I lose everything. When we had to run and go into hiding, we lost our home and our possessions. You lose your income. Your equipment. You never feel safe when hiding. Living like this affects all of us. If the military does not find me, they will pressure and threaten my family with arrest.” Nyan Linn Htet said he is still working despite the risk of arrest. “Losing a journalist is a big loss for our struggle for democracy. We’re only doing our job as reporters, but our news coverage exposes the military and its abuses – this is why we’re the enemy.” Despite the danger to him and his family, Nyan Linn Htet worries about the safety of those who helped him avoid arrest. ‘Caught in hiding’ “If I’m caught in hiding, the SAC (military-appointed State Administration Council) will persecute the people who gave me a place to live. I’m afraid they [the military] will arrest those who helped me.” His fears are well founded. Journalist and political analyst Sithu Aung Myint was high on the military’s wanted list for his political commentary and published opposition to the coup. On Sunday, August 15, the military raided the home of his colleague, BBC freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine, and arrested both of them. A week later, in its Sunday, August 21, edition, the military-run newspaper, Global New Light of Myanmar, said Sithu Aung Myint had been charged with sedition, spreading “fake news” and being critical of the military coup leaders and its State Administration Council under Sections 505 (a) and 124 (a) of the Penal Code. He could be sentenced to life in jail under Section 124 (a) of the penal code. Htet Htet Khine was arrested for giving shelter to Sithu Aung Myint, and charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for working with the recently formed National Union Government’s radio station, Federal FM. Held in interrogation centre Friends and colleagues of Sithu Aung Myint and Htet Htet Khine told IFJ they are concerned both journalists were held at an interrogation centre for more than a week before having access to either legal help or contact with colleagues or family. Nyan Linn Htet told IFJ he is aware his legal and human rights will not be respected if he is arrested. “They will not let us get legal help until they’ve got what they want from us. The military amended 505 (a) of the Penal Code to prevent giving us bail. We know they will jail us even if we have legal representation. “We know SAC is torturing journalists because of the work we do.” Reports by local and international humanitarian groups have detailed the severe beatings — hours of maintaining stressed positions, use of sexual violence — and killing of people while held in detention. Nyan Linn Htet said if arrested, he knows it will come with beatings. He admits that the thought of being tortured keeps him awake at night. “They will jail me, but only after they torture me. I will not be released until I sign a statement that I will never criticise them. I’m not afraid of being arrested, but torture scares me. There are nights when I’m too afraid to sleep.” International media drop Myanmar He and other local journalists told the IFJ it was disappointing that international media has dropped Myanmar from its news agenda and moved on to cover other stories. Nyan Linn Htets said despite access difficulties, the international media can use local reporters who are willing to help. “We know the difficulties media has getting ground access to Myanmar. Covid-19 restrictions also make it impossible to legally cross borders from neighboring countries, but we are already here in the country and are capable of doing the job.” Despite the fear of arrest and torture, he is still reporting and urged local journalists to keep doing the same. “It’s important we use what we can to still work and report news events of interest to people. People are accessing news and information in many different ways now.” The military, while trashing local and international laws and ignoring its constitution, is quick to use and amend laws to jail its opponents for being critical of the coup and for reporting military violence, abuse and corruption. We have no rights Nan Paw Gay, editor-in-chief at the Karen Information Center, says the military council has no respect for journalists or their right to publish information in the public interest. “There is no freedom of the press. If journalists try to report news or seek information from the military’s opponents — CRPH, NUG, CDM, G-Z and PDF — the State Administration Council prosecutes them under Section 17/1 of the Illegal Association Act. “Since the military launched its coup, sources we use have had their freedom of speech and expression made illegal and they now risk arrest for talking to us and… we can be arrested for speaking with them. “Independent media groups have been outlawed and totally lost their right to speak freely or write about news events.” Nan Paw Gay points out if journalists are “critical of the military, its appointed State Administration Council or its lack of a public health plan to tackle the covid-19 pandemic now ravaging the country, section 505 (a) is used to arrest journalists for spreading false news.” Essentially torture is used to terrorise journalists, he says. “When the military council arrests and detains journalists, the torture is both physical and psychological. Even before being detained threats are issued and then during the arrest the violence becomes real – shootings, people being kicked and dragged from homes by their hair and beaten.” Women journalists tortured Nan Paw Gay says women journalists are more likely to be “tortured using psychological abuse – kept in a dark room and constantly told that they will be killed tomorrow – to mess and generate fear with their thoughts. You can see the effects of the tortured on some journalists when they appear in court – shaking hands and body spasms.” Military brutality is a daily reality for Myanmar’s people. At the time of writing, the army is preparing to deploy and reinforce its bases with hundreds of extra troops into areas of the Karen National Union-controlled territory and where anti-coup protesters, striking doctors and politicians have been offered refuge and safety. A senior ethnic Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldier told the IFJ that army drones and helicopters have been surveying the area in recent months. “We know they’ve sent munitions and large troop numbers to our area… last time we had drones flying over our area, they later attacked villages and our positions with airstrikes. They’re already fighting in our Brigade 5 and 1 and have started in 6 and 2.” Since the military launched its coup on February 1, there has been at least 500 armed battles between the KNU and the military regime and 70,000 Karen civilians have been displaced and are hiding in makeshift camps as a direct result of these attacks. Fighter jets have flown into Karen National Union-controlled areas 27 times and dropped at least 47 bombs, killing 14 civilians and wounding 28. Naw K’nyaw Paw, general secretary of the Karen Women Organisation, in an interview with Karen News, said villagers displaced by the Myanmar Army attacks are now in desperate need of humanitarian aid. ‘Shoot at villagers’ “They shoot at villagers if they see them on their farms, burning down their rice barns and killing the livestock left behind. The Burma Army also arrests people when they see them and use them as human shields to protect them when attacked by Karen soldiers.” Naw K’nyaw Paw said accessing the displaced villagers is difficult, especially during the wet season. “The only accessible way in is on foot, supplies have to be carried through jungle. Given the restrictions due to covid-19 as well as the increasing Burma Army military operations, villagers are unable to return to their homes and they will need food, clothing and medicine, especially the young and old.” Nan Paw Gay says the military’s strategy to muzzle the media is a familiar tactic that has been used before. “Stop international media getting access to conflict areas, shut down independent media, hunt local journalists and when there’s no one to left to report, launch attacks in ethnic regions, displacing thousands of villagers.” Phil Thornton is a journalist and senior adviser to the International Federation of Journalists in South East Asia. This article was first published by the IFJ Asia-Pacific blog and is republished with the author’s permission. Thornton is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report..."
Source/publisher: Asia Pacific Report
Date of publication: 2021
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Women’s League of Burma reinforces our condemnation of the junta’s illegal and unjust seizure of power and urges international community to act
Description: "On the day marking seven months since the Burmese military’s attempted coup, the Women’s League of Burma (WLB) reinforces our condemnation of the junta’s illegal and unjust seizure of power and categorically rejects the assault on civilian livelihoods including the infringement of basic human rights freedoms and protections by the Burmese Army, and in particular the targeting of women and girls through sexual violence as a weapon of war. WLB also condemns the junta’s efforts of using its controlled media and personnel to defame women who have joined resistance forces fighting against them, particularly the junta’s spokesperson shameful use of sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women. Since February the first, the whole country has been pushed back to living under constant threats and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing, torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. Over 1,000 civilians have been killed by security forces, including over 73 women. More than 1,084 women were among 7,300 people arrested simply for their political views. Moreover, the junta has launched military offensives including airstrikes in Kachin, Karen, Karenni/Kayah, Rakhine and Shan State and Sagaing Region. As a result, more than 240,000 people have been internally displaced across the country adding to the already-existing numbers of IDPs. Among those, 80 percent, are women and children who face risks of malnutrition and sexual violence by the Burmese soldiers. Pregnant women have been forced to give birth while hiding in the jungle without proper health care. An increase number of rape and sexual abuse by the junta’s security forces against women has been reported daily. Besides its brutal attacks against the people, the Burmese military is blocking the routes to transport humanitarian aid to those in need, or even arresting relief workers. This humanitarian crisis unfolding across the country has heightened the needs of vulnerable communities against the backdrop of a raging pandemic. The COVID-19 has allowed the junta to restrict the movement of opposition forces and to limit civilian access to health care. WLB reiterates our commitment fighting against all forms of dictatorships in our country alongside with our alliances in the federal democracy movement as well as with various international and regional actors to raise awareness about the situation inside Burma, in particular highlighting the plight of women, girls including all human rights defenders. On this occasion, we urge international community to act as follows: To the International Community Categorically reject the military junta by supporting and standing with the people of Burma to topple the military dictatorship; To apply pressure on the junta for the immediate and unconditional cessation of military violence and the release of all arbitrarily detained protesters and political prisoners including female detainees as well as an end to the use of sexual violence by security forces against female detainees;..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
Date of publication: 2021-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Enforced Disappearances by the Military Junta
Description: "On this International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, AAPP calls on international actors to recognize the enforced disappearances perpetrated by the military in its terror campaign against the entire population in Burma since the military coup. As of AAPP’s most recent database, the current condition of 82% of people on the under-detention lists are detained in an unknown location. The international community must demand the junta reveals the location to civil society of all of those arbitrarily detained. In the junta’s efforts to shield itself from accountability, the location of these detainees is withheld from civil society and independent media. In fact, intelligence on the fate or whereabouts of any of the total 7627 people detained since the coup has not been disclosed by the junta. AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing said “in Burma’s previous dictatorship, families of the detained were never notified of their loves ones transfer to prisons or the event that led to arrest. Families must spend time going to police stations or prisons to inquire about their relatives as well as asking other inmates’ families, often using bribes. Sometimes, information is revealed through media outlets instead. Even the whereabouts of the democratically elected leaders, President U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, have not been disclosed and access to lawyers restricted. Such intentional disappearances pose a serious threat to public security and basic international law”. According to the 2002 Rome Statute, enforced disappearances occur when a detention of an individual is “followed by a refusal to acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate or whereabouts of those persons, with the intention of removing them from the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time”. Even children are being enforced disappeared as hostage by the junta. In night-time raids or at peaceful protests everyone is at risk of being detained in secret locations by the junta. If one is taken to an interrogation center or military barracks, they could be tortured to death in Burma without anyone knowing where one was. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said, “enforced disappearances are an attempt to create a climate of fear across Burma, to stop anti-coup protests, and begin dictatorial rule. The result of enforced disappearances is not only to bully the detainees, but forces families and friends to suffer. Not knowing the fate or whereabouts of a loved one, this is a kind of physiological torture as well as physical abuse of one’s human rights. For this reason, it is one of the worse kinds of crimes against humanity”. Article 7 (i) of the Rome Statute declares that enforced disappearances constitute crimes against humanity, when it is committed as part of a widespread and/or systematic attack, which it most certainly is in Burma. On 20 August, the National Unity Government released a statement accepting jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court with respect to crimes committed in Burma since July 1, 2002. Enforced disappearance falls within the jurisdiction created by the Rome Statute, accountability for these crimes against humanity must be ensured. Recognizing the political legitimacy of the National Unity Government at the United Nations General Assembly will strengthen these international accountability mechanisms, including to end the Burma junta’s use of enforced disappearances with impunity. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Download link for English Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta **On 28 May AAPP released a report and database[1] on missing persons since the military coup, these were split into different categories including missing in detention and disappeared on the streets. AAPP released this report to report on the repression and chaos created by the military coup, but firmly stipulated the fate of all those missing as of 28 May has not been verified to junta involvement, but rather strong suspicion..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Enforced Disappearances by the Military Junta - အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ပြည်သူများကို အဓမ္မပျောက်ဆုံးနေစေမှုများ
Description: "ယနေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အတင်းအဓမ္မအစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုဒဏ် ခံရသူများနေ့၌ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်ကတည်းက မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိနေသည့် ၎င်းတို့ ၏ လူမဆန်သော ကျူးလွန်မှုများထဲတွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသော ပြည်သူများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအန ပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် သတိမူ၍ အရေးယူမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းမှု စတင်သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလကတည်းက အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများမှာ ယခု အချိန်ထိ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး AAPP ၏ အချက်အလက်များအရ စစ်တပ်၏ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း ခံထားရသူများထဲမှ (၈၂) ရာခိုင်နှုန်းမှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသလဲဆိုသည်ကို မသိရှိရပေ။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသူများအား မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်း ထားကြောင်းကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် တောင်းဆိုရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ စတင်၍ ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၇၆၂၇) ဦးရှိခဲ့ရာ စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထိန်းသိမ်းထားကြောင်းကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုမှု လုံးဝမပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပေ။ မိသားစုကိုယ်တိုင်နှင့် အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရှေ့နေများ၊ မီဒီယာများ စသည်တို့၏ ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်မှုကြောင့်သာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူအချို့မှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို သိရှိရခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ AAPP ၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးတိတ်နိုင်မှ “ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်မှာ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းတာ၊ ထောင်ပြောင်းတာတွေကို ကာယကံရှင်များရဲ့ မိသားစုများကို ဘယ်သောအခါမှ အသိပေးတာမရှိခဲ့ဘူး။ မိသားစုများက ထောင်တွေ၊ ရဲစခန်းတွေကို သွားရောက်စုံစမ်း မေးမြန်းတာ၊ အကျဉ်းကျနေသူတွေရဲ့ မိသားစုတွေကတဆင့် စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းတာတွေကို အချိန်ကုန်၊ ငွေကုန်၊ လူပန်းခံပြီး ခက်ခက်ခဲခဲ စုံစမ်းကြရတယ်။ တစ်ခါတရံ မီဒီယာတွေကမှ တဆင့်သိကြရတယ်။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်နဲ့ လူထုခေါင်းဆောင် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ကိုတောင် ဒီကနေ့အထိ ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ် ဆိုတာကို မထုတ်ပြန်တဲ့အပြင် ရှေ့နေတွေနဲ့တွေ့ခွင့်ကိုပါ ပိတ်ပင်တာတွေလုပ်လာခဲ့တယ်။ ဒီလို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းဟာ ပြည်သူတွေရဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးကို ကြီးမားစွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်တာ ဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေတွေကိုလည်း စိန်ခေါ်ရာ ရောက်ပါတယ်” ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ် (၂၀၀၂) ၌ အာဏာပိုင်များအနေဖြင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ထားသည့် တစ်စုံတစ်ဦးကို အချိန် ကာလကြာမြှင့်စွာ ဥပဒေ၏ အကာအကွယ်ပေးမှုမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုဆုံးရှုံးနေခြင်းတို့ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် ငြင်းဆန်ခြင်းသည် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုမြောက်သည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အလိုရှိသူကို ဖမ်းမမိသည့်အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင် မိသားစုဝင်များကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းများလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေသလို ထိုဓားစာခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းထား ကြောင်းလည်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ထိုအထဲတွင် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသည့် လူမမယ်ကလေး သူငယ်များပင် ပါဝင်သည်။ ညအချိန်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်း၍ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း ခံရသူများသည် လျို့ဝှက်သောနေရာများတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံနေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက် စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရ၍ မည်သူမှ မသိလိုက်ရဘဲ အသက်သေဆုံးသွား ရမှုပင် ကြုံတွေ့ရနိုင်သည့် အန္တရာယ်ကို မြန်မာပြည်သူများမှာ နေစဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသည်။ AAPP ၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုတွေဟာ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အသက်သွင်းပြီး သူတို့ကိုဆန့်ကျင်နေမှုတွေ ရပ်တန့်စေဖို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မြန်မာတနိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ ကြောက်ရွံ့မှုတွေကို တိုးလာအောင် ဖန်တီးဖို့ ကြိုးစားနေတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒီလိုလုပ်ရပ် ဟာ အထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူတွေကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေတာတင်မကဘဲ မိသားစုဝင်တွေနဲ့ မိတ်ဆွေသူငယ်ချင်းတွေ ကိုပါ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာခံစားရအောင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ချစ်ခင်ရသူတစ်ဦးဦးကို ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ်ဆိုတာ တရားဝင်အသိမပေးဘဲ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ထိန်ချန်ထားခြင်းဟာ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု အသွင်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သလို ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာအရပါ ဖိစီးနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း မြောက်ပါတယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ဒီနည်းလမ်းတွေကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နဲ့ စနစ်တကျ အသုံးပြုကျူးလွန်နေတာဟာ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်တဲ့ အဆိုးရွားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုတွေထဲက တစ်ခုဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု ဆိုသည်။ ရောမစာချုပ်၏ အပိုဒ် ၇ (ဈ) တွင် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းကို စနစ်တကျနှင့် ကျယ်ကျယ် ပြန်ပြန့် ကျူးလွန်လာပါက လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၏ အင်္ဂါရပ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထည့်သွင်းပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ဇူလိုင်လ (၁) ရက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ကျူးလွန် ခဲ့သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို အရေးယူနိုင်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်မှုများကို လက်ခံမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့က ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းသည် ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အတွင်း၌ တည်ရှိ ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သောရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်နေမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန် အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာတာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ယန္တရားများကို ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းစေခြင်း ပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း စတိတ်မန့်အပြည့်အစုံ ဒေါင်းလော့ရယူရန် Burmese Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 163.55 KB
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Title: More than 100 prisoners died at the hands of the military council - စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲ သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ကျဉ်း ၁၀၀ ကျော်ရှိ
Sub-title: စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုံလောက်စွာ မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ရှိနေသည်ဟု AAPP က ဆိုသည်
Description: "စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲတွင် သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၁၀ ရှိကာ ဖမ်းဆီးစဉ် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသဖြင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများနှင့်အတူ ဆေးကုသခွင့် ကောင်းစွာမရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) က ဆိုသည်။ ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ကျော်မှာ အကျဉ်းသားအခွင့်အရေးမရရှိဘဲ နှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး သေဆုံးရသူများဖြစ်ကာ အများစုမှာ အရပ်သားများဖြစ်ကြပြီး အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) ပါတီဝင် ၇ ဦး၊ ဆရာဝန်နှစ်ဦးနှင့် ကျောင်းဆရာသုံးဦးလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း AAPP စာရင်းများအရ သိရသည်။ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရမှုကြောင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူများ ရန်ကုန်၊ ပန်းဘဲတန်းမြို့နယ် NLD ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ အသက် ၅၈ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်မှာ မတ် ၆ တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက်တစ်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် မိသားစုကို အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်ကဲ့သို့ ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်းသေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးထိရှိကြောင်း AAPP က ပြုစုထားသည့် စာရင်းအရ သိရသည်။ တချို့ကို ကိုဗစ်နိုင်တင်းရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံရ၍ သေဆုံးသည်ဟုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းပြခဲ့သည်။ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများတွင် ဦးဇော်မြတ်လင်း၊ ကိုအေးကို၊ ကိုအောင်မြင့်လှိုင်(ခ) ကိုကျေး၊ ကဗျာဆရာ ခက်သီ ခေါ် ကိုဇော်ထွန်း၊ စိုးစံ၊ ကိုမင်းမင်း၊ ကိုမျိုးဇော်ဇော်၊ ဇေယျာလင်း၊ မိုင်နွမ်ဇာထျန်၊ ကိုဇော်ထက် (ခေါ်) ဆလိုင်းဗန်ထာကျုံ၊ ကိုဇင်ကိုထွန်း၊ သက်နိုင်ဦး၊ မျိုးမြင့်သန်း၊ ခင်မောင်ကြည်၊ ကိုထက်ဇော်လင်း(ခေါ်)) ဉာဏ်စူးတို့ သေဆုံးမှုကို Myanmar Now က အတည်ပြုကာ သတင်းရေးသားဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ရွာသူရွာသား ၂၆ ဦးမှာလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ အသတ်ခံရခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း ကျောင်းဖောက်ခွဲမှုသံသယဖြင့် အဖမ်းခံရသူတစ်ဦးဖြစ် သော ကိုမင်းမင်းဆိုသူမှာလည်း ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကျဆုံး၍ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်ချိန်တွင် အမှန်တရားပေါ်ပေါက်၍ ကျူးလွန်သူများ အပြစ်ခံရစေလိုကြောင်း၊ နစ်နာသူမိသားစုဝင်များကိုလည်း ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးစေလိုကြောင်း ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးတစ်ဦးက ပြောသည်။ “နိုင်ငံတကာက ဟိုပိတ်ပင် ဒီကန့်ကွက် အဲဒီလိုပြောတာ မဟုတ်ဘူး။ ကြိုးမိန့်ပေး၊ တန်းစင်တက်၊ ဒါပဲ လိုချင်တာ။ သူတို့အသက်တွေ ပေးဆပ်ရကျိုးနပ်ချင်တယ်” ဟု ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးဖြစ်သူက ဆိုသည်။ မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ပခုက္ကူမြို့တွင်လည်း မတ်လအတွင်းက အသက် ၃၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးသုံးဦးမိခင် ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက်တွင် အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။ ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းက ဒူးထောက်တောင်းပန်ခဲ့သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် အလောင်းတွင် ဒဏ်ရာဒဏ်ချက်များ တွေ့ရှိရသည်ဟုလည်း ဒေသခံတစ်ဦးကို ကိုးကား၍ AAPP ၏ စာရင်းပြုစုချက်၌ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ရန်ကုန်၊ ရွှေပေါက္ကံမြို့သစ်နေ အသက် ၃၃ နှစ်အရွယ် အောင်ခန့် (ခေါ်) ပါခန့် ဆိုသူမှာလည်း အဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သည့်အပြင် အလောင်းကို ကျပ်သုံးသိန်းဖြင့် ရွေးယူခဲ့ရကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီလက်ချက်ဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသည့်ဖြစ်စဉ်များလည်း ရှိသည်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မင်းကင်းမြို့နယ် စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌဟောင်း အသက် ၅၀ အရွယ် ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီ (ခေါ်) ဖွားချိုမှာ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ထဲထဲဝင်ဝင်ပါဝင်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခံရကာ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (ခ) ဖြင့် တရားစွဲဆိုကာ မတ်လအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု ကောင်းစွာ မရသဖြင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၁ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီမှာ ဆီးချိုရောဂါနှင့် နှလုံးအားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် မင်းကင်းမြို့အချုပ်ခန်းတွင် ကွယ်လွန်သည်ဟု AAPP စာရင်းက ဆိုသည်။ NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ်အမှုဆောင်ကော်မတီဝင်နှင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့ဝင် အသက် ၇၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးဉာဏ်ဝင်းမှာလည်း အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် ကိုရိုနာဗိုင်းရပ်စ်ကူးစက်ခံခဲ့ရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု အားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၀ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် ဩဂုတ် ၂၆ ထိ သေဆုံးသူ ၁၀၁၉ ဦးရှိ ကာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ ၅၉၆၉ ဦး ရှိ​ကြောင်းလည်း AAPP က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ AAPP တာဝန်ရှိသူတစ်ဦးကမူ ၎င်းတို့၏ စာရင်းမှာ လက်လှမ်းမီသလောက်သာ ပြုစုထားခြင်းဖြစ်ကာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးကို မလွှမ်းခြုံနိုင်သဖြင့် အမှန်တကယ်သေဆုံးရသူမှာ စာရင်းထက်ပိုများရန်သာရှိပြီး မလျော့နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောသည်။ “တစ်ချိန်မှာ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိဖို့ဆိုရင် ဒီလိုအထောက်အထားတွေ မရှိဘဲနဲ့ ဘာမှလုပ်လို့ မရဘူး။ ဒီလို အထောက်အထားတွေ ရှိတော့မှ ဘယ်တုန်းက ဘယ်သူက ဘယ်လိုဖြစ်သွားတယ်။ ဘယ်သူက ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တယ်ဆိုတဲ့ဟာတွေ တကယ့် သက်သေသက္ကာယ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာနဲ့ လုပ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ၎င်းက Myanmar Now ကို ပြောသည်။ ယခင်က ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သည့် ၁၉၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံနှင့် ၂၀၀၇ ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး ဖြစ်စဉ်များတွင် ယခုကာလကဲ့သို့ သတင်းစီးဆင်းမှု မမြန်ဆန်ခြင်း၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရခက်ခဲခြင်းများကြောင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို သေချာ မှတ်တမ်းမတင်နိုင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ၂၀၂၁ တွင်မူ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်နှင့် လက်ချက်များကို သက်သေ၊ အချက်အလက် အတိအကျဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိတင်ပြနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်စုဆောင်းမည်ဟုလည်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းကလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများသည် လူမျိုးသုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု မြောက်သဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည်ဟု ဆိုသည်။ "အနာဂတ်မှာ နောက်တစ်ခါ ဒါမျိုး ဘယ်တော့မှမဖြစ်အောင် ပြင်ဆင်လျက်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းက ပြောသည်။..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: At Least 12 Civilians Killed by Myanmar Junta in Week
Description: "At least 12 civilians, including a 72-year-old man and 10-year-old boy, have been killed by junta forces in Myanmar in a week. On Thursday night, junta soldiers opened fire indiscriminately in 122nd Street near a market in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon Region, killing U Thein Min Tun, 42, a vendor, who was shot in the neck. His body was found in an alley and taken away by soldiers and returned to the family on Friday for a funeral. Pedestrians and vendors fled and residents said the unprovoked shooting was in response to taunts from drunken men. Soldiers also destroyed parked vehicles, residents said. At least three deaths were reported on Wednesday. Salai Van Bawi Thang, 10, was shot dead during gunfire by junta forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State. The incident happened amid a shootout with civilian defense forces on Wednesday evening. Van Bawi Thang was hit in the neck and other civilians were injured, news outlets reported. Ko Thet Naing Soe, a 29-year-old philanthropist living in Monywa, Sagaing Region, died in detention, less than 24 hours after being apprehended. He was detained on Tuesday and on Wednesday his mother was informed of his death, a resident told The Irrawaddy. Junta forces blamed COVID-19 for his death but his mother told the media that she found torture marks on his body, including cigarettes burns on his cheeks, blood in his ears and fatal head injuries. In Yangon, philanthropist Ko San Win Aung, 19, from the Kaung Hmu Saung Charity, was killed during military interrogation on Wednesday. He was detained under suspicion of involvement in a bomb blast at the General Administration Department in South Okkalapa Township on August 22. A source close to his family told The Irrawaddy that troops asked the family to pay to retrieve his body. As the family could not pay, the body has not been returned. Ko San Win Aung volunteered with his group to help the sick and needy during the COVID-19 surge. He was taken from the charity’s office. Ko Soe Paing, also known as Ko Kyaw Khaing Win, a private teacher from Thaketa Township, Yangon Region, was detained by junta forces on August 22 and the next day his family was informed of his death. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors fatalities and detention since the February coup, reported that Ko Min Aung of Kayan Township, Yangon Region, was tortured to death in detention on the day of his arrest. He was detained by junta troops on Tuesday while passing Kayan police station on a motorbike while returning from his mother’s house. Kan Htauk, 72, was kicked and punched to death on August 18 during a raid on Hnan Khar village in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region. He died on Saturday. Since the coup, at least 1,019 civilians have been killed by junta forces, according to the AAPP. The dead have included pedestrians, children, protesters, medics who helped the injured during crackdowns on protests and members of the National League for Democracy..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: More than a thousand killed in Myanmar as repression of activists continues unabated
Description: "Nearly seven months on following the coup, Myanmar remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to the ongoing repression of civic freedoms on the country by the military junta. On 27th July 2021, the military junta revoked the results of the 2020 general election, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, claiming the poll was “not free and fair” and “not in compliance with” the constitution and the law. On 1st August, junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing named himself prime minister and said emergency rule may now extend to August 2023. He also pledged to hold a "free and fair multi-party election" but also described the ousted NLD as "terrorists". On 4th August 2021, ASEAN finally appointed Erywan Yusof, the second foreign minister of Brunei Darussalam as its special envoy to Myanmar more than 100 days after the Southeast Asian bloc’s members agreed to send an emissary to help resolve the post-coup crisis there. Observers have greeted the appointment with scepticism. Myanmar civil society groups rejected the appointment and expressed “deep disappointment with ASEAN and their lack of inclusive decision-making process”, said a statement from 413 groups. More than a thousand civilians have been killed in Myanmar since the 1st February coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a human rights group that records killings by the junta. As of 18th August 2021, the NGO said 1,006 people had been killed since the junta seized power, triggering nationwide protests and a mass civil disobedience movement. Among those killed are more than 100 teenagers. Some were killed while troops suppressed protests, but others fell in random and unprovoked shootings. As of 23rd August, at least 5,821 political prisoners remain in detention according to the AAPP. On 31st July 2021, Human Rights Watch reported that Myanmar’s military junta had committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the coup. Apparent crimes against humanity include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts. Activists have mobilised ahead of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2021 when UN member states will select the country’s ambassador. The General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) launched the “Accept NUG, Reject Military” campaign in August 2021, which called on social media users to support the National Unity Government (NUG) and its UN Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun. The United Nations Secretary-General’s special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, said the junta had not responded to her request for talks as it tries to consolidate its rule. Over the last month, concerns have been raised by the UN around the situation of human rights defenders as arrests and attacks on activists continue. A new report shows the systematic targeting of healthcare workers. The crackdown on the media has continued with arrests and sentencing of journalists. Civil society groups criticise the exit of Norwegian telco, Telenor. Protests continued across the country, including in prisons by political prisoners. There were reports of attacks on protests by the junta. Association Terror campaign against human rights defenders On 19th July 2021, UN human rights experts expressed their concern for the situation of human rights defenders in Myanmar and called for a stronger international response to the military coup, including coordinated sanctions and an arms embargo against the junta by an “emergency coalition of nations”. The experts highlighted credible information they had received concerning human rights defenders being forced into hiding after having arrest warrants issued against them under section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Their homes were raided, their possessions seized, and family members threatened and harassed. Many others, unable to flee, have been arbitrarily arrested, including labour rights defenders and student activists. Lawyers representing people detained following the coup have themselves been detained, as have journalists covering the protests. Women have played a leading role in the protest and civil disobedience movement that has emerged in the country in response to the military's seizure of the State apparatus in February, and the experts expressed particular concern for the situation of women human rights defenders in the country. “The brute force terror campaign we are witnessing in Myanmar continues to be directed towards human rights defenders,” said Mary Lawlor, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, and Tom Andrews, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. “For years, human rights defenders have been doing essential work promoting human rights in the country,” Lawlor said. “Since the coup, and despite enforced internet blackouts along with difficulties accessing basic resources, especially for defenders forced into hiding or living in rural areas, they have been documenting the mass violations being perpetrated by the military. As a result, they have been targeted,” the expert said. Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by the junta. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city. The three who survived the jump - Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set and Poe Kyaw Kyaw - were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon. Tin Zaw, the father of Ye Min Oo, said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall but was beaten to death. A witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeing activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings. A police report circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling junta. A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was arrested by the military junta while driving near Mandalay University on 17th August. Plainclothes soldiers stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha, beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness. Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township that night. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan. Threats and attacks on healthcare workers A new report by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) in August 2021 found that there were at least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities and transport that have been perpetrated in Myanmar from 1st February to 31st July 2021 The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks. Health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. 190 health workers were arrested, 37 health workers were injured and 25 health workers killed. Hospitals were raided at least 86 times and occupied at least 55 times. The report also highlights that staff from the World Health Organisation (WHO), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international NGOs have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. There are reports that the junta is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees. The military junta has continued to arrest and prosecute journalists.Two journalists were arrested on 15th August 2021 at an apartment where they had been hiding in Yangon’s Bahan Township. Sithu Aung Myint, a Frontier Myanmar columnist and contributor to Voice of America, now faces a charge of sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code on top of an outstanding incitement charge. Sithu Aung Myint has been evading arrest since 24th April 2021, when the junta opened a case against him under section 505a for incitement. Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, has been charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for associating with the NUG, which the junta labels a terrorist group. According to Human Rights Watch on 27th July 2021, since the coup the junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505(a) of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” Those sentenced under section 505(a) are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison; Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years;Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years; Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years; and Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years. On 28th July 2021, the Committee to Protect Journalists published a report, “Bitter reversal: Myanmar military coup wipes out press freedom gains,” which found the country has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists. The broadened language of penal code 505(a) has effectively made independent journalism a crime. The threat of arrest has driven many news organisations to close their offices and forced journalists underground or into exile. Further complicating access to information and the ability to report, authorities have banned satellite media and imposed rolling restrictions on the internet. Journalists who spoke with CPJ said their colleagues behind bars have been subjected to abuse and torture; at least three have reported health problems. International reporting from Myanmar is also restricted. Few foreign journalists have been allowed access. Civil society groups criticise exit of Norwegian telco In a letter to Gunn Waersted, the chair of Telenor Group’s board, a group of 45 global and Myanmar human rights, media and other organisations called on Norway’s Telenor Group to halt the controversial sale of its Myanmar operation to the M1 Group, a Lebanese company with ties to Myanmar’s junta. The group included ALTSEAN-Burma, Free Expression Myanmar, Global Witness, PEN America, Justice for Myanmar and dozens of other international and Myanmar organisations. Saying they were “surprised and dismayed” by Telenor’s deal with M1, the organisations said Telenor had acted “without seeking the views of the civil society stakeholders with whom it previously significantly engaged on responsible business, including some of our undersigned organisations. Furthermore, there was no evidence that Telenor had undertaken the “credible assessment of potential adverse human rights impacts of disengagement” from Myanmar required under the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights. Telenor announced on 8th July 2021 that it had agreed to sell its Myanmar operations to M1, which was added to the Burma Campaign UK’s Dirty List in 2019 for doing business with the Myanmar military. Telenor confirmed that as part of the deal it would transfer the call records of its more than 18 million subscribers to the Lebanese company. Rights activists say allowing the junta to access such information would be dangerous, pointing out that phone subscribers in Myanmar must supply ID cards and addresses when registering SIM cards. Protests continued across the country in Yangon, Mandalay and other townships including by youth, workers and LGBTQI+ activists. On 28th July 2021, the junta shot three people, killing at least one, during a crackdown on an anti-coup demonstration in Mandalay. Around 20 people were taking part in a flash mob protest near the east gate of Mandalay’s famous Mahamuni pagoda when they suddenly came under attack. On 2nd August 2021 it was reported that a 22-year-old anti-coup protester in Mandalay, who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid, had died in military custody. Political prisoners inside Myanmar’s most notorious jail held a protest on 23rd July 2021, singing popular songs opposing the military government and chanting political slogans, according to nearby residents and video uploaded to social media. One video showed a street close to Insein Prison in Yangon with clear audio of voices shouting support for ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ousted President Win Myint. According to a lawyer representing some of those detained, the prisoners were demanding the release of all those held on political charges, an easing of prison regulations and medical treatment for those who have fallen sick amid spiralling cases of the coronavirus. A representative of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said: “We are concerned about torture and potential additional charges being filed against the political prisoners as a consequence if the protest is dubbed a prison riot. Such incidents happened under the previous military dictatorships” Following the incident at Insein Prison, prisoners at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region also protested, according to the AAPP. Anti-coup protesters mark 1988 uprising anniversary On 8th August 2021, protesters came out in cities across Myanmar to protest against the military junta and to mark the 33rd anniversary of an uprising against military rule that was violently put down. Protests took place across Myanmar, including the main cities of Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Mongwa and Myitkyina, according to local news reports. Protesters remembered the thousands of people, many of whom were students, who rose up against military rule in 1988. That uprising was crushed in a bloody crackdown. They also organised online campaigns, bringing people out dressed in red to show the eight-finger salute, which has become one of the symbols of the protest movement, and to hold banners saying: "Let's return the old blood debt of 1988 in 2021."..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of publication: 2021-08-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Soldiers beat 72-year-old man to death during raid on Magway village
Sub-title: Kan Htauk was too badly injured to tell villagers what had happened when they found him. He died three days later
Description: "A 72-year-old man died after being badly beaten by junta forces during a raid on his village in Magway Region’s Gangaw Township last week, two local sources told Myanmar Now. Most residents of Hnankhar fled into nearby forests when four trucks carrying soldiers arrived on Wednesday, but Kan Htauk stayed behind in his home because he was not in good health, the sources said. When the soldiers left the village the next afternoon, villagers returned to find the old man covered with bruises and cuts and unable to communicate what had happened to him, said a resident who is close to his family. “He had to stay there with all those injuries that whole night and the next morning. His knees were torn open. I think he was dragged along the ground,” the resident told Myanmar Now. A group of residents who were hiding near the village while the soldiers were stationed there said they heard Kan Htauk screaming in pain, and that it sounded like he was being beaten near his house. After finding the man on Thursday, the villagers took him to a nearby forest, fearing that the soldiers might return. But they brought him back the next day to try to get him medical attention when his condition failed to improve. He died of his injuries on Saturday morning. “Nearly all of us fled to the forests,” the resident said. “We didn’t think the soldiers would do that to an old man who was not even in good health. We thought they mostly targeted young people.” The old man was not able to tell the villagers what had happened to him because he was suffering too much from his injuries, the resident added. A photo of Kan Htauk’s body seen by Myanmar Now showed bruises on both his eyes and his left arm, and deep gashes on his knees. The Hnankhar Youth Group, a local volunteer organisation, helped to cremate his body on Saturday morning. During the raid, soldiers looted about 20 houses in the village, another local said. “They took all the gold, money, TVs and other valuable things,” he said. The sources said the raid was a response to a landmine attack by local resistance forces against 40 army trucks passing along the Gangaw-Kalay highway on August 18, in which the military suffered heavy casualties. A chapter of the People’s Defence Force in Yaw, an area covering Gangaw, Htilin and Saw townships, has claimed responsibility for the attack. Myanmar Now was unable to independently confirm the details. Neither a military spokesperson nor officials from Gangaw police station answered calls seeking comments on the raid at Hnankhar. In late May, regime forces shot three people dead and set houses on fire during raids on other villages in Gangaw. The raids were triggered by bomb attacks against military trucks. Tens of thousands of residents in about a dozen villages in Gangaw fled their homes the following month amid a build-up of troops in the area. Soldiers stationed in a factory near Hnankhar at the time also looted the houses of those who had fled. At least 1,013 civilians have been killed by the junta since the coup, while over 7,400 have been arrested, according to a recent tally from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 23 August 2021)
Description: "As of 23 August, (1013) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Taunggyi Township in Shan State, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region and Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 23, a total of (5821) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Soe Lwin Lwin was a primary school teacher at a Thein Kone Village Basic Education Middle School in Taunggyi Township, Shan State, arbitrarily arrested by the terrorist junta, and had been involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Soe Lwin Lwin contracted COVID-19 while detained in Taung Lay Lone (Nyaung Shwe) Prison and died on August 22. On the evening of August 22, the terrorist junta raided and opened fire in Hinthar Village in Yesagyo Township, Magway Region, after a junta-appointed village administrator informed on them. Five villagers were shot at in an attempt to make arrests. Chit Ye Yint, one of five, was shot dead in the forehead. On August 21 around 8 pm, Maung Aye and a nurse, Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township, Sagaing Region, were shot to death by terrorist junta’s soldiers who were patrolling in the area. The husband and wife were returning home by motorbike from selling agricultural products. It is reported that Maung Aye was shot in the head and Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.43 MB 5.53 MB 1.86 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 21 August 2021)
Description: "As of 21 August, (1009) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. (1) from Gantgaw Township in Magway Region died today and (1) from Shwepyithar Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 19 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 21, a total of (5787) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On the evening of August 18, terrorist junta soldiers raided Hnan Khar Village in Gantgaw Township, Magway Region. 72 years old Kan Htaunt who was not able to run away from the village because of his age was punched and kicked continuously by entering junta troops. Kan Htaunt died on the morning of August 21 from this torturous assault. On the evening of August 19, a large number of security forces raided a hostel in Shwepyithar Township, Yangon Region, having accused it of housing the PDF. A young man named Lin Lin Tun a.k.a Bo Phyu was shot in the stomach and died on the spot while he was attempting to jump out of the window to escape. In addition to this, Hnin Ei Khaing, a young woman, was arrested. Tun Win, living in Shan State’s Muse Town, who contracted COVID-19, was arrested at his home by terrorist junta troops on August 20 as they did not find his son they were looking for. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.43 MB 5.64 MB 1.86 MB
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Title: More than 1000 Junta Killings of the Pro-Democracy Movement against the Coup - အာဏာသိမ်း ရက် ၂၀၀ အတွင်း စစ်အုပ်စုက အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူ ၁၀၀၀ ကျော် သတ်ဖြတ်
Description: "In 200 days, the terrorist-like so-called ‘State Administrative Council’ has murdered (1007) civilians from the pro-democracy movement against the illegitimate coup attempt. Our organization, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has been monitoring human rights violations since long before the military coup and began documenting recent fatalities with the fatal shooting of Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing on 9 February in Naypyidaw. Proportionately, an average of five innocent civilians is killed each day by junta. “We’ve seen how the military junta followed a pattern with its escalation of deadly and arbitrary force” said AAPP, “At first they used rubber bullets and tear gas, when this did not produce the desired subordination to dictatorial rule, a campaign of terror began in March”. Cases of arson, looting, arbitrary assaults, torture, artillery, and massacres are no widespread across the country. The paragraphs below detail categories of occupations, demographics, and events to illustrate the sweeping destruction this murderous military coup was wrought. Professions At the onset of the coup, teachers, doctors, have been some of those most systematically targeted for their involvement in anti-coup protests, the civil disobedience movement, and offering support in crackdowns. Since the coup, (6) medics, (7) engineers, (10) teachers and (71) students have been killed by the junta. Deadliest Day On 27 March, AAPP documented the deadliest day of the military’s brutal crackdown attempts. (164) courageous civilians lost their lives, across the country including in Insein and Dala Township, Yangon, in Meiktila and Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay, in Monwya and Shwebo, Sagaing, in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. (2) 18-year-olds and (14) under-18’s were killed by the junta. Total (16) 18 and under killed on this day. Regions The inhumanity of this terrorist like military has forced people Burma across the country in daily life-threatening situations. Since the coup (241) people have been murdered in Yangon Region, (217) people murdered in Mandalay Region, and (204) in Sagaing Region. Vulnerable Groups International humanitarian law has requirements for the protection of children, found throughout the Fourth Geneva Convention and in its additional protocols. The Convention on the Rights of the Child also states that parties must take “all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by armed conflict”. Yet, since the coup in Burma, (20) 18-year-olds and (62) under-18’s were killed. Total (82) 18 and under have been murdered by the junta. Since the coup at least (70) women people been murdered according to AAPP’s most recently published fatality list. International humanitarian law recognizes that males are afforded the same protection as women and vice versa, but specific vulnerabilities guarantee protection for females. This equally applies to persons not confirming to traditional gender roles, who are systemically exposed to egregious human rights violations. On 4 June Thaw Thaw, a transgender woman, was shot in the arm and rib by junta troops in in Kyaukpadaung Township, Mandalay, and died from lack of medical treatment. Protests People are being killed at peaceful protests, often spontaneous gatherings but always the movement has remained a leaderless organic rejection of an illegitimate coup attempt. (649) have been killed at pro-democracy demonstrations since 1 February. Some of the most violent and least indefensible, even for this murderous junta, have been the unprovoked shootings and raids in neighbourhood and homes. Even on streets in the middle of day, youths racing to get back home are murdered by junta terrorists in unmarked vehicles. One of the most heinous atrocities was on 23 March when the junta troops raided a family home in Mandalay City. Khin Myo Chit a 6 year-year-old, was shot covering in her fathers’ arms. When a teenager is shot in the back of the head, it signifies hostility and intent of the perpetrator. An incident which garnered international attention was the murder of Kyal Sin Lin also known as ‘Angel’, who on 3 March was gunned down running back from a barrier at a pro-democracy protest in Mandalay City. Since the coup (107) have been shot dead in the head. Torture to Death There are many other strategies a violent institution like this military will practice, and it does not stop at indiscriminate but intentional shootings. Torturing activists, striking workers, or every-day civilians has been a tactic of this junta. Since the coup (106) have been murdered this way. Conclusion The evidence is overwhelming, the intent has been to suppress dissent against dictatorship and for democracy by inflicting crimes against humanity on an entire country. The international response should have been swift and remains to be significant enough to end the impunity. International recognition of the political legitimacy to the National Unity Government sends a message that these crimes will not be tolerated and will begin the process of accountability..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Engage the International Criminal Court to Hold Military Perpetrators of Mass Atrocity Crimes Accountable
Sub-title: New report finds Myanmar’s National Unity Government can grant jurisdiction to ICC
Description: "The National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar can delegate jurisdiction to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate and prosecute mass atrocity crimes that occurred in the country since 2002, according to a legal analysis published by Fortify Rights today. The NUG can do this in two ways: First, by lodging what is known as an “Article 12(3) declaration” with the ICC, and second, by formally acceding to the Rome Statute, the treaty that established the Court. “The NUG has an opportunity to bring Myanmar significantly closer to justice and accountability,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer of Fortify Rights. “Our analysis finds that the NUG can enter Myanmar into the Rome Statute under international law, and U.N. member states would do well to support these efforts.” The 48-page legal analysis, entitled Ending Impunity in Myanmar, explains how the NUG could address past, present, and future atrocity crimes in the country by issuing a declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute while also initiating the process to accede to the Rome Statute. An Article 12(3) declaration could provide immediate jurisdiction to the Court to address specific atrocity crimes in Myanmar, including past and future crimes. Full accession to the Statute would further entitle Myanmar to all the rights of a State Party to the Statute. Fortify Rights recommended the NUG pursue both paths without delay. Only State Parties to the Rome Statute can challenge a validly deposited accession to the Statute. As explained in the Fortify Rights report, the states that would be expected to challenge the NUG’s ability to accede to the Rome Statute—such as China, the Russian Federation, or certain Southeast Asian governments—are not parties to the Rome Statute, meaning they have no standing to challenge or contest the NUG’s accession to the Court. The Myanmar junta also could not challenge an accession to the Rome Statute by the NUG unless the junta itself became a State Party to the Statute. Therefore, according to the legal analysis, a successful challenge to the NUG’s accession to the Rome Statute is unlikely. “There are limits to the power of spoiler states to block international justice and accountability,” said Matthew Smith. “States that historically protected the Myanmar military from legal accountability would have no direct power to block this. The people of Myanmar are demanding justice, and while it will take time, the NUG can do its part to help deliver it.” In recent months, Fortify Rights presented the findings of this report to NUG Vice-President Duwa Lashi La and four NUG ministers in separate briefings. Representatives of the NUG have spoken publicly about engaging the ICC since the coup. Fortify Rights recommended the NUG delegate jurisdiction to the ICC for any atrocity crimes that may have occurred since 2002—the date that the Rome Statute came into force—and all future crimes. Myanmar’s many diverse ethnic minorities—the NUG’s constituents—collectively comprise a sizable share of the national population. They have faced mass atrocity crimes for decades with little to no access to justice or accountability. By lodging an Article 12(3) declaration and acceding to the Rome Statute, the NUG could help deter future crimes in Myanmar by requiring military leaders to consider the possibility of prosecution by a neutral international court. “While these measures alone would not suffice to end and remedy all ongoing atrocities, they would bring the country closer to ending deadly cycles of impunity,” the report says. As Ending Impunity in Myanmar explains, past practice suggests that governments with some level of international recognition can represent and act on behalf of the state even in situations where the government does not exercise effective control over the territory or people, such as in the case of a coup d’état. The people of Myanmar overwhelmingly recognize the NUG as their democratically elected government, and the NUG already has significant support from members of the international community. In September, the military junta and the NUG are expected to seek official credentials to represent Myanmar at the United Nations General Assembly. On August 6, U.S. authorities arrested two Myanmar men for allegedly plotting to harm or kill Myanmar’s U.N. ambassador, Kyaw Moe Tun—who denounced the coup at the U.N. General Assembly—unless he stepped down from his position as Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the U.N. On August 9, in a statement, the Myanmar junta denied any involvement in the plot but demanded the U.S. extradite Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun in order to prosecute him for high treason. Successfully engaging the ICC in the ways outlined in this report would help confer deserved political legitimacy on the NUG. It would also help deny the Myanmar junta political legitimacy, which is “crucial for promoting and protecting human rights and preventing atrocity crimes,” said Fortify Rights. The Rome Statute is a multilateral treaty that came into force in 2002, providing the legal framework to establish the ICC in The Hague, the Netherlands. The ICC has the authority to investigate and prosecute mass-atrocity crimes as a “court of last resort”—that is, in situations in which the home state is unwilling or unable to investigate and prosecute atrocities. There are 123 States Parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC. By ratifying or acceding to the Rome Statute, states may delegate their jurisdiction to the ICC to prosecute individuals responsible for atrocities committed on their territory or by their nationals. For states that have not delegated jurisdiction to the Court, the ICC can only consider situations referred by the U.N. Security Council. For years, China and Russia have effectively blocked any meaningful action by the Security Council in response to atrocity crimes in Myanmar. On February 1, 2021, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Myanmar military overthrew the elected Government of Myanmar in a coup d’état. The junta immediately arrested President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and other senior civilian leaders. The military and police have since killed more than 900 men, women, and children—primarily peaceful protesters—and imprisoned several thousand others for opposing the junta’s rule..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of publication: 2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
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Title: Real Stories Not Tales, A Collection of Youth Stories (Part 2): Hope is the last to die
Description: "In Part 2 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Ko Democracy (pseudonym) tells us how the coup has affected his life and his loved ones in Myitkyina. Editor’s note: This is part 2 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Access to the full report will be available in Part 3 of this series. Ko Democracy is a young Gorkha man working for a social enterprise in Kachin State. He was interviewed on May 6. We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. KO DEMOCRACY When I woke up on the morning of February 1, I noticed I had no phone signal. Then my dad came back from the bazaar and said the Myanmar military was everywhere, especially around the NLD party headquarters and residences of NLD representatives. I decided to go for a ride on my motorbike to see what was going on, and indeed there were military trucks and soldiers with guns blocking the roads. It felt so wrong—as if we were going backwards. I feared we would be disconnected from the outside world very soon. I had all these thoughts spinning around in my head, and I knew that the military was going to torture us. Despite the tragic news, I decided to go to the office. On the way, I got stopped by a soldier that wouldn’t let me enter the district where our office was. I had to talk to him for a while, until he finally let me go. When the coup happened, I was working as a field staff and interpreter in a social enterprise. Our main office was in Myitkyina, but we mostly worked in villages close to the Chinese border. Everything became so difficult for us after the coup. First off, we suddenly had no access to money because the banks closed, so we couldn’t pay salaries or transport fees. Then, because of the internet shutdown, it became challenging for us to communicate with the local partners implementing our projects. After two months, we finally decided we couldn’t keep the enterprise running, so I’m jobless now. All my work worries haven’t stopped me from participating in the resistance movement. As soon as the coup happened, we went out into the streets, and we continue to do so, this time in the form of so-called ‘guerrilla strikes’. Unfortunately, one of my friends from the student union has already been arrested, and we don’t even know where he is. Another friend is in jail and has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. I have just come back from hiding myself. I was away from home for a month: I feared the military would come look for me after arresting my friends. As I have been very involved in the movement, I am paranoid now. I am scared that one day they’ll take my phone and find out all about my involvement and my contacts. I am not directly involved with the KIA or KIO, but I do have some contacts, and I have been giving them to people who want to join the armed resistance. I encourage them and would also do it myself if it weren’t for my parents. I am their only child, and I know it would break their heart. Still, we have agreed that if things get worse, they will allow me to go and fight for our freedom. Until then, I will continue practicing ‘civil resistance’: not paying taxes and not attending university. The military sees young people across the country as their enemies. They have been arresting, kidnapping, and killing people every single day. People are under serious pressure to go back to work, since the military arrests anyone participating in the CDM. If they don’t or can’t find the strikers, they arrest their family members instead. Recently the focus has been on teachers and students who do not want to go to school. Last night we heard six bomb explosions very close to our house. These terrible troubles are what dominate our lives now. It is a difficult time for us all. To stay strong, I listen to spiritual leaders. I very much like Sadhguru, who said that that no one can torture you unless you accept the torturing yourself. What he meant by that is that the power inside of us cannot be taken away unless we give it away ourselves. I also get inspired by the strength and resilience of IDPs in the Kachin and Karen Hills. I tell myself that I still have food and shelter, so I shouldn’t complain. We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. We do not have that much hope in the UN anymore due to its bureaucracies, but we do need the National Unity Government (NUG) to be recognized in order for other countries to be able to legally sell arms to them. So please help us with this. At the same time, the military regime must not be recognized as a legal government. Please also allow our Myanmar citizens to get visa extensions in your countries; don’t force them to return to an unsafe place. And finally, I would like to ask the international world to send humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. We need urgent help. Read Part 1 and Part 3 here. (Link for Part 3 will be live on August 23) Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: Massacres in Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region - ကနီဒေသ တဝိုက် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ
Description: "မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၀) ကျော်ကြာ ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော ပြည်တွင်းစစ်အတွင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ အများစု မှာ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးမူဝါဒအောက်တွင် မတရား ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ တရားမဲ့ သတ်ဖြတ် ခံရခြင်း၊ အဓမ္မပြုကျင့်ခံရခြင်း၊ မြို့ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်း၊ အတင်းအကြပ် နေရာရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း စသည်များကို ခံစားနေရကြရသည်။ ထိုအခြေအနေများကို နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းရှိ လူ့အခွင့် အရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက် လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ အစဉ်တစိုက် ထောက်ပြခဲ့ပြီး စစ်အုပ်စုအားအရေး ယူရန် တိုက်တွန်းချက်များ အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂမှလည်း အချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးအဖွဲ့ကို (၂၀၁၈) တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို စုံစမ်းမှတ်တမ်းတင်သည်အထိ ဆောင် ရွက်မှုများရှိနေသည်။ သို့သော် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်သည်မရှိဘဲ စစ်ရာဇ ဝတ်မှုနှင့် လူသားဖြစ်တည်မှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်သည်အထိ ဆိုးဝါးရက်စက် လှသော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ (၂၀၂၁) ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်သူ့ဆန္ဒဖြင့် ရွေးချယ်ထားသည့် အရပ်သားရွေးကောက်ခံ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များနှင့် နိုင်ငံ့ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို အကြမ်းဖက် လုယူ သွားသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ် တွန်းလှန်ခုခံလျက်ရှိသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြား ဒေသအသီးသီး အနက် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ယင်းမာပင်ခရိုင်အတွင်းရှိ ကနီမြို့နယ်သည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံ အသုံးပြု၍ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်နေသည့် ထင်ရှားသော အရပ်ဒေသတစ်ခု ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့်လည်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီက အညှိုးတကြီးဖြင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးရေးအကြောင်းပြကာ ကနီ မြို့ပေါ်နှင့် အနီးအနားပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ကျေးရွာများတွင် ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးမှုများ၊ တောနင်းရှာဖွေမှုများ ပြုလုပ်လျက် ရှိနေသလို ကျေးရွာများအတွင်း စစ်အင်အားအလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းမှုများကြောင့် ဒေသခံ ထောင် ပေါင်းများစွာမှာ နီးစပ်ရာ ကျေးရွာများ၊ တောအုပ်များအတွင်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကျေးရွာများအတွင်းဝင်ရောက်ကာ ကျွဲ၊ နွားများ အပါအဝင် ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ လုယူခြင်း၊ သိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်းများကိုပါ ပြုလုပ်လာခဲ့သည်။ ကလေးမြို့ အခြေစိုက် တပ်ရင်း (၂၂၈) အပါအဝင် တပ်မ (၄၄) နှင့် (၉၉) လက်အောက်ခံတပ်ရင်းများမှ ဗျူဟာ သုံးခုခွဲ၍ အင်အားတစ်ထောင်ခန့်ဖြင့် ကနီမြို့နယ်အတွင်း ကျေးရွာတိုင်းနီးပါးသို့ ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းလျက်ရှိရာ ဒေသခံ အများအပြားမှာ အကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးခံရခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရခြင်း၊ အသက်သေဆုံးသည်အထိ လူ မဆန်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရခြင်းများကိုလည်း ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများမှာ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာနှင့် ဆေးဝါးပြတ်လပ်မှုဒဏ်ကို ခံစားနေကြရပြီး မုံရွာနယ် ဘက်သို့ သွားရောက်ဝယ်ယူရာတွင်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်ပါးစေများက ပမာဏများပြားသော ငွေကြေးများ ကောက်ခံခြင်းအပြင် စစ်ဖိနပ်ဖြင့်ကန်ခြင်း၊ သေနတ်ဒင်ဖြင့်ထုခြင်းစသည့် အနိုင်ကျင့်မှုများကို လည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေကြောင်း သိရသည်။ ကနီမြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျေးရွာအချို့တွင်လည်း ဇူလိုင် (၉) ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ အူရီဒူးနှင့် တယ်လီနောအော်ပရေတာများ၏ အင်တာနက်နှင့်ဖုန်းလိုင်းများ ပြတ်တောက်ခဲ့ပြီး ဩဂုတ်လ (၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် MPT လိုင်းပါ ထပ်မံ ပြတ်တောက် ခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် စစ်တပ်ပိုင် Mytel အော်ပရေတာ၏ ဖုန်းနှင့်အင်တာနက်လိုင်းသာ ရွာအချို့တွင် အသုံးပြု ၍ရနေကြောင်း ဒေသခံများကဆိုသည်။ ဤလုပ်ရပ်မှာ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ဖြတ် လေးဖြတ်ဗျူဟာကိုအသုံးပြု၍ တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိဖြင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူမဆန်စွာ ပြုလုပ်မှုများ ကြောင့် ဇူလိုင်လ တစ်လတည်းမှာပင် ကနီမြို့နယ်ရှိ ကျေးရွာများ၌ အရပ်သားများ၏ အလောင်းများ အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်စွန့်ပစ်ထားသည်ကို လေးကြိမ်တိုင်တိုင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့ကြသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်စွန့်ပစ်ထားသည့် ရုပ် အလောင်းစုစုပေါင်းမှာ အနည်းဆုံး (၄၃) ဦး ရှိနေသည်။ ပထမအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၄ လောင်း) စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး ယင်းမာပင်ခရိုင် ကနီမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ မုံအိုကျေးရွာနှင့် ရွာသာကျေးရွာအကြား ရှစ်ခိုး တက် တောပြင်၌ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်နေ့ ညနေ ၄ နာရီနှင့် ၆ နာရီကြားအချိန်တွင် အမျိုးသား (၄) ဦးကို အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ဖမ်းဆီး၍ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ ဦးခေါင်းများကို သေနတ်နှင့်တေ့ပစ်ပြီး အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည်။ ထိုရုပ်အလောင်း (၄) လောင်းကို ဇူလိုင်လ (၃) ရက်နေ့တွင် ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ရာ ရုပ်အလောင်းများမှာ ဦးခေါင်းများ မရှိတော့သကဲ့သို့ ပျက်စီးနေပြီး အနီးတဝိုက်တွင်လည်း ဆိုင်ကယ် (၂၅) စီးခန့်ကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးထားသည်ကို တွေ့ မြင်ခဲ့ရကြောင်း ဒေသခံများကဆိုသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၄) လောင်းမှာ စိန်ကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ဖန်ခါးကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ဆူးလေကုန်း ရွာမှာ (၁) ဦးနှင့် အင်ချောင်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦး တို့ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၆ လောင်း) ချင်းတွင်းမြစ် အရှေ့ဘက်ကမ်းရှိ ယင်းရွာ၊ ကုန်းသာရွာ၊ ကျောက်လှေကားရွာများသို့ ဇူလိုင် (၉) ရက် နှင့် (၁၀) ရက်နေ့များ၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ အလုံးအရင်းဖြင့် ဝင်ရောက်လာသောကြောင့် ရွာလုံးကျွတ် ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်ကြရသည်။ ထိုထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေသူ ဒေသခံများအနက် (၂၆) ဦး ပျောက်ဆုံးနေသဖြင့် လိုက်လံ ရှာဖွေရာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်၊ ယင်းရွာ၏ အရှေ့ဘက် ခင်တန်းရှည် တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်မှ ချိုင့်ထဲတွင် တောထဲတွင် ဒဏ်ရာများဖြင့် ရုပ်ပျက်ဆင်းပျက်ဖြစ်နေသည့် အလောင်း (၁၅) လောင်းနှင့် နောက်တစ်ရွာတွင် အလောင်း (၁) လောင်းကို ထပ်မံ ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။ အလောင်းများကို ဇူလိုင် (၁၁၊ ၁၂) ရက်နေ့များတွင် ယင်းရွာ၏ အရှေ့ဘက်တောင်ကုန်းပေါ်မှ ရှာတွေ့ခဲ့ ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းရွာမှ (၁၃) ဦး၊ ကုန်းသာရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ ပလူဇဝ ရွာမှ (၁) ဦးနှင့် ထောက်ကြံ့ကုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး စုစုပေါင်း (၁၆) ဦး ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ယင်းရွာဒေသခံက ဆိုသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသူများအနက် အများစုမှာ အသက် (၃၀) နှင့် (၅၀) ကြားအရွယ် အမျိုးသားများဖြစ်ပြီး အသက် (၆၀) ကျော်အရွယ် (၁) ဦးလည်း ပါဝင်သည်။ ရုပ်အလောင်းအားလုံးတွင် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းခံထားရသည့် လက္ခဏာများတွေ့ရပြီး အဆိုးရွား ဆုံးမှာ မျက်နှာနှင့် လည်ပင်းများကို လှီးဖြတ် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းထားသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများတွေ့ရှိရခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တတိယအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၂ လောင်း) စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်၊ ဇီးပင်တွင်းကျေးရွာအနီး ဇူလိုင် (၂၆) ရက် ညနေပိုင်းက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်နှင့် ဒေသခံကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (PDF) တို့ တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ခဲ့ရာ ရွာသားတချို့နှင့် PDF အဖွဲ့ဝင်တချို့ ပျောက်ဆုံးနေ ၍ လိုက်လံရှာဖွေရာမှ ဇီးပင်တွင်းရွာ အနောက်ဘက်ယာတောထဲတွင် ဒဏ်ရာများနှင့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၅) လောင်း ကို ပထမအကြိမ်ရှာဖွေမှုတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ နောက်ထပ် အလောင်း (၇) လောင်းကို ဒုတိယအကြိမ် ရှာဖွေမှု တွင်လည်းကောင်း စုစုပေါင်း ရုပ်အလောင်း (၁၂) လောင်းကို ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၇ ရက်နေ့၌ ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပြန်သည်။ ဒုတိယအကြိမ်ရှာဖွေမှုတွင် ရွာသားများက မြေကျင်းတစ်ခုကို တူးဖော်ခဲ့ရာ မြှုပ်နှံထားသည့် အလောင်း (၄) လောင်း၊ သစ်ပင်တွင် ကြိုးဖြင့် ချိတ်ဆွဲထားသည့် အလောင်း (၁) လောင်း၊ မြေပြင်တွင် လဲကျနေသော ရုပ်အလောင်း (၂) လောင်းကို တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်ဟု သိရသည်။ အဆိုပါ ရုပ်အလောင်း (၇) လောင်းမှာ အသက် (၆၀) ကျော်အရွယ် သက်ကြီးပိုင်း (၂) ဦး၊ ကိုယ်လက်အင်္ဂါမသန်စွမ်းသူ (၁) ဦး၊ အသက် (၁၈) မှ (၃၀) ကြား (၄) ဦး၏ ရုပ်အလောင်းများ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၇) ရက်နေ့က ရှာဖွေမှုနှစ်ခုတွင် တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည့် ရုပ်အလောင်း (၁၂) လောင်းမှာ ဇီးပင်တွင်းရွာမှ (၂) ဦး၊ ချင်းဖုန်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သမင်ဇပ်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သလောက်ရွာမှ (၁) ဦးနှင့် မုံရွာမှ (၇) ဦး ဖြစ်ကြောင်းသိရသည်။ ရုပ်အလောင်းအားလုံး၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်တွင် တူညီသည့်အချက်မှာ ရိုက်နှက်၊ နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပမ်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဒဏ်ရာ အများအပြား ရှိနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု ဒေသခံများက ဆိုသည်။ စတုတ္ထအကြိမ်ဖြစ်စဉ် (ရုပ်အလောင်း ၁၁ လောင်း) အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်တပ်များနှင့် ကနီမြို့နယ် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်များ ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၆) ရက်နှင့် (၂၇) ရက်နေ့တို့တွင် ကနီမြို့နယ် တောင်ပေါက်အုပ်စု ထူးကျေးရွာအနီးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ဝင်ရောက်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် ဒေသခံများက ပြန်လည်ခုခံရင်း တိုက်ပွဲဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် နောက်တစ်ရက် (၂၈) ရက်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကြပ်ချောင်းတောတိုက်တွင် တောင်သူလုပ်ကိုင်နေသော သရက်တောရွာသား ကိုအောင်ကျော်မြင့်၏ တဲအိမ်အတွင်းဝင်ရောက်၍ ကိုအောင်ကျော်မြင့်အပါအဝင် ထမင်းစား နေသောအမျိုးသား (၁၁) ဦးအား ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး တဲကိုပါ မီးရှို့ဖျက်စီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် နံနက် (၁၀) နာရီခန့်အချိန်တွင် သရက်တောရွာသား ကိုမြင့်သိန်း၏ ယာခင်းအစပ်မှ သေနတ်သံ ဆယ်ချက်ကျော်ခန့် ကြားရကြောင်းကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရသည့်အထဲတွင် ပါဝင်သူ၏ ဇနီးပြောကြားချက်အရ သိရ သည်။ ဒေသခံများက လိုက်လံရှာဖွေရာ ကနီမြို့နယ် တောင်ပေါက် ကျေးရွာအုပ်စု ကျောက်တံခါးချောင်းနှင့် ကြပ်ချောင်း အဆုံ၊ ကိုမြင့်သိန်း (သရက်တောရွာ)၏ ယာခင်းအတွင်း အမျိုးသား (၁၁) ဦးအား အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ် ခံထားရပြီး ဆိုင်ကယ် (၂) စီး နှင့်အတူ မီးရှို့ခံထားရသည်ကို ဇူလိုင်လ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့က တွေ့ရှိခဲ့သည်။ သေဆုံးသူများမှာ အမျိုးသားများဖြစ်ပြီး ခိုတွင်းရွာမှ (၁) ဦး၊ သရက်တောရွာမှ (၆) ဦး၊ ကနီမြို့ပေါ်မှ (၃) ဦး နှင့် ညောင်သူများရွာမှ (၁) ဦး စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁) ဦးဖြစ်သည်။ ကနီမြို့ပေါ်မှ (၃) ဦးမှာ ညီအစ်ကိုများဖြစ် ပြီး သရက်တောရွာရှိ ဆွေမျိုးများထံ တောင်သူအလုပ်လုပ်ရင်း မီးသွေးဖုတ်နေကြသူများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟု သိရသည်။ တွေ့ရှိရသည့် ရုပ်အလောင်းများအနက် (၃) လောင်းတွင် မျက်နှာနှင့် ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အနှံ့ ညိုမည်းဒဏ်ရာများဖြစ်ပေါ် နေခြင်း၊ ဦးခေါင်းနှင့် ရင်ဘတ်များတွင် သေနတ်ဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်ထားခြင်း၊ မျက်နှာများအား ဓါတ်ဆီလောင်း မီးရှို့ ထားခြင်းစသည့် ဒဏ်ရာများလည်းတွေ့ရှိခဲ့ပြီး အလောင်းများမှာလည်း ပုပ်ပွလျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုအခင်းဖြစ်ပွားပြီး နောက်ဆက်တွဲအနေနှင့် ကနီမြို့နယ် ကင်းတောင်အုပ်စု ခိုတွင်းကျေးရွာနေ ဦးမောင်မြင့်က စစ်အုပ်စု၏အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကြောင့် စိတ်ဖေါက်ပြန်သွားပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက် ဩဂုတ်လ (၁) ရက်နေ့ ညနေတွင် ကနီမြို့ပေါ်ရှိ အထက ကျောင်းနားသို့ ဆိုင်ကယ်ဖြင့် သွားရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် ကျောင်းအတွင်း စခန်းချနေသော အကြမ်းဖက်တပ်သားများကို “မင်းတို့တွေကြောင့် တို့ပြည်သူတွေ သေရတာ” ဟုအော်ဟစ်ပြီး ကျောင်းအုတ်တံတိုင်းနားသို့ ကပ်သွားစဉ် မည်သည့်လက်နက်မျှမပါသော ဦးမောင်မြင့်အား အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့၏ တပ်သားများမှ ပစ်သတ်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အလောင်းအား ညတွင်းချင်းဖျောက်ဖျက်လိုက်ကြကြောင်း မိသားစုထံမှ သိရ သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက်စက်သော လူမဆန်စွာကျူးလွန်မှုများမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနေရာအနှံ့အပြားတွင် နေ့စဉ် နှင့်အမျှ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေလျက်ရှိပြီး အထက်ပါ ကနီမြို့နယ်ဖြစ်စဉ်များမှာ တိကျသော သက်သေအထောက်အထား များဖြင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာရသည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်များမှာ အစုလိုက် အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ် မှုအပါအဝင် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ဆိုးဝါးရက်စက်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်ပြီး မြန်မာပြည်သူ လူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ကို စစ်အုပ်စုက အကြီးအကျယ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း သက်သေခံလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ၎င်းတို့ ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တာဝန်ယူ၊ တာဝန်ခံရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သည့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများသည် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေအရ အမြစ် ပြတ် သုတ်သင်ရှင်းလင်းရေးလုပ်ရပ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ (၁၉၄၉) ခုနှစ် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းနှင့် (၁၉၇၇) ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ (၈) ရက်နေ့၌ ထပ်မံ ဖြည့်စွက်ထားသော နောက်ဆက်တွဲစာချုပ်များတွင် ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပ စစ်ပွဲများကြောင့် အရပ်သားနှင့် အရပ်သားများ၏ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများ၊ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ၊ ဘာသာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အဆောက်အဦများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထားမတိုက်ခိုက်ရန် အစရှိသည့် စံနှုန်းများကိုလည်း တိကျစွာ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူ စာချုပ် (၄) ဖြစ်သော စစ်အတွင်း၌ အရပ်သားများကိုကာကွယ်ခြင်းဆိုင်ရာသဘောတူစာချုပ် (၁၉၄၉) ၏ အပိုဒ်(၃၂) အရ စစ်ပွဲအတွင်း ကာကွယ်ပေးရမည့်ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအား ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနာကျင်မှုဖြစ်စေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်မှု (သို့) အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု ဖြစ်စေနိုင်သော ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို တားမြစ်ထားသည်။ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ ရိုက်နှက်အပြစ်ပေးခြင်း၊ ဆေးပညာ (သို့) သိပ္ပံပညာအတွက် အသုံးချခြင်းတို့ကို အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ သာမက စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာအေးဂျင့်များကပင် ပြုလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ကနီဖြစ်စဉ်သည် ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗင်းရှင်းကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်းချိုးဖောက်ပြီး အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ အမြစ်ပြတ် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် ထိုသို့ လူသားမျိုးနွယ် အပေါ် ကျုးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ပြစ်တင်ရှုတ်ချရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ထိထိရောက်ရောက် တရားစွဲဆိုရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့သော ဖြစ်ရပ်များမှာ ကနီဒေသ တစ်ခုထဲတင်မဟုတ်ဘဲ ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ်နှင့် အခြားသော မြို့နယ်များ တွင်လည်း ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိသည်ကို သိရှိရပြီး အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ နောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ဆက်လက် ထုတ်ပြန်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဒုတိယဖြစ်စဉ်တွင် အသက် (၆၀) ကျော် (၂) ဦးနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူ (၁) ဦး သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံရသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအတွင်းတွင် အားနွဲ့ပြီးထိခိုက်အလွယ်ဆုံးဖြစ်သည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူများကိုပင် ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များကို အကြိမ်ကြိမ်ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာ ခံစားလွယ်သော လူအုပ်စုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည်ဟု တိကျသော ကတိကဝတ်များ ပြုထားသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံပေါင်း (၁၈၂) နိုင်ငံက အတည်ပြုခဲ့ရေးထိုးခဲ့သည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မသန်စွမ်းသူများ အခွင့် အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သဘောတူစာချုပ် အပိုဒ် (၁၅) ၌ “စာချုပ်အဖွဲ့ဝင်နိုင်ငံများသည် မသန်စွမ်းသူများအား ညှဉ်းပန်း နှိပ်စက်ခြင်းမှ ကာကွယ်ရမည်” ဟု အသေးစိတ် ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ ထိုသူများအား လိုအပ်သော အကာအကွယ် ပေးမှုရရှိစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိမှုကို စောင့်ထိန်းလိုက်နာရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော ကိစ္စရပ်များအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ လုပ်ရပ်များကို အရေးယူ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန်လိုအပ်သည်ကို ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း တွေ့နိုင်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းခြင်း ကို ငြင်းပယ်ရမည်မှာ အသေအချာပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ တဆက်တည်းတွင် မြန်မာပြည်သူတရပ်လုံး၏ သဘောထားကို ထင်ဟပ်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (National Unity Government) ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အဖြစ် နိုင်ငံတကာမှ သတ်မှတ်ပေးရန် လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ NUG အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့်လည်း ရောမ စာချုပ်ကို အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ ရာဇဝတ်မှုတရားရုံး (International Criminal Court, ICC) သို့ တင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သလို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာတရားရုံး (International Court of Justice, ICJ) ၌လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တရားဝင်ကိုယ်စားပြုပေးရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica and Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Bi-weekly situation update by the Karenni Civil Society Network, Aug 2-15, 2021 Summary of SAC violations in Karenni State and Pekhon Township - ကရင်နီလူမှုအသင်းအဖွဲ့များကွန်ယက်၏ နှစ်ပတ်တကြိမ် အခြေအနေ တင်ပြချက် သြဂုတ် ၂ – ၁၅ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် – ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်နှင့် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ် အတွင်း စစ်ကော်စီ၏ ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အကျဉ်း
Description: " People arrested: In Karenni State the total number of people arrested since the coup has increased from 135 to 150 during the past two weeks. Three villagers were arrested on August 6, from Kayan Thayar village in Loikaw Township. Their names were Khun Nyein Chan, Khun Bey and Khun Poe O. They were tortured while being detained on suspicion of being connected to the KNDF. They were released on August 7. On August 11, another three youth from Daw U Khu quarter in Loikaw township were arrested at their homes by SAC. It appears they were arrested on suspicion of connections with a PDF. On August 14, four male villagers from Daw Takleh and Htee Phoe Kaloe village in Demawso township, including a 15-year-old boy, were arrested while they were going back to their village from an IDP camp to get some rations for their families. They were tied up with rope and brought to the SAC camp on Daw Tadah Mountain. On August 14, SAC troops came to the home of social worker Roselynn (also known as Ma Ei) in Naung Yang, quarter of Loikaw Town and arrested her mother and brother and 3 young volunteer aid workers who were in the house. The SAC troops said that if Ma Ei gave herself up, they would free those who were arrested.  Ongoing military aggression The SAC has declared it is continuing its unilateral ceasefire from August to October, but in practice, it has increased clearance operations into the areas where the KNDF and IDPs are staying, and clearly has no intention of stopping its military offensives in Karenni State. On August 3, SAC troops under Infantry Division 66 clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops four times while moving from Tah Leh village to Marcrawshay village in Pruso township. 11 SAC soldiers were killed and over 20 were injured during the clashes. At 4 pm, the SAC shelled and fired machine guns into Nan Peh village in Bawlake township for no apparent reason, then entered the village and looted goods and money from shops. On August 4, SAC troops under Infantry Division 66 were carrying out an operation against the KNPP and KNDF, when they clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops between Kupra mountain and Bethu (upper) village in western Demawso township. 3 SAC soldiers were killed and some injured. On August 4, at 8:45 am, SAC troops entered Naung Yang quarter of Loikaw town and shot at some houses without giving any reason. Some houses were damaged, and a young woman was wounded in her knee by an explosive shell. On August 6, at 10 pm, two youths riding a motorbike in Loikaw town were shot from behind by SAC troops. One was hit in the back and one was wounded in one arm. On August 8, 300 SAC troops clashed with KNPP and KNDF troops between upper Bethu village in Pekhon township and Domoko village in Pruso township. 10 SAC soldiers were killed during the clash. On August 9, in the evening, fighting took place between SAC and KNPP/KNDF troops near Beya village in western Pruso township. On the same day, while carrying out military operations, SAC troops from Pinlaung township in Shan State clashed with KNDF troops near Lawei village and Kaung Ei village in Pekhon township, Shan State On August 10, over 120 CDM staff from Loikaw Teik Chauk Lone building (government housing) were evicted by SAC. On August 12, SAC troops clashed with KNPP/KNDF troops near Htee Klu Daw village in Pruso township. Five SAC soldiers were killed and three were injured. During this clash, KNDF reported that they seized some small guns and one mortar from the SAC. After this, on the same day, SAC troops started deploying more soldiers in and around Pruso town. A clash took place near Kadah Lah village, close to Pruso town, between SAC and KNPP/KNDF troops. LIB 102 and LIB 531 based in Demawso township launched artillery shells to support their troops in Pruso township, injuring a woman from Htee Por Hso village in Pruso township in her thigh, and a male villager in his arm from Nyow Khone village, Demawso Township. On August 14, at 7 am, SAC troops together with PNO troops from Pinlaung township entered Pekhon township, and clashed with combined troops from Pekhon PDF, Moebye PDF, KNDF and KNPP near Pin Pon village and Lahwei village. The fighting lasted about 11 hours. Two of the PDF were injured, and five SAC soldiers and six PNO soldiers were killed. On August 15, 100 SAC troop reinforcements in 35 military trucks were heading from Loikaw to Pekhon, when they were ambushed by KNPP and KNDF troops at Kaung Maing village near Moebye town.  Situation of IDPs and humanitarian aid The number of IDPs continues to increase due to the ongoing fighting. Following the fierce SAC offensive around Pruso town on August 12, a further 674 villagers from nearby villages fled to the jungle as IDPs. The growing number of IDPs is causing increased humanitarian needs. Apart from the need for food and shelter, medical aid is urgently required due to the growing spread of Covid 19 in IDP camps. In Hsin IDP camp, in eastern Loikaw township, 47 Covid positive cases have been found during the past two weeks..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Civil Society Network
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 18 August 2021)
Description: "As of 18 August, (1006) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 18, a total of (5730) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Terrorist junta’s soldiers who were drunk pointed a gun to the temple of Zaw Myo Myint and shot him dead at close range among people at a port in Minkin Town, Sagaing Region on the evening of August 17. Junta troops beat and then shot Zaw Myo Myint for not wearing a face mask while he was sitting and chewing the betel nut in the port. Zin Mar Win from Min Sar village in Minkin Township who heard the sound of gunshots and witnessed Zaw Myo Myint’s dead body, died on the spot from a heart attack. Terrorist junta’s troops raided Kyauk Khel Tat Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township and arrested three villagers named Bo Aung, Chit Lwin and Phoe Toke on August 16. They killed these three villagers on August 17 and concealed the bodies in Chindwin River. Hla Myint Oo, living in Thapyay Yay Village in Magway Region Pauk Township, who had opened a shop, was shot with a tumee (traditional hunting) rifle used by junta troops on the evening of August 13. The junta then set a bomb on an old motorbike in front of his shop. In addition, junta troops raided Paline, Gonetan and Kanthar Villages in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township, then arrested and shot dead a local from Gonetan Village called Nan, on August 12. The incident happened at a school in Paline Village where they had set up camp after they questioned Nan who came past but failed to reply. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Death toll since Myanmar coup tops 1,000, says activist group
Description: "The death toll as a result of Myanmar's Feb. 1 coup topped 1,000 on Wednesday, according to an official of the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP) activist group, which has been recording killings by security forces. A spokesman for the ruling junta did not respond to a call to request comment. The military authorities have previously said the AAPP figures, widely cited by international organisations, are exaggerated. The army has also said scores of members of the security forces have been killed. The AAPP does not include them in its count. "According to AAPP records, 1,001 innocent people have been killed," AAPP secretary Tate Naing told Reuters. "The actual number of victims is much higher." The Southeast Asian country has sunk into chaos since the coup, with protests continuing daily, insurgencies flaring in border regions and widespread strikes that have severely damaged the economy. The army overthrew elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alleging irregularities in an election swept by her National League for Democracy party in November 2020. The then electoral commission and international monitors said the army accusations were wrong. The military authorities say their seizure of power should not be called a coup because it was in line with the constitution..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Massacres in Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region
Description: "In over (70) years of civil war in Burma, ethnic nationalities have suffered torture, extrajudicial killings, massacres, rape, villages burned to the ground, and residents forced to flee their homes in indiscriminate junta military so-called ‘Military Clearance Policy’. Human rights and civil society organizations across Burma have repeatedly called for action to end this military’s impunity. The UN formed a fact-finding mission in 2017 to investigate the repeated human rights violations. And yet, the junta has continued to perpetrate human rights abuses, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The military junta seized power and arbitrary arrested the country’s elected leaders on February 1, 2021. People across the regions and states have been resisting the junta in various ways. Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region is known as a prominent area of opposition to the coup. The juntas’ response has been to target and destroy areas in Kani Township, and surrounding villages and forests with shootings, arrests, and raids in military incursions. Thousands of residents have fled to nearby villages and forests. The junta has also entered these villages and killed buffaloes, cows, and looted property from the villages. 44th and 99th Light Infantry Division, including battalion 228th based in Kale Township, have attacked almost every village in Kani Township, using some thousand troops in three different strategic divisions. Many locals have endured inhumane atrocities by the junta. Arbitrary arrest, torture, and sometimes being killed through torture. It has also been reported that internal displaced persons are suffering from food and medical shortages. The terrorist (junta) group has been collecting money through extortion, as well as assaulting, intimidating, and beating locals like with rifle stocks when they travel to Monywa Township to purchase necessities. Ooredoo and Telenor tele-com operators’ internet and phone lines were suspended on July 9, and MPT was cut off on August 2 in some villages in Kani Township. According to locals, only the military owned Mytel internet and phone line are currently available in some villages. The junta has been uses its four cuts doctrine to indiscriminately target civilians. In July alone, the junta committed 4 massacres in Kani Township villages. At least 43 people have been discovered killed in this way. First massacre (4 fatalities) Four men were arrested, tortured, and shot in the head on July 1, between 4 – 6 pm in Shitkoetat Forest between Mone O Village and Ywar Thar Village, Kani Township, Yinmabin District, Sagaing Region. According to locals, the (4) corpses were found headless from shootings on July 3. Some (25) motorcycles were found burned in a nearby fire. The (4) men were each from Sein Kone Village, Phan Khar Kone Village, Sule Kone Village, and Inn Chaung Village. Second massacre (16 fatalities) The junta stormed Yin Village and Kone Thar Village, located on the eastern bank of Chindwin River. They entered the village, forcing residents to flee to Kyauk Hle Ka Village on July 9 and 10. Missing were twenty-six villagers. When locals went searching for them, (15) dead bodies were discovered in the valley on Khin Tan Shay Hill, east of Yin Village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, and (1) dead body was found in another nearby village. According to locals from Yin Village, the dead bodies were found on July 11 and 12 on the hill east of Yin Village. The (16) murdered persons were from Yin Village (13), Kone Thar Village (1), Paluzawa Village (1), and from Htauk Kyan Kone Village (1). Most of the victims were men, aged between (30) and (50), one of the victims was a male in his 60’s. All the corpses were found with signs of severe torture, some with cuts and bruises on faces and necks. Third massacre (12 fatalities) A clash between the military junta and People Defense Force (PDF) happened near Zee Pin Dwin Village, Kani Township, Sagaing Region, on the evening of July 26. Some villagers and PDF went missing. Five dead bodies were found in the first search, by the paddle field behind Zee Pin Dwin Village, and another seven dead bodies were found in a second search. Total of (12) corpses were discovered on July 27. During the second search, the villagers dug a pit and found (4) victims, (1) hanging from a tree, and (2) lying on the ground. Of these (7) fatalities found in the second search, (2) were elderly over the age of 60, (1) was disabled, and (4) others were aged between 18 – 30. The (12) fatalities from this third massacre were from Zee Pin Dwin Village (2), Chin Phone Village (1), Thamin Zat Village (1), Tha Lauk Village (1), and Monywa Township (7). According to locals all the victims were found with wounds and injuries from beatings and torture. Fourth massacre (11 fatalities) Junta troops raided a small village near Htoo Village, Taungpauk Village Tract, Kani Township. A local People Defense Force (PDF) from Kani Township resisted the attack and a clash unfolded on July 26 and 27. On the morning of July 28, the junta raided Ko Aung Kyaw Myint’s house, a farmer from Thayat Taw Village, who was working in Kyat Chaung Taw Tike. (11) men, including Ko Aung Kyaw Myint, were detained, and his house burned down by the terrorist group. According to one of the victims’ wives, she heard (10) gunshots around 10 am close by to Ko Myint Thein’s farm, a local in Thayat Taw Village. On July 31, the villagers went on a search and found (11) men massacred in Ko Myint Thein’s farm, in Thayat Taw Village. (2) motorbikes had also been set on fire at the intersection of Kyauktaga and Kyat Creeks, Taungpauk Village Tract, Kani Township. The (11) victims were all men and from Kho Dwin Village (1), Thayat Taw Village (6), Kani Township (3), and Nyaung Thu Village (1). The (3) from Kani Township were brothers working as farmers in coal manufacturing in their relatives’ village. Among the dead, (3) had bruises on their faces and all over their bodies, they had been shot in the head and chest, with burns on their faces from gasoline. All the bodies were rotting by the time they were found. In the aftermath of the incident, U Maung Myint, a resident from Kho Dwin Village, Kintaung Village Tract, Kani Township, was mentally distressed by the massacre and drove his motorcycle to a high school in Kani Township where junta troops were based on the evening of August 1. U Maung Myint shouted “civilians died because of you”. He went close to the school’s wall unarmed, the junta then shot. According to his family, junta troops disappeared the body over the night. Atrocities committed by this terrorist group are happening across Burma daily. The massacres in Kani Township are but incidents which have emerged with concrete evidence. These events testify that the junta is committing crimes against humanity. It is the junta which is responsible for these crimes threatening the lives and property of civilians all over Burma. The massacres in Kani Township are an act of extermination under the international law. The (1949) Geneva Convention and its June 8, (1977) additional protocols established international humanitarian law norms such as protection of the civilian population, objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian, cultural objects and places of worship due to international or non-international armed conflicts. According to article (32) of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the Geneva Convention related to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, taking any measure of such a character as to cause the physical suffering or extermination of protected persons in their hands is prohibited. This applies not only to murder, torture, corporal punishment, mutilation and medical or scientific experiments not necessitated by the medical treatment of a protected person, but also to any other measures of brutality whether applied by civilian or military agents. The Kani Township massacres and targeting of civilians is a clear violation of the Geneva Conventions. The junta’s torture and murder of civilians in Kani Township must be condemned by the international community as crimes against humanity and litigated accordingly. Similar incidents to Kani Township occurred in Depayin Township and other townships. These incidents will consequently be examined by civil society organizations. (2) persons over the age of 60, and (1) disabled person were killed in the second massacre. This junta has repeatedly committed torture towards the most vulnerable members of society, such as children and the disabled. Groups which the international community has made specific pledges to protect. Article (15) of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ratified by (182) countries, including Burma, states that “States Parties shall protect persons with disabilities from being subjected to torture”. The international community must adhere to its vital responsibility to ensure these groups are protected. It is therefore necessary for the international community to act against this terrorist group and reject a murderous junta and illegitimate coup at the United Nations General Assembly. At the same time, the National Unity Government, with legitimacy granted by Burma’s people, must be recognized and given appropriate credentials by the international community as the legitimate government in Burma. Upon ratifying the Rome Statue, the NUG must refer the junta to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and represent Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ)..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica and Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Women’s League of Burma - Situation Update, July 2021
Sub-title: As part of an ongoing monthly analysis, WLB would like to share our July briefer on the situation of human rights amid the military coup in Burma/Myanmar and the recent outbreak of COVID-19.
Description: "Six months have passed since the Burmese Army seized power in a coup. Since that dark day, the people of Burma/Myanmar have continued to suffer the consequences. In the months following Feb 1, it has become abundantly clear that the terrorist junta has neither the political will nor the ability to govern with compassion and humanity. Something must be done to reverse the devastation. But dismantling the junta’s legacy of violence and impunity is not without its challenges. Yet, the on-going civil movements and growing calls for action alongside campaigns for accountability, signals that the struggle for freedom, equality and peace for the people of Burma/Myanmar will continue. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated an already devastating political, economic and social climate. At the time of this writing, the country has reported over 300,000 confirmed cases Ethnic areas are also seriously affected by the pandemic. Exploitation of the pandemic has led to countless preventable deaths. The junta’s negligence has been made clear in their hoarding of oxygen tanks for themselves as they threatened health care workers, forcing many to go underground. Pharmacies have been forced to close due to insufficient stock, and those that remain open are inaccessible to many due to price inflation. For displaced populations and refugees, their situation comes with a lack of direct access to healthcare facilities. Children and the elderly are facing many difficulties because of the COVID-19 pandemic. The ‘war on health’ is the latest battle the people of Burma/ Myanmar are now facing. The military is moving backwards by arresting health care workers who share anti-coup views. According to recent statistics, the majority of health workers involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are women, and they too are putting themselves at risk providing medical services to the infected. In this new struggle, women are disproportionately impacted. Across generations, women take on many responsibilities in the household, including being a primary caretaker. As they give their energy to their infected loved ones, they put themselves at more risk of catching the virus. Meanwhile, unlawful arrests and persecution of pro-democracy activists continues. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 1,084 women have been arrested and 65 killed since Feb 1. Another 100 youth have been killed by the junta, including 75 children. Additionally, 1,000 young people between the ages of 10 and 19 have been detained. Of those arrested, 65 have been sentenced to death through military tribunals, including four women. Burma/Myanmar has not evoked the death penalty since 1988. These sentences are excruciatingly punitive and they lack legitimacy. Peaceful protest is not a crime, and yet under the junta’s control, those with different views are persecuted. Impact of the Military Coup: The junta continues to deny and dismiss the severity of the multiple crises unfolding within the country. International intervention to curb the rate of infections and carry out an effective humanitarian response is urgently needed. Women and children have suffered enormous consequences since the junta’s ruthless takeover. Surviving under an authoritarian regime has been immeasurably difficult for the most vulnerable. In Burma/Myanmar, women are unfairly recognized as the weaker gender. The military often treats them with severe disrespect, abusing and intimidating them to maintain their control. Since the military overthrew the democratically elected government, sexual harassment, rape, and arrests have increased. There is no compassion shown for the elderly, the sick, people with disabilities or young. To the Burmese Army, they are simply the threats to their new political order. Women have also been threatened by the junta for their pro-democracy activities. A weak legal system has undermined all prospects for justice and accountability. Women’s access to justice referral pathways is also limited by patriarchal and cultural stereotypes. Isolating civilians from life-saving services is another branch of the junta’s deceitful tactics. Many of the victims of their atrocities are from low-income communities who lack the financial capacity and legal literacy to access services. The junta has a long history of committing sexual abuse against young women and girls. The abuse leaves survivors traumatized, often without reparations for the crimes committed against them. In detention, prisoners are allowed limited access to water. Due to the unsanitary conditions, women in the prison often take contraceptives. Even though there may be consequences to their health, women political prisoners in Dawei Township have no choice but receive the contraceptive injections through the clinics in the prison. Inadequate access to sanitary conditions while unlawfully detained is yet another violation they are forced to endure. As tens of thousands of positive cases and hundreds of deaths from COVID-19 are being reported, prisons throughout the country are also affected by the coronavirus. Making it worse is the military’s unwillingness to contain the pandemic and provide proper medical care. Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the Director of the National Immunization Program and one of the leading experts on COVID-19 in Burma/ Myanmar, who was arrested with her family on June 20, is now infected with the virus. While two women reportedly died in Insein Prison in the month of July due to being denied medical care. One was Moe Thu, a 42-year-old anti-coup protest leader from Khayan Township in Yangon Region, whose colleagues believed she died of COVID-19. In response to the negligence of the prison’s management over the deteriorating COVID-19 pandemic and its discriminatory medical treatment within prison, women from the two female detention blocks in Insein Prison staged a protest in the morning of July 23 spreading across the prison. Young children are not exempt from this horrendous treatment. Ko Soe Htay, a Burmese human rights activist, says his five-year-old daughter was arrested and detained in his place with his wife and elder daughter. The family was forced to endure stress positions by the junta. Since her release, he says his young daughter has been traumatized. His eldest, who remains in prison, is suffering from life-threatening injuries..."
Source/publisher: Women’s League of Burma
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The ‘Apple’ that fell in 44th street
Sub-title: The fatal fall of Wai Wai Myint—or “Apple” to her friends—was testament to her refusal to give in to injustice
Description: "In early August, 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint and her 35-year-old husband Soe Myat Thu decided to leave Yangon for a short trip to Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin. The couple, who had recently recovered from Covid-19, just wanted a break from the stress of life in Myanmar’s largest city, where post-coup political tensions and anxiety over the third wave of the pandemic seemed to be coming to a head. They took their much-needed vacation and were due to return to Yangon by plane on August 10. However, when they learned that their flight would be delayed until the afternoon, they decided to rent a car the day before so they could get back to Yangon by morning. It proved to be a fateful decision. Just hours after they arrived at their home on 45th Street at around 9am, Wai Wai Myint—known to her friends and family as “Apple”—would be lying dead in a nearby alleyway. After resting from their journey, Wai Wai Myint went out at around 3pm to meet with friends who lived a short distance away on 44th Street, according to her husband. “She took 10 or 15 thousand kyat with her to give to her friends. It was soon after she left that it happened,” he recalled. “I can’t help but blame myself. If only we taken the plane, we wouldn’t have arrived until 6pm,” he said as he tried to make sense of the tragic events of that day. Lost hope Soe Myat Thu learned about his wife’s death on social media. There were reports that five people had fallen from the rooftop of a three-storey apartment building on 44th Street. The details were unclear, but it appeared that they had been trying to escape from a raid by junta troops looking to arrest members of the anti-coup resistance movement. It was believed that the 50-foot fall had left at least some of the wanted activists dead. Photos shared on Facebook showed seemingly lifeless bodies lying in an alley behind No. 38, 44th Street, including one of a woman in a blue and yellow dress, like the one worn by Snow White in the classic Disney movie. It was the sight of this dress that shook Soe Myat Thu to the core. “I kept hoping that it wasn’t her, but at the same time, I could see that the woman in the photo was wearing the exact same dress as my wife,” he said. Even in the face of this evidence, he couldn’t quite bring himself to believe that it was Wai Wai Myint. He posted something on Facebook to see if he could get more information, and it slowly began to sink in that it was true: his wife was dead. But this did not end his quest for some glimmer of hope. The following morning, he contacted a doctor he knew at Yangon General Hospital to ask if she had been admitted there. When this failed to yield any new leads, he went directly to the hospital’s emergency department, only to be told that they hadn’t seen any patients fitting Wai Wai Myint’s description. "The Facebook post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person." He then went from one cemetery to another, beginning with the Kyu Chaung Cemetery in Shwepyithar Township, where the military often takes the bodies of its victims. Next he went to the Kyi Su Cemetery in South Dagon, and then the Yay Way Cemetery in North Okkalapa. As his grim search continued, he read on Facebook that the five people who had fallen from the building the day before had all been taken to the 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township, where one was said to still be clinging to life. “The post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person,” said Soe Myat Thu. But the thought that he might see Wai Wai Myint alive again proved short-lived. Friends at the hospital confirmed that she had died. Four hours later, he would see this with his own eyes when he went to identify her. After making a futile request for permission to take her body, which was tightly wrapped in white cloth, for burial (she had often said that she didn’t want to be cremated), he was denied another last wish: to keep her ashes. “We couldn’t take her body home. And we couldn’t have her ashes,” he recalled sadly. “They said that they couldn’t make any exceptions—that everything had to be done according to the orders from the higher ups.” ‘A peculiar girl’ He still hasn’t told their five-year-old daughter, Nan Hteik Yati, what happened to her mother. A gemstone dealer by profession, Wai Wai Myint was often away on business. Perhaps that is where their daughter thinks she is now, Soe Myat Thu suggested, before adding that that may no longer be the case. “I think she found out about her death this morning while we were praying with the monks. She started crying while she was praying,” he said. Wai Wai Myint was a devoted mother who would only bend her will to please their daughter, Soe Myat Thu recalled, remembering his wife as the sort of person who would never give up in a fight. “When we argued, she would only start talking to me again if our daughter told her to,” he said. Wai Wai Myint had lost both of her parents—her father when she was just a child, and her mother while she was in university. Perhaps it was this that made her so fiercely independent, and at the same time protective towards those who had suffered some injustice, according to some of her closest friends. “Many people called her Apple. She was such a peculiar girl. She couldn’t stand injustice. She was fierce, and tall—she always wore high heels,” said Htet Arkar Kyaw, a former classmate. “By fierce, I don’t mean she fought with or bullied people. She was a brave girl. Everyone at school knew that. She used to fight with teachers known to act like dictators with students,” he recalled. "She always stood on the side of the weak." An honours graduate with a degree in English language from Dagon University, she always spoke up when she had to. “She would always ask the teachers questions, and never gave up until she got an answer that satisfied her. And she was never afraid to tell the truth,” said her close friend Soe Soe. Seen as “mouthy” by some, to those who really knew her, she was best known for being always ready to come to the aid of those in need, Soe Soe added. Her husband said this applied as much to strangers as to friends. “There were many times when she would yell at restaurant managers for scolding waiters,” he said. “She always stood on the side of the weak.” ‘No interest in politics’ Until the coup in February, however, Wai Wai Myint’s strong sense of justice never really extended to the political sphere. As relatively well-off members of Myanmar’s middle class, she and her husband had friends who supported both the now-ousted National League for Democracy and the army’s proxy party, and they felt no desire to pick sides. “We weren’t interested in politics at all before the coup. We weren’t on either side,” said Soe Myat Thu, noting that he and his wife both preferred to put most of their energy into their work, which in his case was running a private dental clinic. But that changed just over a week after the military takeover, when a young protester in Naypyitaw became the first casualty of the newly installed regime’s brutal efforts to crush opposition to its rule. Mya Thwe Thwe Khine was just 19 years old when she was shot in the head during an anti-coup demonstration in the capital on February 9. Her subsequent death a few days later made a deep impression on Wai Wai Myint. “It shattered her when Mya Thwe Thwe Khine died,” Soe Myat Thu said about the change in his wife’s political views. Over the ensuing months, she joined many protests, even when the junta was massacring dozens or even hundreds of civilians on a daily basis. She did so against her husband’s wishes, and eventually stopped telling him what she was doing, he said. Much of her activity involved cooking and donating food to protesters, according to her friend Soe Soe. In April, she was briefly detained for her involvement in the resistance movement. "She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice." During her detention, she suffered a spinal injury after she was slapped and kicked by her captors. But more than that, it pained her that she was released while others were forced to remain behind bars. “She wasn’t happy, because only she and a few other people were freed. She felt guilty about that. She’d come to me and cry about it,” said Soe Soe. “She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice,” she added. Through her work in the movement, she made many new friends, including those who were with her on the day she died. According to the junta, Wai Wai Myint was guilty of supporting a group of youths who were making explosives. Soe Myat Thu said he didn’t know any of the people she was with when the apartment she was in was raided. The four others who fell that day were all young men. In Soe Myat Thu’s mind, there is no doubt about who is responsible for his wife’s death. She herself had told him that she would take her own life before she allowed herself to be captured and tortured again. “I’m not the only one crying now. It’s all the system’s fault. My wife wouldn’t have had to die if it wasn’t for that,” he said, laying the blame for her death squarely on the shoulders of Myanmar’s military rulers..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 17 August 2021)
Description: "As of 17 August, (999) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Kyauksei Township in Mandalay Region died on August 16 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 17, a total of (5712) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Than Sein, a local villager from Kyauk Sauk Kalay Village in Kyauksei Township, Mandalay Region, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop around 10 am on August 15, died on the morning of August 16 due to severe beatings. Three of his teeth fell out due to the punching, and beating with wire and bamboo sticks because Than Sein did not open his phone lock. Than Sein was beaten this way until in the evening, according to locals. Than Sein was actively involved in his community and in-hiding after the terrorist junta came to search and arrest NLD supporters. He was arrested because a junta-appointed administrator informed that he had arrived home from hiding. Kyaw Thiha, a protest leader with the Mandalay Boycott Forces Column, was hit by a private car driven by the terrorist junta’s troop wearing plain clothes yesterday. Kyaw Thiha was beaten and arrested at gunpoint at 5pm on August 16 on his way driving a motorbike. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided houses where protestors were hiding and Pi Ti, one of the protestors in that boycott column, was arrested that day. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.4 MB 5.5 MB 1.83 MB
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Title: Military arrests leader of Mandalay protest alliance
Sub-title: Kyaw Thiha, the youth head of an alliance of multiple protest columns, was stopped on his motorbike, beaten and arrested at gunpoint by plainclothes junta soldiers
Description: "A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force, was arrested by the junta’s forces while driving near Mandalay University at around 5pm on Monday. Plainclothes soldiers, arriving in domestic vehicles, stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha—who is in his 20s—beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness. Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township at 8pm that night. “They also raided the place where we were staying. We’re all on the run now. I still don’t know about our other comrades, but I’m in a safe place now,” Thura Aung told Myanmar Now. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance. Junta vehicles drove into the protest column in both May and June, injuring demonstrators. Six protesters including a university lecturer were arrested near Mandalay University on the morning of June 14 after the column was hit by a car driven by military personnel. The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan. Thura Aung said that they would not be stopping their resistance to military rule. “They can arrest us all they want but they can’t break our revolutionary spirit. We’re not backing down, not by an inch. We will fight for the truth until the end,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Junta Seen Moving to Dissolve NLD to Ensure Grip on Power
Sub-title: The military has arrested more than 300 party members, including 98 lawmakers, since February.
Description: "Myanmar’s junta is targeting members of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD), including its leader Aung San Suu Kyi and dozens of lawmakers, in a bid to disband the party and secure its tenuous hold on power six months after overthrowing the government, ousted lawmakers and analysts said Monday. A member of the NLD’s Central Committee told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the military regime has arrested a total of 324 NLD members—98 of whom are members of parliament (MPs)—since its Feb. 1 coup d’état. Among the detained are 15 members of the NLD’s Central Committee, as well as five regional and state chief ministers, the committee member said, speaking on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. Other senior NLD members have died in detention since the coup, including Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal attorney Nyan Win on July 20 and Bago region MP Nyunt Shwe, who died of COVID-19 in prison on Monday. Three party members—Khin Maung Latt and Zaw Myat Lin of Myanmar’s largest city Yangon and Kyaw Kyaw from the capital Naypyidaw—were allegedly tortured to death at interrogation centers, according to the committee member. Meanwhile, 10 people, including Magway Region Chief Minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, have been sentenced by the military to between two and three years in prison and face additional charges. NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, former president Win Myint, and several other party leaders remain in detention on a variety of anti-state charges after being rounded up in the aftermath of the coup. The Central Committee member told RFA that the junta is targeting the NLD with the goal of removing the party from politics altogether. “The junta is afraid of losing the state authority it unlawfully seized,” they said. The committee member said they believe the military’s leadership was unhappy with the socio-economic development, transparency, and other reforms that the NLD delivered after winning the country’s 2015 elections, and afraid of being held to account for the corruption and other crimes it had committed during its 1962-2011 rule. “That must be why they are trying to completely remove the NLD from Myanmar politics, hoping that afterwards they’d be free to do what they want,” the committee member said. “[NLD] party leaders and party members are being unlawfully persecuted, and people are being brutally suppressed so that they cannot interact with the party.” Holding on to power The junta says a landslide victory by the NLD in the country’s November 2020 general election was the result of voter fraud, but has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed widespread prot4ests, killing 998 people and arresting 5,711 since the coup, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC) announced on July 26 that the 2020 election results had been officially annulled, although the NLD has dismissed the decision as illegal, saying it invalidates the will of the people. The military has called for a change in the format of the election to include proportional representation ahead of a new ballot. Political analyst Than Soe Naing told RFA that the military’s actions are aimed at holding on to power. “It doesn’t matter when elections are held—as long as the people wholeheartedly support the NLD, it will be difficult for the military to maintain power,” he said. “This is why the junta is working towards the abolition of the NLD and the long-term imprisonment of its leaders.” In the aftermath of the coup, the military raided NLD offices across the country, confiscating documents and office equipment and destroying party signboards. Party officials say grassroot-level NLD offices have since removed all signs, citing security concerns. Aung Kyi Nyunt, a member of the NLD Central Committee, said that despite the military’s efforts, the party will endure because it continues to represent the will of the people. “I don’t believe that the people will accept the annulment of the election results or participate in new elections, as they already made their decision,” he said. “As long as the people are there, the party will be there.” Little hope for justice Meanwhile, family members of imprisoned NLD lawmakers told RFA on Monday that they have little hope for justice while the junta remains in charge of the country. Lin Naing, the husband of jailed Taungup township MP Ni Ni May Myint, said that the military had arrested his wife and many other NLD members with complete impunity. “We didn’t know where people were interrogated after being taken away—most were taken to court from interrogation centers and imprisoned straight away,” he said. “There is no transparency. Those arrested were not allowed to speak with their lawyers and were jailed on random charges. Almost all the cases are like that. Anyone who is charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code [for ‘defamation of the military’] has no legal protection.” Ni Ni May Myint was arrested in Yangon on May 12 along with NLD youth leader Chit Chit Chaw and sentenced to three years in prison for defaming the military. The pair have been denied visits with family members, Lin Naing said. Thant Zin Tun, a Pyithu Hluttaw member from Dekkhina Thiri township, has been in detention in Naypyidaw Prison since March 2, when he was arrested in the capital along with Naypyidaw Council Development Committee member Min Thu, NLD MP Kyaw Min Hlaing, and Amyotha Hluttaw member Maung Maung Swe. A member of Thant Zin Tun’s family, who declined to be named, said the junta has been devoting a significant amount of effort to building a case against the MP. “We were allowed to see him 12 days after his arrest, but we haven’t seen him since,” the relative said. “They are meticulously constructing a case so that they can sentence him to prison. They have called in ‘witnesses’ that they want to testify in the case. There is nothing we can do for him.” Attempts by RFA to reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Monday..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 16 August 2021)
Description: "As of 16 August, (998) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (27) fallen heroes today. (1) was an MP from Bago Township in Bago Region who died today and (26) from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, Bago Township in Bago Region, Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 16, a total of (5711) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Nyunt Shwe, MP of Bago Region Hluttaw in constituency No. (1) of Bago Township and also executive committee chairman of the NLD in Bago Township, contracted COVID-19 in prison and died in the early morning of August 16 from the disease while at Bago Hospital receiving medical treatment. Nyunt Shwe had been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained in Bago Prison. A civilian named Aung Yu from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, who was arrested on the night of August 11, died on August 14, three days after his arrest. His wife was informed Aung Yu died due to COVID-19, but his wife has denied that her husband caught the disease. On the night of August 14, a young man playing a game on a bench in front of a shop panicked and ran into the house in front of him when he saw a junta soldier patrol in Paya Gyi Town, Bago Township, Bago Region. The other young man in that house named Ye Htet Ko was shot dead in his left chest as the junta troops opened fire into the house with the door closed. Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye who suffers from mental illness and lives in Pa Dan Village, was beaten by the terrorist junta’s appointed night guards and died on the spot. The incident happened in front of the Ward (20) administrator’s office in Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region at 2:30 am on August 13 while Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye was returning from his mother’s home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.39 MB 5.82 MB 1.83 MB
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Title: The Coup And The Crisis In Myanmar
Description: "Myanmar, a nation whose young democracy began only a decade ago, is currently facing a threat it may not recover from. On February 1st of 2021, the military of Myanmar staged a coup d’état in the Southeast Asian country, overthrowing the democratic government and issuing a year-long state of emergency. Orchestrated under the idea that the nation’s November election was fraudulent, a claim that lacks any substantial evidence, the armed forces took control and arrested senior members of the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) party. The situation was exacerbated by the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, a pro-democracy activist and Nobel Prize winner, who led the NLD. The country’s state of emergency has been extended for another two years under the direction of Min Aung Hlaing, a leading army general who declared himself to be the nation’s prime minister at the beginning of August. Now, after months of violence and oppression, Myanmar is confronted with the same military regime that it suffered under previously. The populace of Myanmar has expressed their outrage over the return to military rule in the form of extensive protests. The demonstrations first became lethal on February 20th, when two unarmed protestors were killed by militant forces—by the 22nd, millions of civilians were marching in the streets, and the movement has since expanded into a large civil disobedience campaign. According to Reuters, at least six separate protests recently occurred on August 8th, the anniversary of a 1988 uprising against the earlier military junta. Across all of these events, violence has only escalated. Responses from the installed government have included rubber bullets, water cannons, and live ammunition – which has had deadly consequences. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has documented the deaths of 965 protestors since the military’s coup, along with the arrests and sentencings of over 5500. Furthermore, reports from the International Rescue Committee have detailed the disruption of social media and online communications in the country, systems that protestors rely on to organize. The humanitarian crisis caused by the military takeover has left Myanmar crippled. The large-scale fighting has impeded civilian access to public services and basic life necessities, such as food and water. Businesses and financial institutions have closed, leaving people out of work and fleeing from cities while Myanmar’s economy collapses. On top of the thousands of refugees that the coup has created, COVID-19 continues to ravage the nation. Reuters announced that the United States alone has given Myanmar $50 million in aid for coronavirus relief. The situation is intensified by the government’s detainment of medical professionals who have spoken out against the military and participated in civil disobedience. According to the Wall Street Journal, almost 200 doctors have been imprisoned and many more are facing warrants for their arrest. Despite this, hospital workers and practitioners continue to toil in secret to help people suffering from COVID-19. The restraints imposed by the government have impaired Myanmar’s ability to respond to the virus and the destruction it brings, leaving millions at risk. International reactions have been consistent in the condemnation of Min Aung Hlaing and his military government. Multiple actors, including the United States and the European Union, have issued sanctions on the government’s martial officers. Other countries in the region, especially those within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have worked to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. Even with these endeavors, finding an answer to end the government’s crackdown and move towards peace has been difficult. ASEAN held a summit in April at which General Min Aung Hlaing agreed to abandon the fighting and engage in communication. While this connection indicated progress, the unstable agreement lacks substance and the international denunciation of the coup has not pushed the government back towards any semblance of a democracy. The human rights abuses in Myanmar have expanded and the military government has only raised the death toll higher. As violence persists and the country’s humanitarian crisis grows, the need for progress towards a secure and peaceful state is increasingly apparent. Amidst the disorder and dangers, Myanmar is struggling with the problem of democratic backsliding; the nation’s government has gone from the bare minimum of democracy to a military junta. The electoral system only lasted a decade, having been founded in 2011, and the country has now regressed to the same militant regime that held Myanmar for over half a century. Despite the promise of General Min Aung Hlaing to return to “a free and fair multiparty general election” in the future, the chances of this happening are slim. The deconstruction of their budding democracy has only increased the trials that the public faces, and the new regime is unlikely to promote the welfare of the populace. Myanmar’s survival as a democratic government has been limited even further. With development towards a liberal democracy halted, if not completely destroyed, the future of Myanmar stands in the balance. In order for there to be a resolution to this crisis, the international community needs to create an environment conducive for peace and a strong electoral government. This involves promoting discourse between the military leadership, the opposing political party, and other countries in Southeast Asia. External actors need to use their power to influence the military regime and push them away from violent crackdowns and towards a conflict-free outcome. Isolating the administration and refusing to engage in dialogue will only aggravate the issue. Moreover, avoiding economic repercussions is crucial, as the citizens of Myanmar do not deserve and cannot handle the additional pressure that such actions would cause. The country’s current condition is perilous and requires the world’s attention, but beyond what has already occurred, there are few options that emphasize the protection of the public. The consideration of these restricted possibilities highlights a fundamental aspect of the situation that must be improved upon: intensifying the level of international accountability that Myanmar’s military is facing. Authoritarians and armies cannot be allowed to continue discrediting democratic proceedings for their own gain. Questioning the integrity of voting systems and using that as an excuse for a takeover, such as what happened in Myanmar, damages the electoral institution from the inside. It threatens the reliability and stability of democracies around the globe, and when no punitive action is taken against the perpetrators, it opens up the prospect to other abusers worldwide. The increase in democratic backsliding and corrupt leadership that can be seen in the recent past demonstrates how great the need is to encourage a resolution to this crisis. Should democracy in Myanmar be restored, returning the country to its previous state of affairs is not the most beneficial outcome. If international efforts to reestablish peace and democracy can succeed and result in the rehabilitation of the nation’s government, it cannot end with the implementation of what existed before the coup. Myanmar’s democracy was under the influence of the army before the coup. In 2017, the Myanmar government initiated a military operation against the Rohingya, a Muslim minority group. The Council of Foreign Relations approximates that 700,000 Rohingya people were forced to flee the country and become refugees. Returning to that quasi-democracy will not improve human rights or the nation’s state of affairs. World leaders need to work on building up Myanmar and giving them enough support to create a government and national order that will last. With the revival of the country’s military control, outside organizations must help in the reinforcement of democratic values and norms. Offering financial and political backing to the civilians of Myanmar throughout the myriad of crises they face is essential. While the military government will be resistant to change, combining the condemnation of democracy’s decline and the provision of aid to victims of oppression are ways in which peace and stability can at least be encouraged..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The Organization for World Peace
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Moving beyond the politics of recognition in Myanmar
Description: "Since the 1 February coup, Myanmar’s military government is attempting to gain international recognition and legitimacy while the country’s people continue to oppose it. The international community has emphasised the need for a peaceful resolution. Against the backdrop of this political impasse, the politics of recognition is taking centre stage — but is this helping anybody? The contentious situation is challenging governments if and how they should engage with Myanmar’s military regime. The international community represented by member states at the United Nations appears unable to arrive at an effective consensus towards the turmoil in Myanmar. As states navigate diplomacy and realpolitik, their engagements with Myanmar are coming under increasing scrutiny. The impasse is drawing attention to any diplomatic signs of movement in the international community towards Myanmar, such as Myanmar’s relationship with the United Kingdom, China’s position and the composition of Myanmar’s participation in April’s ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. It boils down to the politics of recognition and who can speak on behalf of whom. In the realm of diplomacy, nuance matters. There is a diplomatic practice that countries recognise states, not governments. This practice provides countries flexibility in their diplomatic engagements, particularly when dealing with a state whose military has taken control of government and is deemed illegitimate by its own people and the international community. It is over this point that the diplomatic world and the public are diverging. Many people see any recognition of a military appointee as affording the military with recognition to run the country at the expense of its democratically elected government. Back in April, ASEAN faced this challenge over whether the presence of a military representative at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting would constitute the regional body officially recognising the military as the government of Myanmar. At the meeting, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended in his position as Commander-in-Chief but was not afforded official recognition as Head of Government. While this diplomatic ambiguity allowed ASEAN to initially agree on a regional approach to help address the Myanmar crisis, it is yet to break the impasse towards a peaceful settlement. The only agreement that the five permanent members of the UN Security Council have reached through public statements is that the international response to the situation in Myanmar should be led by ASEAN. Six months after the coup, over 900 people have been killed and over 5300 arrested, charged or sentenced by the military. COVID-19 is rampant, and many are going without the medical attention they need. Some vaccines and medical equipment are supplied by China, the European Union, Singapore and Japan, but not nearly enough for those most in need. Food prices are also rising and the devastating impact of insufficient access to necessities is taking hold. As Myanmar faces the grim consequences of dual political and pandemic crises, more questions will be raised about the ability of the international community to help people who are suffering. Pressure will continue to mount on ASEAN to act and see through the implementation of its Five-Point Consensus. So it will be for other countries like the United Kingdom that have been at the forefront in opposing the military regime. China has supplied two million vaccines to Myanmar and 10,000 to the Kachin Independence Army-controlled areas as well as the Wa autonomous region on its border. China has interests and levers to influence the military in Myanmar and concurrently engages with ethnic army-controlled areas as local authorities. How these countries will calibrate their diplomatic engagement with the military regime in Myanmar while attempting to alleviate the worsening humanitarian situation remains to be seen. Given the efforts initiated by ASEAN to break the impasse in Myanmar, the international community should work with the regional body to fulfil the Five-Point Consensus to support those most in need. The focus needs to be people-centred to engage entities that can deliver assistance directly. This means engaging established networks with access to affected people like China has done in its vaccine distribution. The international community can use trusted partners like the Red Cross Movement, relevant UN agencies and local partners. ASEAN has the potential to provide a platform for engagement to facilitate access to support these efforts. ASEAN is supported by the international community to facilitate engagement with all parties including the military, the National Unity Government, the Civil Disobedience Movement and ethnic armed groups de facto recognised in the Five-Point Consensus. The Five-Point Consensus provides the framework for action — it is time now for ASEAN to provide a supportive ecosystem to move from words to actions. While the people of Myanmar remain resilient in the face of adversity, their neighbours and the rest of the international community must focus on helping them deal with the crisis beyond the politics of recognition. While the world of diplomacy is defined largely by the nuanced positions states take for national interest, actors must balance this ambiguity with the need to invest in a more substantive and consistent agenda to find a political resolution and support the people in Myanmar. Alistair DB Cook is Coordinator of the Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Programme and Senior Fellow at the Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies, S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Mely Caballero-Anthony is Professor, President’s Chair in International Relations and Security Studies and Head of the Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Update 14 August 2021)
Description: "As of 14 August, (971) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Falam Township in Chin State, Waingmaw Township in Kachin State and Myaung Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 14, a total of (5604) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. A woman called Lang Pyung was shot by the 58th Infantry Battalion after returning from purchasing groceries from Waingmaw on the evening of August 13 when their motorbike passed through a road in front of the 58th Infantry Battalion, her husband managed to escape. The couple, from Wu Yan village in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. Lang Pyung died at Waingmaw Hospital from a gunshot wound from left to right rib. On August 12, Joshua from Parmun Chaung village in Falam Township, Chin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop, and shot dead in the back of the head. On the night of August 10, the terrorist junta’s troop raided Kyi Kone village in Sagaing Region’s Myaung Township and beat unprovoked a local villager called Nyi Nyi Latt. The junta soldiers shot him to death when he then ran away. The body of Nyi Nyi Latt was found in a port in the village with many injuries on his body, and gunshot injuries to the neck and head, according to locals. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.37 MB 5.35 MB 1.82 MB
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Title: Myanmar: The woman who jumped to her death while fleeing police
Sub-title: Even after six months of horrifying news from Myanmar, it is an incident that's shocked the country - five people who chose to jump from a building they were hiding in, some to their deaths, rather than face arrest.
Description: "The police have condemned the group as terrorists, but the husband of one victim tells the BBC she was a compassionate wife and mother who felt she was working to alleviate the people's suffering. This is the tale of her untimely death. It was on Tuesday afternoon that eight young activists found themselves trapped by a police raid. The military had seized power months earlier in February, throwing the country into turmoil as millions protested against the coup. At least 900 people have been killed by the military's violent response, and thousands more arrested. Wai Wai Myint was one of those caught up in the movement opposing the military junta. She was one of the five who jumped off a commercial building in downtown Yangon as the police charged in, falling onto a concrete pavement. She and at least one other person died at the scene. The other three have been taken to a military-run hospital. In the first photograph of Wai Wai Myint that began circulating on social media after news of her death, she stands ramrod straight, looking defiantly at the camera. Her fingers are raised in the three-finger Hunger Games salute that has become the trademark gesture used by young dissidents in South East Asia. The military authorities have described the group she was with as terrorists who were planning to plant bombs. They have published confessions by two of the activists who did not jump and were arrested there, and photographs of what they say were ingredients for explosives. But that is not the image painted by her husband, Soe Myat Thu. He had to say goodbye to Apple, as he calls her, at a military-organised mass cremation for her and four other people, including the young man who died with her when they jumped. No photographs were allowed, and the families were not permitted to take away the ashes. The military junta in Myanmar has been trying to restrict the funerals of those killed in the uprising against the coup, as they often turn into anti-military demonstrations - sometimes cremating bodies in secret rather than returning them to their relatives. Soe Myat Thu held up a flower for her, and took that back home in place of her remains. The move towards politics They were a comfortably middle-class couple, both ethnic Chinese, with a six year-old daughter. Soe Myat Thu is a dentist, and Wai Wai Myint was a gems and jewellery trader. She had been brought up by two aunts, he told the BBC, and always had plenty of money to enjoy life. Photographs of her show a well made-up young woman posing in stylish clothes. She liked going out clubbing with girlfriends, he says, but had a strong social conscience, regularly donating money to poorer neighbours or to animal welfare groups. He said the couple had not been interested in politics at all, with Wai Wai Myint even saying that they should stay away because it could be dangerous. When the coup happened, she did not react much at first. But she was kind-hearted, he says, and became upset when the first protester to die, a young woman called Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing, was fatally shot in the capital Nyapyitaw a week after the coup. Her death was widely mourned and triggered further anger against authorities. The shooting of a young protester Wai Wai Myint donated money to Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing's family, and began posting on her Facebook page about other victims of the increasingly violent military response to the civil disobedience movement. He said the couple both knew they could not change things themselves, but when she saw people being shot by the military she became more outspoken in her comments. He describes her as a bold character who was more ready to take risks than he was. Soe Myat Thu says she was arrested once during a protest, and he had to negotiate to get her out of custody. She was very angry about that, he remembers, because of the way she had been kicked and beaten. He had then warned her not to go to any more protests, reminding her that she had a daughter to care for. After that, he believed that his wife was no longer involved with the opposition. It has evolved from a non-violent protest movement in the weeks after the coup to an underground resistance which today uses handmade guns and bombs, and is believed to be behind the assassination of officials who co-operate with the military. He says he knew the other activists who were caught with Wai Wai Myint, in the building where they were staying on 44th Street in downtown Yangon, not far from their home. They were all members of the Pzundaung Botahtaung Young Strike Committee, one of many groups formed in Yangon in the first days after the coup to resist it. She used to hang out with them, he says, and sometimes brought them to their house to eat and use their internet. "I admired and felt sorry for them as they were prepared to go out and face danger when I would not," he said. But he had no idea she was going to join them in their hideout on Tuesday; she had only told him that she was going out for a little while, and left the house without changing her clothes and putting on make-up, as she usually did. It is not clear what Wai Wai Myint's role was in the group, or whether she was even a member. It was possible that she was only paying the rent and offering other kinds of material support. Activists opposing the coup in Myanmar have to keep moving from place to place to avoid arrest. Soe Myint Thu believes it was what she felt about the suffering of the people, and her determination not to accept the military junta, that eventually drove her to her fate..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of publication: 2021-08-14
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 13 August 2021)
Description: "As of 13 August, (968) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 13, a total of (5571) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. A young girl around one-years-old was shot in the head and stomach and died on the spot in the morning of August 12 at Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region when the terrorist junta’s soldiers opened fire on three young men on motorbikes near the child’s house. In addition to this, Nyein Chan, father of the child, was shot twice in the arm, and the mother was also shot in the leg. On August 5, junta soldiers and the Pyu Saw Htee detained five Than Pauk villagers near Obo village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township allegedly for being involved in the anti-coup revolution. A 26-year-old was beaten to death, called Hlaing Wai Oo, right in front of the detained persons at a school in Pan Sat village. Two sons had taken their mother to Yar Village which is close to Pan Sat village because she was suffering from illness. A total of five people including two sons and their mother and two other men were arrested while returning together. Hlaing Wai Oo was killed in front of his mother. A few days later, three of the villagers were released, but nothing has yet been heard about the one remaining villager. Win Zaw was arrested when terrorist junta troops wearing plain clothes did not find his son when they searched his home in Dawei, Tanitharyi Region on the morning of August 12. Myint San, MP of Magwe Region Hluttaw in the constituency No. (2) of Pauk Township and also NLD party member, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and had a warrant issued against her, was arrested in Nattalin Town in Bago Region on the night of August 11 by local junta police. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.36 MB 5.38 MB 1.81 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 12 August 2021)
Description: "As of 12 August, (966) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Botahtaung Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 10 and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. In relation to the apartment raid by the terrorist junta on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, today, AAPP added Wai Wai Myint a.k.a Apple to our fatality list as we confirmed she had died then. AAPP will continue to verify and report information regarding this incident. As of August 12, a total of (5562) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. At least five philanthropists including Naing Lin and Jue Mar were arrested on the morning of August 11 whilst they were planning to provide rice to the poor in Wakema Town, Ayeyarwady Region. A local said it is unknown why they were arrested. On the evening of July 31, Poe Ei Khaing, the wife of Aung Kyaw Htet and his one-year-old daughter were arrested as hostage when the terrorist junta did not find Aung Kyaw Htet from Mandalay who is accused of having relations with the PDF. Poe Ei Khaing was suffering from an illness when she was arrested. The one-year-old daughter was released on August 2 two days after her arrest. The day his one-year-old daughter was released, the police station announced they would allow part-time breastfeeding, but they did not end up allowing this the next day, at which point they said Poe Ei Khaing contracted COVID-19. After this, he did not hear anything about his wife, according to Aung Kyaw Htet. The nephew of Nay Myo named Myat Noe Lwin was detained as a hostage when the junta did not find Nay Myo, NLD Ward and Village Secretary of Kyauk Gyi Su Ward in Bago at home on the night of August 5. Nay Myo is charged under Section 505 of the Penal Code. In addition to this, the parents and son of Han Tun were detained as hostages when the junta did not find Han Tun, NLD campaigner of Pyan Kya Village in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township on the afternoon of August 8. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.36 MB 5.33 MB 1.82 MB
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Title: Two Myanmar Activists Die, Three Injured in Jump From Building While Fleeing Police
Sub-title: The father of one of those who died said witnesses told him his son survived the fall and was beaten to death by police.
Description: "Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured in Myanmar when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by junta authorities, witnesses said Wednesday, while the father of one of those killed said he was told his son survived the impact and was beaten to death by police. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives Tuesday night when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city. The three who survived the jump—Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set, and Poe Kyaw Kyaw—were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon. Tin Zaw—the father of Ye Min Oo, who died Tuesday—said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall. "Immediately after the fall, my son was dying, not dead. Then police officers beat them up, and my son died after the beating,” he told RFA in an exclusive interview. “I got that information from witnesses and residents.” A neighborhood resident told RFA on Wednesday that two of those who jumped called out three or four times for water and then died, while the other three remained motionless after they hit the ground. “Because they fell from a height, they must have broken their limbs,” he said. The neighbor, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeling activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings. “You could climb up to the roof, and the kids must have thought they could run across the rooftops. But there were only four buildings you could run across like that,” he said. “There was a five-storey building blocking their path on one side and an eight-storey building on the other, and they must have run this way and that, and finally when they couldn’t escape they must have jumped,” he said. Dead and injured taken to hospital Military forces ordered community service workers to take both the two who died and the three survivors to a 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon, a member of the Lin Let Social Welfare Association told RFA. “The two who died were dead when we got there,” the charity worker said. “We were sure they were dead because we made all the necessary checks required to see if they were still alive,” she said. “One of the injured had a broken leg, and another had a head injury and had to be taken to the hospital’s neurology center.” Soe Myat Thu, the husband of 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint, said he hopes the military will give him back his wife’s body so that he can bury her according to her own request. “I’m trying to get my wife’s body back, but we are under the rule of a military coup, so what can I do?” he asked. “If they refuse to release her body, there is nothing we can do about it.” “She always said, ‘Don’t cremate my body when I die. Please bury me in a grave,’ and I want to fulfill that last wish. I don’t care about anything else,” he said. A police report now circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling Military Council, while a military press release on Wednesday confirmed that two had been killed and three injured in the operation, with hand grenades and bomb-making materials recovered during the raid. An independent scout Ye Min Oo, who was born in 1994, was not connected with Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), People’s Defense Force (PDF), or any other formally organized group, his father said. Instead, he had worked independently with friends in a scouting unit gathering intelligence on pro-junta informers and other military targets, Tin Zaw said. “He never expressed any political opinions, but after the February coup, he became actively involved in anti-coup protests, and although I did not forbid this as a parent, I warned him to be mindful and careful,” he said. “My son stood and fought for his beliefs, and now he has fallen in the fight,” he said. Tin Zaw said Ye Min Oo’s fate was the outcome of the military overthrow of the country’s democratically elected government on unfounded claims of voter fraud in the country’s November 2020 election. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule. According to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 948 civilians were killed by police and soldiers between Feb. 1 and Aug. 10. “These kids were pushed into the struggle by the Feb. 1 coup. They were pure and innocent youths. I am very proud of my son,” Tin Zaw said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: At Least 252 Reported Attacks and Threats to Health Care in Myanmar During Six Months of Military’s Crackdown
Description: "At least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities, and transports have been perpetrated in Myanmar from February 1 to July 31, 2021, according to an analysis based on open-source reports conducted by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR). The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks amid ongoing protests against the military coup. In addition to the military’s attacks on civilians and demonstrators, health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and other health workers have been attacked for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. Violence against health care is increasingly derailing Myanmar’s COVID-19 response and vaccine roll-out, the research brief finds. Within the 252 total incidents that took place across Myanmar during the first six months of the military’s coup and crackdown (February 1 to July 31, 2021), Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR highlight reports of: 190 health workers arrested 37 health workers injured 25 health workers killed Hospitals raided at least 86 times Hospitals occupied at least 55 times 17 incidents impacting COVID-19 response measures The incidents referred to are based on the dataset 01 February – 31 July 2021 Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar Data, which is available on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX). For the purposes of this research brief, one incident can comprise multiple types of violence or threats such as those above. For example, in one reported incident in Kyauk Kone township in Yangon city on February 27, 20 health workers were arrested and four were injured. The brief does not include incidents of violence against patients. While the vast majority of attacks and threats against health care have been perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces, non-state actors also reportedly committed violence against health care in May and June. Of the 252 total incidents, 234 are attributed to Myanmar’s armed forces (State Administrative Council/SAC or the Tatmadaw) and 15 to non-state actors. The increase in attacks by non-state actors was driven in part by escalating conflict between the military and local ethnic militias in recent months, particularly in the Chin and Kachin states. The research brief highlights reports that staff from the World Health Organization , non-governmental organizations (NGO), and international non-governmental organizations have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. Most of them were either working from home or had stopped working due to the current security situation. There are reports that the SAC is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees. “Myanmar’s COVID-19 response is on life support – yet another consequence of the military’s unconscionable violence against health workers and facilities,” said Jennifer Leigh, an epidemiologist serving as PHR’s Myanmar researcher. “Six months into the coup, the military’s war on medics rages on. By brutalizing medical professionals during a pandemic, Myanmar’s junta is escalating its COVID-19 catastrophe and violating long-standing international principles of protection of health care, including the obligations of health professionals to care for the sick and wounded without interference.” The research brief highlights a range of violence that has marred the country’s COVID-19 response. For example, personal protective equipment and oxygen supplies were confiscated for exclusive use by the military in Chin, Kayin, and Yangon. Throughout July, the military reportedly assaulted four civilians for transporting an oxygen tank in Mandalay, arrested three civilians retrieving oxygen and nine volunteers assisting with fills, and killed one civilian in search of oxygen. In one incident on July 13, 2021, security forces opened fire on crowds of civilians queuing in line for oxygen cylinders in Yangon. COVID-19 centers have been raided and, at least two, closed down. A COVID-19 facility in Mandalay was raided and its medical equipment seized for alleged COVID-19 violations. Two COVID-19 treatment centers in Sagaing were destroyed by military shelling. “Tragically, Myanmar has endured more reported attacks and threats against health care in 2021 than any country on Earth,” said Christina Wille, director of Insecurity Insight. “Myanmar’s surging COVID-19 crisis increasingly threatens other countries in the region and the global community. We call on all United Nations (UN) Member States to act to ensure the full implementation of Security Council Resolution 2286 and adopt measures to enhance the protection of and access to health care in situations of armed conflict. All people in Myanmar should benefit from unhindered delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccinations, medication, and supplies.” Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR used an open-source methodology to compile incidents noted in local, national, and international news outlets, online databases, and social media reports. The incidents reported are neither a complete nor a representative list of all incidents. Most incidents have not undergone verification by Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR. Data collection is ongoing and data may change as more information is made available. However, the data offers a snapshot of how Myanmar’s military is persecuting health workers and targeting facilities amid its broader crackdown on dissent. The research brief makes several recommendations to UN Member States, urging the international community to ensure the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2286, adopted May 2016, which strongly condemns attacks on medical personnel in conflict situations..."
Source/publisher: Physicians for Human Rights (New York)
Date of publication: 2021-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 11 August 2021)
Description: "As of 11 August, (965) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. In relation to the terrorist junta’s raid of the apartment on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, Yangon, some media outlets have said five people died, others that six died. It is without doubt there were deaths, but we are continuing to inquire and confirm the exact figure and identities. As of August 11, a total of (5550) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Terrorist junta’s troops entered Htauk Kyant village in Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township on the afternoon of August 10 and arrested the father-in-law and mother-in-law of Maung Phyu when they did not find Maung Phyu living in that village. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.37 MB 5.3 MB 1.83 MB
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Title: Myanmar army attacks medics, hampering COVID response, rights groups say
Description: "Aug 10 (Reuters) - Myanmar's army carried out at least 252 attacks and threats against health workers since a Feb. 1 coup, killing at least 25 medics and hampering the response to a resurgent outbreak of COVID-19, a report by rights groups said on Tuesday. More than 190 health workers have been arrested and 86 raids on hospitals carried out since the coup, said the report by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR). They identified 15 incidents in which the response to the COVID-19 outbreak had been obstructed - including confiscation of personal protection equipment and oxygen supplies for the exclusive use of the army. Some COVID-19 care centres were forced to close, it said. "Health workers have been forced into hiding for fear of being arrested or after having arrest warrants issued against them," said the report. "In some cases, their family members were arrested instead." Reuters was unable to reach spokespeople for the junta or health ministry for comment on the report. Myanmar's healthcare system has largely collapsed since the army overthrew elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, with many medical workers joining a Civil Disobedience Movement in strikes to protest against junta rule. The military authorities have appealed to doctors to return to work and have called for public cooperation to try to curb the latest outbreak of coronavirus, by far the most serious to hit the country of around 54 million people. An average of nearly 300 people have died a day from COVID-19 over the past week, according to official figures that medics believe to be underestimates because of a lack of testing. The outbreak was being brought under control to some extent because of the efforts of officials and the public, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing was quoted as saying by the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar. The report by the rights groups said that while the army had been behind most of the attacks on medical workers, some had been carried out by armed groups opposing the junta - including bomb blasts near hospitals and an attack on a military convoy that was reported to be carrying medicines..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar military leaders attempting to legitimize power: UN Special Envoy
Sub-title: Six months after seizing power in a coup, Myanmar’s military leaders now appear to be moving to consolidate their rule, the UN Special Envoy for the country said on Tuesday, in her latest briefing to journalists in New York.
Description: "Christine Schraner Burgener said the situation in Myanmar “is still very worrisome”, amid a “severe” third wave of COVID-19 infections. Last week, senior army general Min Aung Hlaing announced he was appointing himself Prime Minister, and pledged to hold elections by 2023. Solidifying their grip “In my view, the Commander-in-Chief appears determined to solidify his grip on power with the latest caretaker government announcement; also, with the formal annulment of the election result from last year and declaration of the Commander-in-Chief to be Prime Minister of the country,” the UN envoy said, speaking from Switzerland. Ms. Schraner Burgener also expressed fear that the National League of Democracy (NLD), which won the November 2020 election, could also soon be forcibly disbanded. State Counsellor and party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alongside President Win Myint, were detained in the 1 February coup. “This is an attempt to promote legitimacy against lack of international action taken”, she said. “And I have to make (it) clear that the UN does not recognize Governments, so it’s up to the Member States.” She underlined that “as long as Member States do not make any decision”, Myanmar’s Permanent Representative in New York, Kyaw Moe Tun, remains the country’s legitimate UN Ambassador, while Ms. Suu Kyi and President Myint are its leaders. Recently, international media reported that a plot was uncovered to kill or injure Ambassador Tun, who denounced the coup in the General Assembly Hall in New York. “I was really shocked to hear this, and clearly it’s now up to the investigation team to find out who is behind this attack,” said Ms.Schraner Burgener. Violence and pandemic The situation on the ground in Myanmar remains “very difficult”, she reported. “There is no freedom of speech, and I have still grave concerns about attacks against the free press. And I urge always in my discussions with the army to release political prisoners, including many media workers.” The military cracked down on pro-democracy demonstrations in the wake of the coup, and more than 960 people have been killed so far. Thousands more were arrested and detained, including foreigners and over 100 children. Meanwhile, clashes between the army and local defense forces continue. Violence has risen, and the defense groups are increasingly using “professional weapons”. At the same time, Myanmar is also facing a devastating battle against the coronavirus. More than 331,000 cases have been reported. UN agencies and partners are working to resume provision of health assistance, with priority given to vaccine rollout through the global solidarity initiative, COVAX, and to revitalizing immunizations generally. Ongoing UN engagement Ms. Schraner Burgener continues her engagement to find a peaceful solution to the political crisis in Myanmar, although she has yet to be allowed to travel there. The UN Special Envoy has been holding talks with the military, ethnic armed organizations, and other stakeholders, who include the National Unity Government (NUG), formed by exiled lawmakers ousted in the coup. Representatives come from the NLD, other parties and ethnic armed groups. Over the past two months, she has been promoting the idea of an inclusive dialogue organized around four “clusters” covering pandemic response, humanitarian assistance, and issues related to the Rohingya community. The final and biggest cluster would address root causes of the crisis, such as discussions around the federal system, the constitution, law reforms and the electoral system. She has also proposed establishing an international observer group on Myanmar. Membership would comprise China, India, Japan, Thailand, the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway, and Switzerland, in addition to the UN, the European Union and the Southeast Asian regional bloc, ASEAN. Promoting inclusive dialogue “The ethnic armed groups were in the majority very positive of this idea, and really want to find a peaceful solution,” she said, referring to the dialogue proposal. “The NUG…was interested in the idea but clearly would have pre-conditions to start such a dialogue.” Ms. Schraner Burgener held “a long conversation” with Soe Win, the army’s Deputy Commander-in-Chief, on 16 July. Although receptive to some of her ideas, including integrating health workers in COVID-19 prevention measures, “on the dialogue, I didn’t receive an answer: not a positive, not a negative.” She hoped that with the recent appointment of an ASEAN Special Envoy on Myanmar, an all-inclusive dialogue will take place, otherwise “it goes more and more in the direction of a civil war,” she warned..."
Source/publisher: UN News
Date of publication: 2021-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 10 August 2021)
Description: "As of 10 August, (965) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Falam Township in Chin State was killed today and (2) from Myaing Township in Magway Region and Myanaung Township in Ayeyarwady Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 10, a total of (5534) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. 60 year-old Pi Ngeih Tling was shot dead in the chest at home in an unprovoked shooting by the terrorist junta’s soldiers on the morning of August 10 at Falam Township in Chin State. On the afternoon of August 9, three junta police wearing plainclothes entered Pike Thin village and opened fire because a protest leader San Ko from Pike Thin Village escaped from arrest when three junta police tried to arrest him at a COVID-19 checkpoint. Aung Zay Ya, a villager from Pike Thin village in Magway Region’s Myaing Township, was dragged into their car because he was holding a slingshot when he went out of the house to look. When junta police arrived near a pond at the top of the village, they told Aung Zay Ya to get out of the car and told him to run towards the pond. While Aung Zay Ya was running, they shot him from his back. Aung Zay Ya died on the spot from this gunshot injury, according to a local. A family was informed that San Win from Tha Pyay Kone village in Ayeyarwady Region’s Myanaung Township, who was arrested by Tha Pyay Kone Village Police Station in the morning of August 7 for questioning, died at the hospital at 2 pm that day due to severe injuries. It is reported there were beatings all over his body consistent with torture. Win Tun and Aung Myint Oo from Tha Pyay Kone village were arrested with him and were released the same day. On the morning of August 9, local police Kyaw Kyaw Maung and a person wearing plain clothes came to his family to settle the case for 3 million kyats. It is reported that his family members will not accept this negotiation. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.36 MB 5.31 MB 1.78 MB
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Title: Myanmar Law Student Serving Three-Year Prison Sentence After Protesting Junta-Loyal Court
Description: "Twenty-year-old law student Theint Sandi Soe had been visiting her mother and four-year-old sister at their family home in Mogok when military police burst in and detained all three of them. Against the backdrop of Myanmar’s ongoing military coup, the arrests themselves did not send shockwaves. It was what happened next—an act of courageous defiance met with draconian law enforcement measures—that propelled Theint Sandi Soe’s name into news headlines, and that continues to fuel a frantic search for answers amid reports that the law student’s health is rapidly deteriorating in prison. Bargaining Chips Backfire Few were surprised when Myanmar’s military police burst into the family home; after all, Theint Sandi Soe’s father, U Soe Htay, was a prominent local protest leader, making him an obvious target for the oppressive regime. Since Myanmar’s military leadership, known as the Tatmadaw, overthrew the country’s elected government in February, millions have taken to the streets in protest. As of August 9, more than 7,000 people had been arrested, 962 had died (including, according to Human Rights Watch, some 75 children), and nearly 2,000 people remained in hiding from arrest warrants, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a human rights advocacy group that tallies these figures daily. Few were surprised, even, when the authorities instead arrested his wife and two daughters after discovering their target was not at home the morning of June 13, despite only having arrived with a search warrant for the home and an arrest warrant for U Soe Htay. Reports of this grim tactic, detaining an activist’s family to lure him or her out of hiding, have abounded since the early days of the coup. Upon hearing Theint Sandi Soe had been detained, her friends worried for her, especially given her ongoing struggle with rheumatoid arthritis, which required frequent treatment and vigilant medical observation. Still, none of the individuals whom we spoke with for this interview had suspected at that point that she would be formally convicted of a crime, let alone sentenced to prison time. Common wisdom held that the authorities would use the women as bargaining chips to compel U Soe Htay to come forward, before ultimately releasing them. The release of the youngest daughter, four-year-old Su Htet Win, on June 30—two days after her fifth birthday, according to local media—seemed at first to affirm this theory. Had they played by the rules, Theint Sandi Soe and her mother Kyi Kyi Khaing, 44, would likely have walked free. But Theint Sandi Soe and Kyi Kyi Khaing refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of a court purporting to uphold the laws imposed by the Tatmadaw, whose very rule was illegal as far as they were concerned. The two women protested a routine hearing, and shortly thereafter were sentenced to three years incarceration on the grounds that they had violated article 505(a) of Myanmar’s penal code—a law on incitement that has attracted much controversy. In the aftermath of the sentencing, as Theint Sandi Soe’s family remains in hiding, we spoke with close friends about the promising young law student and the days and months leading up to her sentencing. JURIST conducted these interviews via video chat from Myanmar, with the assistance of a local translator on JURIST’s staff. Our interviewees will remain anonymous for the time being due to concerns for their security. Her Father’s Daughter By the time his wife and daughters were arrested, U Soe Htay had come full circle. He first made a name for himself as an impassioned proponent of Myanmar’s 1988 student uprising—a movement that championed democratic values, before being violently suppressed by the country’s military dictatorship. In more recent years, Myanmar appeared to have been charting a gradual course toward democracy; in 2008, the Tatmadaw established a new constitution that secured the military’s grip on power while also opening the door to civilian leadership. Between 2011 and 2021, power shifted from the military junta to a pro-military civilian administration before ultimately reaching the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who had been broadly recognized as the face of the 1988 uprising, and who had spent some 15 years under house arrest by the time of her release in 2010. Once the Tatmadaw overthrew the NLD in February 2021, U Soe Htay swiftly reclaimed his role in the pro-democratic protest movement. Given their lack of a relevant warrant, the Tatmadaw forces were likely unaware at the time of her arrest that Theint Sandi Soe had also been an active member of the opposition. “She thought that the coup was a violation of human rights, and she protested both on the streets and via social media,” said a close friend who had spent three years living in student dorms with Theint Sandi Soe. “She quickly joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and advocated vocally for the opposition.” The impassioned advocacy was in keeping with her character: “She lives for the truth,“ said another friend and fellow law student. “And she’s so brave. If she believes something is right, she will never give up in fighting for it.” Despite their innate understanding of Theint Sandi Soe’s courage and commitment to the movement, her friends were frantic upon learning of her arrest. “When I found out she had been detained, I panicked. Before she was arrested, she had been very active in donating money to the CDM. I was worried that if I spoke out too much, she’d be tortured,” said one friend, who explained that her initial impulse was to attempt to control the potential damage from Theint Sandi Soe’s protest activities. “The first thing I did was get access to her and her mom’s social media accounts and deactivate them. I then set about looking for lawyers to put her family in touch with. All the while I felt like I was in a mist—I didn’t know what was happening or what I could do, and just felt so helpless and angry,” they said. Dire Conditions Much of what is known about Theint Sandi Soe’s prison conditions came from her five-year-old sister, who remained with her mother and older sister for nearly three weeks after their arrest. “Her baby sister told me how horrible it was in there—how they were forced to sit in stress positions for hours at a time, how they were forced to bathe in toilet water,” a friend and former dormmate recounted. Other detainees who were subsequently released also spoke of her declining health. “We were told that she’s extremely ill, and that she has not received any medical treatment for her rheumatoid arthritis,” the friend said. Audibly distressed as she spoke of the situation, the friend added: “I was so upset when I heard about her worsening health, but the more I thought about it, the more I realized that there’s really no difference between her and the other detainees who have been arrested by the military junta. They are so used to torturing people by this point—they have no humanity left in them,” she said. “This has become everyday life for the people of Myanmar.” Her friends were thrown for another loop when, less than a month after they were arrested, following their refusal to comply with what they saw as a show trial, Theint Sandi Soe and Kyi Kyi Khaing were sentenced to three years in prison for incitement. “I couldn’t believe it when I heard she was sentenced so quickly. I figured she and her mom were essentially being held as bargaining chips, as a means of forcing her dad to present himself to the authorities. But I wasn’t as shocked when I learned that she had protested the legitimacy of the court and the judges, who were not members of the CDM. I don’t think her bravery just came because she was arrested; I think her bravery is in her character,” a friend said. Another friend seconded this point: “I think her courage is in her character. If I were arrested, I wouldn’t have the courage to protest the court. She is unbelievably brave.” Reverberations Across the Globe The degradation of Myanmar’s justice system has been lambasted by human rights advocacy groups. As stated by Human Rights Watch Asia researcher Shayna Bauchner in a recent article: “These bogus military tribunals are handing down unfair and unappealable death sentences under direction from a commander sanctioned by the European Union, United States, and others for committing the worst crimes under international law… “The United Nations, EU, US, and other governments should be demanding the release of all those wrongfully imprisoned and ramping up pressure so the junta knows that what they do—even behind prison doors—is being watched.” In an open letter, Amnesty International has expressed similar sentiments: “Activists, human rights defenders, journalists, and other individuals opposed to the military’s brutal crackdown have been arrested and charged on spurious grounds. There are allegations of those arrested and detained being denied the rights to prompt access to legal counsel of their own choice and other fair trial rights. Those detained are also allegedly being denied access to healthcare and the medications on which they are reliant. Amnesty International has also received credible reports of ill-treatment and torture, including at least two deaths in custody.” As they continue to work through the fallout of her arrest, Theint Sandi Soe’s friends are left with a palpable sense of anger. “The way her trial started, the way it ended, and the way she was arrested was simply evil. She wasn’t given the chance to defend her case, and the military fabricated a case against her. They charged her without any reasonable grounds,” one said. But they remain undeterred in their fight against injustice: “Unjust and unlawful as her and so many other stories are, we hope that law students outside of Myanmar will help protest, raise awareness and fight for the release of all our political prisoners.” In the days that have passed since our interview with her friends, Theint Sandi Soe has been diagnosed with COVID, which at present is spreading uncontrolled through Myanmar. With this diagnosis compounding her chronic condition, those who know the fearless law student, as well as members of the Burmese diaspora around the world, are watching the story unfold with increasing concern for her health.
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: JURIST
Date of publication: 2021-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar Political Prisoners Stage Protest in Mandalay’s Obo Prison
Sub-title: Beatings of prisoners are reported though the government says no injuries were inflicted during the rare protest.
Description: "Political prisoners in Myanmar’s second-largest city Mandalay staged a rare protest marking the anniversary of an Aug. 8, 1988 uprising against military rule, singing and shouting slogans in a demonstration that ended with reports of beatings and gunshots heard behind the walls, sources said. The prisoners are among the more than 5,500 people arrested in the suppression of the opposition to the Feb. 1 military overthrow of the country’s elected government, a violent crackdown that has killed 962 civilians, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The protest at Mandalay’s Obo Prison began at around 9:00 p.m. on Sunday, one city resident living near the prison told RFA’s Myanmar Service on Monday. “At about 9:15 p.m. I heard chanting and shouts coming from behind the prison walls,” RFA’s source said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons. “When I came out of my house, I heard gunshots, and I heard nothing more after that,” he said. “Then, at about 10:30, I saw three military vehicles and four passenger cars coming out of the prison. They left Aung Chanthar Ward and headed towards the GTC School,” the source said, referring to Mandalay’s Government Technical College. “Some people said some prisoners had been beaten up,” he said. Reached for comment, Prisons Department Deputy Director Chan Aye Kyaw said that authorities were now trying to identify the leaders of the protest. “Last night, inmates at the Mandalay Central Prison started shouting slogans when the lights-out alarm sounded at 9:00 p.m.,” he said. “Around 30 to 40 people began chanting slogans and singing songs. We couldn’t stop them, so we informed the officer-in-charge, and he and his team arrived and the shouting stopped.” None of the protesters was injured, and no one was put in solitary confinement, the official said. “We are trying to find out who was involved in the shouting and singing, that’s all,” Chan Ay Kyaw said, adding that protest leaders when identified would be punished according to prison regulations. 'A lot of people got beaten up' A member of the Mandalay University Students’ Union told RFA that despite official statements that no beatings had been inflicted, “according to reports we got, there were a lot of people who were beaten up, and some were put into solitary confinement.” “We don’t have any details yet,” he said, adding, “It all started in Block 3 where young people and students are kept. It could have been about the 8888 anniversary, and it could have been about COVID.” Myanmar’s 8888 uprising was launched on Aug. 8, 1988 by students in Yangon, then the country’s capital, as a protest against one-party rule by Gen. Ne Win, who had ruled the country since 1962. Protests across the country were finally suppressed by the army on Sept. 18, with about 3,000 people reported killed. The Students’ Union issued a statement Monday calling for an end to the violent crackdown on prisoners in connection with the incident, for the release of political prisoners “unjustly detained” amid a third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, and for political prisoners’ full access to medical care, including COVID prevention. “After hearing about the protest in the prison, our family was worried,” said a resident of Maha Aungmyay township, two of whose family members were arrested after authorities found a sword and a National League for Democracy (NLD) banner in their home. “We heard that a few inmates were shot dead in the prison, and we were really worried when we heard this. We asked out lawyer about this, but he didn’t know anything,” he said. As news of the Obo Prison protest spread on social media at around 10:00 p.m., a group of young people in Monywa city in Myanmar’s Sagaing region staged a protest near the Monywa Prison to demand the release of political prisoners and an end to the country’s military dictatorship. At least 20 student leaders of the All Burma Students’ Union (ABSU) detained in Yangon’s Insein Prison are now being held in solitary confinement in connection with a prison protest there on July 23. On Feb. 1, Myanmar’s military overthrew the country’s democratically elected government, claiming voter fraud had led to a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD party in the country’s November 2020 election. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule, killing at least 962 people over the past six months..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-10
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Title: Myanmar, Six Months After the Coup
Sub-title: Moe Thuzar, Khin Zaw Win, and Nicholas Coppel discuss the situation in Myanmar six months after the military seized power.
Description: "On February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military seized control of the country, arresting civilian leaders and ousting the elected parliament. Since then, the country has perched on the edge of civil war, caught between the use of violent force by the Tatmadaw and a growing armed resistance on the part of ethnic militias as well as the proclaimed National Unity Government. On top of that, the Delta variant of COVID-19 is causing a surge in infections that threatens to collapse the health care system. Six months after the coup, what does the political and social landscape look like in Myanmar? What are the prospects for the country moving forward, and is there anything the international community can do to shift the needle toward a peaceful resolution? On August 2, Moe Thuzar, an ISEAS Fellow and co-coordinator of the Myanmar Studies Programme; Khin Zaw Win, director of the Tampadipa Institute in Yangon; and Nicholas Coppel, an Adjunct Associate Professor (Practice) at Monash University, and Australia’s Ambassador to Myanmar from 2015-2018, joined The Diplomat to look at the situation in Myanmar six months after the military seized power..."
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication: 2021-08-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Activists vow ‘knockout’ blow to regime on anniversary of ’88 uprising
Sub-title: Protests were staged around the country on Sunday as a younger generation renews the struggle against military rule
Description: "As Myanmar marked the 33rd anniversary of the “Four Eights” pro-democracy uprising on Sunday, activists around the country renewed calls to end military rule once and for all. Anti-dictatorship protests were held in both urban and rural areas to commemorate the 1988 uprising, which began on August 8 of that year and was crushed the following month by a bloody coup that claimed thousands of lives. Coming 188 days after the latest military coup, the anniversary was remembered with a renewed sense of urgency, with many activists linking the two events. “Let’s struggle together towards completion of the unfinished 8-8-88 people’s liberation movement” was a slogan seen on placards and banners at a number of protests. Some signs, meanwhile, bore starker messages. “Blood that was shed in ’88 must be repaid in ’21,” read one that hearkened back to the violence that ushered in nearly a quarter century of brutal military rule. That era ostensibly ended a decade ago after the military orchestrated a “transition” to quasi-civilian rule that left its power largely intact. However, the country was again plunged into crisis when the military seized direct control on February 1, citing alleged irregularities in last year’s election. Since then, the newly installed regime has killed nearly a thousand civilians and arrested another 7,000 in an effort to crush a massive popular resistance movement reminiscent of the one that emerged in 1988. Many who came out into the streets on Sunday made it clear that they considered themselves heirs of that earlier struggle. “We are carrying over the effort of previous generations who fought against the military dictatorship. The responsibility falls upon our generation now – a student activist.” “The current generation must learn from history and defeat the fascist military dictatorship once and for all,” the General Strike Committee, a protest organizing coalition, said in a statement released ahead of the protests. Nyi Zaw, the chair of the Yangon University Students’ Union, also pointed to the intergenerational nature of the current anti-coup movement. “We are carrying over the effort of previous generations who fought against the military dictatorship. The responsibility falls upon our generation now,” he told Myanmar Now. Others, meanwhile, called for unity among anti-regime forces, including people of different ethnicities, and emphasized the endurance of the resistance movement. “Our public struggle and resilience over the past six months are the best proof that we will achieve victory,” said Tayzar San, a prominent anti-coup activist from Mandalay, who spoke to Myanmar Now on Sunday. One of the most prominent voices of the 1988 uprising used the occasion of the anniversary to denounce the military for acting in bad faith during its past engagement with pro-democracy forces. “It seems that we need to win by a knockout. Fine, then. We’ll give them a knockout – Min Ko Naing.” Min Ko Naing, a former student leader who spent nearly two decades in prison for his outspoken opposition to military rule, told Myanmar Now he didn’t think the younger generation would fall for the “lies” that kept the former regime in power for so long. “All their lies were unmasked on February 1,” he said. As hundreds of members of the Myanmar diaspora gathered in Washington, D.C., on Sunday to call on US support for the shadow National Unity Government, Min Ko Naing also reflected on the international response to the crisis in Myanmar. “Our people have fought every round and won every one with a high score. The world knows that. But it seems that we need to win by a knockout. Fine, then. We’ll give them a knockout,” he said..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 9 August 2021)
Description: "As of 9 August, (962) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. (1) from Myingyan Township in Mandalay region died today and (1) from Mandalay died yesterday. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 9, a total of (5526) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Doctor Maung Maung Nyein Tun, lecturer of surgery of University of Medicine of Mandalay, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested on June 13 and sued three counts of charges, died on August 8 at Mandalay General Hospital due to COVID-19. It is reported that he was contracted COVID-19 while detained in the Interrogation Center of Mandalay Nandwin. At first, it is heard that the terrorist junta did not transfer him to the hospital and detained him at the No.9 police station for two weeks. He was transferred to the Mandalay General Hospital when his condition was worse as he did not receive sufficient medical treatment in the cell. Maung Htay from Kywe Chan Village in Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region, who was arrested on July 10 allegedly because he kept youth protesters and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, died in Myingyan Prison on August 9. According to a friend of his family member, although the Prisons Department said Maung Htay died due to atherosclerosis and hypertension, his body was covered and only allowed to look at the face. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Anti-military protests in Myanmar on anniversary of 1988 uprising
Description: "Protests against Myanmar's military government broke out across the nation on Sunday, the anniversary of the bloody suppression of a 1988 uprising against a previous army junta. At least six separate protests were documented on Facebook pages of opponents of the military, which seized power from the elected government six months ago and detained its leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and several other key officials. The Feb. 1 coup ended a brief, decade-long experiment in democracy in the Southeast Asian nation of 53 million, shattering hopes that it would emerge from more than half a century of military rule. The new government led by Min Aung Hlaing, the military's most senior general who assumed the post of interim prime minister a week ago, says it acted within the constitution to remove Suu Kyi's government after disputing the election her party won, though the election commission said the vote was fair. Many of Sunday's protests made reference to the “8-8-88” democracy uprising on August, 8, 1988, which the then-military regime crushed. Opponents of the military say an estimated 3,000 people were killed during that crackdown. "The old debt from 88, we must get it all in this 21," chanted protesters in Wundwin township in Mandalay region, recorded on Facebook videos. Another anti-protest in Myaing township featured placards reading: "Let's struggle together toward the unfinished 8.8.88 people's liberation." A military government spokesman could not be reached on Sunday for comment on the protests. The 1988 uprising was at the time the biggest challenge to army rule that had last since 1962. Min Aung Hlaing on Sunday released a statement praising another anniversary - the founding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 54 years ago. The statement did not mention the special ASEAN envoy ton Myanmar that the 10-member regional bloc appointed in recent days, who has been tasked with ending post-coup violence and fostering talks between the military and its opponents. The new envoy, Brunei diplomat Erywan Yusof, said on Saturday he should be given full access to all parties when he visits Myanmar, a trip that has not yet been scheduled..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication: 2021-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Statement by the Spring Revolution Interfaith Network – Statement No.1/2021 - နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက် သဘောထားကြေညာချက် – စာအမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁
Description: "The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network, was formed on 7th August 2021 by religious leaders and civil society leaders from different ethnic and religious backgrounds, who are actively opposing and fighting against the military dictatorship. The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network has the following objectives: 1. To end the military dictatorship 2. To establish a federal democratic union that holds values of freedom, justice, and equality by working together with different religious groups 3. To build a new society that guarantees the right to freedom of religion and practice, and eliminates discrimination among people of different ethnicities and between different religions Our network hereby issues the following statement in honour of the 33rd Anniversary of the 8.8.88 Revolution. 1. We pay tribute to the martyrs and people of all religions and ethnicities who have sacrificed their lives in various pro-democracy movements, including but not limited to, the Myanmar Spring Revolution. 2. The military junta must follow continuous calls for the unconditional release of all the unjustly detained political prisoners, including the President and the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. 3. We do not recognize the military junta - who staged the coup to seize power from the elected civilian government - as a legitimate government. We only recognize the National Unity Government (NUG), which was formed under the Federal Charter, as a legitimate government. 4. We strongly urge the United Nations and the international community not to recognize and work with the military junta, but to recognize and cooperate with the NUG which has received the support of the majority of the people of Myanmar. 5. We strongly condemn the weaponization of the Covid-19 pandemic for political gains by the military junta, and we call for the United Nations and the international community to intervene as soon as possible to address this humanitarian crisis. 6. We will support and coordinate with other pro-democracy forces from different backgrounds in order to establish a federal democratic union in accordance with our values and objectives..."
Source/publisher: The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
Date of publication: 2021-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 7 August 2021)
Description: "As of 7 August, (960) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (12) fallen heroes today. These (12) fallen heroes from Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 7, a total of (5512) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Khun Nyein Chan, Khun Bay and Khun Phoe O, living in Kayan Tharyar Village in Kayah State’ Loikaw Township, were arrested by the terrorist military at the Kayan Tharyar checkpoint in Loikaw on August 6. They were arrested on suspicion of an alleged connection to the PDF after inspecting their phones. Wai Yan Tun a.k.a Myo Myo, a dance teacher, who was arrested on June 24 for allegedly being a protest leader in Mohnyin Town, Kachin State, was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on July 31. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”...."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.34 MB 5.33 MB 1.78 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 6 August 2021)
Description: "As of 6 August, (948) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 6, a total of (5502) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Peter Aung, Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Hpei Hkon Township, Shan State and also NLD member Maung Lwat, Zin Thaw Hein, Sai Lu, Maung Thet, were arrested by the junta at a checkpoint in Shan State’s Nant Hsan Township on July 30. Nan Sandar Win and Nan Hsu Paing Phue, 4 th year students of Mawlamyine University, living in Sin village in Mon State’s Paung Township, were arrested by the terrorist junta on August 3, and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code then sent to Mon State’s Kyeikmaraw Prison on August 4. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.33 MB 5.21 MB 1.79 MB
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Title: Bi-weekly situation update by the Karenni Civil Society Network, July 19-Aug 1, 2021: Summary of SAC violations in Karenni State and Pekhon Township - ကရင်နီလူမှုအသင်းအဖွဲ့များကွန်ယက်၏ နှစ်ပတ်တကြိမ် အခြေအနေ တင်ပြချက် ဇူလိုင် ၁၉ ရက် – သြဂုတ် ၁ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် – ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်နှင့် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ် အတွင်း စစ်ကော်စီ၏ ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အကျဉ်း
Description: " People arrested In Karenni State the total number of people arrested since the coup has increased from 132 to 135 during the past two weeks. The three arrested, including a young woman, were aid volunteers, who were on the way to provide assistance to one of the IDP camps on July 30, 2021.  Ongoing military aggression The SAC troops have been continuing clearance operations in the areas where KNDF and IDPs are staying, so on July 23 the KNDF issued a statement that fighting could occur at any time. On July 19, SAC troops who had set up a camp near Kalilyah village, Nan Peh village tract, in Bawlake township fired artillery into the village. On the same day, SAC troops based in Bawlake town also shelled artillery into Nan Peh village, about 10 kilometers away After the shelling, SAC troops in civilian clothes patrolled around the villages of Taw Khu, Kalilyah, Nan Peh and Tah Leh. Most of the villagers of Kalilyah and Nan Peh have now fled to hide in the jungle. On July 20, 2021, the SAC shelled into Pruso town for no apparent reason. Residents of Pruso suddenly heard loud explosions of shells, but luckily no one was injured or killed. On July 22, 2021, at 4 pm, KNPP troops and KNDF troops ambushed a convoy of SAC trucks transporting rations and troops near Kayan Thayar village and Kyauk Kone village in Loikaw township. On July 31, 2021, at 11:45 am, KNPP troops and KNDF troops clashed with SAC troops near Pah Tima village and Daw Muklah village in Loikaw township. The SAC troops, from LIB 261 and LIB 250, were heading to IDP camps in Kayan Thayar village tract and Pakyeh village tract in Loikaw township, on the instructions of the Eastern Regional Command and Loikaw-based military command.  Situation of IDPs and humanitarian aid The new displacement of 812 villagers from Kalilyah and Nan Peh villages in Bawlake township, due to ongoing SAC artillery attacks on civilians, has raised the total numbers displaced to almost 120,000 in all townships of Karenni State and Pekhon township. This has increased the need for food, medicine and shelter for the IDPs. Some villagers have risked returning to their original villages to try and farm their lands, but dare not bring their children with them in case fighting breaks out again. They therefore leave their children in the IDP camps, where makeshift schools have been set up..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Civil Society Network
Date of publication: 2021-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 5 August 2021)
Description: "As of 5 August, (948) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Ye Township in Mon State and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 5, a total of (5497) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Pyay Thein, who was arrested while protesting in Ye Township, Mon State on March 22 and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained at Kyeikmaraw Prison, died on August 4 in prison. Even though police said he died from diabetes, Pyay Thein had never suffered from diabetes according to his family’s friend. Myo Chit, a member of Minkin PDF of Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township, who was trapped and arrested along with over 50 members of Minkin PDF on July 28 at Taung Phyu Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township, was killed on August 3 in an interrogation center in Kalay Town. Thet Htar Hnaung, MP for Kachin State Hluttaw of No (1) Constituency of Mohnyin Township, Kachin State and also NLD member, was arrested and beaten around 2am of August 4 by junta soldiers and those wearing plain clothes. Approximately six people were arrested along with her at the home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.32 MB 5.57 MB 1.8 MB
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Title: Political Violence and Journalism in a Multiethnic State - A Case Study of Burma (Myanmar)1
Description: "By focusing on the situation of journalists from Burma (Myanmar) living in exile in Thailand, this article explores the consequences of political violence on the development of indigenous journalism in a multiethnic state. Drawing on data gathered from participant observation and in-depth interviews with Burmese journalists in Thailand and along the border between Thailand and Burma, the research examines how local journalists are struggling to develop a context-appropriate model for media development that adequately addresses their need to deal with disagreement and difference in a context of political violence. The research calls into question the relevance of the dominant U.S. approach to “objective” journalism. In this often dangerous context, the definition of concepts such as unity, media independence, and censorship must be seen as provisional and contested, given the various pressures brought to bear on journalists. The model of journalism arising organically in this context is influenced by the recent surge in foreign funding for journalism training yet borrows elements of the normative, objective model and the model of peace journalism. The inappropriate nature of imported journalistic ideologies, however, suggests the need for a more complex model of media development in such complicated and conflictual contexts.....Violence and Ethnicity in Burma: Home to the world’s longest-running civil war, Burma is characterized by great ethnic diversity, with more than 100 different languages and dialects identified (Smith, 1999).2 Population statistics are generally unavailable, and contentious when they are, because there has been no attempt to take a count of the population since the British census in 1931 (Smith, 1991). The 1974 Constitution identifies seven divisions and seven ethnic states—Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah (Karenni), Mon, Rakhine (Arakan), and Shan. There are several other large minority groups in the country, as well as many Chinese, Tamils, Bengalis, and others of Indian origin. The most recent figures available, from 1983, list the majority Burmans as constituting 69% of the population (Steinberg, 2001). Annexed by Britain in stages between 1824 and 1886, Burma was governed at first as a province of India. The British divided its administration in Burma into two divisions: Ministerial Burma in the central area of the country, and the Frontier Areas, in which the ethnic minority groups were given autonomy to govern themselves. During World War II, the Burmans fought with the Japanese against the Allies while the hill peoples such as the Karens and Kachins stayed loyal to the British. The British exacerbated existing tensions between the various groups by using ethnic minority soldiers to police the Burmans agitating for independence in central Burma. After independence in 1948, civil war broke out between ethnic minority groups and the Burman government, and Burma experienced only a few years of civilian rule before a coup brought the military into power in 1962 under the leadership of General Ne Win. Despite reshuffling of personnel over the years, the military has remained firmly in power, and political violence has been a defining characteristic of its rule. Worsening economic conditions throughout the 1970s and 1980s, along with the regime’s abuses of its own people, led to the massive protests in 1988. Initially led by students, the demonstrations eventually involved hundreds of thousands of civilians who took to the streets. The Burmese military reacted with violence, gunning down thousands of people during the protests, which with few exceptions were nonviolent.3 The uprisings eventually led to a coup and the takeover by a reshuffled military under the name the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). At the time of the 1988 uprisings, nearly 20 insurgent forces were active over about one third of the country, controlling vast rural areas (Smith, 1995), and it is estimated that perhaps 60% of Burma’s land area, home to only 10% of the population, was not secured by the government (Steinberg, 2001, p. 186). The ethnic insurgencies and the government’s counterinsurgency operations have led to massive numbers of casualties4 and to the pattern of violence perpetuating long-standing distrust, especially between the Burmans and the non-Burmans, although factionalism is also widespread within the Burmese opposition groups.5 Shortly after taking power in 1988, the SLORC began arranging ceasefires with ethnic nationality groups, who would agree to stop fighting in exchange for government promises of more assistance with development in education, health care, transportation, and infrastructure (Steinberg, 2001). These two things together—the ceasefires and their relationship to infrastructural development—offered the government a cloak of legitimacy despite its status as an international pariah after the bloodshed of 1988. Yet many ethnic minority leaders believed, as did Hkun Okker, president of the Pa-O People’s Liberation Organization, that the military regime got the upper hand by making deals with groups individually. The military regime cleverly recognized that the ethnic power has a major role to play in Burmese politics, so immediately they picked up the armed ethnic groups and they spread out their power. . . . They recognized that he who rules the ethnics, rules Burma. (Hkun Okker, personal communication, July 5, 2000) Nevertheless, the resistance gained new impetus in 1988 when the border-based ethnonationalist movements were joined by thousands of Burman student activists who fled the country in the crackdown after the uprisings. Burma’s revolutionaries, so energized back then, have continued to struggle; however, after close to two decades since the 1988 uprisings, they now recognize how slow the process of genuine social and political change can be. The Burmese opposition today must be understood as a dynamic, ever-negotiated “movement” of groups constantly slipping into and out of tensions and alliances. In general terms, the movement is widely conceptualized as having, on the one hand, an “ethnic” element, a coalition of minority groups with the shared goal of a dignified measure of self-determination for the ethnic nationalities within multiethnic Burma. The opposition’s most visible element, however, is the Burman majority, primarily concerned with the development of democratic governance. Despite much genuine agreement and cooperation between Burman and ethnic nationality groups, significant tensions remain. The actions of the current incarnation of the military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), have added to the volumes already dedicated to documenting abuses by the Burmese government. Human Rights Watch (2005) sums up the current regime’s abuses in this way:6 The SPDC restricts the basic rights and freedoms of all Burmese... [and] continues to commit systematic, widespread, and well-documented abuses in ongoing conflicts with ethnic minority rebel groups, including extrajudicial executions, rape, torture, forced relocation of entire villages, and forced labor. As of late 2004, an estimated 650,000 people were internally displaced in eastern Burma alone, and at least 240 villages have been destroyed, relocated or abandoned since 2002. Some 2 million Burmese have moved to Thailand, including 145,000 refugees living in camps. (n.p.) In addition to the struggle for their survival, Burma’s ethnic minority groups are concerned about preserving their cultures, especially because many are convinced the military regime is conducting a campaign to “Burmanize” the country. The SPDC promotes an (apolitical) cultural diversity by celebrating public ethnic minority cultural performances while committing abuses against these peoples in the rural areas. Meanwhile, the ceasefires between the regime and various ethnic factions continue, although with much mutual suspicion. In addition to the violence perpetrated against ethnic minority peoples, much attention is paid to the ongoing detention of Burma’s democratic leader and 1991 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi. Beginning with her arrest before the country’s 1990 elections, which were won by the opposition in a landslide but subsequently ignored by the regime, to her release from house arrest in 1995, rearrest in 2000, release in 2002, and rearrest in 2003, her detentions have garnered international media attention. Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest as of this writing. It is within this context of political violence against dissident Burmans and ethnic minorities that the Burmese opposition in exile is attempting to transform patterns of behavior that have led to such a factionalized, militarized pattern of leadership. Media, and especially journalism, are seen as key components in the transition to a more open and transparent democratic process and a reduction in political violence. I have seen the Burmese media in exile develop in impressive ways since my first contact with Burmese activists when I lived in Thailand as a volunteer teacher in a camp of refugees from Burma from 1989 to 1992. It is this development, a result of and also in tension with foreign assistance for media development, that is the focus of this research..."
Source/publisher: Southern Illinois University Carbondale
Date of publication: 2006-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
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Title: Civilian Dies in Myanmar Junta Custody
Description: "A civilian detained by the junta for his alleged involvement in bomb attacks has died in military custody, according to relatives of the victim. The August 1 issue of regime-controlled newspapers claimed that the 23-year-old victim Ko Htet Ko Oo was arrested with two other people and a homemade gun and explosives at a warehouse in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan Township on July 20. Ko Htet Ko Oo’s family said that he left his hometown of Pyapon in Ayeyarwady Region on May 15 along with friends to work in Yangon. They learned of his arrest only after it was reported in newspapers. “Those who arrested him have told us nothing. But we have been told by a reliable source that he is dead. We can confirm that he is dead,” a family member told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. The regime had accused Ko Htet Ko Oo of having undergone military and explosives training in Karen State in territory controlled by the Karen National Liberation Army’s (KNLA) Brigade 5. The KNLA is the armed wing of the powerful ethnic organization, the Karen National Union. Relatives said that they want justice for Ko Htet Ko Oo. The military regime’s spokesperson has not yet responded to The Irrawaddy’s question about his death. Dozens of people, including members of the National League for Democracy, are feared to have died in military custody since the junta’s Feb. 1 coup. Among the dead are Ko Soe Moe Hlaing, a veteran pro-democracy activist and the younger brother of Lieutenant General Than Hlaing, the junta’s deputy home affairs minister and police chief. As of Tuesday, 946 people, including children, have been killed by junta forces since the coup. 5,478 people have been detained and arrest warrants issued for another 1,964 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 4 August 2021)
Description: "As of 4 August, (946) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 4, a total of (5495) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Khin Mar Lin, a chair of Myittar Lay Nyin Social Association of Nan Mar Town in Kachin State’s Mohnyin Township, was arrested at 1am on August 4 by the terrorist junta. Other people were arrested along with her. In addition to this, Min Min Tun, a political activist from Pyay Town and NLD member of Pyay Township in Bago Region, was arrested on the morning of August 3 by the terrorist junta when his father’s funeral ceremony was being held. Nan Sandar Win and Nan Su Paing Phue, 4th year students of Mawlamyine University, living in Sin Village in Mon State’s Paung Township, were arrested at their homes by the terrorist junta in the evening of August 3. Moreover, Thinzar Tun, third year student of University of Nursing, living in King Ma Village in Magway Region’s Pauk Township, was arrested on the way from King Ma Village to Kan Ma Village on August 2. Three youths from King Ma Village were also arrested with Thinzar Tun. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar military leader declares self PM, pushes back elections | DW News
Description: "Southeast Asia's top diplomats are meeting to discuss the ongoing violence in Myanmar. The foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are also hoping to finalize an emergency plan to help control the pandemic there. On Sunday Myanmar's military leader declared himself prime minister and extended military rule until August 2023. As we report, some protesters are determined to keep fighting back despite the risks. A warning to our viewers - you may find some of the footage in this report disturbing. Big protests have become too risky. In their place, flash mobs - often lasting only a few minutes - have been breaking out in Yangon and other cities. They yell "Down with the dictatorship, we must overcome" - a brief battle cry before they disappear into the back streets. Six months after the coup, Myanmar has become a full-fledged military state. Its leader and self-declared Prime Minister, Min Aung Hlaing has extended the state of emergency, and pushed back long-promised elections until August 2023. Likely to be missing from the list of candidates: Aung San Suu Kyi. The deposed leader is facing a slew of charges in what many observers are calling a sham trial. Adding to the political and economic turmoil, the country is seeing a sharp spike in COVID-19 cases - pushing the health care system closer to the brink of collapse, as people wait in line to get oxygen. With many medics part of the civil disobedience movement, they've become a target of violent abuse by the military. Human rights organizations are calling on the international community to act. Activists say they will never be able to trust the military. That's a sentiment echoed by many around the country. Six months after the coup, Myanmar increasingly looks like a tinderbox waiting to explode..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication: 2021-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
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Title: Two New Deaths in Custody Bring Total to 32 Since Myanmar Coup
Sub-title: Police once again blame COVID-19, despite the bodies exhibiting signs of severe trauma.
Description: "Two more people have died under suspicious circumstances while undergoing interrogation by security forces in Myanmar, bringing to 32 the total number of such deaths since the military seized power in a coup d’état six months ago. In nearly all the cases, authorities have blamed the deaths on COVID-19, despite markings on the bodies of decedents that are consistent with torture. Family members have also been given limited access to view the remains of their loved ones before they are cremated or buried. The latest to die in police custody was Htet Ko Oo, who was arrested on July 19 in connection with the bombing of the Shwe Nandaw (Golden Palace) jewelry shop in Myanmar’s largest city Yangon. The July 8 incident was the second in less than a month targeting a business owned by Thet Thet Khine, the junta’s minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement. According to Burma VJ, a website formed by a group of citizen journalists that documents human rights abuses by Myanmar’s military, Htet Ko Oo died on July 31 after being severely beaten during an interrogation session. The website said that authorities never informed his family members of his death and that they only learned of it after seeing a report on social media. RFA was unable to contact Htet Ko Oo’s family for comment on Tuesday. Lan Ko Thang, a resident of Sagaing region’s Kalay township, was arrested along with a friend on July 29 while returning home from the Chinese border, where he had labored as a migrant worker for nearly a year. Police had set up a checkpoint to control the spread of the coronavirus following a surge in cases in China and claimed to have “found weapons” on him after stopping the bus he was riding on for an inspection. Lan Ko Thang died a day after his arrest at an area interrogation center and his family was informed that the cause of death was COVID-19, even though his body exhibited signs of heavy trauma, a relative told RFA’s Myanmar Service, speaking on condition of anonymity citing fear of reprisal. “When we asked how he died, the military said he died of COVID, but our brother had a lot of injuries all over his body,” said the relative. “There was a big wound on his head and one of his legs and one of his arms were broken. There were beating marks on his back and leg. There were also marks on his neck, as if he had been strangled. We are furious.” RFA was unable to verify police reports that Lan Ko Thang was armed, but a resident of Kalay called him “calm and quiet,” adding that it was “totally impossible” that he would have had any weapons on him. Lan Ko Thang is the fifth person to die from suspected torture while in custody in Kalay since the military ousted Myanmar’s National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a Feb. 1 coup. Government troops have engaged in a major offensive in the region with members of the People’s Defense Force (PDF) militia, formed to protect the public from the military. A resident of Kalay, who declined to be named, said the rise in arrests and deaths from torture during interrogation has made residents “very insecure.” “These days, many houses are being raided and people are being arrested. It’s not safe even on the streets in the afternoon. People are always scared,” they said. “I don't know where [the troops] are getting all their information. They search any house they want without a warrant. Most of those arrested were kept in detention without any reason. Troops have been stationed at the city gates for some time. People have been arrested there too.” Veteran lawyer Kyee Myint told RFA that any death that occurs during an interrogation should be considered wrongful and families of victims are entitled to file a lawsuit seeking compensation. Family members have said they were unaware of how to file a complaint against the military and questioned what kind of justice they could expect if they did. Seeking accountability On Feb. 1, the military overthrew Myanmar’s democratically elected government, claiming voter fraud had led to a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party in the country’s November 2020 election. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule, killing 946 people over the past six months. Last month, the family members of those killed or maimed by junta soldiers urged the Netherlands-based International Criminal Court (ICC) to prosecute those responsible for the death or dismemberment of their loved ones. They say the military’s leadership must be held to account for its actions, which they believe fall under the court’s jurisdiction according to its founding treaty, the Rome Statute. Under the statute, the ICC can accept cases related to four main crimes—genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. The actions by the junta would most likely fall under crimes against humanity—which include murder, rape, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, and torture as part of a large-scale attack against any civilian population. Aung Myo Min, human rights minister for the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), recently told RFA that torturing someone to death and not providing the actual cause of death is “a grave violation” of a person’s right to life. He said the NUG is systematically collecting data on extrajudicial killings and plans to bring the perpetrators to justice at the ICC. Before the ICC will investigate a case, the Office of the Prosecutor must determine whether there is sufficient evidence of crimes of sufficient gravity falling within the ICC’s jurisdiction, whether there are genuine national proceedings, and whether opening an investigation would serve the interests of justice and of the victims. After gathering evidence and identifying a suspect, the prosecution requests that the ICC judges issue an arrest warrant or summons against a suspect and—based on summations presented by the prosecution, the Defense, and the Legal representative of victims—the judges decide if there is enough evidence for the case to go to trial. Attempts by RFA to contact junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Tuesday..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 3 August 2021)
Description: "Updated 3 August 2021: As of 3 August, (946) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 3, a total of (5478) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Moe Zaw, who was arrested with four other villagers from Sone Ywar Kone Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Township on July 6, died on July 31 at Myingyan Hospital and found with injuries consistent with torture from interrogation. Injuries on his dead body included knife cuts, cigarette burns on his back and his ribs and abdomen were bruised with gunstock. Policeman Phyo Zaw Hein from Yesagyo Town in Magway Region, who is involved in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was assaulted and arrested on August 1 by police wearing plain clothes. In addition to this, three youths named Soe Thura Moe, Aung Myo Chit and Zaw Khet, who were involved in the Motorbike Strike Column in Pyinmana, Nay Pyi Taw, were arrested at their homes on the night of August 1. Moreover, Aung Sein, Pyithu Hluttaw MP from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, was arrested at his home in Dawei on the night of July 30. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.32 MB 5.17 MB 1.73 MB
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Title: Junta Massacres 40 People in Myanmar Resistance Stronghold During July
Description: "The bodies of around 40 people killed by junta soldiers were found in the resistance stronghold of Kani Township in Sagaing Region in July, according to residents. “Junta troops raided our villages. We fled and found corpses when we came back to the villages. Nearly 40 bodies were found in July. Most recently we found 12 charred bodies in Taung Pauk,” a Kani resident told The Irrawaddy. Kani on the Chindwin River is around 50km from Monywa, the regional capital. The township has seen several massacres as the junta scaled up military operations against the resistance. The onslaught forced more than 7,000 residents from at least four villages to flee their homes. In the junta’s latest massacre, 12 bodies, including that of a 14-year-old boy, were found in Taung Pauk village on July 30. “The other victims included three brothers and people from Thayet Taw and Kho Twin. The bodies were seriously disfigured,” said another resident. Only some bodies have been retrieved for burial because the military is still active in the area, he added. The bodies were found four days after junta troops entered Taung Pauk and Thayet Taw villages and detained male villagers suspected of helping the People’s Defense Force (PDF) resistance. All the 12 victims were reportedly detained by the junta on July 26. Some bodies were burned and some were rotting but they were all badly bruised and exhibited signs of torture, said residents. This is the third time in less than a month that numerous bodies were found near villages in Kani. The bodies of 16 civilians were found scattered in the jungle surrounding Yin village tract on July 11 and 12 after villagers fled junta raids on July 8. Witnesses said some were shot dead by junta soldiers chasing them. Seven bodies were discovered on July 28 and five more were found on farms near Zee Pin Twin village on July 29. One of them was a disabled man and another was in his 60s. Some had apparently been hanged. Residents said some bodies might be PDF fighters because they were not residents. The military has not yet responded to questions about the killings in Kani. “The military regime might say they were armed rebels but they were not shot in shootouts. They all bore signs of torture and the bodies were intentionally hidden. It is a war crime,” said a lawyer. Kani overwhelmingly voted for the National League for Democracy in the 2020 general election. All the NLD candidates won in Kani with each securing more than 83 percent of the vote. It was one of the first towns to take to the streets after the coup in February. Residents soon started using rudimentary hunting rifles and homemade guns and blowing up junta vehicles. The junta responded with raids and detentions in Kani’s villages. The resistance formed the Kani Township PDF on May 10 attacking junta troops, including on the Chindwin River..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 2 August 2021)
Description: "Updated 2 August 2021: As of 2 August, (945) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Mandalay in Mandaly Region, Kalay Township and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 2, a total of (5474) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Sai Ye Yint a.k.a Myo Chit Thu, who was shot in the groin and detained when the terrorist junta raided a home where youth protesters were staying in Patheingyi Township, Mandalay Region in the morning of July 31, died that same morning. The body was not returned to his family. Moreover, the condition of Khaing Tun who was shot in the leg and detained remains unknown, as with Sai Ye Yint a.k.a Myo Chit Thu initially. Lam Khant Htan and Lar Kein from Thar Yar Kone Village in Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township were arrested on July 30 on suspicion over weapons allegedly found in a private car they were passengers in when they arrived at the entrance of Kalay Town returning home from work in China. His family was informed on July 31 that Lam Khant Htan died due to COVID-19. However, it is reported his leg and hand were broken, with many injuries to the head, back, leg and neck. Lar Kein who was detained along with Lam Khant Htan is still being detained. 12 men who were arrested by terrorist junta’s troops on July 26 and July 27 in Sagaing Region’s Kani Township, were later found killed with injuries consistent with torture. These men included three brothers named Aung Myint Thu, Chin Twin Maung, and Phyo Kyaw Aung from Kani Town, seven men including a 14 year-old child from Thayet Taw Village, and two men from Kho Twin Village. Their bodies were found in the forest near East Taung Pauk Village in Kani Township on July 31. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Military kills another protester in Mandalay and refuses to return the body to his family
Sub-title: Ye Yint, 22, died after he was shot in the pelvis and captured by junta forces on Saturday
Description: "A 22-year-old anti-coup protester who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid in Mandalay on Saturday morning has died in military custody, two protest organisers have told Myanmar Now. Ye Yint was among nine protesters who were detained when about 30 soldiers and police raided a house they were staying in in Patheingyi Township’s Nan Oo Lwin neighbourhood. He was shot in the pelvis while another young protester, 22-year-old Khaing Tun, was shot in the leg during the raid. “Two kids tried to run in panic and one was shot in his leg,” said one of the protest organisers. “The other one got shot in the back and the bullet went cleanly through his pelvis.” The detainees were brought to Mandalay Palace, which houses the military’s Central Command headquarters, and Ye Yint’s family was told at around 4pm that he had died, the second organiser said: “His wife told us.” As of 8pm, the family still had not been able to retrieve his body, the organiser added. Myanmar Now was unable to reach his relatives for comment. Three other protesters were detained in Mandalay on the morning that Ye Yint and Khaing Tun were shot. They were captured in Mahar Aung Myay Township after a military-owned vehicle rammed into their motorcycles as they rode back from a march led by Mandalar University students. One of those detained, Zin Myo Khant, is 17 years old. Late last month Thu Thu Zin, 25, was shot in the head and killed at a protest near the Mahamuni pagoda in Mandalay. Her family had to hold her funeral without her body because the military would not let them retrieve it..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-02
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Title: Myanmar: Coup Leads to Crimes Against Humanity
Sub-title: 6 Months After Takeover, Urgent Need for Targeted Sanctions, Arms Ban
Description: "Myanmar’s military junta has committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the February 1, 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said today. Since the military takeover, millions of people have taken to the streets across the country and peacefully protested for a return to a democratically elected civilian government. As part of a widespread and systematic attack on the population, security forces have repeatedly fired on and otherwise used excessive force to disperse and harm protesters. Police and soldiers have killed over 900 protesters and bystanders, including about 75 children, forcibly disappeared over 100 persons, and tortured and raped an unknown number in custody. Several thousand people have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. “Myanmar’s junta has responded to massive popular opposition to the coup with killings, torture, and arbitrary detention of people who merely want last year’s election results to be respected and a government that reflects the popular will,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “These attacks on the population amount to crimes against humanity for which those responsible should be brought to account.” The concept of crimes against humanity dates to at least 1915 and was part of the 1945 Charter of the International Military Tribunal that created the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), crimes against humanity are a series of offenses that are knowingly committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population. The offenses of Myanmar’s junta against those opposed to the military coup have been both a widespread and systematic attack against the population, Human Rights Watch said. The nature of the response, broad-based and frequently consistent, reflects government policy rather than the actions of individual security personnel. Apparent crimes against humanity committed since February 1 include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering. Human Rights Watch previously found that Myanmar’s military had committed crimes against humanity against the ethnic Rohingya population in 2012-2013 and again in 2017 as part of campaigns of ethnic cleansing. The authorities are committing crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and severe deprivation of liberty against Rohingya currently living in Rakhine State. The UN-backed Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) is “closely following” events and is collecting evidence of possible crimes committed following the coup. The IIMM is also mandated to build case files to support efforts to hold individuals responsible for such crimes in criminal proceedings. The United Nations, regional bodies, and governments, including the European Union, United States, and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), should respond to the continuing crimes against humanity in Myanmar by supplementing, strengthening, and coordinating international sanctions against the military and the State Administration Council (SAC) junta leadership under Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. Actions should include targeted sanctions on individuals, a global arms embargo, and financial restrictions that would reduce the junta’s revenues from extractive industries. Governments should act to reduce the junta’s gas revenues, which are the military’s largest source of foreign currency income, adding up to about US$1 billion annually in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, tariffs, and other profits. The US, EU, UK, and others should block payments to the junta and state-owned enterprises from foreign-financed oil and gas projects, such as those operated by PTT, Total, and Chevron. Such measures can be designed to target the junta’s access to foreign accounts while allowing for the continued production of gas and electricity in the country. Since the coup, concerns about vetoes by China and Russia have deterred the United Nations Security Council from adopting resolutions to address the human rights crisis in Myanmar. The Security Council should urgently take measures against the junta, including by referring the situation in the country to the International Criminal Court (ICC), Human Rights Watch said. The court’s prosecutor is currently investigating the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution following the 2017 ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, as those crimes were completed in Bangladesh, an ICC member. The council should follow the June resolution of the UN General Assembly with its own resolution to impose a legally binding arms embargo and targeted sanctions on junta officials and key military leaders. The Security Council and UN member countries should end the pretense that ASEAN will place sufficient pressure on the junta to restore a democratically elected civilian government, release political prisoners, and hold those responsible for abuses to account, Human Rights Watch said. Since its summit meeting on April 24, ASEAN has failed to appoint a promised special envoy and has taken no meaningful steps to press the junta to address grave human rights concerns in Myanmar. “The international response to the Myanmar junta’s crimes against humanity has been stymied by fears of Security Council vetoes, ASEAN’s feckless leadership, and the EU’s hesitance to target foreign gas companies,” Adams said. “The Security Council and influential countries, notably the US, EU, Australia, Japan, India, and Thailand, should apply coordinated sanctions to pressure the junta to end its brutal repression.” Alleged Crimes Against Humanity Since the February 1 Coup The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court defines crimes against humanity as one of several offenses “committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.” “Widespread” refers to the scale of the acts or number of victims. A “systematic” attack indicates a pattern or methodical plan. Crimes against humanity can be committed during peacetime as well as during armed conflict. The statute defines “attack” as a “course of action involving the multiple commission of acts … pursuant to or in furtherance of a State or organizational policy.” The “attack” does not need to be a military attack as defined under international humanitarian law. Furthermore, “the term ‘population’ does not require that crimes against humanity be directed against the entire population of a geographical territory or area.” The ICC statute’s Explanatory Memorandum states that crimes against humanity “are particularly odious offenses in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of one or more human beings. They are not isolated or sporadic events but are part either of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority.” Myanmar is not a party to the ICC, but the UN Security Council could refer the situation in the country to the ICC. The Myanmar military’s killing of numerous protesters, enforced disappearance of opposition supporters taken into custody, torture and rape of many of those detained, and mass political detentions throughout Myanmar since the coup indicate that these abuses are widespread. The authorities have made statements that suggest that the response to the protests has also been systematic. On February 21, the State Administration Council stated in the government’s Global New Light of Myanmar: “Protesters are now inciting the people, especially emotional teenagers and youth, to a confrontation path where they will suffer the loss of life.” On March 26, the state MRTV news channel announced that demonstrators “should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back” and warned that “parents should also talk their children out of it [joining protests], let’s not waste lives for nothing.” This language was widely interpreted to signal that the security forces were planning to respond with force to planned protests the next day, Armed Forces Day. In a May 8 statement, the junta formally designated the opposition National Unity Government (NUG), its parliamentary committee, and their offshoot militias as “terrorist groups” for alleged acts of incitement against the junta, seemingly to justify a broad suppression campaign. The junta said that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) – composed of members of the majority party from the 2020 elections of the national parliament – and the NUG “constantly incited Civil Disobedience Movement participants to commit violent acts.” The following alleged crimes against humanity should be independently and impartially investigated: Murder Since the February 1 coup, the State Administration Council junta has responded to massive protests with excessive and lethal force. The police and military have killed over 900 people, most of whom were protesters and bystanders in many cities and towns across Myanmar, including Yangon (Hlaing Thayar, North Okkapala, and other townships), Mandalay, Bago, Monywa, and other townships in Sagaing region, Mindat township in Chin state, and other locations. International human rights standards permit law enforcement officials to use lethal force only as a last resort when there is an imminent threat to life. But in numerous cases reported in the media, and by the UN, Human Rights Watch, and other human rights organizations, the security forces fired on demonstrators who were unarmed and posed no apparent threat. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on April 13 denounced “yet another weekend of coordinated bloodshed in many parts of the country.” She said that “[t]he military seems intent on intensifying its pitiless policy of violence against the people of Myanmar, using military-grade and indiscriminate weaponry.” The UN Human Rights Committee, in its General Comment No. 37 on the right of peaceful assembly, has stated that “[f]irearms are not an appropriate tool for the policing of assemblies, and must never be used simply to disperse an assembly.… [A]ny use of firearms by law enforcement officials in the context of assemblies must be limited to targeted individuals in circumstances in which it is strictly necessary to confront an imminent threat of death or serious injury.” The crime against humanity of murder has been defined by ad hoc international tribunals as “the death of the victim which results from an act or omission by the accused, committed with the intent either to kill or to cause serious bodily harm with the reasonable knowledge that it would likely lead to death.” There have been a number of reports of large-scale shooting of protesters by the security forces. The UN reported that security forces killed 18 people on February 28. On March 3, security forces across the country fired live rounds at protesters, killing at least 38 and wounding more than 100, the UN reported. Killings were also reported in one day in Monywa, Sagaing region; Myingyan and Mandalay, Mandalay region; Salin, Magway region; and Mawlamyine, Mon state, according to media reports and local analysts. Human Rights Watch investigated incidents in which security personnel appeared to deliberately kill individuals. On March 3 in Yangon, at least 10 security force personnel were captured on video pushing a man ahead of a group of detainees and then fatally shooting him in the back at close range. Medical doctors told Human Rights Watch that security forces prevented them from reaching wounded protesters, some of whom died from blood loss. Doctors working in mobile clinics during protests said security forces used live rounds interspersed with rubber bullets and that many of the fatal injuries were from bullet wounds to the upper body. On March 13, the authorities killed at least nine protesters, including five in the Sein Pan area of Mandalay, when security forces reportedly shot into a crowd. On March 14 in Hlaing Thayar township, Yangon, security forces killed an estimated 58 people. On March 17, police pursuing protesters forced their way into Sandar Linn Shein’s family home in Bayintnaung, Mayangone township. She said they accused the family of sheltering protesters and began shooting indiscriminately, killing her older sister instantly and wounding her older brother in the chest and then arresting him. On March 27, Armed Forces Day, the day after the MRTV news channel announced that demonstrators “should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back,” security forces carried out violent crackdowns on protesters in at least 40 towns and cities, killing dozens, Fortify Rights reported: “Eyewitness photographs and videos filmed [on March 27] show dead bodies, including children, and soldiers firing weapons street-level, dragging lifeless victims away, and brutally beating people.” In one case, security forces shot and wounded Aye Ko during a night raid in Mandalay. Local media reported that security forces dragged him away and then set him on fire. Residents said soldiers threatened to shoot anyone who tried to help him. In a another widely publicized incident on March 27, a video shows soldiers shooting and killing Kyaw Min Latt at close range as he drove by them on a motorcycle. On April 9, military personnel killed an estimated 82 people in Bago in a dawn assault on protesters’ barricades and encampments, according to media reports. On May 26, the Associated Press, in conjunction with the Human Rights Center Investigations Lab at the University of California, Berkeley, published an extensive and detailed report documenting killings. The AP and Human Rights Center alleged that the junta was using the killings, including by dragging bodies through the streets and returning mutilated corpses to families, to terrorize the population into ending the protests. They identified more than 130 instances in which “security forces appeared to be using corpses and the bodies of the wounded to create anxiety, uncertainty, and strike fear in the civilian population.” Enforced Disappearances Since the coup, Myanmar authorities have taken into custody and forcibly disappeared more than 100 politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, and protesters, and refused to confirm their location in violation of international law. Enforced disappearances are defined in the ICC statute as the arrest or detention of someone by the state or their agents followed by a refusal to acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate or whereabouts of the person, with the intention of “removing them from the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time.” Family members and friends of arrested anti-junta protesters told Human Rights Watch that not knowing where the person was being held heightened concerns about their safety and well-being. In many cases, families only received information informally about the location of their family member, such as when newly released detainees notified others that they had seen another person who had been detained. Some families believe that because a prison accepts a package for their family member, it is most likely the place where their relative is being held. However, there is no factual basis for this conclusion, and it does not relieve the authorities of their obligation to provide information on a detainee’s whereabouts, produce a detainee in court within 48 hours as provided by Myanmar law, and promptly allow access to counsel and family members. Torture Many of those detained for taking part in pro-democracy demonstrations said after their release that that security personnel tortured and otherwise ill-treated them and others in custody. Methods of torture reported include beatings, mock executions with guns, burning with cigarettes, and rape and threatened rape. While torture by police in criminal cases has long been a problem in Myanmar, coup opponents taken into custody have been at risk of routine beatings, torture, and gender-based violence, indicating that the mistreatment has been part of junta efforts to suppress the political opposition. One 19-year-old man told the media that on April 9 he was taken to a military compound on the outskirts of Bago after a deadly day of protests. He said the security forces used cables, the butts of guns, and bottles to beat him on his hands. “The commander tied my hands from the back and used small scissors to cut my ears, the tip of my nose, my neck and my throat,” he said. “[He] hit my head with a glass bottle, beat me up, pointed at me with guns but the bullets did not come out.” Protesters in Myeik, Tanintharyi region, said after their release that on March 9, security force members beat about 70 protesters detained during demonstrations with belts, rifles butts, pipes, wooden sticks, and chains. On April 19, the junta created a public outcry when it aired on MRTV the images of six young detainees who bore marks of torture suffered while they were detained. A 17-year-old boy told Human Rights Watch that he had been beaten for days while blindfolded, then forced into a pit and buried up to his neck in a mock burial. He said he and others arrested with him were denied food and water for four days and drank toilet water to survive. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said that since the coup, at least 22 people have been tortured to death during custody. Human Rights Watch investigated the case of Khin Maung Latt, 58, a ward chairman in Pabedan township in downtown Yangon. On the evening of March 6, witnesses saw soldiers and police forcibly enter Khin Maung Latt’s home, beat and kick him in front of his family, and then take him away at gunpoint. The next morning, after notification by the authorities, Khin Maung Latt’s family recovered his body from a hospital. The body had severe wounds to the hands and back and was covered in a bloody shroud, a witness said. Rape and Other Sexual Violence The UN special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence, Pramila Patten, condemned alleged sexual violence by the Myanmar authorities. She called for an end to the abuses and for unimpeded access for an independent investigation. In a June 25 statement she said: Night raids, arbitrary arrests, sieges of townships and neighborhoods, torture and deaths in detention, attacks on locations and sites where civilians are gathered or have fled, and reports of sexual violence in detention sites, particularly sexual assault, torture, physical and verbal abuse, and intimidation, have become an alarming feature of daily life. Mary Lawlor, the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, noted in a July 19 statement on Myanmar that “[w]omen human rights defenders are particularly at risk in remote rural areas and are often beaten and kicked before being sent to prison where they can face torture and sexual violence with no medical care provided.” The opposition National Unity Government reported that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people have been particularly vulnerable to sexual violence in custody. One transgender woman recounted after her release that she was raped in custody with an object, tortured, and severely beaten. Human Rights Watch investigated the case of a woman whom the police arrested on April 17 and accused of involvement in a series of bomb attacks against security forces in Yangon. Local media reported that police in Yankin township severely beat the woman, including on her genitals, causing vaginal bleeding, during interrogation at the police station. They beat her again at an interrogation center in Shwe Pyi Thar township, making it difficult for her to eat or urinate. Her cellmate said she herself was molested, threatened with a gun, and slapped during interrogation at another police precinct in Sanchaung township. On March 3 in Yangon, the authorities arrested two journalists, Han Thar Nyein and Nathan Maung, during a raid of their Kamayut Media office. Nathan Maung, who has been released, said the police beat them for days at an interrogation center and that Han Thar Nyein, who is now in Insein prison, was also burned with cigarettes and threatened with rape. Imprisonment or Other Severe Deprivation of Liberty in Violation of International Law On February 1, the military arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and several dozen other senior officials in early morning raids in the capital, Naypyidaw. They remain in detention. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has reported that since the coup, security forces have arrested 6,990 people, of whom 5,442 remain detained. In some instances, security forces have arrested and detained family members and friends of activists, protesters, and opposition members as a form of collective punishment. The AAPP said that at least 119 people, including an infant, have been arrested during raids when security forces were unable to find the person they sought to arrest. At least 83 of them remain in detention and some family members have been sentenced to prison terms. The junta has particularly targeted members of the media for arrest. Since February 1, the authorities have arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the AAPP. Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a criminal offense punishable by up to three years in prison to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread vaguely defined “false news.” Other Inhumane Acts Causing Great Suffering or Serious Injury The junta has harassed, arbitrarily arrested, and attacked medical professionals, sometimes as they treated injured protesters. Many healthcare workers were early leaders of the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement and refused to work in government hospitals as a form of protest. Since the coup at least 260 healthcare workers have been attacked while trying to administer medical aid, and 18 killed. The AAPP said 76 remain in detention and up to 600 medical professionals have outstanding arrest warrants against them. Many have been forced to work underground in makeshift mobile clinics or have gone into hiding to evade arrest. The UN Country Team in Myanmar has said that the attacks on medical workers have jeopardized the Covid-19 response. CCTV footage released online shows at least six police officers removing three workers from an ambulance of the Mon Myat Seik Htar (MMSH) volunteer rescue team, then beating the workers with their guns and batons and kicking them. The MMSH volunteers were subsequently arrested and released on March 24, Myanmar Now reported..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-07-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: The Tatmadaw's Attempts to Legalize Its Human Rights Violations : The Karen Human Rights Group's position on the legality of a selection of the State Administration Council's amendments under international human rights law
Description: "The Tatmadaw, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, initiated the military coup on February 1, 2021 which forcibly seized power from the democratically elected National League for Democracy and pushed Myanmar into the current state of nationwide political instability marked by ongoing impunity for human rights violations and an exacerbating humanitarian crisis. Since then, security forces have been employing extremely violent tactics against the general populace in major cities –– tactics which have been regularly used to persecute ethnic minorities even before the coup, especially in the peripheries of the country. From the outset, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar warned that the atrocities committed by the junta since the coup could amount to crimes against humanity.[1] Some of these atrocities entail the disproportionate use of force against demonstrators and strikers;[2] killings of at least 884 people;[3] arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances of thousands of people including journalists, activists and others opposed to the coup;[4] raids of homes without warrants to arrest and detain those suspected of being in opposition to the coup;[5] and torture of detainees.[6] In conjunction with these acts of violence against civilians is the Tatmadaw’s unlawful use of article 419 of the 2008 Constitution to form the State Administration Council (“SAC”) [7] through which it then enacted several amendments to Myanmar’s domestic laws which have encroached upon the fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar. Specifically, article 419 permits the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services (“Chief of Defence Services”) to form a body to exercise powers of the executive, legislature, and judiciary after the President declares a “state of emergency” (article 417) and transfers all branches of the government to the Chief of Defence Services (article 418).[8] Experts on Myanmar’s Constitution have pointed out, however, that the Tatmadaw’s February 1 declaration of a “state of emergency” under article 417[9] is absent of any legal basis, as it is impossible for allegations of voter fraud during the November 2020 elections ­to amount to a “state of emergency”. According to experts, article 417 relates to a situation in which the sovereignty of the country is threatened through “violent and wrongful forcible means” which involves the use of force.[10] Further, the Tatmadaw’s declaration of a “state of emergency” is unconstitutional as the Constitution only gives the President, who was arrested and detained by the Tatmadaw since February 1, the power to declare a state of emergency.[11] It is manifest that the SAC is an illegal entity and that any powers it exercises (executive, legislative, and judiciary) including the amendments it enacts are invalid under the Constitution. 2. PURPOSE AND SCOPE The amendments the SAC enacted in the weeks following February 1 also bear adverse consequences for the protection of the fundamental rights of the people of Myanmar under international human rights law. Therefore, this brief examines the legality of some of the amendments in accordance with some of Myanmar’s legal obligations under international human rights law. Taking note that Myanmar is not a state party to some international human rights treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”),[12] this brief also identifies relevant non-binding principles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”) and ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (“AHRD”). At the same time, this brief demonstrates the SAC’s attempts to legitimize its human rights violations by using its illegitimate authority to enact invalid amendments to Myanmar’s domestic law to institute a climate of impunity for its human rights violations. Finally, it includes some recommendations on actions that ASEAN, the National Unity Government, and states can take to protect and promote the fundamental rights of the people of Myanmar. The analysis of this brief is limited in scope. The four amendments examined in this brief, outlined in Section 3 (Overview of Selected Amendments), were selected based on their prominence in the news at the time that the concept of this brief was conceived in early March 2021. Similarly, the scope of analysis in Section 4 (Applicable International Law) and Section 5 (Analysis) is a non-exhaustive account of the relevant international human rights standards applicable to Myanmar. The examined human rights laws and principles focus on night raids, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and restrictions of social media platforms and internet shutdowns as these featured most prominently in the news within the period of February to April 2021 during which the concept of this brief was under discussion. In recent months, more of the SAC’s atrocities have come to light particularly its perpetration of sexual and gender-based violence against girls, women, and members of the LGBTIQ community.[13] In this regard, further research could focus on a gender-analysis of the coup which could, for instance, include some of Myanmar’s relevant human rights treaty obligations such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. Ultimately, we hope that this brief would serve as a resource for civil society and community-based organizations to conduct further advocacy and research aimed to raise awareness on the SAC’s use of its illegitimate authority to enact “laws”[14] to encroach on the human rights of the people of Myanmar. 3. OVERVIEW OF SELECTED AMENDMENTS AC Law No. 3/2021 enacted the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law. In particular, the amendment to section 17 requires any person living in a ward or village-tract to inform the ward or village-tract administrator of the arrival and departure of any overnight guests not listed in the family unit and not residing in the same ward or village-tract.[15] Violation of section 17 leads to a “fine not exceeding ten thousand kyat”, or a prison term not exceeding seven days if the person defaults on the fine.[16] SAC Law No. 4/2021 enacted the Amendment of Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens. The SAC suspended rights protected in sections 5, 7, and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens.[17] By suspending these provisions, authorities are permitted to enter into homes and private properties without a warrant for purposes of search, seizures, and arrests (section 5); to detain a person without a warrant for more than 24 hours (section 7); to intercept all forms of communications without a warrant (section 8); and to collect and seize all information and data gathered from intercepts (section 8). SAC Law No. 5/2021 enacted the Law Amending the Penal Code. Amongst other changes to the Penal Code is the amendment of section 505 (a). Section 505 (a) has been broadened to allow authorities to prosecute individuals, inter alia, for causing or intending to cause “fear to a group of citizens or to the public”; for spreading “false news”; or for “affect[ing], hinder[ing], damag[ing] the motivation, discipline [or] health” of a civil servant.[18] SAC Law No. 7/2021 enacted the Law Amending the Electronic Transactions Law. Relevant to this brief is the inclusion of section 38 in the amendment to the 2004 Electronic Transactions Law (“ETL”).[19] Section 38 (b) imposes criminal sanctions on a broad range of conduct regarding the handling of digital information. Specifically, a person (A) could be sanctioned for obtaining, disclosing, using, destroying, modifying, or disseminating any personal data of another person (B) without B’s approval. Section 38 (c) imposes criminal sanctions on anyone who creates “misinformation and disinformation” in the digital space with the intent of “causing public panic, loss of trust, or social division.” Section 38 (d) imposes criminal sanctions on a broad range of cybercrimes perpetrated with the intent to threaten national sovereignty, national security, and the rule of law, notions which are undefined in the provision. Some of these cybercrimes include preventing unauthorized access into one’s own digital platforms such as networks, computers or digital data (supposedly if a person takes measures to prevent authorities from conducting unlawful surveillance); and attempts to hack into digital platforms. Section 38 (e) imposes criminal sanctions on a range of cybercrimes committed with the intent to “deteriorate” Myanmar’s foreign relations with other states. These cybercrimes include vague and unclear language such as “attempts of unauthorized access and hacking cyber sources”. 4. APPLICABLE INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Prohibition Against Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home or Correspondence Myanmar ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (“CRC”) in 1991. Article 16 (1) of the CRC imposes a legal obligation on Myanmar to ensure that “no child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation.”[20] Further, article 16 (2) also requires Myanmar to enact laws to protect the child from the prohibitions set out in article 16 (1).[21] Finally, Myanmar has a non-derogable obligation to “respect and ensure”[22] these rights under article 16 by making the best interest of the child a primary consideration,[23] through undertaking all appropriate measures including legislative and administrative.[24] Myanmar is also a signatory to the UDHR. Specifically, article 12 provides that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with [their] privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honor and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.”[25] In a similar vein, article 21 of the AHRD holds a similar provision to article 12 of the UDHR, even going a step further to explicitly protect personal data from arbitrary interference.[26] B. Prohibition Against Arbitrary Deprivation of Liberty Legally binding on Myanmar is customary international law’s absolute prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of liberty, wherein no derogation is permitted under any circumstances.[27] According to the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, the content of the prohibition under customary international law includes arbitrary arrest and detention of a person which include measures such as house arrest and secret and/or incommunicado detention.[28] Further, an arrest and detention can be considered “arbitrary” even if authorized and enforced by law if “premised upon an arbitrary piece of legislation or is inherently unjust.”[29] C. The Right to the Freedom of Expression Under article 19 of the UDHR, the right to the freedom of expression constitutes the freedom to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”[30] A similar provision can be found in article 23 of the AHRD.[31] While Myanmar is not a party to the ICCPR, the scope of the freedom of expression under the UDHR may be understood through the Human Rights Committee’s[32] (“HRC”) interpretation of article 19 of the ICCPR, as the ICCPR is a codification of the same protections provided for in the UDHR. The HRC noted that the freedom of expression includes the right to express and receive communications of every form that is capable of transmission.[33] As regards to legitimate restrictions to the right, it may only be restricted for the protection of the rights or reputations of others, of national security or public order, or of public health or morals.[34] Further, restrictions must fulfill three cumulative requirements to be legitimate (also referred to as the three-part test): 1) They must be “provided by law” meaning they have to be formulated with sufficient precision so as to allow individuals to regulate their conduct;[35] 2) be “necessary” for a legitimate purpose;[36] and 3) be “proportionate” to the interest they serve to protect.[37] 5. ANALYSIS A. The Facilitation of Impunity for Arbitrary Raids, Arrests and Detentions Part of the SAC’s tactic to stifle dissent in efforts to assert total control over the country has been to arbitrarily arrest and detain people suspected of being in opposition to its rule by encroaching on privacy. Security forces have been arbitrarily arresting and detaining people after finding any shred of evidence considered to be offensive to the junta through arbitrary inspections of mobile phones. Further, security forces without warrants have been entering into homes and offices to arrest and detain people aligned with the anti-coup movement such as protestors, members of the opposition party, healthcare workers, and lawyers.[38] The SAC has even gone so far as to arbitrarily arrest and detain children. As of March 22, Save The Children alone reported that it had responded to a total of 146 cases of child arrests and detentions, of which 17 are still in detention.[39] Meanwhile, UNICEF reported on March 4 that its partners estimated that since the coup more than “500 children have been arbitrarily detained. Many of those arrested or detained are being held incommunicado.”[40] To evade arrest and detention by security forces, those aligned with the anti-coup movement including protestors, activists, and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement, have sought refuge in the homes of relatives, friends, and other local residents.[41] Security forces, however, have issued threats against residents warning that they too would be arrested if found harboring those they deem as fugitives.[42] Recent reports indicate that security forces have resorted to arresting and detaining family members and friends of those they sought to arrest but were unable to locate during raids, effectively taking hostages.[43] Former detainees have reported being tortured by security forces. Accounts of torture include beatings, being placed in stress positions, and even mock burials.[44] Some detainees were even tortured to death.[45] Further, reports indicate that security forces use sexual and gender-based violence as a form of torture.[46] In one account, security forces stripped naked a transgender woman and raped her by penetrating her with a bottle.[47] These acts of torture, raids, and arbitrary arrests and detentions are accompanied by the SAC’s enactments of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village Tract Administration Law and the Amendment of Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens. The contents in the provisions suggest that the SAC issued the amendments to enable its security forces to conduct raids as well as to arbitrarily arrest and detain anyone with impunity, as illegitimate as these “laws” may be. At the same time, these amendments contravene Myanmar’s international legal obligations under treaty law protecting children against the arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence; and under customary international law protecting against arbitrary arrest and detention. These amendments are also incompatible with the same principles in the AHRD and UDHR. i. Section 17 of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law violates Myanmar’s obligations under the CRC and are incompatible with the UDHR and AHRD The SAC’s amendment of section 17 of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law requiring the registration of overnight guests, violates Myanmar’s obligations under article 16 of the CRC. The enforcement of the amended section 17 against children constitutes an “arbitrary interference” of their privacy, family or home under article 16 (1) of the CRC.[48] The Human Rights Committee’s interpretation of the meaning of “arbitrary interference” in article 17 (1) of the ICCPR is relevant to Myanmar’s violation of article 16 since article 16 (1) of the CRC protects the same rights as that of article 17 (1) of the ICCPR,[49] ­ the difference being that article 16 (1) focuses specifically on children. In particular, it states that the meaning of “arbitrary interference” includes laws that counter “the provisions, aims and objectives” of the protections afforded to a person’s privacy, family or home.[50] It follows then that the amended section 17 amounts to an “arbitrary interference” within the meaning of article 16 (1). Further, amended section 17 –– permitting such sweeping and arbitrary encroachment on the prohibition against arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence –– contradicts article 16 (2) which guarantees that children have “the right to the protection of the law against such interference.”[51] Moreover, the amendments are incompatible with the principles enshrined in article 12 of the UDHR, as well as article 21 of the AHRD. Containing a similar provision to article 12 of the UDHR,[52] article 21 of the AHRD states “every person has the right to be free from arbitrary interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence.”[53] ii. Suspension of sections 5 and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens contravenes prohibition against arbitrary interference with the right to privacy, family, home or correspondence The SAC’s suspension of sections 5 and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens[54] contravenes Myanmar’s non-derogable obligations[55] under the CRC to “respect and ensure” rights,[56] including article 16, are applied to every child within its jurisdiction by adopting all appropriate measures; and by placing the best interest of the child as a primary consideration in all matters.[57] Further, the amendments violate article 16 (1)’s prohibition of arbitrary interference with the child’s “privacy, family, home or correspondence, [and] to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation”,[58] as it permits authorities to interfere, without a warrant, in virtually all aspects of the private lives of any citizen. At the same time, it is incompatible with article 16 (2) as it denies children within its jurisdiction of their right to protection from arbitrary interference with, or attacks on their rights enshrined in article 16 (1).[59] In a similar vein, the suspension of sections 5 and 8 are inconsistent with the principles in article 12 of the UDHR and article 21 of the AHRD, which declared that every person within its jurisdiction has the right to be free from arbitrary interference with their privacy, home, or correspondence,[60] including personal data.[61] iii. Suspension of section 7 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens contravenes the prohibition against the arbitrary deprivation of liberty under customary international law The SAC’s suspension of section 7 enables security forces to arbitrarily arrest and indefinitely detain[62] individuals it considers as threats to its rule, including opposition political leaders, anti-coup protestors, and human rights defenders. It breaches Myanmar’s obligations under customary international law prohibiting the arbitrary arrest and detention of any individual and under any circumstances,[63] which includes laws that authorize “automatic and indefinite detention without any standards or review.”[64] B. The Infringement on the Enjoyment of the Right to the Freedom of Expression The digital space has been a platform for the people of Myanmar ­­to organize themselves domestically and to mobilize international support against the coup. Equally, it serves as a medium for journalists, citizen journalists, and other activists to criticize the SAC, as well as to document and expose human rights violations perpetrated by security forces. The SAC’s response, particularly in the early months of the coup, was to restrict access to social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, as well as to enforce regular nationwide internet blackouts.[65] Part of its strategy to stifle dissent has also been through the amendment to section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, as well as the amendment to the ETL. The amended provisions curtail the enjoyment of the right to free expression by criminalizing an array of conduct under, inter alia, dubious pretexts of national security and public order which are incompatible with the standards required to constitute permissible restrictions to the freedom of expression under international human rights standards. i. Section 505 (a) fails the “necessity” test making it an illegitimate form of restriction to the freedom of expression Section 505 (a): Imposes a prison term of a maximum of 3 years, or a fine, or both on any person that: (i) causes or intends to cause “a member of the Defence Service or any civil servant” to disobey or to be disloyal to the government by hindering or damaging their motivation, discipline or health; or (ii) causes or intends to cause “fear to a group of citizens or to the public”; or (iii) intends to spread or spreads “fake news when knowing or believing that the news is false”; or (iv) commits or intends to commit a criminal offence against a member of the civil service.”[66] The SAC’s use of section 505 (a) to prosecute individuals and to sue news agencies who have reported on the coup and exposed human rights violations[67] is incompatible with legitimate restrictions to the freedom of expression. Under international human rights law, restrictions to free expression must be “necessary” for the protection of the “rights and reputation of others”, or protection of “national security or of public order, or of public health or morals.”[68] Contrary to this standard, the SAC has been regularly prosecuting journalists for reporting on the facts of the coup.[69] Additionally, it has also charged and prosecuted ordinary citizens voicing their opposition to the coup on social media, celebrities supporting anti-coup protests, as well as youths involved with the anti-coup movement.[70] ii. The ETL amendments fail the “provided by law” and “proportionality” tests to constitute permissible restrictions Section 38 (b): “Any person, if convicted of obtaining, disclosing, using, destroying, modifying, disseminating or sending personal data of a person to another without approval, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 1 to 3 years […].”[71] Even supposing that the purpose of section 38 (b) is for the protection of privacy, the language is overbroad such that it is incompatible with the principle of proportionality which requires that restrictions be the least intrusive of measures to prevent jeopardizing the exercise of the right to the freedom of expression.[72] Under the amendments, “personal data” is defined as any information associated with a person.[73] In turn, the formulation of the amendment could impose criminal sanctions on anyone who, for instance, discloses or sends information on individuals responsible for human rights violations to international criminal or human rights investigative organizations. Under human rights standards, restrictions to free expression “may never be invoked as a justification for the muzzling of any advocacy of multi-party democracy, democratic tenets and human rights.”[74] Section 38 (c): “Any person who is convicted of creating misinformation and disinformation with the intent of causing public panic, loss of trust or social division on cyberspace shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 1 to 3 years […].”[75] The vague and undefined terms, “misinformation and disinformation” and “public panic, loss of trust or social division”, are incompatible with the meaning of “law” under human rights standards. Restrictions must be formulated with sufficient precision such that individuals are able to regulate the content that they produce and publish in the digital space.[76] The current formulation would allow authorities “unfettered discretion”[77] in using the law to retaliate against journalists, activists and academics who expose the SAC’s human rights violations.[78] Section 38 (d): “Any person who is convicted of [cybercrimes] such as preventing or making it difficult to access a cyber resource; or attempting to hack into a cyber source without permission; or using more than permitted; and inserting or installing dangerous malware with the intent to hurt someone; [or] with an intent to threaten or disturb national sovereignty, security, peace and stability, rule of law, and national solidarity, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 2 to 5 years […].”[79] Section 38 (e): “Any person who commits acts of cyber-attack on cyber resources which have been kept confidential for reasons of national or international security, such as attempting to access without authorization into or hacking into such cyber resources, with the intent to deteriorate the relationship between the country and other foreign countries, or on behalf of the interest of a foreign country, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 3 to 7 years […].”[80] The provisions in section 38 (d) and section 38 (e) criminalize a wide range of conduct in the digital space by employing justifications of “national sovereignty, security, peace and stability, rule of law, national solidarity”, as well as the protection and preservation of Myanmar’s foreign relations.[81] Chiefly, these imprecise and overbroad exceptions under the pretext of national security are in non-conformity with human rights standards requiring that restrictions be “provided by law”[82] and be “proportionate”.[83] In turn, these “amorphous” notions of national security serve as a weapon for the SAC to curtail the enjoyment of legitimate free expression.[84] For instance, it is unclear what types of conduct section 38 (d) covers when it criminalizes “preventing or making it difficult to access a cyber resource […] or using more than permitted”[85] under the pretext of national security. Free Expression Myanmar has suggested that the provision could be used to prosecute journalists and activists for using a VPN to bypass the SAC’s internet restrictions or for using encryption when working to expose and report on the SAC’s human rights violations.[86] 6. RECOMMENDATIONS The grim reality is that unless the SAC steps down from power it will continue to perpetrate atrocities against the people of Myanmar and oppress the country with these illegitimate “laws”. This reality signifies the need for relevant actors to stand with the people of Myanmar in their resistance to the SAC. To this end, we have identified measures that ASEAN, the National Unity Government, and states can take to validate the human rights of the people of Myanmar through the international human rights protection regime. Recommendation to ASEAN: In addition to pursuing the Five-Point Consensus,[87] member states in their engagements with the SAC must make the promotion and protection of human rights provided for in the AHRD a central part of their diplomatic efforts. Notwithstanding the non-binding nature of the AHRD, the enshrined principles including those identified here are minimum human rights standards afforded to the people of Myanmar that member states have a stake in promoting and protecting should the AHRD be recognized as a credible regional human rights instrument. Recommendations to the National Unity Government: Declare that the SAC’s amendments following the events of February 1 are null and void as a matter of domestic law. As an illegal entity under Myanmar’s constitution, the SAC is unauthorized to amend or enact laws. At the same time, the SAC’s “laws” contravene Myanmar’s human rights obligations under treaty law and customary international law. Commit to ratifying the outstanding international human rights treaties beginning with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Commit to ratifying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court as a first step to pursuing accountability for past and present alleged international crimes including crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes. Recommendation to states: Adhere to the principle of non-refoulement under international law. Meaning that anyone who faces a real risk of being arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered by the SAC should not be involuntarily returned, expelled, or extradited to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication: 2021-07-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Dozens of Myanmar Resistance Fighters Seized in Sagaing Region
Topic: civil disobedience movement, civilian deaths, Coup, crackdown, Democracy, Human Rights, junta, military in politics, military regime, Min Aung Hlaing, Mingin Township, National League for Democracy, National Unity Government, November 8 general election, PDF, People’s Defense Force, Political Prisoners, Rule of Law, Sagaing Region, Spring Revolution, State Administrative Council, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Tatmadaw
Topic: civil disobedience movement, civilian deaths, Coup, crackdown, Democracy, Human Rights, junta, military in politics, military regime, Min Aung Hlaing, Mingin Township, National League for Democracy, National Unity Government, November 8 general election, PDF, People’s Defense Force, Political Prisoners, Rule of Law, Sagaing Region, Spring Revolution, State Administrative Council, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Tatmadaw
Description: "Almost 60 civilian resistance People Defense Force (PDF) fighters in Mingin were detained while they tried to attack a Sagaing Region village on Wednesday. At about 5am on Wednesday, civilian resistance fighters attacked Pan Set and Taungbyu villages, which are strongholds of Pyu-Saw-Htee military allies who are armed with automatic rifles by the junta, according to the PDF. According to residents, junta troops and Pyu-Saw-Htee raided have villages and attacked the resistance in the township over the past month. A resistance fighter in Mingin told The Irrawaddy on Thursday they attacked villages on Wednesday to prevent junta attacks with the Phyu-Saw-Htee on villages in the south of the township. During the firefight at Taungbyu village, the 57 resistance members were seized by the Pyu-Saw-Htee, according to the PDF. “Our fighters were detained by a trap after entering the village as the Pyu-Saw-Htee said they would surrender,” said a member of the PDF. Another 12 resistance fighters outside the village escaped. The resistance fighters trying to save the detainees were forced to retreat by junta reinforcements. After the firefight, the military regime used a helicopter to supply ammunition, residents said. “We have learned our members were detained at the Taungbyu village and some of them were slain,” said the PDF member. The Irrawaddy was unable to independently confirm the killing of PDF detainees. U Maung Myint, a former lawmaker for Mingin Township who is a central executive committee member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), posted on Facebook on Wednesday that the PDF members were captured because of military tactics. The former military officer said one villager was killed and three injured during fighting in Pan Set village. During the firefight, five resistance fighters were injured, according to the PDF. Also on Thursday, troops and Pyu-Saw-Htee members raided Konyin village and tortured villagers, a PDF member said. Residents of three villages nearby have fled their homes to avoid junta raids. Clashes between the resistance and junta in Mingin Township began in June. More than 10,000 residents from Twin, Linponeyi and Zee Pin Twin villages in Kani Township, Sagaing Region, have fled their homes due to junta raids. The bodies of 12 villagers buried by junta troops on Monday were found near Zee Pin Twin on Tuesday, according to residents..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication: 2021-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Student Unions’ Statement to Urge Stronger and Immediate International Action
Sub-title: ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ ဒေသအသီးသီးမှ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများမှ မြန်မာ့အရေးအတွက် ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအရေးယူမှုများ နှင့် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ချက်ခြင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် တောင်းဆိုချက် (မြန်မာဘာသာပြန်)
Description: "We, the undersigned Student Unions from all across Burma and in the diaspora, release this statement to call for immediate and strong action by the international community in their fight against the military junta and the COV ID-19 pandemic. Students and student unions have historically been at the forefront of the struggle against illegitimate rule and oppression in Burma - from Burma’s independence movement, to the 1962 protests against Ne Win’s coup d'etat, the U Thant funeral uprising, the 1988 uprising, the 1996 protests, and 2007 Saffron revolution, to today's Spring Revolution, thousands of students have given their lives for the country’s freedom. As we write this statement, many of our fellow student leaders remain in jail, some facing extreme torture in the interrogation centers. Since the illegal military coup on Feb 1, Burma has been in deep political turmoil. As the military cracked down on peaceful demonstrations, over 920 people have been killed nationwide, with thousands detained and tortured. Additionally, hundreds of thousands in the ethnic areas have been displaced due to artillery attacks and air strikes. To make matters worse, the COVID-19 pandemic is exacerbating the crisis, affecting millions that are already vulnerable from the violence of the coup. Hundreds, potentially thousands, of people are dying every day as the virus ravages the country. Meanwhile, the junta - in addition to upending the pandemic control efforts and vaccine rollout plans by the previous civilian government - has been cutting off critical lifesaving resources for the people. It has militarized hospitals and healthcare facilities and continues to threaten, arrest, and kill frontline doctors and nurses, making it impossible for the healthcare sector to function adequately. The junta is also shutting down oxygen plants and hoarding oxygen for their own use, while the civilians face an oxygen shortage, failing to save their loved ones. The brutality of the Burmese military is outrageous and beyond comparison. Yet, for far too long, the international community has allowed them to enjoy impunity, even as they continue to commit mass atrocities against their own people. Many statements of "deep concern" released from various international entities not only are unsupportive but even undermine our struggles that many of our friends have sacrificed their lives for. For decades, the people of Burma have been conveying their message loud and clear that the military has no support in the country. We have written our revolution with blood and bones that the military can never, ever rule us. It is about time the international community must start listening. Hence, we, the undersigned Student Unions, urge for immediate and strong international action and demand the following: • Impose a global arms embargo on the military junta since restricting arms flows to the military is critical in ending their impunity. • Recognize and support the National Unity Government (NUG), including keeping Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun as the legitimate representative of Myanmar at the UN General Assembly in September. • Immediately dispatch humanitarian aid and COV ID-19 relief to Myanmar, channelled through cross-border mechanisms, international organisations, local CSOs, the NUG, and the Ethnic Health Organisations. • Pressure the ASEAN and neighbouring countries to take similar steps instead of relying on them to take actions on their own against the junta; ASEAN's five-point consensus has proven to be weak and futile, and thus, the larger international community needs to step up with stronger, more vigorous measures. • Sanction the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise to deplete the military of a sizable portion of its revenues, which the military has allegedly been using to procure arms and military equipment.....ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ ဒေသအသီးသီးမှ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများမှ မြန်မာ့အရေးအတွက် ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအရေးယူမှုများ နှင့် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ချက်ခြင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် တောင်းဆိုချက် (မြန်မာဘာသာပြန်) နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းမှ လက်ရှိ မိမိတို့မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်း အာဏာရှင်စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများနှင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါအခြေနေများအားစပ်လျဉ်း၍ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အား ပိုမိုပြင်းထန်ထိရောက်သော အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို ထပ်တိုးဆောင်ရွက်ပေးပါရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝန်းမှ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများ နှင့် ပြည်ပရောက် မြန်မာကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများ စုပေါင်း၍ ဤသဘောထားကြေငြာချက်အား ထုတ်ပြန်တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ ကျောင်းသားများ၊ ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများသည် မတရားအုပ်ချုပ်မှု၊ ဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို ဆန့်ကျင်ပုန်ကုန်သည့် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်တော်လှန်ရေးများကို ရှေ့ဆုံးမှဦးဆောင်လှုပ်ရှားခဲ့ကြသော သမိုင်းအစဉ်အလာကြီးမားသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများဖြစ်ကြသည်။ မြန်မာ့လွတ်လပ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုမှ အစပြု၍ ဦးနေဝင်းအာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ဆန့်ကျင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ၁၉၆၂ ဆန္ဒပြပွဲများ၊ ဦးသန့်အရေးအခင်း၊ ရှစ်လေးလုံးအရေးတော်ပုံ၊ ၁၉၉၆ ဆန္ဒပြပွဲများ၊ ၂၀၀၇ ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး တို့အပြင် ယနေ့ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးအထိတိုင် ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွားသော ကျောင်းသားအာဇာနည်တို့သည် တော်လှန်ရေးအတွက် ၎င်းတို့၏ အသက်၊ သွေး‌၊ ချွေးတို့အားပေးဆပ်ခဲ့ပြီးကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခု ဤသဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အားထုတ်ပြန်သည့်အချိန်တွင် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ရဲဘော်ရဲဘက် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင်အချို့မှာ အကျဉ်းထောင်အသီးသီးတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရပြီး၊ အချို့မှာ စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများတွင် လူမဆန်စွာ ရက်ရက်စက်စက် နှိပ်စက်မေးမြန်းခံနေရသည့် အခြေအနေရှိသည်။ စစ်အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုက ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရထံမှ မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ မိမိတို့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် နိုင်ငံရေးမတည်ငြိမ်မှုများကို ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည်။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုများကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ မတရားအကြမ်းဖက်ဖြိုခွင်းမှုများကြောင့် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူပေါင်း ၉၂၀ ကျော် သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပြီး လူပေါင်းထောင်ချီ ဖမ်းဆီးအကျဉ်းချခံထားရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ လက်နက်ကြီးပစ်ခတ်မှု၊ လေ‌ကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှု စသည်တို့ကြောင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင်လည်း စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပေါင်းသောင်းချီ၍ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မတရားအကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကြောင့် ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှံးမှုများစွာရင်ဆိုင်နေရပြီးဖြစ်သော သန်းပေါင်းများစွာသော ပြည်သူလူထုကို ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါသည် ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခတွင်းထဲသို့ ဆတိုးတွန်းပို့နေသည်။ နိုင်ငံတွင်းတွင် နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါကြောင့် ရာထောင်ချီသေဆုံးမှုများရှိနေသည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် ယခင်ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရ၏ ကိုဗစ်ကာကွယ်ဆေးဖြန့်ဝေရေးအစီအစဉ်များကို ပျက်စီးစေယုံမျှမက လက်ရှိအခြေအနေတွင် ပြည်သူလူထုအရေးတကြိးလိုအပ်သော အသက်ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးအရင်းအမြစ်များကို လိုက်လံဖြတ်တောက်နေသည်။ ဆေးရုံ၊ ဆေးခန်းများအား စစ်သားများမှဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းထားခြင်း၊ ဆရာဝန်များ နှင့် ကျန်မားရေးဝန်ထမ်းများအား ပစ်မှတ်ထားခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းတို့ကို လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြသည့်အတွက် ကျန်းမာရေးကဏ္ဍသည် ပြိုလဲပြီးအခြေအနေတစ်ရပ်တွင် ရှိနေသည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် အောက်စီဂျင်စက်ရုံများ နှင့် အောက်စီဂျင်ဆိုင်ရာထောက်ပံ့ရေးပစ္စည်းများကို ပြည်သူများ မရရှိနိုင်စေရန် ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးမှုများပြုလုပ်နေပြီး စစ်တပ်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအတွက်သာ အောက်စီဂျင်သိုလှောင်မှုများပြုလုပ်နေသည့်အတွက် ပြည်သူများစွာ အချိန်မသင့်ပဲ သေဆုံးနေကြရသည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများသည် တုနှိုင်းစရာမရှိလောက်အောင်ကို လွန်စွာအကျည်းတန်လွန်းလှသည်။ သို့ပါလျက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းသည် ပြည်သူလူထုအား အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် တိုက်ခိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်နေခဲ့သည့် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်အား ထိရောက်သည့်အရေးယူမှုများ မပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့်အတွက် လက်ရှိအခြေအနေတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ဘေးမဲ့ရထားသည့်အလား ထင်တိုင်းရမ်းကားနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ လွန်စွာမှ စိုးရိမ်ပါကြောင်းဖော်ပြထားသည့် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်များသည် ထိရောက်သည့်အကူအညီမဖြစ်လာသည့်အပြင် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ သွေးချင်းသူငယ်ချင်းများ အသက်ပေးပုန်ကန်နေသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို လျှော့တွေးသဟန်ဖြစ်နေသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအား နိုင်ငံတွင်း ထောက်ခံမှုမရှိကြောင်း မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသား အသိပေးကြွေးကြော်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုလုံးဝအုပ်ချုပ်၍မရစေရကြောင်း ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ သွေး၊ချွေးတို့ဖြင့် တော်လှန်ရေးအတွင်း ရေးသားထားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာလူထု၏အသံအား နားထောင်လုပ်ဆောင်ချိန်တန်ပြီလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ပါ၍ ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပ ဒေသအသီးသီးရှိ လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးထားသော ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများသည် မြန်မာ့အရေးအတွက် ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအရေးယူမှုများ နှင့် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ချက်ချင်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါအချက်များကို တောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။ -အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကိုရပ်တန့်ရန်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ၎င်းတို့ထံသို့ လက်နက်စီးဆင်းမှုများကို ဖြတ်တောက်နိုင်ရေးသည် ပဓာနကျသည့်အလျောက် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်အပေါ်တွင် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာမှ လက်နက်ပိတ်ဆို့မှုဝါဒ ချမှတ်ပေးရန်။ -အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အဖြစ်အသိအမှတ်ပြုပြီး ပံ့ပိုးမှုများဆောင်ရွက်ရန်။ စက်တင်ဘာလတွင်ကျင်းပမည့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံ၌ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာသံအမတ်ကြီးနေရာတွင် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းကို ဆက်လက်ခန့်ထားရန်။ -လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအထောက်အပံ့များနှင့် ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါဆိုင်ရာ ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးအကူအညီများကို နယ်စပ်ဒေသယန္တရားများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ဒေသခံ အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှ တစ်ဆင့် ချက်ချင်းအမြန်ဆုံး ဖြန့်ချိပေးရန်။ -အာဆီယံနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများအား မြန်မာစစ်တပ်အပေါ်တွင် ထိရောက်သောအရေးယူမှုများပြုလုပ်ရေး ဖိအားပေးမှုများပြုလုပ်ရန်။ အာဆီယံ၏ ငါးချက်သဘာတူညီမှုသည် အားနည်းပြီး အချည်းနှီးသာဖြစ်ကြောင်း ပြသပြီးဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် အာဆီယံကိုသာအားကိုးမနေပဲ ရှေ့တိုး၍ ပိုမိုပြင်းထန်ထိရောက်သော လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များကို ဦးဆောင်ချမှတ်ရန်။ -မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ လက်နက်ဝယ်ရာတွင်သုံးစွဲနေသော ဝင်ငွေအရင်းအမြစ်အား ကန့်သတ်ရန်အတွက် မြန်မာ့ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓါတ်ငွေ့လုပ်ငန်းအား စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုစာရင်းသွင်းရန်။ ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပကျောင်းသားမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့များ (၁၇၈) ဖွဲ့မှ ပူးပေါင်းထုတ်ပြန်သည်။ (ပူးပေါင်းထုတ်ပြန်သောအဖွဲ့အစည်းများစာရင်းအား English Version တွင်ကြည့်ရှုပေးပါရန်)..."
Source/publisher: Student Union Representatives Committee - SURC
Date of publication: 2021-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 136.52 KB (7 pages)
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Title: With tales of torture, campaign seeks to divide armed resistance
Sub-title: Pro-military Facebook accounts are seeking to drive a wedge between ethnic armed groups and civilian resistance with disinformation, but are struggling to break the unity of the anti-coup opposition.
Description: "As pro-democracy activists embrace armed revolution to remove the Myanmar military from power, alliances with ethnic armed groups have emerged as key to any potential long-term success. Groups like the Kachin Independence Army, Karenni Army and Karen National Liberation Army have sheltered dissidents, trained would-be revolutionaries, and even fought alongside civilian militias against the junta. Reflecting the importance of these partnerships, pro-military social media users have responded by spreading disinformation in an apparent attempt to cause rifts between the groups or discourage other prospective trainees from entering ethnic-controlled territory. Many Facebook posts viewed by Frontier have accused ethnic armed organisations of killing or in some way mistreating civilian trainees. The posts provide no evidence to support the allegations, and both People’s Defence Forces trained by armed groups and the armed groups themselves have denied the incidents. A wave of disinformation The posts began proliferating around the same time in late June, suggesting a coordinated campaign. On June 28, a Facebook user who claims to be a doctor in Mandalay posted that members of the overthrown National League for Democracy had asked the military to help rescue “Gen Z” members – a term many use to refer to protesters and members of newly formed armed resistance groups regardless of their actual age – who were trying to flee from training camps in KIA territory. According to Tu Hkawng, an ethnic Kachin member of the parallel National Unity Government, this post was later also shared by a pro-military social media influencer named Shwe Yupar Oo. Screenshots posted by Tu Hkawng show that Shwe Yupar Oo’s post received over 5,200 reactions. Frontier was unable to independently verify these posts, as the Shwe Yupar Oo account has since been deleted. But a new account under the same name was created in early July and encouraged followers to join a Telegram channel, where the person controlling the account continues to post disinformation, including claims of KIA members killing PDF trainees. On June 27, a video of soldiers in the woods beating civilians to death began circulating online. Pro-military users claimed it showed members of the Karen National Defence Organisation killing PDF trainees. The KNDO, which is part of the Karen National Union, has been accused of massacring construction workers in late May and early June; it did not deny the killings, but claimed they were Tatmadaw soldiers disguised as construction workers. The KNU is investigating the incident. This video was also shared by the Shwe Yupar Oo account, according to Tu Hkawng’s Facebook post. Frontier could not verify the authenticity of the video, or the identity of either the perpetrators or victims. Also on June 27, a user named Kwee Kyaw posted that the KNDO killed three civilian fighters and the KIA killed 15. The post received over 1,100 reactions and was later copied and pasted by other pro-military users, like Hnin Maung, who has nearly 5,000 followers and often shares content from the ultra-nationalist Myanmar National Post. Another post, by a pro-military user with more than 10,000 followers, claimed on June 29 that there was “video evidence” that Gen Z members are being killed by the KNU and KIA, but did not link to any video. “They worshiped NUG and CRPH as gods. They danced when the media promoted them. Now that they are being brutally killed in the jungle, what do you see NUG saying?” he wrote, questioning why the media and the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners did not report these deaths. This post received over 1,400 reactions and was shared more than 500 times. These claims have also been shared in a closed pro-military group called National Force, which has over 31,000 members. On June 30, a member named Kal Gyin repeated the unsubstantiated claims of ethnic armed groups killing trainees. While state media has not yet adopted these narratives, it urges youth who have gone to ethnic-controlled areas to return home. The notice, which is posted in Global New Light of Myanmar nearly every day, notes that some people have fled to ethnic rebel territory due to “incitements and intimidation” by the NLD and its “extremist followers”. It says these youths “face no security guarantee” and “wish to return to their native lands”. ‘A unity that has never been achieved before’ A spokesperson for the Mandalay PDF said that no civilian trainees had been killed or mistreated by ethnic armed groups, and accused the military and its supporters of trying to cause a “blood feud” between the two sides. “The young people and the EAOs have a unity that has never been achieved before,” he said, explaining that the time spent with ethnic armed groups has led them to “understand each other more and more, overcoming difficulties together, regardless of age or religion”. He dismissed the disinformation campaign as toothless. “The Mandalay PDF and EAOs laugh at their conspiracy theories,” he said, adding that he doesn’t think it will deter trainees from heading to ethnic territory in the future. While the PDF fighter might not fear disinformation, those behind the disinformation campaign may be seeking to capitalise on a series of dark events that followed the 1988 uprising, when hundreds of young people fled to ethnic territory to fight the military regime. Calling themselves the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, that civilian armed group also received training from and fought alongside both the KNU and KIA. The group was marred by ignominy when leaders of its Kachin branch, apparently fearing they had been infiltrated by Military Intelligence, detained 106 of their own members. Many were tortured and at least 35 executed on suspicion that they were government spies. But resistance fighters claim this time is different. A man who works as a recruiter for civilian defence forces also denied that any trainees have been killed, tried to flee, or been influenced by the disinformation. “There are no consequences. The young people who went to the armed areas have already reached an understanding with their parents,” he said. The man has helped send new recruits to train with ethnic armed groups after which they have served in the Chinland Defence Force, the Mandalay PDF and the Tanintharyi PDF. “No one fled from the KIA or KNU. However, there are some who had to return due to ill health,” he added. KNU spokesman Padoh Saw Taw Nee likewise dismissed the rumours, saying the “terrorist military council” is trying to “mislead and undermine trust among those who are fighting the common enemy of the military dictatorship”. Taw Nee appeared to be more concerned by the threat of divisive disinformation than the PDF member, though, repeatedly saying “we have to be careful”. His caution stems from experiences under previous military dictatorships. “Not so long ago, in 1994 and 1995, General Khin Nyunt and others, who were so dirty and filthy, incited religious divisions” among the Karen people, he said, referring to the former junta’s spymaster. Taw Nee was referring to an old schism within the armed group, when Buddhist fighters split from the predominantly Christian-led KNU and formed the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army in late 1994. The DKBA subsequently fought alongside the Tatmadaw and helped capture the KNU’s headquarters. Taw Nee said the disinformation campaign reflects the junta’s fear of an alliance between PDFs and armed groups, which is why they are “working full time to create problems between us and our friends who came to seek refuge”. The Mandalay PDF member refused to say where he trained or with which ethnic armed group, but given the geographic proximity and other reports, the Mandalay PDF is likely supported by the KIA. He said he trained for two-and-a-half months in rebel territory before returning to Mandalay. “We received a full basic military training course as well as small arms and light weapons,” he said. “I had to study urban guerilla warfare with specific courses. In addition, we learned about jungle battles.” While life in the training camps was rough, he remembered it fondly. “We were tired there, but it was fun. Every day we eat tofu. For two and a half months, we ate only eggplant curry. We were very happy with that curry,” he said. At the end of a training course, the instructors rewarded their trainees with a roast pig. “The training period was tiring, but for all of us, the memories were lovely. There are so many things to miss. We used bamboo sticks to drink water. We built our own tent. We dug a bomb shelter. We dug our own toilet … Our instructors trained us to keep our guns ready. Even if we went to the toilet, we would not leave without a gun. If we left the gun, we had to do some jumping for punishment when the teacher found it.” He called the instructors “very lovable”, saying they were like “a brother” to him. Trainees even cried when some instructors were deployed or reassigned to another camp, he said..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of publication: 2021-07-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Junta Escalates Media Crackdown
Sub-title: Release Journalists Wrongfully Detained, Sentenced
Description: " Myanmar’s military junta should stop prosecuting journalists and end its assault on independent media, Human Rights Watch said today, releasing a video about the media crackdown. Since the February 1, 2021 coup, Myanmar’s junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” “Fake news” appears to be any news that the authorities do not want to reach the public. “Myanmar’s junta has made the mass arrest of journalists and control over the media a key component of its seizure of power from a democratically elected government,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director. “The junta’s intensifying surveillance, harassment and detention of journalists is rapidly turning Myanmar into one of the region’s most dangerous places to be a journalist.” On June 30 the Ministry of Information issued a warning to journalists to stop describing the military-appointed State Administration Council as a “junta” or face prosecution. It also warned foreign news agencies to cease using the terms “military council” or “military junta,” and to stop “disseminating false news to global people.” The order threatened that “action will be taken against them under the existing laws if they apply wrong usages, quote and exaggerate fake news, and disseminate false information.” Those sentenced under section 505A are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison. Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years. Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years. Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years. Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years. Another DVB reporter, May Thwe Aung, was sentenced to one month in prison under penal code section 188 for disobeying a public servant. She had learned on March 16 that the authorities had arrested her husband, Min Min Aung, who is a reporter for The Voice Daily. When she arrived at the police station in Oakkan township in Yangon region to try to find him, the police detained her, ultimately leading to her being charged and prosecuted. The crackdown on journalists is part of the junta’s larger effort to suppress independent media coverage of the situation in Myanmar, and to deny the serious rights violations the military is committing across the country, Human Rights Watch said. “If the situation becomes worse, then it becomes not a safe place for us and the only choice would be to leave the country,” one local reporter told Human Rights Watch. On May 4 the authorities arrested the US journalist Danny Fenster, the managing editor of Frontier Myanmar, at the Yangon International Airport as he prepared to leave the country. On June 18 the authorities charged Fenster under penal code section 505A in a closed hearing inside Insein prison. The basis for the charge against him is not clear. On March 9 the police arrested the Kamayut Media founders Nathan Maung and Han Thar Nyein at their office in Kamayut township in Yangon. Nathan Maung, who has since been released and left the country, said both endured days of torture including routine beatings and sleep deprivation. Han Thar Nyein remains in detention. “Although I am free, my aim now is to make sure Han Thar and the others are also released,” he said. “They are journalists, not criminals.” The many arrests and prosecutions of journalists have had a severe chilling effect on independent journalism in Myanmar. On March 8 the junta stripped media licenses of five local outlets: DVB, Khit Thit Media, Mizzima, Myanmar Now, and 7Day. On May 4, the authorities banned 2 other outlets, the Kachin-based 74 Media and the Shan-based Tachilek News Agency. They also banned satellite television on May 4, extending strict censorship restrictions. Mobile internet restrictions imposed on March 15 remain in place. International human rights law prohibits arbitrary restrictions on the rights to freedom of speech and expression, including by detaining journalists and banning media outlets. “The military’s sustained crackdown on independent media and the arrests of journalists, combined with tightening censorship, threatens to isolate Myanmar’s people with only junta propaganda,” Robertson said. “The junta should immediately and unconditionally drop all politically motivated charges against journalists, reinstate the licenses of banned media outlets, and revoke abusive laws used against members of the media.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication: 2021-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 24 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 24 July 2021: As of 24 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 24, a total of (5360) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 17 in Magway Region’s Pwintbyu Township, Min Wai from Pay Taw Village, Soe Naing from Kywel Di Village, Tin Htay Aung from Thamin Chan Village and Myint Myint Htwe from Kan Pyae Village were arrested by many terrorist junta troops, due to informers alleging they were in possession of weapons. Myint Myint Htwe is pregnant and was arrested as a hostage when the junta did not find her husband Nyunt Win, in Kan Pyae Village. On the night of July 23, Kyaw Moe, who has COVID-19, was arrested while he was banging pots against dictatorship in North Dagon Township, Yangon Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication: 2021-07-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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