2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Individual Documents
Description:
"Myanmar wishes to congratulate you for your election as the President o f the
Executive Board o f UNICEF. I would like to commend you for your able leadership.
I also wish to congratulate Ms. Catherine M. Russell for her appointment as the
Executive Director o f UNICEF and thank her for the comprehensive report. I look forward
to working closely with the Executive Director and her team in the work o f UNICEF.
I wish to join the previous speakers in expressing our deep appreciation to UNICEF
for its outstanding work in many areas in particular protection o f children and promotion
o f their rights and addressing many challenges children all over the world are facing.
On my country, Myanmar, we are happy to learn that UNICEF’s humanitarian
strategy focuses on delivery o f life-saving humanitarian assistance, to ensure continuity o f
critical services at scale and promoting durable solutions. We thank UNICEF for its
assistance even in the time o f crisis situation.
According to UNICEF, since the illegal military coup in Myanmar on 1 February
2021, at least 114 children between ages 3 and 17 have been killed by the military, 18
children in last month alone. The military jun ta ’s widespread and systematic violence
against the population, which as per the preliminary analysis by the UN Independent
Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) could amount to crimes against humanity,
includes, among others, attacks on education and medical personnel, torture o f arbitrary
detainees to death, blockage o f life-saving humanitarian assistance, burning houses and
religious facilities and massacres o f civilians including women and children.
2
The Christmas Eve massacre in Karenni State (Kayah State) on 24 December 2021
is one o f the many atrocities committed by the military. In the incident, at least 35 civilians
including women, children and two humanitarian response staff members o f Save the
Children were inhumanely killed and burnt by the military forces.
Many children all over the country especially in conflict affected areas need livesaving
humanitarian assistance, health care and education services. Therefore, I wish to
request the UNICEF to find all possible ways including cross border humanitarian
assistance to provide necessary assistance to those children in need.
We would like to request the donor states to help UNICEF by providing necessary
funding o f USD 151.4 million required by UNICEF in order to respond ably to the multisectoral
humanitarian needs o f children in Myanmar in 2022.
Here, I wish to stress that it is critically important to make sure that the assistance
reaches to the children in need..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"၁။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် သံအမတ်ကြီး ဦးကျော်မိုးထွန်းသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၈ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြုလုပ်သော ကုလသမဂ္ဂကလေးများရန်ပုံငွေအဖွဲ့ (UNICEF) အမှုဆောင် ဘုတ်အဖွဲ့၏ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ပထမအကြိမ် ပုံမှန်အစည်းအဝေး (Virtual) သို့ တက်ရောက်၍ မိန့်ခွန်း ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ်၏ မိန့်ခွန်းတွင် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ အဓိကအချက်များ ပါဝင်ပါသည်-
(က) ကမ္ဘာပေါ်ရှိ ကလေးများ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ၊ ကလေးများအား ကာကွယ်ပေးရေး၊ ကလေးသူငယ်အခွင့်အရေး မြှင့်တင်ပေးရေးလုပ်ငန်းများတွင် ကောင်းမွန်စွာ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနေသည့် UNICEF ကို ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါကြောင်း၊ UNICEF ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီပေး ရေး မဟာဗျူဟာတွင် အသက်ကယ်တင်ရေး လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီပေးရေး၊ အရေးကြီးသည့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများ စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ်ရှိစေရေးတို့ကို အလေးထားသည်ကို သိရှိရ၍ ဝမ်းသာပါကြောင်း၊
(ခ) ကုလသမဂ္ဂကလေးများရန်ပုံငွေအဖွဲ့ (UNICEF) ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်အရ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်က တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှ စတင်ကာ အသက် ၃ နှစ်မှ ၁၇ နှစ် အကြား ကလေးငယ် ၁၁၄ ဦးထက်မနည်း စစ်တပ်၏ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပြီး ပြီးခဲ့သောလအတွင်းမှာပင် ကလေး ၁၈ ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့ပါကြောင်း၊
(ဂ) ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ လွတ်လပ်သော စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှု ယန္တရား (IIMM) ၏ ပဏာမလေ့လာဆန်းစစ်ချက်များအရ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်မှ ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နှင့် စနစ် တကျ ကျူးလွန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများတွင် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇ၀တ်မှုများ ဖြစ်သည့် ပညာရေးနှင့် ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်ထမ်းများကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ မတရားချုပ်နှောင်ထားသူ များအား သေသည်အထိ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှု အကူအညီများ ပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်း၊ အိမ်များနှင့် ဘာသာရေး အဆောက်အအုံများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားများကို အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ ပါဝင်ပါကြောင်း၊
(ဃ) ကရင်နီပြည်နယ် (ကယားပြည်နယ်) ၌ ခရစ္စမတ်အကြိုကာလ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဒီဇင်ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုသည် စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများစွာအနက် တစ်ခုဖြစ်ပြီး၊ အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်တွင် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုဖြစ်သော Save the Children ၏ ဝန်ထမ်းနှစ်ဦးအပါအဝင် အမျိုးသမီး၊ ကလေးများနှင့် အရပ်သား ၃၅ ဦးထက်မနည်းကို စစ်တပ်က လူမဆန်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်မီးရှို့ခဲ့ပါကြောင်း၊
(င) မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ဒေသများ အထူးသဖြင့် ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားရာဒေသများရှိ ကလေးအများအပြားသည် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုနှင့် ပညာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှုများ လိုအပ်နေပါကြောင်း၊ ထို့ကြောင့် ယင်းကလေးများအား လိုအပ်သောအကူအညီများ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်ရေး နယ်စပ်ဖြတ်ကျော် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ အပါအဝင် ဖြစ်နိုင်သမျှ နည်းလမ်းအားလုံးကို ရှာဖွေ၍ ပံ့ပိုးပေးရန် မိမိအနေဖြင့် UNICEF အား မေတ္တာရပ်ခံပါကြောင်း၊
(စ) ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ ကဏ္ဍစုံလူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု လိုအပ်ချက်များကို ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် UNICEF မှ လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသော ရန်ပုံငွေ အမေရိကန်ဒေါ်လာ ၁၅၁.၄ သန်း ကို UNICEF ထံသို့ ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးပါရန် အလှူရှင်နိုင်ငံများအား မေတ္တာရပ်ခံပါကြောင်း၊
(ဆ) အကူအညီလိုအပ်နေသော ကလေးငယ်များဆီ အကူအညီများ အမှန်အကန်ရောက်ရှိစေရန်မှာ အရေးအကြီးဆုံးကိစ္စရပ်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် ယင်းအချက်ကို မိမိအနေဖြင့် အလေးပေးပြောကြားလိုပါကြောင်း၊
၃။ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ် ပြောကြားခဲ့သည့် မိန့်ခွန်းအပြည့်အစုံ (အင်္ဂလိပ်ဘာသာ) အား ပူးတွဲဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၈ ရက်
ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ မြန်မာအမြဲတမ်းကိုယ်စားလှယ်အဖွဲ့ရုံး၊ နယူးယောက်မြို့။..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-08
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund), Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Title: Leaked documents reveal military-linked companies procured USD millions in arms and equipment
Description:
"Leaked documents and shipping records provide evidence of the involvement of the International Gateways Group of Companies Limited (IGG), Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited and Myanmar New Era Trading Company in procuring arms and equipment for the Myanmar military worth millions in US dollars.
The leaked documents, some of which have been published on the Justice For Myanmar website, reveal a long history of these companies’ procurement activities on behalf of the Myanmar military.
One leaked document shows that a subsidiary of IGG – Gateways Hongkong Company Limited – was awarded at least 12 contracts worth over USD$8 million to supply aircraft parts to the Myanmar air force in the 2015-2016 fiscal year.
Another leaked document from the Ministry of Defence details five purchases by the same company of components for aircraft and weapons for warships between 2016 and 2017, totalling over USD$3.7 million.
Eighteen people – four of whom are family members – have filled the roles of directors and shareholders of these key military-linked companies.
These individuals also operate branches in Singapore. Myanmar arms brokers typically use Singapore to facilitate payments between the Myanmar military and international arms suppliers.
Among them, Dr Naing Htut Aung is a central figure in Myanmar’s arms trade who facilitates air force and navy contracts with suppliers, notably in China.
He is linked to top-level military leaders, including current Commander-in-Chief and war criminal, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
The Ministry of Commerce of Myanmar’s National Unity Government listed Dr Naing Htut Aung and IGG in a statement on January 25 for brokering weapons for the terrorist junta.
Another significant company, Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited, has supplied parts to the Myanmar military after the attempted coup, according to records from the shipping database, ImportGenius.
Further sanctions needed
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung comments: “February 1 marked one year since the Myanmar military launched its bloody coup attempt. Over the past year, Myanmar’s military has killed over 1,500 unarmed civilians and arrested over 11,000 more.”
“The junta is continuing its terror campaign with indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, forced displacement and rape.
“More than 400,000 civilians have forcibly displaced since the military’s coup attempt, according to UNHCR.
“The junta has been destroying and blocking humanitarian emergency aid to vulnerable populations and attacking medical and aid workers.
“These crimes are enabled by the continued supply of arms from companies like International Gateways Group and Myanmar Consultancy Company.
“Justice For Myanmar calls on governments around the world to urgently place targeted sanctions on the companies and individuals who are providing arms to the military, and are thereby complicit in the continued attacks on the people of Myanmar.
“There must be an immediate global arms embargo to stop the flow of arms to the terrorist junta.
“Singapore continues to allow known arms traders to use its territory to aid and abet the Myanmar military’s atrocities. Singapore must ends its role as a hub for Myanmar military procurement.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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Size:
128.55 KB 151.68 KB
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Sub-title:
ယာယီဆေးနှင့်ဆေးနှီးနွှယ် တက္ကသိုလ်/ကျောင်း ကောင်စီများ၏ ကြားကာလပညာရေး၊သင်ကြားရေးအစီအစဉ်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သောထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description:
"၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင် တော်လှန်ရေး ကာလတစ်လျှောက် ကြားကာလပညာရေးသင်ကြားရေးအစီအစဉ်များကို ဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိရာ ဆေးနှင့်ဆေးနှီးနွှယ် ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများအတွက် ပြည်တွင်း/ပြည်ပမှ ပညာရှင် များ၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ယာယီဆေးနှင့်ဆေးနှီးနွှယ် တက္ကသိုလ်/ကျောင်း ကောင်စီများနှင့်လက်တွဲ၍ ထိန်းချုပ်နယ်မြေများရှိ ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်းများတွင် စာတွေ့လက်တွေ့ သင်ကြားမှုများ၊ အွန်လိုင်းမှတစ်ဆင့် သင်ကြားပို့ချမှုများကို စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။
၂။ သက်ဆိုင်ရာအတန်းအလိုက် ဖွင့်လှစ်သင်ကြားလျက်ရှိသော သင်တန်းများတွင် တက်ရောက် လျက်ရှိသည့် ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများအတွက် အရည်အချင်းဆန်းစစ်မှု စာမေးပွဲများနှင့် အတန်းတင်စာမေးပွဲများကို ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန် စီစဉ်လျက်ရှိပြီး မကြာမီကာလအတွင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့် ပြည်သူ လူထုက အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံထားခြင်း မရှိသောကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့ တရားမဝင် ဖွင့်လှစ် သင်ကြားဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသော သင်တန်းများ၊ အရည်အချင်းဆန်းစစ်မှု စာမေးပွဲများ၊ အတန်းတင် စာမေးပွဲများနှင့် ဘွဲ့လက်မှတ်များကို လုံးဝ အသိအမှတ်ပြုမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။
၄။ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ယာယီ ဆေးနှင့်ဆေးနှီးနွှယ်တက္ကသိုလ်/ကျောင်းကောင်စီ များ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်များ၊ မူဝါဒများနှင့်အညီ ထောက်ခံရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီသင်တန်းများက ပေးအပ်သည့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်မှတ်များ၊ ဘွဲ့လက်မှတ်များ အသုံးပြု၍ ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ တက္ကသိုလ်များတွင် ဝင်ခွင့်လျှောက်ထားခြင်းနှင့် အလုပ် အကိုင်များ လျှောက်ထားခြင်းတို့ကိုလည်း ထောက်ခံအသိအမှတ်ပြုမည်မဟုတ်ပါ။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီအလိုကျ ဆောင်ရွက် နေသော ဆရာ၊ ဆရာများနှင့် ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ပြည်သူ့တရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့်အညီ အပြစ်ပေး အရေးယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တရားမဝင် သင်တန်းများတွင် တက်ရောက်နေ သော ကျောင်းသား၊ ကျောင်းသူများကိုလည်း သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ယာယီ ဆေးနှင့်ဆေးနှီးနွှယ် တက္ကသိုလ်/ကျောင်းကောင်စီများ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်များ၊ မူဝါဒများနှင့်အညီ အကောင် အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general
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"SUMMARY
The ICJ is part of the United Nations (UN), and its role is to consider the obligations of UN Members States under international law. The ICJ is not an investigation body or a criminal court and does not consider whether individuals have committed international crimes. The Genocide Convention is an international treaty. UN Member States that join the Genocide Convention confirm that genocide is a crime under international law which they commit to prevent and to punish.
The Gambia considers Myanmar to be in breach of its obligations under the Genocide Convention, which, so far, Myanmar denies. This represents a dispute between the two UN Member States upon which the ICJ must adjudicate, and this is the basis of the proceedings before the Court. The Gambia says that genocidal acts were committed against the Rohingya by the Myanmar military and security forces during the 2016 and 2017 “clearance operations” in northern Rakhine state.
The case is still in the procedural stages, meaning that the Court has not yet begun to consider the substance of the dispute between The Gambia and Myanmar. The Court first had to consider The Gambia’s request for provisional measures and must now consider the preliminary objections that were made by Myanmar in January 2021, before the illegal military coup began.
Preliminary objections are procedural issues that States can raise and ask the Court to adjudicate on before it can consider the actual dispute. Myanmar’s preliminary objections have not been made public, but they relate to whether the Court has jurisdiction in the case
and whether The Gambia’s application is admissible (acceptable). The Court has announced that public hearings on the preliminary objections will be held from 21 to 28 February 2022.
However, the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) announced on 2 February 2022 that it has told the ICJ that Myanmar withdraws all preliminary objections, as it no longer views them as appropriate. If the Court accepts this notification, the hearings from 21 February 2022 may not proceed as they will be unnecessary.
Only States can be parties to a case before the ICJ and States are represented by their governments. Following the Myanmar military’s attempted coup on 1 February 2021, both the NUG and the illegal junta have communicated to the Court that they will now be representing Myanmar in the proceedings. The junta is not the government of Myanmar and should not represent Myanmar before the Court. The NUG should be recognised internationally as the legitimate government of Myanmar and is the only entity with the authority to represent Myanmar in the ICJ.
Justice for the Rohingya and an end to acts of genocide committed against them are the most important outcomes to be gained from the proceedings. The most straightforward option would be for Myanmar to accept The Gambia’s submissions and take meaningful steps to prevent further genocide against the Rohingya and punish the perpetrators. The NUG has expressed its commitment to this..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), National Unity Government (NUG)
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"On 1 February 2022, Myanmar completed a year since the military coup during which the junta detained Myanmar state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, Chairman of the Union Election Commission Hla Thein and many other political leaders and activists in the early hours of 1 February 2021. ANFREL has been closely monitoring the situation in Myanmar since the coup and publishes weekly updates, and also published a timeline of the key incidents that happened over the last year that you can access here. ANFREL also reaffirmed that “the 2020 Myanmar General Elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar and ANFREL will stand with the people of Myanmar in their fight for the restoration of democracy in the country”.
Despite the junta’s threats of charges of sedition or terrorism against anyone who participates in the silent strike on 1 February, many streets were deserted and shops abandoned across the country including in the commercial hub of Yangon. The junta also threatened the business owners that their properties would be seized if they participated in the strike. Anti-junta protests were also held across the country while two people were killed and 38 injured in a grenade attack at a pro-military rally conducted in Tachileik, Shan State. More than 1,519 people have been killed by the junta in the last 12 months and over 11,980 people detained, with 8,977 still indetention. Reports also say over 400,000 people have been displaced since the coup by the junta air strikes, heavy weaponry attacks and mass arrests in different parts of the country.
A joint statement issued by the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, South Korea, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States urged the junta to immediately end the State of Emergency, allow unhindered humanitarian access, release all arbitrarily detained persons and swiftly return the country to a democratic process. The statement further called on members of the international community to support efforts to promote justice for the people of Myanmar and hold those responsible for human rights violations and abuses accountable. In a special statement, the ministry of foreign affairs of Singapore also expressed concern about the situation in Myanmar,said Singapore is disappointed by the lack of progress in the implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, and called on the junta to release of all political detainees including ousted president Win Myint and state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
The UN Security Council also repeated its call for the pursuance of dialogue with all parties concerned and reconciliation in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar in a statement that further calls for the release of all those who remain arbitrarily detained. In the meantime the Council has continuously failed to impose the global arms embargo on the Myanmar military that rights groups and Myanmar civil society has been calling for since the coup in February, 2021.
Cambodia, the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), said that Myanmar Junta’s Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin will not be invited to the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in Phnom Penh in February. Instead, ASEAN will invite a non-political representative. The ASEAN foreign ministers meetings scheduled in January 2022 were postponed amid reports of disagreements among the member states over Myanmar with Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia having strongly opposed inviting the junta appointed foreign minister. Last November, ASEAN barred the junta leader Aung Min Hlaing from attending the ASEAN summit and invited a non-political representative; the junta refused the invitation.
In an interview with Channel News Asia, Noeleen Heyzer, the United Nations’ special envoy for Myanmar said that the junta cannot be ignored and left out of any upcoming peace process. Responding to her interview, civil society organizations in Myanmar have heavily criticized her views on power sharing with the military and her claims that the military is in control at this particular time. 247 CSOs rejected her views in a joint statement which further mentioned her views provide a signal that the “UN is willing to act as a broker for their power despite the grave crimes that the junta committed”. Noeleen Heyzer responded to the criticisms and said the term “power-sharing” as a solution to the current crisis was taken out of context. The civil disobedience movement in Myanmar in their official twitter handle called for the resignation of the UN special envoy stating that she doubled down on her mistake and lied it was “misrepresentation“ when she was given a chance to correct.
According to sources, the trial of ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi for election fraud will begin on 14 February 2022. Last November, the junta-appointed election commission filed charges against Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint, Chair of the Union Election Commission Hla Thein and 13 other people over the alleged electoral fraud in the 2020 elections. The junta has also fined election officials for alleged fraud in the 2020 elections. Media reported on 4 February 2021 that 12 election sub-commissioners from Taunggyi in Shan State were fined 10,000 kyats each under Section 130 (a) of the Penal Code that criminalizes any act that fail to comply that requires to be done by the constitution of the Union of Myanmar or in any act enacted by the parliament. Several sources also revealed that the junta is pressuring officials from the UEC sub-commissions to sign a confession stating that they “knowingly rigged the elections”. Those who failed to confess would be charged in junta courts.
In a meeting in the Myanmar capital Naypyitaw, Senior General and the junta leader Min Aung Hlaing expressed that the current First Past The Post (FPTP) electoral system does not match with the democracy and federalism of Myanmar and the Proportional Representation (PR) system is a need for a wide representation of ethnic nationalities. Since the coup junta appointed the election commission has been tasked to change the Myanmar electoral system that will provide an advantage to the military aligned political parties. The UEC also have conducted several rounds of meetings with political parties to introduce a PR system in Myanmar that the bigger political parties that secured seats in the 2015 and 2020 general elections such as NLP, SNLD and ANP have been in the forefront against introducing such a system.
The junta also filed a fresh corruption charge against Aung San Suu Kyi for allegedly receiving US$550,000 of donation for a charity foundation named after her mother. She faces 10 more corruption charges in junta courts and a court already sentenced her to four years in prison in early December 2021 on charges of incitement and breaches of COVID-19 regulations, later reduced to two years, and another four-year sentence in January 2021 for the illegal import of walkie talkies under the export-import law, possession of the devices under the telecommunications law and breaching COVID-19 protocols under the natural disaster management law.
Amid the junta’s proposed cybersecurity law that would ban the use of VPN and the digital currencies, the junta spokesman indicated that the junta plans to establish a digital currency to support domestic payments and boost the economy.
The Arakanese Army known as AA, which has been very much silent since the military coup in Myanmar, clashed with the junta forces in Maung Taw Township, Rakhine State.
As of 28 January 2022, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) recorded that 1,519 people have been killed by the junta. 8,977 people are currently under detention. 84 have been sentenced to death and 1,974 are evading arrest warrants..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, ASEAN-Burma relations
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495.32 KB
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"On February 10, 2021, by Executive Order 14014, I declared a national emergency pursuant to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701-1706) to deal with the unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States constituted by the situation in and in relation to Burma.
The situation in and in relation to Burma, and in particular the February 1, 2021 coup, in which the military overthrew the democratically elected civilian government of Burma and unjustly arrested and detained government leaders, politicians, human rights defenders, journalists, and religious leaders, thereby rejecting the will of the people of Burma as expressed in elections held in November 2020 and undermining the country’s democratic transition and rule of law, continues to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. For this reason, the national emergency declared on February 10, 2021, must continue in effect beyond February 10, 2022. Therefore, in accordance with section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) I am continuing for 1 year the national emergency declared in Executive Order 14014 with respect to the situation in and in relation to Burma..."
Source/publisher:
The White House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2022-02-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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"One year ago, on 1 February, 2021 the terrorist military dictator Min Aung
Hlaing seized state power using the armed forces as his personal militia
and the regular functions of each parliament were not able to conduct after
the coup. Therefore, the CRPH was mandated to perform the regular
functions as the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw between regular sessions and today
5 February, 2022 is the one-year anniversary of the establishment of the
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH).
Twenty-six members of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw were arbitrarily detained
but it did not prevent the majority of the democratically elected
representatives, from convening the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw virtually and
lawfully and our MPs have performed our duties. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
conveyed an emergency session, that has been followed by two regular
sessions.
The CRPH has undertaken the legislative functions-passing essential laws,
amending laws and repealing odious laws. In addition, the CRPH has
effectively engaged in international communication and cooperation with
parliaments, parliamentary bodies, development partners and the
international community.
The CRPH conveys our acknowledgement to the members of the
Pyidaungsu Hluttaw who continue despite the difficulties of oppressive
conditions and in accord with the people’s trust, to serve the public with
protective and welfare measures in either their constituencies or other
destinations amidst the toughest time.
During this one year, in coordination with the National Unity Government
(NUG), local and international organizations as well as the people, the
CRPH works to in support the civil service staff who are involved in the
Civil Disobedience Movement, families of our fallen heroes amid the Spring
Revolution Battle, displaced people due to the battles and military council’s
pursuit to arrest them and with enhanced cooperation with the
international community.
- 2-
6. On behalf of the people of Myanmar, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw urgently
requests the United Nations, the International Parliamentary Union (IPU)
and ASEAN to stand with the Myanmar People for continued support and
strongly calls for more economic and diplomatic sanctions on the military
council, to help secure an immediate termination of its brutal torture and
human rights violations against the Myanmar People.
7. In addition, to support the effective contribution to the people of Myanmar,
the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw calls for the international community to cooperate
with the elected bodies such as the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu
Hluttaw and the National Unity Government and so that we the people of
Myanmar can the complete elimination of the military dictatorship.
Further to help provide humanitarian aid for the internally displaced
people and refugees, assistance of Covid-19 prevention and control and
necessary health care.
8. The Representatives of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw will continue to work with
certainty in its roles, duties and responsibilities authorized by the people
in building a new future federal democracy union. Furthermore, we shall
continue to enact law to grant honorary awards for the CDM heroes and
our fallen heroes of the Spring Revolution Battle.
9. Within this one year, the military council increased international sanctions
such as economy and diplomacy, with exclusion from the regional and
international community and are in a state of disintegration. Hence, the
victory of our people will definitely be coming soon if we continue to endure
only for a time.
10. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw today reaffirmed their commitment to work to
bring an eradication of the military dictatorship and to marching on the
rigorous journey of revolution with the expectation of building pure Federal
Democracy Union. On behalf of the people of Myanmar, the Pyidaungsu
Hluttaw gratefully acknowledges the contributions of all individuals and
organizations such as internal and external donors, international
community, international parliaments and countries around the world.
11. To ensuring that the inhumane military actions in stealing some state
power is returned to the sovereign owners, the people and to building the
Federal Democracy Union, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw invites the people,
revolutionary forces, Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations (EROs), political
parties, organizations, international and regional parliaments,
organizations and individuals, and will continue closer cooperation
together with all relevant parties..."
Source/publisher:
The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-02-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
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pdf
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103.11 KB
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Description:
"အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုအားလုံးနဲ့ အတူတကွကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမှာဖြစ်တယ်လို့ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က မနေ့ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့တဲ့ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်အပြီး ညပိုင်းမှာ ထုတ်ပြန် ခဲ့တဲ့ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်ထဲ ဖော်ပြထားတာပါ။
အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေး တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတွေ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီတွေ၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ၊ အင်အားစုတွေ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းတွေ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာနဲ့ ဒေသတွင်း လွှတ်တော်တွေ၊ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်တွေက လက်တွဲ ပူးပေါင်းပေးကြပါဖို့ ထပ်မံဖိတ်ခေါ်ထားပြီးတော့ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်အနေနဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုအားလုံးနဲ့အတူတကွ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမှာဖြစ်တယ်လို့ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်မှာ ဖော်ပြထားတာ တွေ့ရ ပါတယ်။
တစ်နှစ်တာကာလအတွင်းမှာ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတကာရဲ့စီးပွားရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ သံတမန်ရေး အရေးယူဒဏ်ခတ်ပိတ် ဆို့မှုတွေနဲ့ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက် အဝန်းကလည်း ဖယ်ကြဉ်ထားတာကို ခံနေရကာ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ထဲမှာလည်း အချင်းချင်း ပြိုကွဲလျက်ရှိနေပြီး အချိန်တစ်ခုသာ ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံ လျှောက်လှမ်းပါက ပြည်သူတွေရဲ့ အောင်ပွဲက ဧကန်မလွဲ ရောက်ရှိတော့ မှာဖြစ်တယ်လို့လည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်မှာ ဖော်ပြထားပါတယ်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တွေ အပြီးတိုင်ကျဆုံးပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတွေ မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တနေတဲ့ ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေ စီ နိုင်ငံတော်တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေး ခက်ခဲကြမ်းတမ်းတဲ့ တော်လှန်ရေးခရီးမှာ သည်းခံစိတ်ရှည်စွာ ပါဝင်ပေးခဲ့ကြတဲ့ ပြည်သူတွေ၊ အဖက်ဖက်မှ ဝိုင်းဝန်းကူညီပေးကြတဲ့ ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပက အလှူရှင်တွေ၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ လွှတ်တော်တွေနဲ့ ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံတွေကို ပြည်သူလူထုကိုယ်စား ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိတဲ့အကြောင်းလည်း ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်က မှတ် တမ်းတင်ဖော်ထားတာတွေ့ရပါတယ်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်တွေအနေနဲ့ အနာဂတ်ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ရာမှာ ကျရာကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးမှာ ပါဝင်ထမ်းဆောင်နေပြီးတော့ ပြည်သူလူထုရဲ့ ယုံကြည်ကိုးစားမှုနဲ့ ပေးအပ်ထားတဲ့ တာဝန်ကို ကျေပွန်အောင် ထမ်းပိုးသွားမယ်လို့ ဆိုပါတယ်။
ဒါအပြင် အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်မှု(CDM)မှာ ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြတဲ့ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းသူရဲကောင်းတွေကို ဂုဏ်ပြုချီးမြင့်နိုင်ရေး၊ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲအတွင်း ကျဆုံးသွားသူတွေအတွက် အာဇာနည်သူရဲကောင်းများအဖြစ် ဂုဏ်ပြုနိုင်ရေး ဥပဒေတွေ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းနိုင်ရေး ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမှာဖြစ်တယ်လို့လည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်မှာဖော်ပြထားတာတွေ့ရပါတယ်။.."
Source/publisher:
The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-02-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Anti-coup protesters
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"Telenor Group is about to sell its Myanmar telecom business to a company half-owned by a Myanmar military-linked conglomerate.
In so doing, Telenor, a Norwegian telecom giant 53.97% owned by the Norwegian government, is set to enrich the murderous, illegitimate junta and risk personal details of 18 million Myanmar subscribers falling into the hands of war criminals.
Documents seen by independent media outlet, Myanmar Now, indicate that the crony conglomerate Shwe Byain Phyu will be the majority owner of the mobile operator after junta intervention in the sale. Two members of the junta’s State Administrative Council are involved in the purchase.
The sale will reportedly be completed by February 15.
New ownership structure
The junta “privately” approved the protracted sale of Telenor's operation in Myanmar to M1 Group, a controversial investment company co-owned by the current prime minister of Lebanon, and Shwe Byain Phyu last month, Reuters reported on January 21.
The company acquiring Telenor’s Myanmar subsidiary is called Investcom Myanmar.
It appears this ownership is in part routed through Singapore.
Shwe Byain Phyu currently owns 49% of Investcom Pte. Ltd., a Singapore holding company set up by M1 Group. M1’s shares are held by a shell company in the Cayman Islands, the notorious secrecy jurisdiction.
Telenor has refused to confirm the involvement of Shwe Byain Phyu in the deal, or which legal entity they are selling to, in an alarming lack of transparency.
According to new evidence seen by Justice For Myanmar, Telenor stated to the junta's telecommunications regulator in October that their deal with M1 allows it to transfer ownership to a local company.
This suggests Telenor is involved in a cover-up with the military junta, knowingly selling to a military-linked company, while misleadingly stating to the public that the sale is to M1 Group.
This may be a legal attempt to create plausible deniability.
Involvement of military generals in the deal could potentially violate the European Union’s restrictive measures on Myanmar if they are found to control Shwe Byain Phyu.
The junta’s intervention in the sale, the involvement of top generals and the fact that Shwe Byain Phyu seemingly has no experience in telecommunications suggests it could be indirectly under military control.
EU sanctions prohibit the making of economic resources available to sanctioned persons and apply when a listed person controls an entity.
Control is defined as “the right to exercise a dominant influence over Entity X, pursuant to an agreement entered into with Entity X” or “the power to exercise a dominant influence… without being the holder of that right”, according to EU guidance on Myanmar sanctions. This applies to front companies.
Norway is a member of the European Economic Area and generally abides by EU sanctions. Telenor has stated that it is subject to EU and Norwegian sanctions.
There is now a very real likelihood that if the sale is completed, Telenor Myanmar revenue will flow to the junta and finance its atrocity crimes.
Justice For Myanmar calls on Norwegian authorities to immediately intervene to terminate the sale.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is appalling that Telenor is acting in complicity with the illegal military junta to sell their business, and cover-up who the buyers are.
“Telenor’s irresponsible sale is likely to help finance the bullets, bombs and jet fuel that enable the military junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“The Norwegian government, which is the majority owner of Telenor Group, will be responsible for the immense harm to the people that will be caused by this sale.
“The Norwegian government must immediately stop the sale and investigate Telenor’s deal with the military junta.”
Shwe Byain Phyu’s telecommunications businesses
As reported by Myanmar Now, Shwe Byain Phyu changed the name of its manufacturing business to “Shwe Byain Phyu Telecom Company” on November 3, 2021.
Justice For Myanmar has found that on the same day, Shwe Byain Phyu also created a new telecommunications business, named One Telecom Co. Ltd.
One Telecom’s registered address is the Naypyidaw gems and jewellery market, which is the principal place of business of Shwe Byain Phyu Co. Ltd.
Shareholders of One Telecom include Shwe Byain Phyu founder Thein Win Zaw and his family members.
After multiple board appointments and resignations within the first month, Shwe Byain Phyu executive director Soe Thiha is the sole remaining board member.
Also in November, Reuters reported that Shwe Byain Phyu was in talks with M1 Group under pressure from the military junta..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Spurred on by military atrocities, young people are turning to armed struggle against the regime – leaving supportive but fearful families behind
When Peh Reh’s* mother, Mi Nya*, lost contact with him in September, she had little doubt as to where he had gone. Four months earlier, the 19-year-old had told her he wanted to join the armed resistance against the military, which had seized power from the democratically-elected government in Myanmar in February 2021. Yet she refused to let him leave their home in Myanmar’s south-eastern Karenni state (also known as Kayah).
“In my eyes, he is still so young,” she says. “If I could, I would like to keep my son next to me all the time.”
Intense fighting between armed revolutionary groups and the military had been escalating in Karenni state since May, three months after the coup.
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Like thousands of other families, Peh Reh and his family left their homes and sought shelter in the forest. There, he and his father waited for lulls in the fighting to return to tend to their farm, while his mother went deeper into the forest with the three younger children.
The family tried to return home but were forced to flee a second time as the fighting escalated around their village. A few days later, Peh Reh disappeared.
"I told him to pray and be careful at all times. I pray for him every day" - Mi Nya
The next time his mother heard from him he was in a training camp for an armed revolutionary group. This time, Mi Nya decided not to stand in his way. “I told [my son] to pray and be careful at all times. I also pray for him every day” she says.
Peh Reh is one of a rising number of young men and women across Myanmar leaving their families to take up arms as the country is plunged into violence, poverty and mass displacement, with more than 1,400 civilians killed in military crackdowns on the pro-democracy movement since February 2021.
As the people of Myanmar endure internet blackouts, arbitrary arrests, a ruthless curtailing of freedom of speech, and escalating military attacks on civilian areas, many of the country’s youth have decided armed resistance is their only option.
On the other side of the country in Kalay, a small city in Sagaing region near Myanmar’s north-western border with India, 21-year-old Zaw Htet* took part in the street demonstrations that erupted after the coup, while his mother went on strike from her public-sector job as part of a broader civil disobedience movement.
Soon after, the military began using deadly force on protesters around the country, including in Kalay. By 28 March, protesters in the city had begun defending themselves with guns, barricading themselves behind sandbags and firing homemade weapons back at soldiers and police who attacked them with snipers, machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades. By the time the military destroyed the protest camp, at least 18 civilians were dead.
As Zaw Htet endured this terrifying experience, his mother, Aye Mya*, was punished for joining the civil disobedience movement. The military evicted her and her family from government housing in June, and she has since been selling street food to survive.
These experiences intensified both Zaw Htet’s and his mother’s hatred of the military, and when he told her he wanted to join the armed struggle, she supported him. She has only seen him once since he left in July.
His absence has left her anxious about how her son is enduring the harsh conditions of life in the forest. “Now that he is a revolutionary fighter, he might be sleeping on the ground,” she says. “I worry about whether he has warm clothes or not. Whenever it rains, I worry he may be soaked.”
She also follows the news with dread as clashes escalate in Kalay township, and young people are arrested and killed daily.
Yet, despite this, she says she is optimistic that the young generation can succeed where, three decades ago, her generation could not.
In 1988, she was active in the student-led pro-democracy protests, when the country also erupted in turmoil as the former regime arrested thousands and opened fire on crowds. Although Aye Mya initially joined those protests, she stopped when the firing started. Now, she says she is no longer afraid.
“This time, the revolution is very different than in 1988. Young people today have greater knowledge of politics. They are determined and braver than us,” she says.
Some mothers have joined the revolution themselves, including Shwe Yun Eain*, a 23-year-old farmer from Sagaing region’s Myaung township. In October she left her three-year-old daughter with her mother and went off to fight.
“My mother told me, ‘My daughter, do not worry for your daughter. I will take good care of her. Just focus on the revolution,’” she says. “I cannot sit still while the whole nation is fighting against military dictatorship.”
A cartoon of a girl holding a gun
‘My first time holding a gun’: from Myanmar student to revolutionary soldier – a cartoon
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She has spent the past three months training with the country’s first all-female armed resistance group, the Myaung Women Warriors.
Not wanting to endanger her mother or daughter by making contact, she has only seen them once since she left home. The Myaung Women Warriors’motto is “the hand that swings a baby’s hammock can also be part of the armed revolution,” and Shwe Yun Eain says that despite the hardships she faces, she remains committed to her decision.
“As a mother, I have had many ups and downs since I joined the armed revolution,” she says. “I continue fighting to root out this evil system for my daughter’s future and the next generation.”
* Names have been changed to protect identities.
Nu Nu Lusan is a freelance journalist from Kachin state based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. She focuses on human rights and social justice issues in Myanmar and especially covers issues around ethnic minorities, rural areas and women.
Emily Fishbein is a freelance journalist writing on human rights and social justice in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-02-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"CDM ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမ၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများကို ဖိနှိပ်ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိသော
Non-CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေးနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ကြေညာချက်
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူ့ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု(CDM) ပြုလုပ်နေကြသော ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမ၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေး နှင့် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိရေးတို့အတွက် အမြဲမပြတ် အလေးပေးဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ Non-CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား အရေးယူနိုင်ရေးနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ကြေညာချက်များဖြစ်သည့် ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၈/၂၀၂၁)၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) ၏ ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် (၁၀/၂၀၂၁)၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၂/၂၀၂၁)၊ ပညာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် (၂၇/၂၀၂၁) တို့ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ ယခုအခါ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်ကိုင်တုတ်များဖြစ်သော Non-CDM ညွှန်ကြားရေးမှူးချုပ်များ၊ ဒုတိယညွှန်ကြားရေးမှူးချုပ်များ၊ ပါမောက္ခချုပ်များ၊ ဒုတိယပါမောက္ခချုပ်များ၊ ပညာရေးမှူးများ၊ ကျောင်းအုပ်များ၊ ဌာနမှူးများ ဦးဆောင်သော အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုလက်ပါးစေများက CDM ၀န်ထမ်းများအား ချေးငွေပြန်ဆပ်ရန်၊ ၀န်ထမ်းအိမ်ရာများမှ ဖယ်ပေးရန် ဖိအားပေးခြိမ်းခြောက်ခဲ့သည့်အပြင် ပစ္စည်းများအား ဖယ်ရှား၍ အိမ်ရာများအား သိမ်းဆည်းခြင်းများ ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ ဤသို့ ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းသည် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) ပျက်ပြားစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အတင်းအကျပ်လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ ထို့ပြင် ပြည်သူ့၀န်ထမ်းများ၏ ရှင်သန်ရပ်တည်ခွင့်နှင့်အတူ လူလုံခြုံရေး၊ ပစ္စည်းလုံခြုံရေးများအပေါ် ထိခိုက် နစ်နာစေရန် လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များသည် ကမ္ဘာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကြေညာစာတမ်း၏ အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ ဖြစ်သော လွတ်လပ်စွာရှင်သန်ခွင့်အပိုဒ် (၃)၊ ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းမှကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်အပိုဒ် (၅)၊ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်ရေး ဆိုင်ရာ လွတ်လပ်ပိုင်ခွင့် အပိုဒ် (၁၂)၊ ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာပိုင်ဆိုင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အပိုဒ် (၁၇) တို့အား ချိုးဖောက်ခြင်း၊ ချိုးဖောက် ကျူးလွန်ရာတွင် အားပေးနေခြင်းတို့ ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ (၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက အတည်ပြုလက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့သည့် စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ ယဥ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံတကာသဘောတူစာချုပ်၏ အပိုဒ် (၁၆) ပါ ဝန်ထမ်းအခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးများအား ချိုးဖောက်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက်ဝါဒီ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် လက်ကိုင်တုတ် Non-CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ၏ ကျူးလွန်မှုများအား စာသက်သေ၊ အသံဖိုင်သက်သေ စသည့် သက်သေခံချက်များ စုဆောင်းပြီး ထိုက်သင့်သည့်ပြစ်ဒဏ်များကျခံစေရန် တရားစွဲဆို အရေးယူနိုင်ရေး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်းအသိပေးကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Education, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-04
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"Dear respected members of the UK Parliament, friends, colleagues, and fellow health care professionals,
I sincerely thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak on behalf of the health workers, and indeed the entire nation of Myanmar.
Today is a day which should need no explanation. Today, over fifty five million Myanmar people grieve the anniversary of the 2021 military coup d'état. For those who have lost their homes, the property, their livelihoods, their freedom or their loved ones; for those who languish in prisons on false charges, who watched helplessly as COVID-19 tore through the cities with neither doctors nor oxygen, who have seen the smoke and heard the screams of their fellow villagers being burned alive, who have fled to the jungles and mountains with no food and no shelter, who have fled to foreign lands where they exist with no legal protections, for these people, today is a reminder of the darkest and most infamous day in Myanmar’s history
Our brave people have faced unimaginable difficulties due to Covid-19, compounded by the military coup, and compounded yet further by the nation-wide humanitarian crisis stemming from the senseless violence of the military junta. Our brave civilian health workers have been and continue to be targeted by the ruthless military as objects of special vengeance for the mere ‘crime’ of honouring their Hippocratic oaths to aid their fellow injured and sick citizens. Many of our skilled doctors, nurses, midwives, ambulance personnel, medics and general health care workers have been threatened, arrested and murdered in cold blood. Hospitals, clinics, ambulance stations and charity organizations across the nation have been attacked, occupied or destroyed by military thugs. Many of those who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) have been forced to flee for their lives to avoid arbitrary arrest, torture and extrajudicial killing. Yet despite these most terrible conditions, the people of Myanmar have shown time and time again that they are resilient, united, unshakable and will not be beaten back into submission under the military’s boots.
The people UK, the Government and Parliament have been a great advocate for the people of Myanmar since the coup, regularly condemning the actions of the military, and issuing sanctions and providing aid in various forms. Similarly, UK organizations and agencies have continually supported the people of Myanmar in every way they can. I am truly thankful for everything that these organizations have done and continue to do to help relieve the pain of our brave healthcare professionals out on the front lines of this revolution. The action taken both on the international stage and on the ground by these organizations has had a very positive and heartening effect on our people, and this type of assistance - words backed by action - are what we need now, more than ever. Hundreds of thousands of civilians remain displaced, and thousands of healthcare workers with them, who, despite the odds, continue their selfless service to help as many sick and injured as possible with the limited supplies they have.
Finally, I want to call attention yet again to the ever worsening situation in Myanmar which effects all citizens equally, medical and non-medical alike. It is this then that must ever be on the forefront of our minds, that these brave people continue to do the impossible, saving lives with the most meager of resources. This is however unsustainable, and a strong backing is critically needed to keep these medical workers supplied with the life saving medicines and equipment they depend on. The work of the UK Government, its partners and that of non-governmental organizations must expand exponentially to keep up with the growing crisis, and I must humbly request and implore all those who are able to contribute to this effort; to support those who support our front-line workers, and help bring an end to this humanitarian, health, and political crisis. The people of Myanmar have the will to survive and emerge the victors of this situation, they just need the means.
The means needed, as I mentioned, are four-fold. First, increased UK financial support for technical assistance and training of health workers, including through Health Partnerships. Second, continued work by the UK Government to hold the military to account for the persecution of health workers, and the untold numbers of suffering civilians. Third, a commitment to renew visas for Myanmar health workers residing in the UK in recognition of support they are giving the NHS at this time, and providing visas for those who have been forced to flee their homes, wherever they may currently be. Fourth, a re-invigoration of UK advocacy at the global level to marginalise the Tatmadaw and its cronies. The people of Myanmar desperately need the continued support of the UK on the world stage to help bring a swift end to this hellish nightmare we are enduring.
Thank you for your attention, and may you be blessed for the blessings you have given us..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Anti-coup protesters
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"An anonymous Myanmar-based contributor details the junta’s recent efforts to undermine the organizing of protests.
As the one-year anniversary of the military coup swiftly approached, people around the country were waiting to hear how anti-military activists would call upon us to commemorate that tragic date. We did not have to wait long. On January 22, the call so many had been hoping for came in the form of a post on social media. A silent strike was set in motion for February 1, with a request for the closure of all businesses and for people to stay at home.
News of the strike spread quickly across the country by way of social media, phone calls, news outlets and word of mouth. Min Aung Hlaing, the self-proclaimed Prime Minister and head of the military junta’s organization, the State Administrative Council, and his cronies, did not take long to react. A week in advance of the planned strike they embarked on yet another campaign of terror against the people. According to a January 26 Myanmar Now article, the junta threatened that those who merely participated in the strike would suffer severe repercussions:
“The military council responded to the call three days later by announcing that anyone found to be taking part in or promoting the silent strike would see their property confiscated and face multiple criminal charges. Those charges include Section 52a of the Counterterrorism Law, Section 124a and 505a of the Penal Code, and Section 33a of the Telecommunications Law. The terrorism charge carries a prison sentence of up to 10 years, and Section 124a—for sedition—carries a life sentence of 20 years. The other charges are accompanied by three to five years in prison.”
With the benefit of hindsight, it appears that the regime had, weeks ago, begun to take steps toward preventing any such resistance by the people. In December they announced that all internet providers, of both mobile data and WiFi, had to double the cost of their services. No explanation for the price hike was given. Increasing the cost of internet services would, of course, provide additional revenue for the military, but more insidiously, it would also reduce its affordability and thereby diminish internet communication, especially among the poor.
Calculating that more action was needed, on January 8 the regime raised prices again to further discourage internet usage. This time they levied an additional tax on SIM cards. These phone cards, which previously cost 1,500 kyat, became subject to an additional commercial tax of 20,000 kyat—more than half an average week’s wages—amounting to an increase of 1,333 per cent. Further, internet service providers were hit with a tax increase of 15 per cent on their sales, which of course would be passed on to consumers.
The regime, through its mouthpiece, the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper, claimed the move was an effort to promote well-being among the youth because the new charges would reduce the “effects triggered by extreme use of internet services on the employment of the people and mental sufferings of [the] new generation [of] students.” No one was buying this except as some much-needed comic relief.
The real reasons for those increases were to directly impede communications among the organizers of protest actions such as the strike, and among the people in general, as well as to further enrich Min Aung Hlaing and his partners in crime and corruption.
But, still not satisfied, the junta continued pulling other levers. Ten days before February 1, the junta announced that electricity would be cut from 6 am to 6 pm for the three days immediately preceding the strike—January 29, 30 and 31—which means that during this three-day period there was no WiFi and no way for most people to charge their computers or phones—phones being the principal means by which the vast majority of the people access the internet. While over the years, and especially since the start of this latest coup, the citizens of Myanmar have grown accustomed to being without electrical service for hours at a time, this recent announcement heightened people’s concerns. No one doubted that this was merely another effort to prevent them from communicating and organizing in the days leading up to the strike.
In another attempt by the regime to frustrate and crush the upcoming strike, on January 24, eight days beforehand, Myawaddy TV and MRTV—the junta’s television propaganda outlets—announced a new restriction: anyone caught in possession of a virtual private network (VPN) app would be subject to arrest, fines and a possible prison sentence of up to three years. A life sentence is possible if the owner has shared anything deemed to have incited people to participate in the upcoming strike, or referred to the military in a derogatory manner.
News of this new law had recently been circulating in the media, but it was considered to be merely some proposed legislation made public for purposes of review. This, however, was at odds with what the junta’s TV stations were saying. On January 24, The Irrawaddy reported that it had access to a leaked copy of a draft of the legislation, and a cover letter, showing thatthe decision to enact the law had already been made. Whether or not this draft legislation had been ratified is of little consequence, because, ultimately, when anyone is stopped by police or soldiers and ordered to turn over their phone, the law will be interpreted at the end of their gun barrels.
It bears mentioning that, since the coup’s onset, websites such as Twitter, Instagram and Facebook—which are used by the vast majority of Myanmar’s population—and a host of other sites as well, have been blocked, and therefore anyone accessing these sites could only do so by using a VPN. So, in Mandalay and Yangon, and probably everywhere between, soldiers and police have been searching the phones of random pedestrians and motorists looking for their VPN apps. We have heard that those caught with the app on their phones are being given the option of arrest and certain prison time, or of bribing the arresting soldiers with a payment of 100,000 kyat (US$56) to make the problem go away.
Clearly, as they have done so many times in the last year, the soldiers and police have created for themselves a tidy commercial enterprise on the backs and suffering of their fellow citizens. A few days before the strike we heard of a man who was stopped by soldiers. After seizing his phone, they discovered that he had been on Facebook. When asked how he had accessed the site without a VPN, the man, unable to provide a satisfactory answer, was promptly beaten. In another case, two people were stopped by soldiers and VPN apps were found on their phones. The soldiers simply confiscated the phones, undoubtedly either to sell or for their own personal use.
Business owners who were unaware of the new law were posting on Facebook that they would support the strike by closing for the day. Consequently, many of them were tracked down, arrested for their posts, and had their establishments permanently shuttered and apparently expropriated. In addition, there have been reports from numerous areas that vehicles with loudspeakers mounted to their roofs were circulating through neighbourhoods warning people that should they participate in the strike they will be in violation of the law, and anyone sharing information about the strike on social media will be subject to arrest and imprisonment under the counterterrorism laws. On January 26, The Irrawaddy reported that these warnings were “an attempt to prevent the protest after the previous silent strikes saw the whole nation of over 54 million people stay out of sight for the day.”
Police, soldiers and okkahtas, the military-appointed ward administrators, went from business to business, forcing owners to sign an agreement committing them to keeping their shops open on February 1, the day of the strike, and acknowledging that if they failed to do so they would suffer severe consequences. But everyone understood their dilemma. Even if they were forced to open, with everyone staying at home they wouldn’t expect any customers. So what then did the junta hope to gain by forcing shops and businesses to remain open? With no customers on the streets, what’s the point? Other than bolstering the junta’s delusion of normality, it simply makes no sense.
These various efforts by the military regime, each of which required the marshalling of enormous human and material resources, demonstrates that the call for another general strike struck an extremely raw nerve. In his vain efforts to project legitimacy, particularly to the international community, General Min Aung Hlaing has announced time and again that he would “very shortly” have the “terrorists” under control and could ensure stability throughout the nation. However, stability seems to be getting further and further beyond his grasp.
On February 1, empty streets, similar to those seen during the December strike, put the lie to the junta’s statements and became a major embarrassment. Desperate to avoid international disgrace, the regime has gone into overdrive in its efforts to crush the resistance, but its efforts will, in all likelihood, prove to be both insufficient and deficient. The amount of resources it amassed in hopes of forestalling the strike is a telling indication of how alarming this demonstration of resistance was to the regime, a fact that the Burmese people have carefully noted. The military’s heavy-handed and disproportionate tactics are a clear sign of its weakness and desperation.
By moving forward with the strike, the Burmese people have shown the world that investments in Myanmar will never bring returns until there is genuine democratic stability, and that such stability is squarely in the hands of the people. Deserted streets across the country on the day of the strike, despite every effort by the military to quash it, should serve as a warning to those who continue to engage in business with the generals while the people of Myanmar suffer under these tyrants.
Nonetheless, the people must not become complacent, because this regime will almost surely carry on in ways that defy morality and legitimacy. People need to prepare themselves for any and all possibilities. The regime led by Min Aung Hlaing and his cronies—which sanctions the bombing of innocent civilians, which tortures and burns to death young and old alike, which gang-rapes women, which loots and torches homes and entire villages, which murders indiscriminately—that regime accepts no constraints and recognizes no limits on its atrocities.
How the military will respond now that the strike has successfully taken place is an unknown that should concern everyone. But attempts at terrorizing people have already proven ineffective in deterring them from their cause. This is especially true for those of Generation Z who have vowed to fight to the end. Recent attempts to cow the Burmese people into submission, as described above, will only act as an accelerant thrown upon their anger and resentment. It would do Min Aung Hlaing and his gang well, and the international community too, to heed the words of the many who have announced that they will “never back down,” that “this is the last time.” It remains to be seen who is poking whom..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-02-04
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"အမည်ပျက်စာရင်းကြေညာခြင်း
၁။ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်မထမ်းဆောင်ပဲ ဓမ္မဘက်မှရပ်တည်၍ ပြည်သူနှင့်တသားတည်းဖြစ် စေရန်နှင့် အမိန့်အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ကြစေရန် အကြိမ် ကြိမ်ဖိတ်ခေါ် ကမ်းလှမ်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ် ပါသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ရုံးအနေဖြင့်လည်း အောက်တိုဘာလမှစတင်၍ အမိန့်အာဏာ ဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင်ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် ဝန်ကြီးဌာနမဖွဲ့ရသေးသောဌာနအသီးသီးမှ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်း သူရဲကောင်းများ၏ လူမှုဖူလုံရေး၊ လုံခြုံဘေးကင်းရေးနှင့် ဖိအားကင်းစင်ရေး တို့အတွက် အလေးထား ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏လက်အောက်တွင် ဆက်လက်တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်နေ ပြီး CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများအား ဖိအားပေးခြင်း၊ ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခြင်း၊ ရာထူးမှထုတ်ပယ်ခြင်း၊ ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှထုတ် ပစ်ခြင်း၊ တရားစွဲဆိုခြင်းနှင့် ဥပေဒနှင့်အညီပြန်ဆပ်ရန်မလိုတော့သည့် လစာချေးငွေများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ ပြန်လည်ပေးဆပ်ခိုင်းခြင်းများ စသည့် အမျိုးမျိုးသောဖိနှိပ်မှုများကိုကျူးလွန်နေသော ပို့ဆောင်ရေးနှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန (မြန်မာ့မီးရထား)မှ အောက်ဖေါ်ပြပါဝန်ထမ်းများအားအမည်ပျက်စာရင်းသွင်းလိုက်ပြီး ဝန်ထမ်းအဖြစ်မှ ထုတ်ပစ် (Dismiss) လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the Prime Minister of the Union - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-02-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-03
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Individual Documents
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"This article is the latest in a Just Security series on the Feb. 1, 2021 coup in Myanmar, which brought together expert local and international voices on the coup and its broader context. The series is a collaboration between Just Security and the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School).
Today, Feb. 1, 2022, marks the one-year anniversary of the Myanmar military’s attempt to wrest political control of the country away from its elected officials. Not every military attempt to impose its will on a country is a generational moment, but this one was. The actions of the military (known as the Tatmadaw) last year sparked an unprecedented series of events that are still rippling across the nation. The resistance to the military’s attempt[1] to take control started with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a mass movement led by youth and joined by workers who stayed home and consumers who boycotted military-owned businesses to protest the takeover. A movement on this scale has not been seen in a generation. Other developments over the past year are entirely unprecedented in Myanmar. This past year thus marks the end of one era and the beginning of a new one. The shape of that new era is still being determined by the people of Burma, who are writing their next chapter with each passing day.
To understand the importance of Feb. 1, 2021 (“1221” or “2121,” depending on which date convention is used), we first must look back. For Burma followers, the start of the era proceeding 2021 can be traced to the 8888 Uprising (named for another significant date, Aug. 8, 1988, when that mobilization began), which saw a military crackdown against mass street protests across the country. The 8888 Uprising was the beginning of the end of the Ne Win era, a period of military rule which began decades earlier. Yet in the wake of 1988, the military dictatorship continued — first as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), a name which aptly captured the mass human rights abuses perpetrated by this military junta, and then, with a 1997 rebrand, as the State Peace and Development Council. Despite these cosmetic tweaks, little else changed. The consolidation of power by Than Shwe as the main military strongman in the early 2000s only demonstrated the continued military dominance. Even after the 2008 constitution and three subsequent national elections, including 2010 which featured a boycott by the National League for Democracy (NLD), the military was ever present, and the hopes of a full transition to democracy and peace failed to materialize. (For a fuller discussion of the history of democracy movements in Myanmar, see here).
Yet this post-1988 era was never really defined by the military leader as it had been during Ne Win’s time. Instead, the 1988 to 2021 period was defined by its opposition leader. When history is written in the years to come, it will be known as the era of Aung San Suu Kyi. From her “non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights” while under house arrest and her leadership of the NLD as it earned landslide national victories in 1991, 2015, and 2020, to her silence on the ongoing persecution and coordinated campaigns of violence against the Muslim Rohingya minority, Aung San Suu Kyi shaped this era of Burma in a way no other figure did.
The lead up to the military’s attempted takeover on Feb. 1, 2021 did not presage how seminal a moment it would become for Myanmar. After the NLD won an overwhelming majority of the parliamentary seats in the November 2020 general election (396 out of 476 seats, a margin of victory even greater than in 2015 and reminiscent of a 1990 landslide victory for the party), the Tatmadaw laid the foundation to dispute the results. Just like after the 1990 election, which it never recognized, the military was intent on preventing the duly elected officials from taking their seats as representatives of the people. Throughout late 2020 and early 2021, the Tatmadaw alleged irregularities and poll fraud. Several nations, including the United States, warned that the Tatmadaw might attempt to seize power in the days leading up to Feb. 1. Despite these warnings, the military was able to successfully detain Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and other NLD leadership on the morning of Feb. 1 (many of whom have since been criminally charged and sentenced in thinly veiled political persecutions). The Tatmadaw ordered an unconstitutional one-year state of emergency, and state television broadcasts announced that political authority had been transferred to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the State Administration Council.
Looking back on the past year, it has been filled with familiar hallmarks of the Tatmadaw’s oppression: horrendous loss of life (conservatively at least 1,400 killed), countless arrests (estimates now run at nearly 8,800), and mass displacement. And as in eras past, the Tatmadaw has adopted these practices to retain power by whatever means necessary — including suppressing freedoms, curtailing rights, and terrorizing the population — and to fend off a burgeoning non-violent movement comprised of a new generation of leaders who have glimpsed the potential of democracy in Myanmar over the past decade.
But the past year has also been different – and remarkably so – for it has signaled not only the end of an era but the emergence of a new one.
A New Era
The CDM
The story of 2021 must start with the CDM — and the sea change that this movement represents among a generation that had not been born in 1988. Led by youth and women, the movement has used civil disruptions, work stoppages, and boycotts to hamper the Tatmadaw’s attempts to consolidate their power. In the process, the movement has signified not only a generational shift but a change in the representation and make up of political activity in Myanmar.
For many Burmans (the major ethnic group), participating in the movement has also prompted a sort of revelation, causing them, for instance, to question the misinformation espoused for years by the military that historically marginalized ethnic nationality groups were a threat to Burma. For so long, the country has been defined by its divisions — but the CDM has represented something new and distinctive as it has embraced and celebrated Burma’s diversity as a strength instead of a weakness.
The National Unity Government
The National Unity Government (NUG), which was announced in April 2021 as a “shadow” or interim government, represents the country’s first unity Comprised of members of the NLD, ethnic nationality groups, and other minority parties, the creation of the NUG parallels, in governmental structures, the bridge created between Burman communities and ethnic nationalities by the grassroots organizing of the CDM. What stands out about the NUG is that it is not a government comprised wholly of the Burman-led NLD but one that at least symbolically bridges ethnic divides in new ways.
Yes, there are legitimate questions on the depth of the unity, but this development nevertheless marks a first in Burma, and if it holds, it will define the new era in profoundly different terms from the previous one. During the 1990s through the first two decades of this century, there were calls for tripartite dialogue between the military, the NLD, and the ethnic nationalities, but never did the NLD unite with the ethnic groups in a government or other formal alliance.
The NLD’s treatment of the Rohingya crisis — ignoring or exacerbating severe human rights violations — has left deep distrust. Even here, however, there have been signs of change over the past year. One of the NUG’s interim cabinet ministers issued a public apology to the Rohingya for the government’s role in oppressing the group, and the NUG announced a new policy in June promising to end human rights abuses against the Rohingya and grant them citizenship. Given past experience, caution is still warranted as to whether there will be follow through on these pronouncements, but this much is clear: the NUG represents a potentially new political era.
The End of an Era
The emergence of the CDM and the NUG as well as the simultaneous generational shift has also signaled the beginning of the end of the era of Aung San Suu Kyi and others from her generation. From a towering symbol for human rights and democracy as a Nobel Peace Prize winner to a defender, at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), of the military’s genocidal actions and now returning to house detention once again, feelings towards Aung San Suu Kyi have grown more complicated over the past few years to say the least. And while she and the NLD remain beloved by many in Burma, this last year has brought into stark relief the aging leadership of the party. While criminal sentences against the Aung San Suu Kyi and other senior NLD leaders still make the news, the base of power has begun to move beyond these elders. Transitions take time, but this one is underway.
The End of the 2008 Constitution
The 2008 Constitution enshrined military impunity and placed the Tatmadaw permanently beyond the reach of either civilian political control or judicial oversight. The February 2021 actions of the military ironically have caused a break with the Constitution that it wrote. Though the military allegedly attempted to force NLD President Win Myint to step down so they could take power under the veneer of legitimacy, his refusal and their subsequent attempt to seize power through force undermined the 2008 Constitution.In April, the predecessor to the NUG announced that the 2008 Constitution was no longer valid and promised a system with equal protections for all. A proposed replacement constitution, called the Federal Democracy Charter, was published with the announcement. Recently, a revised draft of the Charter was approved in a People’s Assembly held by a broad coalition (the National Unity Consultative Council or NUCC), confirming that the diverse membership of the NUCC considers the Charter to be the country’s interim constitutional document. While some have expressed skepticism, fearing that the lofty promises of equal protection are rhetoric without substantive, feasible strategies for improving the lives of ethnic and religious minorities, it is almost impossible to imagine a return to the 2008 Constitution.
The End of a Failed Peace Process
For the past decade, the Tatmadaw (and the NLD) consistently suggested to the world that efforts were ongoing to achieve lasting peace to conflicts in various border areas where ethnic nationalities tend to comprise the majority of the population and which have been in conflict with the Tatmadaw for decades. For example, in 2016 the Tatmadaw announced a “national” “ceasefire” agreement, a misnomer both because it did not involve all the major armed groups and because fighting has persisted and even intensified over the past decade. This past year has refuted the existence of any credible peace process, paving the way going forward for either ongoing conflict or, more hopefully, some entirely new peace initiative.
ASEAN Slights Min Aung Hlaing
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been rightly criticized for failing to adequately respond to the military’s actions in Myanmar; none of the points in its five-point consensus plan from April 2021 to address the situation have seen significant progress. Yet during its October summit, ASEAN boldly excluded the Tatmadaw, and several countries at the summit directly criticized the military leadership. The issue of attendance remains unresolved, and expecting much more from ASEAN may be unrealistic with Cambodia — itself an autocracy — as the chair during the next year. Yet the fact that the group directly confronted the Tatmadaw in the way it did in October 2021 is unprecedented. It signals that ASEAN is keeping its options open as to where to place its allegiance in the new era and no longer blindly supporting the military.
International Recognition
In September of last year, the United States and China reached an informal agreement barring the Tatmadaw from being seated at the United Nations, undermining its attempts to gain international legitimacy. The General Assembly recently agreed to defer action on who would represent Myanmar at the United Nations, meaning that the current ambassador, Kyaw Moe Tun, who is loyal to the NUG and has in fact been “fired” by the Tatmadaw, will remain in place until the issue is resolved. While not a definitive win for either the NUG or the military, as with ASEAN keeping its options open, the recognition stalemate means that the military can no longer assume that its power grabs will lead to a place at the table internationally.
Businesses Exit
The old era included an opening up of the country to foreign direct investment, including to vast natural gas deposits in the early 1990s. The Tatmadaw benefited immensely from international investments, enjoying both material profits from partnering with international corporations to extract natural resources and gains in legitimacy that came with these partnerships. But in response to the deteriorating political and human rights situation over the past few months, Chevron (which bought Unocal, the original investor in Burma) and TotalEnergies (Total) announced earlier this year that they were withdrawing from Myanmar after 30 years. Woodside Petroleum followed Chevron and Total shortly thereafter, and other companies have pulled out as well. While this is not the only time businesses have exited the country, it is a dramatic reversal from the last ten years. Moreover, the inclusion of giants Chevron and Total in the exodus is a telling indication that even the most stalwart of holdouts from the previous era have broken with the military.
The International Criminal Court and International Accountability
While there has been significant progress around international accountability in Myanmar in recent years — from the Gambia’s case at the ICJ, to the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) investigation, to the creation of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), to the acceptance by an Argentinian court of jurisdiction over crimes committed against the Rohingya — the NUG’s deposit of a letter with the ICC accepting jurisdiction by the Court for international crimes dating back to 2002 anywhere in the country is a major development. This letter signals the NUG’s commitment to join the international community, adhere to the rule of law, and address grave crimes throughout the country. The ICC should recognize the letter and authorize additional investigations beyond the Rohingya into international crimes, both historical and ongoing.
Prospects for Conflict or Peace
Despite these major developments and potential promise of this new era, many see a grim immediate prognosis defined by an escalation in violence as the conflict expands geographically and intensifies militarily. Predictably, civilians are likely to pay the largest price. The dominant view is also that for the foreseeable future, neither the military nor the NUG and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) can achieve outright military victory, raising the specter of a protracted and messy conflict.
Nonetheless, as Myanmar enters this new era, a crucial question remains: what is the recipe that will change the balance of power to permanently end the Tatmadaw’s continuous destabilizing effects? After all, the destabilizing force in Burmese politics over the last 75 years has been the Burmese military. Despite three elections over the past decade, never have civilians been given genuine power to guide the country forward and never has there been a concerted effort to achieve a lasting peace across ethnic lines. With this in mind, possible paths toward such peace and stability will require the following elements.
First, the CDM has the capacity to transform into a durable generational political movement that can continue to learn from its membership, evolve, and persist. The momentum behind this grassroots movement is reminiscent of the long-term political impacts of the civil rights movement in the United States and the struggle to end Apartheid in South Africa. In order to move Myanmar further forward (and away from military hegemony), the CDM’s core values of civilian power and celebration of the diversity of Burma must also persist, heralded by the youth leaders who see the opportunity for fundamental change.
Second, as the NUG continues to gain legitimacy and implement initiatives like the National Unity Consultative Council, a body designed to expand the alliance against the junta and establish a roadmap for a federal democratic system, there is an open question about whether this new governing body will live up to its name. In one possible version of the future, the NUG’s eventual composition would reflect the leadership of the CDM, developing a new generation of political leaders who are committed to the “Unity” element of the NUG. The NUG has already taken certain steps in this direction, making an unprecedented public statement acknowledging the injustices suffered by Rohingya Muslims and promising that it will seek “justice and accountability” for the military’s crimes against the Rohingya and other ethnic groups. This move toward cross-ethnic solidarity in the highest levels of government will be key to establishing a new kind of durable peace in Myanmar. However, many NUG members come straight from the NLD, and traditional fissures of distrust between the NLD and ethnic nationality leadership could easily reemerge if the NUG does not commit seriously to the equality and unity of all peoples in Myanmar.
The third critical factor in this equation is whether and how long the Tatmadaw can sustain its campaign of terror without cracking under the pressure. Desertions are reported by some as being at an all-time high, including both rank-and-file soldiers and officers. The Tatmadaw’s strategy to maintain nationwide control in the decades preceding the coup included a cycle of temporary ceasefires with certain ethnic groups, allowing the military to rotate its resources from suppression of one group to another. But because the military alienated nearly every group over the past year, ending many already tentative ceasefires, the Tatmadaw is now stretched thin trying to gain control in areas where it faces combined opposition from EAOs and representatives of the NUG’s Peoples Defense Force. With soldiers leaving the Tatmadaw to join the opposition and with additional collaboration between opposition forces, an increasingly desperate but still well-armed military has the potential to do enormous damage. The fighting is likely to get worse before it gets better, especially for civilians. However, this trend toward desertion combined with a unified civilian population sheds light on the cracks in the military’s grip.
Finally, China, ASEAN, the West, and the international community writ large must align against the destabilizing force that is the Tatmadaw. China may speak more in terms of avoiding civil war (given its interest in stability). ASEAN may speak more in terms of political solutions and dialogue amongst all the parties (given its practice of non-interference). The West may speak more in terms of rights and sanctions. But the common interest of these players should be a permanent and durable solution with civilian rule in Burma. Such a solution would meet the interests of the key regional and international players to end the conflict, find a politically satisfying outcome, and uphold human rights and the rule of law.
Like 8888, February 1, 2021, will be a date for the history books. Whether this next chapter of Myanmar’s history will bring an end to continued military rule and violent conflict and lead to a transition to democracy and peace is yet to be determined. As we mark the first anniversary of “1221” (or “2121”), however, one thing is clear: the events of the past year have reshaped Burma in fundamental ways, ushering in a new era with flickers of hope for true national unity at last..."
Source/publisher:
Just Security (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, International Criminal Court (Myanmar), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar, Political History, Military History
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Sub-title:
Pro-democracy groups condemn Noeleen Heyzer’s comments in a TV interview, and maintain the junta is losing its grip
Description:
"The UN special envoy to Myanmar has been widely rebuked for suggesting that pro-democracy activists should negotiate a power-sharing agreement with the country’s military, which is accused of atrocities including genocide.
Almost 250 civil society organisations published a statement condemning the comments, warning they risked emboldening the military to commit “grave crimes with total impunity”.
“These statements could set a dangerous precedent, that those who take control through brutal means – massacring, killing, raping, arresting, torturing, burning villages and people, targeting civilians using airstrikes and shelling – be welcomed to share power,” it said.
The statement was signed by 247 local and national civil society groups including Progressive Voice, Women’s League of Burma and Union of Karenni State Youth.
Noeleen Heyzer, the UN’s special envoy for Myanmar, provoked controversy during an interview with Channel News Asia when discussing ways to address the country’s crisis. Asked about the possibility of a power-sharing arrangement – an idea firmly opposed by the Myanmar people – Heyzer responded: “The point is, we have to start a process. And you can’t immediately come in with the ultimate solution of what you want. The military is in control at this particular time and something has got to be worked out. It could be a process,” she said.
Heyzer added: “I know that many people, especially the young, are willing to die fighting for a total political transformation. Any political transformation requires a process and it is not going to happen overnight. And therefore I want them to have something to live for, not to die for. They need to negotiate what this power sharing could look like over a long term. And they have to be at the table.”
The comments prompted a furious response from activists, who have been subjected to relentless violence by the military, which seized power from the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi a year ago. Many young people have taken up arms and joined local defence forces to fight for democracy.
The office of the special envoy of the secretary general on Myanmar has since issued a statement to local media, claiming that Heyzer’s comments were misinterpreted. The special envoy had “never proposed power sharing as an option”, it said.
The statement added: “The special envoy has emphasised in no uncertain terms that any peace process has to be led by the people of Myanmar.”
Naw Hser Hser, of the Women’s League of Burma, a signatory of the joint statement, said the UN was growing distant from the calls of the people of Myanmar.
“Ultimately, the people of Myanmar are realising that it is they themselves that will be the ones to succeed in this revolution,” she said.
“Despite vehement calls from the people of Myanmar, the UN has yet to take action to stop the terrorist military’s grave crimes. One year has passed [since the coup] and the UN security council has issued only statements and even failed to hold an open meeting or issue a concrete resolution,” Naw Hser Hser added.
The extreme violence used by the military to try to suppress opposition was a sign of its lack of control, she said.
“In rural areas, they are losing ground, as local people’s defence forces and ethnic organisations control swathes of territory. New administrative structures, comprising the people, are being established at local levels, governing where the military cannot. They are far from being in control,” said Naw Hser Hser.
Even before the coup, the military was guaranteed huge powers under the 2008 constitution, which granted it a quarter of all seats in parliament and control of key ministries, including home affairs and defence. Nonetheless, the military seized power on 1 February 2021, accusing Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) of voter fraud – an allegation that has been dismissed by observers.
Zoya Phan, coordinator of the European Karen Network, said Heyzer’s comments had been made on the same day the military launched more airstrikes against civilians in south-eastern Karen state, also known as Kayin state.
“The Burmese military was in a power sharing with the NLD-led government before the coup. However, the attacks against ethnic people didn’t stop,” said Zoya Phan, who is also campaigns manager for Burma Campaign UK.
“With the Burmese military, our country will have no positive future,” she added..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-02-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
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Sub-title:
Yi Yi Khine was hit by a bullet in her stomach while driving in downtown Kalay on Tuesday
Description:
"A teacher who was part of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) was shot and killed as she rode her motorcycle with her child on her back in the Saging Region town of Kalay on Tuesday morning, a relative said.
The bullet hit Yi Yi Khine, a 42-year-old middle school teacher, in the stomach at around 9am as she rode through downtown Kalay, and she died shortly after arriving at the nearby hospital. The child was not injured.
It is unclear exactly who shot Yi Yi Khine, the relative said, but there was a military base near the site of the killing.
“She couldn’t get help easily because it was the day of the silent strike,” the relative said. “She could still talk a bit when she arrived at the hospital.”
Yi Yi Khine passed away at about 11am and her funeral was held the following day. She also leaves behind a second young child.
Locals in Kalay joined millions of people across the country on Tuesday who took part in a silent strike to show their opposition to military rule on the one-year anniversary of the coup.
“The roads were empty by 10am and it stayed that way until 4pm,” a Kalay resident said. “The shops had to remain open because the military threatened them. There were no buyers whatsoever.”
Soldiers spent the day patrolling the town in about 20 vehicles, he added.
Over 100 civilians have been killed and over 400 arrested by the military in the township of Kalay since the coup, according to the Kalay Township Strike Committee.
Kalay was apparently the first place where civilians took up arms to fight back against the coup regime last year, with protesters using traditional hunting rifles to defend themselves in late March when they were attacked by the junta’s forces..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-02-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"1 year after the coup in Myanmar: silencing and oppression of critical voices 01/02/2022
Today, exactly one year ago, the military junta seized power in Myanmar and violently cracked down on nationwide peaceful and democratic protests. The crackdown on independent media and freedom of expression within the country that followed immediately after, has degraded press freedom dramatically. Recently, attacks on the free press have intensified extremely, leading to the killing of 3 independent journalists and the arrest of 3 journalists from ethnic media outlets in January 2022 alone. We call on the international community to join us in demanding the military junta to put an end to the escalating violence against journalists, to seek justice for these courageous journalists, and to provide safe refuge to those whose lives are at risk both inside and out of the country.
Since the onset of the coup, the Myanmar military has made sure to keep a tight grip on the flow of information in the country. Centralizing information and censoring independent journalists is one of the main tactics used by the military as a way of seizing control and limiting freedom of expression. On February 1st 2021, the sporadic internet black outs that followed, were a way of limiting citizens’ access to information. Shortly thereafter, the army seized control of state television and the Ministry of Information. In early May 2021, the military subsequently declared all satellite television illegal. The licenses of 9 media houses were revoked and 4 charged under Section 505 (A) ever since.
Alarmingly high levels of censorship, arbitrary arrests, violence and even killings of journalists, demonstrate the increasing danger that journalists in Myanmar are facing. Local journalists and ethnic media workers have become open and physical targets of the junta. Many journalists have already been assaulted, shot at and injured while covering national protests, illegally arrested and prosecuted for carrying out their journalistic work - often accused of supporting opposition forces. So far, 136 journalists have been arrested, 49 remain in detention and at least 3 journalists have been killed (source: ASEAN).
After the coup the military changed the Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code, and introduced the New Section 505 (A) that prohibits causing fear, spreading false news and agitating crimes against a government employee, all punishable by up to three years' imprisonment. The junta is using this law against the media.
Following these large threats, many independent journalists have gone into hiding and move around on a daily basis. This makes it next to impossible to operate independently inside the country. A large group of journalists and media houses have fled to neighbouring countries Thailand and India. With the recent battles of Lay Kyaw Kyaw, more than 15 ethnic media organizations were pushed to cross the border into Thailand. The journalists in exile are facing numerous challenges such as the obtainment of work visas, discrimination and ethnophobia that hamper their safety.
Despite all challenges, media organizations and freelance journalists are extremely resilient and haven’t stopped their important work despite the rising pressure. Critical voices continue their work of daily reporting and voicing criticism. Ethnic media continue their work from KNU-liberated areas. New, innovative and creative solutions are developed to continue working and providing access to information for Burmese citizens.
Nonetheless, the crackdown on the media and the hostile environment affecting the safety of journalists of Myanmar is concerning. It is evident that the junta sees journalists as their enemy, and we are concerned that they will not hesitate to use more violence in the battle for facts and information. The crackdown on the media comes at a time where the continuation of independent and accurate informationis crucial to the conflict situation in Myanmar, to provide people with lifesaving information, offer them facts about the ongoing events, counter misinformation, and record human rights violations. Without facts and access to reliable information, the people of Myanmar will remain unable to decide over their own destiny and fully enjoy human rights.
Our calls to action
The undersigned organizations strongly condemn the continued violence against media workers in Myanmar. We welcome earlier statements of UNESCO and the Media Freedom Coalition condemning the violence and internet shutdowns imposed by the junta. But more is needed. That is why we call for:
- the international community to continue to condemn and address violations of press freedom in Myanmar and ensure that those responsible will be brought to justice;
- governments from both neighboring countries as well as the international community should create a safe haven to the journalists who are stuck in a limbo, by providing them with emergency visas. The situation that many journalists fleeing Myanmar due to threats to their lives are facing, only to find themselves in a situation where their lack of a legal status puts them at risk of persecution and eviction by the authorities, is dire. There is a real sense of urgency in terms of Myanmar journalists requiring safe ways to seek refuge through emergency visas;
- the international community is to provide long term support to independent Myanmar media including smaller ethnic media organizations from remote areas in order to recover, rebuild, and continue their reporting either in Myanmar or in exile. Media development organizations, media outlets and Myanmar journalists have shown resilience and have continued their vital work in order to bring reliable information to the Myanmar public. They need long-term support..."
Source/publisher:
Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"On 1 February 2022, people in Myanmar will mark the first anniversary of renewed military dictatorship with protest and resistance. The coup prevented an elected government from taking office. The military extralegally detained its members, and embarked on a program of state violence reminiscent of the atrocities in 2017 that led hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh.
The military has met nationwide resistance. A civil disobedience movement that began in the days after the coup has persisted in its efforts to oppose military rule by strikes, boycotts and other kinds of non-cooperation. A people’s defensive war has brought fighting to parts of the country that had for decades been without armed conflict.
The costs have been great. Many have lost their jobs and housing. Thousands have been detained and at least 1,499 civilians have lost their lives, according to the AAPP. An estimated 406,000 people have been internally displaced since the coup and at least 32,000 have fled to neighbouring countries, according to UNHCR.
The military coup has exacerbated efforts to combat the Covid-19 crisis, unnecessarily contributing to a high death toll. Military rule greatly complicates future efforts to control the virus, putting the health and safety of millions in peril.
The consequences of the coup on higher education are disastrous. After decades of debilitating dictatorship, universities and institutes in Myanmar were just beginning to find their feet when the military again seized control. The universities remain closed to students. With their shutdown go the hopes of another generation for quality education in Myanmar. Opposition groups, activists and engaged scholars are setting up alternative study programs, but these can fill only a small part of the demand.
As academics, students and professional staff working on Myanmar, we mark this anniversary by condemning the coup and the violent suppression of political opposition to military rule. We deplore the targeted killing and maiming of unarmed civilians, including via massacres during recent military offensives launched in many parts of the country.
To our friends and associates in Myanmar, and to alumni of Australian universities who are struggling against dictatorship, we extend our solidarity. We join with you and others around the world in demanding that the military retreat from politics, stop the killings and torture; release all political prisoners, including our colleague Professor Sean Turnell, and return government to those whom Myanmar’s electorate chose to lead it. Joint statement issued on 31 January 2022 by:..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Studies Association of Australia, Association of Mainland Southeast Asia Scholars, Australia-Myanmar Constitutional Democracy Project, Australia Myanmar Institute, Griffith Asia Institute and Myanmar Research Centre
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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"One year has now passed since the
Burma Army’s attempted coup on
1 February 2021. The Human Rights
Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) began
documenting atrocities being perpetrated
against civilians by the military junta in
Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi
region on 7 February 2021. The crimes
that have been committed speak to the
unrelenting horrors which continue to
be forced upon innocent clusters of the
population. The majority of the people in
Burma strongly reject the military coup
and have been collectively strengthened
by a commitment to toppling the
terrorist regime.
More than anything, the Burma
Army craves legitimacy and has used
violence as a tool to try and submit
the people to their will. However,
despite the grave horrors projected
onto civilians, the Spring Revolution
remains unbroken. It is a struggle that
civilians feel they cannot step away
from until their freedom and rights are
restored. One year ago, the Burmese
military made clear its disregard for
democracy and peace. They reaffirmed
the reality that they would not follow
the rules of international, democratic
governance but would rather try to
rewrite their own playbook which went
even beyond the 2008 military drafted
Constitution. By dismissing key pillars of
a functioning, free and fair government
in their refusal to accept the victory
of the National League for Democracy
(NLD), the people very quickly resisted
– and have continued to show their
strength through protests, underground
organizing and even taking up arms to
join local civilian defense forces.
Despite the mass momentum which
has fueled the revolution, the Burma
Army has only wielded more violence
including air and ground strikes to force
civilians to submit and for armed groups,
including ethnic armed organizations
(EAOs) to surrender. However, the
people remain vigilant and committed
to ensuring that they are victorious in
their long deserved quests for peace and
security..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, HURFOM and other human rights material about the Mon, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"We will never forget. It has been a year since the violent and illegitimate occupation of the democratically elected government by Myanmar's military junta on 1 February 2021. This was at a period when the people were at their most vulnerable, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. It was and still is a grave and utter betrayal of the public will and trust and a sheer disregard of democratic institutions and values.
In the past 365 days, we have been witnessing accounts of serious human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, criminalisation, arbitrary detentions, illegal arrests, torture, violent reprisals, and sexual and gender-based violence committed against pro-democracy activists and human rights defenders.
This junta has fueled a humanitarian crisis that continues to impose fear, escalating violence, and destroy innocent lives throughout the country. Bombings of villages identified as centres of the opposition had resulted in killings of civilians and humanitarian workers and triggered gross internal displacement of communities. The crisis continues to escalate and has spilt across its borders as thousands have fled and sought refuge in neighbouring countries.
We are appalled by the junta's disregard of socio-economic and health emergencies caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, such as curtailing supplies of oxygen and medicines, arresting doctors and medical personnel, and leaving thousands to die without medical help.
We will always remember. The sheer tenacity, bravery and courage of LGBTIQ+ persons who were and are at the frontlines fighting for democracy, dignity, and freedom will forever be commemorated and ingrained in our collective memory. Despite repressive conditions, our LGBTIQ+ siblings have tirelessly campaigned both online and offline in pursuit of reclaiming democracy and urging for a global action to condemn military-led atrocities. We are deeply moved by various forms of creative resistance such as flash mobs, the waving of rainbow flags, the march of drag artists that had become symbols of peoples' solidarity and strength.
This military junta and their supporters have blood on their hands. We deeply regret that many have been separated from their loved ones and have lost their lives amid the struggle. Data reported by Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG) in June 2021 revealed that at least 12 LGBTIQ+ people were shot to death, while hundreds more were detained, arrested, and severely tortured based on their SOGIESC. Many are currently in hiding to escape retaliation.
We stand firmly in solidarity. As long as Myanmar is unfree, democracy in Southeast Asia will never move forward. We commit our continuous support for efforts to reclaim and fortify human rights, freedoms, peace and democracy in Myanmar. Human rights and freedoms, particularly of LGBTIQ+ peoples, can flourish only if the people are recognised and respected as the rightful sovereign of the country. As such, we strongly deplore the military junta as an illegitimate force that is unworthy of any recognition.
We urge the UN to step up and impose necessary sanctions and actions against the junta. Min Aung Hlaing, the rest of the military leadership, their political allies, and their families should be made accountable for the atrocities they committed.
We urge all governments, the UN, and the entire international community to recognise Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG) immediately and assure urgent unified response to provide unified assistance for putting Myanmar back on the path to democracy, the restoration of fundamental freedoms such as on information and expression, and guarantee the prevalence of peace and prosperity. While Myanmar is in crisis, we urge the international community to open up its borders, facilitate safe passage, and create domestic conditions to guarantee safety and dignity for all Myanmar persons seeking refuge.
We urge ASEAN, especially the government of Cambodia in its capacity as the Chair of the regional bloc, to fully implement its Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar: an immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue with all stakeholders especially marginalised and ethnic groups who are excluded from political processes, provision of humanitarian assistance, and the appointment and unhindered visits of an ASEAN Special Envoy to facilitate constructive dialogues with all stakeholders.
To our Myanmar LGBTIQ+ queerblings both in the country and abroad, you are not alone in this struggle. We are with you until and after democracy is fully regained in your beloved country..."
Source/publisher:
61 LGBTIQ and Civil Society Organizations via Civicus
Date of publication:
2022-02-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"When hundreds of thousands of workers across the country walked out of their jobs in protest at the military’s seizure of power in Myanmar on 1 February 2021, Grace* was among the first to join.
Although she was seven months pregnant, the middle-school teacher from Chin state was determined to resist the military by refusing to work under its administration. Joining her was her husband, also a government employee.
What they didn’t then know was that nearly a year later, their hands, once accustomed to holding chalk and pens, would instead be holding hoes and shovels, calloused and blistered from farming under the scorching sun. Nor did they ever imagine that they would be living in hiding, on the run from soldiers and police.
“My husband and I decided to strike soon after the coup was staged. For fear of being arrested by the police, we haven’t been able to return home for nine months,” says Grace, talking to the Guardian from an undisclosed location.
Two of my family members were arrested because of me. Our houses were raided. We have no regular source of income and have to struggle every day to make a living. But never have I ever regretted joining the civil disobedience movement, not even once. We are part of the revolution against the military dictatorship.”
In the year since the coup, Myanmar has been plunged into chaos and a spiralling economic crisis as the military responds to the widespread civilian defiance to its rule with deadly violence and mass arrests.
Some of its main targets are the hundreds of thousands of public sector workers, including teachers, nurses and doctors participating in a campaign of civil disobedience and refusing the serve the regime.
Public hospitals are barely functioning, and when state schools opened in June, more than half the teachers were absent. Private and public bank workers have also been striking en masse, and even withdrawing cash is now near-impossible.
In an effort to crush the movement and make people return to their jobs, military forces have started hunting down striking public sector workers across the country and raiding their homes.
Since the strikes began in February, at least 140 people have been arrested for their participation, of whom 107 remain in detention, the Guardian was told by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a Myanmar-focused rights monitoring group.
The AAPP says at least eight of those taking part in the civil disobedience movement have died in military interrogation centres, and seven of the bodies showed signs of torture.
Families have also been targeted. Since the coup, 46 people have been taken as hostages in an attempt to force their family members participating in civil disobedience to turn themselves in; 39 of these hostages are still in custody, according to the AAPP.
Grace went into labour shortly after she left her home. With family members being targeted by police raids, she was so scared of being arrested she registered at the hospital under a fake name. Her husband did not dare accompany her.
The military has also attempted to force those who are taking part in the strikes to return to work by making it harder for them to survive. It has evicted thousands from worker housing, and stopped paying salaries. Last May, more than 125,000 striking teachers had their contracts suspended in an attempt to try and force them back into the classroom.
The Guardian spoke with seven teachers in Chin state who are still on strike. They all said their only financial support was community donations, which were irregular and amounted to less than half of their former income.
For Grace and her family this is not enough to survive. In June, the couple began farming corn. On weekends, they sell fried snacks to make ends meet. They still face the constant risk of arrest.
As violence and military attacks escalate across the country, many teachers and other public sector workers who have gone on strike are now also living under the shadow of war. Since May, fighting has dramatically increased. The military has sought to quell armed resistance by attacking entire civilian populations, and the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that more than 400,000 people have been displaced from their homes.
Intensifying military attacks caused Ling Kee*, a high school headteacher who joined the civil disobedience movement and went on strike last year, to leave the town of Thantlang in August with his three adult daughters, also strikers, and his wife.
They took shelter with relatives in Hakha township, but a month later had to flee again upon hearing that soldiers were going door to door hunting down strikers. With nothing but the nightclothes they were wearing, they drove motorbikes through the night along mountain roads until they crossed the border into India. .
Unable to work there, they are relying on their savings to survive.
Students have also joined taken action against military-run services. After weeks of protests over a military “slave education system” in May, only 10% of the country’s nearly 10 million people of school age registered this year, according to the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation.
When state schools opened across the country in June, many of them guarded by armed soldiers, classrooms were empty.
To ensure that youth do not miss out on their education, churches, civil society organisations and striking teachers have established multiple grassroots education channels, supported by community donations. But funds are limited, and teachers also worry that their classes could get caught in the crossfire of the ongoing fighting, a teacher from Kanpetlet township told the Guardian.
Biak* had just one year of high school left when the coup happened.
Now living in a refugee camp in Mizoram, India, after her home was destroyed in a military attack, she is unable to study because there are no education facilities. “Currently, my family doesn’t have a house to live in, and I have no chance to study. All of my dreams were reduced to ashes, just like the homes in Thantlang, including mine,” she says.
* Pseudonyms have been used for security reasons
Flora Lian is an independent researcher from Chin State, Myanmar and writes about current issues in Chin State. She holds a master’s degree from Chiang Mai University. She is writing under a pseudonym for security reasons..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, General Strike, Human Rights Defenders
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"၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ပြည်သူများ၏ အသစ်တဖန် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အား ဆန္ဒပြခြင်းနှင့် တော်လှန်တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း တစ်နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက်သည့် နေ့ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည် ရွေးကောက်ခံအစိုးရတစ်ရပ်၏ အစိုးရဖွဲ့အုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်ရေးကို တားဆီးခဲ့သည်။ စစ်တပ်သည် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့ဝင်များကို တရားမဝင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းပြီး ရိုဟင်ဂျာမွတ်ဆလင်သိန်းနှင့်ချီ၍ ဘင်္ဂလားဒေ့ရှ်နိုင်ငံသို့ ထွက်ပြေးစေခဲ့သည့် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်က ဖြစ်ရပ်ကို အောက်မေ့သတိရစေသော အစိုးရကျောထောက်နောက်ခံပြု အကြမ်းဖက်အစီအစဉ်ကို စတင်ခဲ့သည်။
စစ်တပ်သည် နိုင်ငံတဝန်း ခုခံတော်လှန်မှုကို ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ရက်ပိုင်းအတွင်း စတင်ခဲ့သော စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးကို ဆန့်ကျင်ရန်သည့် အကြမ်းမဖက်လူထုအာဏာဖီဆန်သည့်လှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) သည် ဆန္ဒပြခြင်း၊ သပိတ်မှောက်ခြင်းနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းငြင်းဆန်သော နည်းလမ်းများစွာဖြင့် ကြံကြံခံ ဆက်လက်တည်ရှိနေသည်။ ပြည်သူများ၏ ခုခံစစ်ကြောင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခများ ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ မရှိခဲ့သော နိုင်ငံ၏အစိတ်အပိုင်းများတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာသည်။
ပေးဆပ်ရမှုသည် အလွန်ပင်ကြီးမားပါသည်။ လူအများအပြား အလုပ်အကိုင်နှင့် အိုးအိမ်များ ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်။ ထောင်နှင့်ချီ၍ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရပြီး အရပ်သား ၁၄၉၉ ဦးထက်မနည်း အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ကြောင်း AAPP ၏ အချက်အလက်များအရ သိရသည်။ UNHCR အချက်အလက်များအရ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးကတည်းက ခန့်မှန်းခြေ လူ ၄၀၆,၀၀၀ ခန့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးခဲ့ရပြီး အနည်းဆုံး ၃၂,၀၀၀ ခန့် အိမ်နီးချင်းနိုင်ငံများသို့ ထွက်ပြေးခဲ့ကြရသည်။
စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည် COVID-19 ကပ်ရောဂါအကျပ်အတည်းကို တိုက်ဖျက်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကို ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားစေခဲ့ပြီး သေဆုံးသူအရေအတွက် မြင့်မားလာစေခဲ့သည်။ စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးသည် ဗိုင်းရပ်စ်ကို ထိန်းချုပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများကိုများစွာ ရှုပ်ထွေးခက်ခဲစေပြီး သန်းနှင့်ချီသောပြည်သူများ၏ ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် ဘေးကင်းရေးကို အန္တရာယ်ဖြစ်စေသည်။
အဆင့်မြင့်ပညာရေးအပေါ် အာဏာသိမ်းမှု၏ အကျိုးဆက်များက အလွန်ဆိုးရွားလှသည်။ ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အားနည်းစေပီးနောက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ တက္ကသိုလ်များနှင့် အင်စတီကျူးများသည် မိမိခြေပေါ် မိမိရပ်တည်နိုင်ရန် စတင်ကြိုးပမ်းနေစဥ် စစ်တပ်က ထပ်မံသိမ်းပိုက်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ တက္ကသိုလ်များသည် ပိတ်ထားဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ရပ်ဆိုင်းလိုက်ခြင်းဖြင့် အရည်အသွေးပြည့်ဝသော ပညာရေးကို မျှော်လင့်နေကြသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ မျိုးဆက်နောက်တခု၏ မျှော်လင့်ချက်များကို ကွယ်ပျောက်စေခဲ့သည်။ အတိုက်အခံအဖွဲ့များ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများနှင့် ပညာရှင်များသည် အစားထိုးပညာရေးအစီအစဥ်များကို ကြိုးစားအကောင်အထည်ဖော်နေကြသော်လည်းဘဲ တောင်းဆိုချက်များ၏ အနည်းငယ်မျှကိုသာ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်သည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ဆက်ဆိုင်သော အကြောင်းအရာများကို လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြသော ပညာရှင်များ၊ ကျောင်းသားများနှင့် ကျွမ်းကျင်ဝန်ထမ်းများအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းမှု တနှစ်ပြည့်မြောက်သောနေ့တွင် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအတိုက်အခံများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက် ဖြိုခွင်းခြင်းများကို ရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံအများအပြားတွင် မကြာသေးမီက ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့် ထိုးစစ်များအတွင်း အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများအပါအဝင် လက်နက်မဲ့ အရပ်သားများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထားသတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းနှင့် ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရစေခြင်းများကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ ရှုတ်ချသည်။
အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို တွန်းလှန်နေကြသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ မိတ်ဆွေများ၊ အပေါင်းအသင်းများနှင့် သြစတြေးလျ တက္ကသိုလ်အသီးသီးမှ မြန်မာကျောင်းသားဟောင်းများနှင့်အတူ မိမိတို့ တစိတ်တဝမ်းတည်း ရှိနေပါသည်။ စစ်တပ်က နိုင်ငံရေးကနေ ဆုတ်ခွာရန်၊ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုနှင့် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများကို ရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ လုပ်ဖော်ကိုက်ဖက် ပါမောက္ခ Sean Turnell အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသားများအားလုံး လွတ်မြောက်စေရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူများရွေးကောက်ထားသော အစိုးရထံ အာဏာပြန်လည်အပ်နှံရန် တောင်းဆိုနေသူများအားလုံးနှင့်အတူ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အတူ ရပ်တည်နေပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Studies Association of Australia, Association of Mainland Southeast Asia Scholars, Australia-Myanmar Constitutional Democracy Project, Australia Myanmar Institute, Griffith Asia Institute and Myanmar Research Centre
Date of publication:
2022-02-02
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"Today is the 73rd Karen Revolution Day, which shows 73 years of struggle and bravery of the Karen
people. The whole nation of Myanmar is united with the Karen people for the 73 years of struggle,
for freedom, for self-determination, for federal democracy. The last 73 years of Karen’s sacrifice for
freedom and the new Myanmar are appreciated by Myanmar. And today, we all have come together
and united against authoritarianism and military dictatorship. We, together with Karen, have solidified
our determinations to defeat this Junta and eradicate the military dictatorship once and for all, and
replace the Tatmadaw with a modern military of Myanmar, a Federal Army.
Once we do that, the second step will be to write the Constitution of Myanmar based on Federal
democratic principles and self-determination for all the people of Myanmar, regardless of race,
religion, ethnicity, culture, and gender.
And thirdly, together with our Karen brothers and sisters, revolutionaries, and visionary people, we
will start building the Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar, where we all will be accessible to our
future. We will all be free to our dreams. That’s where the peace, prosperity, and tomorrow is waiting
for all the people of Myanmar.
We thank all Karen people for all they have done for the last 73 years, and we cannot show enough
appreciation to our hero’s martyrs for their sacrifices. They have been the frontline of our freedom
and defenders of democracy for the last 73 years. For that, we thank you.
May God bless the Karen people; may God bless the Karen Land..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Karen history, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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" ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ် တိုးတက်မှုအစီရင်ခံစာ..."
Source/publisher:
People's Defence Force - Kalay
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
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"One year ago, the Burmese military denied the will of the people of Burma, overthrew the democratically elected government, and seized power in a coup d’etat.
Since then, the regime has perpetrated countless brutal actions and committed unspeakable violence against civilians, including children. More than 1,500 people have been killed. Thousands have been unjustly detained or subjected to sham trials. Corruption is rampant. Civil conflict has worsened. The coup has caused immense suffering across Burma and undermined regional stability, while the leaders of the regime and their supporters seek to profit off the chaos they have created. And though millions across Burma are in desperate need of life-saving aid, the regime denies humanitarian access and attacks aid workers.
We condemn these outrages and we are working closely with our partners and allies, including in ASEAN, to hold accountable all those responsible for the coup and attacks on civilians. The military regime must reverse course and release all those unjustly detained—including Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint, other democratically elected leaders, journalists, civil society leaders, activists, and foreign citizens. Humanitarian workers must be allowed unhindered access. And the regime should immediately engage in a meaningful dialogue with all parties to return Burma to its democratic path.
As long as the regime continues to deny the people of Burma their democratic voice, we will continue to impose further costs on the military and its supporters.
To the people of Burma: We have not forgotten your struggle. And we will continue to support your valiant determination to bring democracy and the rule of law to your country..."
Source/publisher:
The White House (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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"One year ago, the elected government of Myanmar was deposed by military authorities. At that time, I explained that the issues surrounding this coup, its legality under the constitution and the effect on democracy in Myanmar were not within the mandate of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. This is because the coup itself did not qualify as a “serious international crime,” a term defined in our Terms of Reference as including only genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, I explained that given the tragic history of the Myanmar military using violence against political opponents, the Mechanism was concerned and would be closely following events. I explained that if it appeared that crimes against humanity or war crimes were being committed, the Mechanism would fulfill our mandate to collect the evidence and build files that could facilitate criminal prosecutions of those persons responsible in national, regional or international courts.
Tragically, reports received over the last year suggest that well over a thousand individuals have been killed in circumstances that may qualify as crimes against humanity or war crimes. The security forces have detained thousands of civilians in circumstances that include credible allegations of arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence and even killings while in detention. The Mechanism is working diligently to substantiate and document the facts underlying these reports to establish whether these crimes were committed and if so, who is criminally responsible, and to prepare files that could facilitate prosecutions. The Mechanism has been able to gather a great deal of relevant material concerning these events and we are adding information and evidence to our files almost daily.
The Mechanism is very grateful to the many thousands of persons and organizations that have shared evidence relevant to our examination of serious international crimes in Myanmar. We are committed to doing all we can to assure the safety and security of those with whom we interact and will make every effort to build cases so that their brave contributions to justice in Myanmar are not made in vain.
Investigations of serious international crimes are always challenging. It typically takes a long time and significant resources to build good cases. The Mechanism is using all possible strategies and innovations to gather and verify evidence in order to build strong case files that can facilitate prosecutions in national and international courts.
The cooperation of States where the evidence and witnesses are located is essential. The Mechanism is grateful to the many States providing ongoing cooperation and looks forward to strengthening and deepening such cooperation in order to advance its mandate.
Governments all over the world have been unanimous in calling for a cessation of the violence by all parties now being inflicted on the people of Myanmar. ASEAN, in particular, has made the immediate cessation of violence, the very first point of its Five Point Consensus. The work of the Mechanism, by collecting evidence of the very worst international crimes, complements these efforts to end the violence.
The Mechanism is closely watching events and working to fulfill its mandate. Those who are considering committing crimes should be aware that serious international crimes have no statute of limitations. International justice has a very long memory and one day the perpetrators of the most serious international crimes in Myanmar will be held to account..."
Source/publisher:
United Nations
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူတန်းစား တော်လှန်ရဲဘော်အပေါင်းတို့
မိမိတို့ အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူတန်းစားများသည် သမိုင်းကြောင်းတလျှောက်လုံး ကိုယ့်ကြမ္မာကိုယ်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်၊ လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်၊ လူ့ရပိုင်ခွင့်များ ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရပြီး မိမိတို့တိုင်းပြည်တွင်လည်း ပဒေသရာဇ်စနစ်၊ လူမျိုးကြီး ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ကိုင်မှုစနစ်၊ ဖက်ဆစ် စစ်ဝါဒီစနစ်များ ကြီးစိုးလွှမ်းမိုးကာ ပြည်သူ့လက်ထဲတွင်သာ ရှိရမည့် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာသည် မောင်ပိုင်စီးခံရလျက် အစဥ်လုယူခံထားခဲ့ကြရသည်။ ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ်သည် ၁၉၆၂ မှစ၍ ယနေ့အချိန်ထိတိုင် ၎င်းတို့ဖက်ဆစ်မိသားစုများ၊ နှီးနွှယ်ပတ်သက်နေသည့် စီးပွားရေးခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်သူများ စသည့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ အကျိုးစီးပွားတခုတည်းအတွက်သာ တိုင်းပြည်၏ မြေပေါ်မြေအောက်၊ ရေပေါ်ရေအောက် သယံဇာတအရင်းအမြစ်များ၊ လူထုလုပ်အားကဲ့သို့သော လူ့စွမ်းအားအရင်းအမြစ်များ၊ တန်ဖိုးမဖြတ်နိုင်သော လူထု၏ အနာဂတ်နှင့်ကြမ္မာကို အဓမ္မနည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ဂုတ်သွေးစုပ် ချုပ်ခြယ်သိမ်းပိုက်ထားလျက်ရှိသည်။ ယနေ့ဆိုလျှင်လည်း ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ တကျော့ပြန် ပေါ်ပေါ်ထင်ထင် အာဏာသိမ်းမှု တနှစ်ပြည့်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။
မိမိတို့တိုင်းပြည်၌ အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၏ သမိုင်းကြောင်းတွင် မတရားမှုကို ခုံခံတွန်းလှန်လျက် တော်လှန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲများအတွင်း သွေးသားနှင့် အသက်ခန္ဓာ ကို စတေးစွန့်လွှတ်ခဲ့ကြသည့် စံပြရဲဘော်များ၊ အညတရ သူရဲကောင်းများ များစွာပေါ်ထွန်းခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ တကျော့ပြန် ပေါ်ပေါ်ထင်ထင် အာဏာသိမ်းမှု တနှစ်တာအချိန်ကာလအတွင်း ၎င်းတို့၏ ပုံစံမျိုးစုံဖိနှိပ်မှုကြောင့် ပြည်သူ ၁၅၀၃ ဦးထက်မနည်း အသက်ခန္ဓာ စွန့်လွှတ်ခဲ့ရ ပြီးဖြစ်ကာ ၁၁၈၃၈ ဦးထက်မနည်းသော ပြည်သူများသည် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းကို ခံခဲ့ရသည်။ လူထု၏ စီးပွားရေး၊ စားဝတ်နေရေး တို့သည်လည်း ပိုမို၍ ဆင်းရဲတွင်းနက်လာကာ အငတ်ဘေးပြဿနာကို ကြီးကြီးမားမား ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသည်။ ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ်နှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ခါးပိုက်ဆောင်အဖွဲ့များဖြစ်သည့် ရဲ၊ ပျူစောထီး၊ အမျိုးသားရေး အမည်ခံ လက်မရွံ့ ဖက်ဆစ်လက်ပါးစေများနှင့် အခြားသောဖက်ဆစ်သစ္စာခံများ၏ ပြည်သူ့စည်းစိမ် မောင်ပိုင်စီးခြင်း၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ ညှဥ်းဆဲနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးအမည်ခံ လက်နက်မဲ့ပြည်သူများထံ ကျူးကျော် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကြောင့် မိမိနေရပ်မှ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ရသည့် ပြည်သူများစွာရှိခဲ့သလို အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသူ များစွာ ရှိသည်။ ဂျီနိုဆိုက်ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ၎င်းတို့ လုပ်နေကြမြဲဖြစ်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများအဖြစ် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ၊ လူအစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ကရင်နီ၊ ချင်း၊ စစ်ကိုင်း၊ မကွေး စသည့်ဒေသများတွင် ထပ်မံကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သေးသည်။
မိမိတို့ အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူတန်းစားတရပ်လုံး၏ ဘုံရန်သူဖြစ်သည့် ဤသို့သော ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ်ကို အမြစ်မှချိုးဖျက်ရန် အတွက်မူ လူထုလွတ်မြောက်ရေး တော်လှန်အလံကို အမြင့်ဆုံးလွှင့်ထူလျက် ရဲရင့်စွာ တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ကြရုံမှတပါး အခြား မရှိပေ။ ထိုသို့တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရာတွင်လည်း အကြမ်းမဖက်ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဖိအားပေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ စစ်အုပ်စုအကျိုးစီးပွား ဖြတ်တောက်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ လက်နက်ကိုင် ခုခံံတွန်းလှန် လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ စသည့် လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုပုံသဏ္ဍာန် အသီးသီးတွင် ကဏ္ဍတခုချင်းစီကို စနစ်တကျ ပီပြင်စွာပုံဖော်ကာ ပေါင်းစပ်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရမည် ဖြစ်ပေသည်။
ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စုနည်းတူပင် လူထုကို အစဥ်ဒုက္ခပေး ဂုတ်သွေးစုပ်နေမည့် ဖက်ဆစ်ဝါဒ၊ လူမျိုးကြီးဝါဒ၊ မဟာ အုပ်စုကြီးဝါဒ၊ အဓမ္မအာဏာရှင်ဝါဒများကို တပါတည်း တိုက်ဖျက်နိုင်မှသာလျှင် ဖိနှိပ်ခံလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး မျှော်ကိုးသည့် ပြည်သူ့ဒီမိုကရေစီကိုရရှိကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးပြည့်ဝပြီး ပြည်သူ့ကောင်းကျိုးချမ်းသာကို ပြည်သူသာလျှင် တည်ဆောက် နိုင်သည့် လူ့ဘောင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းကို ရရှိမည်ဖြစ်ပေသည်။
ထိုနည်းတူစွာပင် လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးကိုအဆိပ်ခတ်နေသော အယူအဆများဖြစ်သည့် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် စေ့စပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးလမ်းစဥ်၊ လေယူရာယိမ်း မူဝါဒမဲ့လမ်းစဥ်၊ လူထုအားသတင်းအမှားပေးလမ်းစဥ်၊ ပုန်ကန်တော်လှန်မှုကို အရှိန်လျော့ကျစေမည့်လမ်းစဥ်များအား ဖောက်ပြန်ရေးနည်းနာများအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကာ နင်းချေဖျက်ဆီးနိုင်မှသာလျှင် ကောင်းမွန်သော အလေ့အထများကို လူထုတိုက်ပွဲအတွင်း မျိုးစေ့ချနိုင်လျက် တော်လှန်ရေးသည် သန့်စင်ကာ ဂုဏ်ပြောင် ဂုဏ်ရောင် ရှိနိုင်ပေမည်။
အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ တော်လှန်ရဲဘော်များနှင့်အတူ လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးအလံတော်ကို အမြင့်ဆုံးလွှင့်ထူလျက် ရင်ဆိုင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟူသည့် GSC စတင်ဖွဲ့စည်းစဥ်ကတည်းက ထားရှိခဲ့သည့် တော်လှန်ရေး သစ္စာအဓိဌာန်ကို ယနေ့တွင် ထပ်လောင်းကတိပြုလိုက်ပေသည်။
အဖိနှိပ်ခံလူတန်းစားတရပ်လုံး၏ ဘုံပန်းတိုင်ဖြစ်သော ပြည်သူ့ကောင်းကျိုးချမ်းသာကို ပြည်သူသာလျှင် တည်ဆောက်နိုင်သည့် လူ့ဘောင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းဆီသို့ အရောက်သွားနိုင်ရန်အတွက်မူ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစံနှုန်းများ အခြေပြုလျက် လူထုလွတ်မြောက်ရေးတိုက်ပွဲအား မဆုတ်မနစ်တမ်း ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ကြပါစို့။
အဖိနှိပ်ခံများ သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်ကာ တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆက်လက်သယ်ဆောင်ကြ..."
Source/publisher:
General Strike Committee
Date of publication:
2022-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"ပြည်ထောင်စု ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်တော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေး ကော်မရှင်
ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၂)
၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၃၁) ရက်..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
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Sub-title:
UK joins US and Canada in coordinated action against Myanmar military regime, targeting individuals responsible for undermining democracy and rule of law.
Description:
"new UK sanctions against military regime enforced in joint action with allies
three individuals targeted for their involvement in undermining democracy and the rule of law
Foreign Secretary condemns the military coup and calls for return to democracy
Announced on the eve of the 1-year anniversary of the military coup in Myanmar, the UK has designated new sanctions against 3 key members of the regime who have been instrumental in suppressing democracy and stifling opposition voices.
In coordination with the United States and Canada, new sanctions will be brought against:
Dr Thida Oo, Myanmar Attorney General
U Thein Soe, Chair of the Union Election Commission
U Tin Oo, the Chair of the Anti-Corruption Commission
All 3 individuals are responsible for disregarding the Myanmar election results in November 2020 and supporting unsubstantiated claims of electoral fraud in an attempt to legitimise the coup.
The Attorney General and Anti-Corruption Commission Chair are also responsible for stifling pro-democracy groups across the country and overseeing the sentencing of democratically elected leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, on trumped-up charges.
Foreign Secretary Liz Truss said:
Over the last year, the military regime has attempted to terrorise the people of Myanmar into submission. Through fear and violence, they have created division and conflict.
The UK will always defend the right to freedom, democracy and the rule of law. With like-minded nations, we will hold to account this suppressive, brutal regime.
This latest round of sanctions will freeze the assets of these individuals and enforce a travel ban preventing them coming to the UK. They come on top of previous designations on dozens of individuals as well as businesses and business networks to limit the junta’s access to finance.
The designations demonstrate the UK’s commitment to target the junta’s personal, political and financial interests as they continue to perpetrate violence and refuse to engage with the democratic wishes of the people of Myanmar.
The UK is working with international partners to speak out for the Myanmar people, push for the full implementation of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus, stem the flow of arms to the regime and ensure the perpetrators of human rights violations are held accountable.
Since the coup, the UK has also provided £49.4 million to support those in need of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar, deliver health and education for the most vulnerable, and promote rights and freedoms. This funding is delivered through trusted aid agencies and partners, rather than through the junta.
Our humanitarian programmes have reached over 600,000 people, providing lifesaving water, sanitation and food..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"၁။ကရင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများအနေဖြင့် ကရင်တစ်မျိုးသားလုံးအတွက် လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တန်းတူ ညီမျှမှုနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် ရရှိရေးတို့အတွက် မတရားဖိနှိပ်များကို ခုခံတော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် (၇၃) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်အမျိုးသားတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့ အချိန်အခါသမယတွင် ညီနောင်ကရင် တိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်တကွ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး ကိုယ်စိတ်နှစ်ပါး ကျန်းမာချမ်းသာပြီး စစ်မှန်၍ တရားသော တိုက်ပွဲများတွင် အောင်နိုင်ကြပါကြောင်းဟု ဦးစွာ ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်၌ ကိုလိုနီနယ်ချဲ့ဖက်ဆစ်တို့နှင့် မြန်မာ့စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ကြရာတွင် ကရင်အာဇာနည်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ကရင်တိုင်းရင်းသား လူမျိုးများက ပေးဆပ်မှု၊ စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံမှုတို့နှင့် ပါဝင်တော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြပြီး ယနေ့ အချိန်တွင်လည်း ကရင်အမျိုးသားခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် ညီနောင်ကရင်တိုင်းရင်းသားအပေါင်းတို့က နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းမှ တိုင်းရင်းသားညီနောင်များနှင့်အတူ မပြီးပြတ်သေးသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ဆင်နွှဲလျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၃။ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ လက်နက်အားကိုး၍ မတရား ဖိနှိပ်ချုပ်ခြယ်ခဲ့ကာ ၎င်းအာဏာ တည်မြဲရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ကျိုးစီးပွားအတွက် တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုးတို့၏ အနာဂတ်ကို ဖျက်ဆီးနေသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များကို ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ကြသည့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၊ နိုင်ငံ့ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများအား နွေးထွေးစွာ ကြိုဆိုစောင့်ရှောက်ပေးခဲ့ပြီး တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင် စေရန်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ ကရင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများသာမက နိုင်ငံတကာတွင်ရောက်ရှိ နေသည့် ကရင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများက အစွမ်းကုန် လက်တွဲကူညီပေးခဲ့မှုများအတွက် နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ ပြည်သူများက အထူးကျေးဇူးတင်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ဖော်ပြပါအပ်သည်။
၄။ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအား မတရား ဖိနှိပ်ခဲ့သော်လည်း တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုးအနာဂတ်အတွက် သက်ဆိုင်သူအားလုံးက နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် တွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးမှုဖြင့် အဖြေရှာရန် ဝိုင်းဝန်းကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ သို့သော် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် မတရားဖိနှိပ်မှုများ ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ အာဏာရှင် စနစ်ဆိုးများအား တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးက လက်တွဲညီညီ ဆက်လက်တွန်းလှန်ကြ ရမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး တည်ဆောက်ထားရှိပြီးခဲ့သည့် စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှုတို့ကို ဆက်လက်ထိန်းသိမ်းကာ မိမိတို့၏ ဘုံရည်မှန်းချက်ပန်းတိုင်သို့ အတူတကွ ဆက်လက်လျှောက်လှမ်းသွားကြရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၅။ ဘုံရန်သူဖြစ်သော စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား မြန်မာ့မြေပေါ်မှ အပြီးတိုင် တိုက်ထုတ်ကာ နှစ်ပေါင်း (၇၃) နှစ်တိုင်တိုင် တော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည့် တော်လှန်ရေးအား အောင်မြင်စွာ အဆုံးသတ်ပြီး ကရင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူအပေါင်းက မျှော်လင့်တောင့်တနေသည့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်နှင့် တန်းတူအခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် အာမခံချက် အပြည့်အဝပေးနိုင်သည့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်သစ် အမြန်ဆုံး တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းလျက် ဤ (၇၃) နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်အမျိုးသားတော်လှန်ရေးနေ့ သဝဏ်လွှာအား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Karen history, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"၁။ ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ(၃၁)ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သော (၇၃)နှစ်မြောက် ကရင်အမျိုးသား တော်လှန်ရေးနေ့သို့ ဂုဏ်ယူစွာဖြင့် ဤသဝဏ်လွှာကို ပါးအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ လွန်ခဲ့သော(၇၃)နှစ်မှစတင်၍ ယနေ့အချိန်ထိ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးခုခံတွန်းလှန် စစ်တွင် ရှေ့တန်းမှဦးဆောင်ပါဝင်လျက် စွန့်လွှတ်အနစ်နာခံမှုများစွာပြုခဲ့သော ကရင်အမျိုးသားများအား ဦးညွှတ်ဂုဏ်ပြုလိုက်ပါသည်။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားတိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးပေါင်းစုံ၏ လိုလားချက်မှာ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ တန်းတူမှုနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်အပြည့်အဝရှိသည့် စစ်မှန်သောဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရန် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စု၏အနာဂတ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ရာတွင် အဟန့်အတားပြုလျက်ရှိသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ဖျက်ရန်မှာ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားတိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူအားလုံး၏ သမိုင်းပေးတာဝန် ဖြစ်သည်ဟု ခံယူပါသည်။
၅။ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ၏ထောက်ခံပါဝင်မှု၊ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၏ စုစည်းညီညွတ်မှုဖြင့် ဆင်နွှဲလျက် ရှိသော ပြည်သူ့ခုခံတွန်းလှန်စစ်ကြောင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်၏နေဝင်ချိန်သည် နီးကပ်လာပြီ ဖြစ်သည့် အားလျော်စွာ အဓမ္မအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ဝါဒချုပ်ငြိမ်းလျက် စစ်မှန်သောဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စုကို အမြန်ဆုံးတည်ထောင်နိုင်ရန်အလို့ဌာ ကရင်အမျိုးသားများအနေဖြင့် အခြားတိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများနှင့်လက်တွဲလျက် တော်လှန်ရေးအဟုန်ကို ဦးဆောင်မြှင့်တင်ဆောင်ရွက်လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည် ပါကြောင်း ဖော်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Defence - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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180.38 KB
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"“(၇၃) နှစ်ပြည့် ကရင်တော်လှန်ရေးနေ့သို့ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ပေးပို့သော သဝဏ်လွှာ"
၂၀၂၂ ဇန်နဝါရီ ၃၁ ရက်
ကရင်တော်လှန်ရေး၏ (၇၃) နှစ်ပြည့်ကာလအတွင်း ကရင်လူမျိုးတို့၏ လွတ်လပ်ရေး ၊ ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့်၊ တန်းတူရေး၊ တရားမျှတရေးနှင့် ကရင့်ကြမ္မာကရင်ဖန်တီးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ညှိနှိုင်း တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော်လည်း အာဏာရှင်များက အကြမ်းဖက်နှိမ်နှင်းခဲ့သဖြင့်မလွှဲမရှောင်သာ ခုခံတိုက်ပွဲဝင်ခဲ့သော ကော်ခိုစောဘဦးကြီး နှင့်တကွ ကျဆုံးသွားသော ကရင့်အာဇာနည်ခေါင်းဆောင်ကြီးများ၊ ရဲဘော်ရဲဘက်များ ၊ ကရင်ပြည်သူများအား အမျိူးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက သမိုင်းမှတ်တမ်းတင်ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
ယနေ့မျက်မေှာက်အချိန်ကာလသည် အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသား တန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက်ပေးနိုင်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ထောင်ရေးကို ဦးတည်လျက် ကရင်ပြည်သူများအပါအဝင် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအတွက်အရေးကြီးသော အချိန်ကာလ ဖြစ်သည့်အားလျော်စွာ မိမိတို့ အမျိူးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ကရင်ပြည်သူလူထုများနှင့်အတူ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကိုအမြစ်ဖြတ်ချေမှုန်းနိုင်မည့် တော်လှန်ရေးအတွက် ကျရာနေရာတွင် အားဖြည့်ပါဝင်ပေးကြပါမည် ဟု အလေးအနက်ကတိပြုအပ်ပါသည် ။
အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူညီချက် (Geneva Convention) အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်လျက် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်အပြင် ပြည်ထောင်စု တဝှမ်းလုံးရှိ အပြစ်မဲ့ ပြည်သူများအား ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နှင့် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ အင်အားအလွန်အကျွံသုံး၍ မြေပြင်နှင့် လေကြောင်း စစ်ဆင်ရေးများဖြင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူလူထုများအပေါ် ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်နေခြင်းနှင့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကို နေ့စဉ်မပြတ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေပါသည်။ ထိုအကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချပြီး အဆိုပါ လုပ်ရပ်များ ချက်ခြင်းရပ်တန့်စေရန်နှင့် တာဝန်ရှိသူများ တာဝန်ယူမှုအပြည့်အဝရှိစေရန်လည်း ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားပါမည်။
စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်၊ လူမျိုးကြီးဝါဒနှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အမျိုးမျိုးတို့ကို အပြီးတိုင်ဖယ်ရှား၍ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်တို့ကို အာမခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီးဆီသို့ ကရင်လူမျိုးများအပါအဝင် တိုင်းရင်းသားညီနောင်အားလုံးနှင့်အတူ တော်လှန်ရေးစိတ်ဓါတ်အပြည့်ဖြင့် လျှောက်လှမ်း ချီတက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ကတိသစ္စာပြုရင်း သဝဏ်လွှာပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-31
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"In the first hours after the military grabbed power in a shock coup in Myanmar one year ago, there was little public reaction.
No-one seemed to know how they should react, and Aung San Suu Kyi, the woman who had led opposition to military rule for the previous three decades was under arrest.
"That morning the internet and phone lines were cut", recalls Moe Sandar Myint, a prominent union leader in Hlaing Tharyar, an industrial district of Yangon.
"We did not believe the news at first, but after we went out to buy radios we knew the coup was true. We were devastated. It was a day of darkness for us. Myanmar was only just starting to grow. Figuring out how to fight back against the dictators was of the utmost importance to us."
But by the end of that day a message from Suu Kyi, written it seems in anticipation of the coup, had been published, urging the people of Myanmar not to accept it.
At the same time one of her most trusted advisors, Win Htein, citing the example of Mahatma Gandhi, appealed for a campaign of civil disobedience, in keeping with Suu Kyi's long-standing strategy of nonviolent resistance.
Thus was born the CDM, the Campaign for Civil Disobedience, initially led by health workers and teachers who refused to go to work, and quickly supported by trades unions, civil servants and a vibrant cross-section of music and movie stars, LGBT+ groups and ethnic minorities.
The doctors and nurses defying Myanmar's military
Not only did they endorse Aung San Suu Kyi's non-violent beliefs - her face was everywhere on protest posters - they also called for the restoration of the elected government she headed.
Moe Sandar Myint organised the first of many worker protests four days after the coup. They were part of a nationwide movement against military rule which in that first month filled the streets with carnival-like rallies.
"I was worried about my workers getting shot", she says. "But seeing the overwhelming participation of the people when we marched my fears fell away."
Today she lives in exile in Thailand with her husband and three children after a gruelling flight from Yangon that took her first to the war-torn borderlands controlled by ethnic insurgents, and then on a frightening night-time journey across the border.
The turning point was last March, when the coup leaders ordered troops to crush the protest movement without restraint.
For Moe Sandar Myint the violence came on 14 March. By then she was already staying away from her home to avoid arrest.
Hlaing Tharyar, with its dense population of migrant workers, had a reputation as a tough neighbourhood in Yangon, and residents had barricaded the roads in an attempt to stop the military from entering.
"I was with the other union leaders planning our next action. Suddenly we heard the military was coming, so we scattered. They had blocked all the roads out of Hlaing Tharyar, and were shooting at us," she said. "Many people died, including some of my workers."
"First they began to shoot from the middle", remembers her husband Ko Aung who was on the streets with the protesters. "Then the shooting came from the sides and from behind us. We tried to take cover but there was no protection from the bullets."
Myanmar Witness, an organisation using satellite and other imagery to verify human rights abuses, believes as many as 80 were killed Hlaing Tharyar in what it describes as a massacre with indiscriminate shooting by the security forces.
Video from that day shows police positioned on a bridge looking into Hlaing Tharyar, casually taking shots at the people below. After they raided Moe Sandar Myint's house, she knew she and the family would have to leave Yangon.
Many other participants in that euphoric first month of protest have also fled, some to join a desperate, unequal armed struggle against the military junta.
No going back
Aung San Suu Kyi has since vanished from public view, cut off from the struggle behind a curtain of secret show-trials.
MPs and officials from her party formed a shadow National Unity Government (NUG) last April, aiming to challenge the junta's attempts to win international recognition, and to broaden the opposition leadership by including more ethnic minorities.
But with its members scattered and on the run from the military, the NUG's influence over the armed resistance groups proliferating across Myanmar is limited.
These local militias, calling themselves People's Defence Forces or PDFs, use captured or home-made guns and improvised explosives to attack military convoys and assassinate officials working for the junta.
They no longer talk much about peaceful protests. Indeed some of them are critical of Su Kyi's autocratic leadership, and her past efforts to co-exist with an over-powerful armed forces. They say there can be no going back to the status quo ante.
How Myanmar military uses torture to suppress women
George and Frank are two young men who took part in the anti-coup protests near their homes in Yangon. We cannot use their real names.
George was a business executive; Frank, a keen video-gamer, worked in a café. Both are now volunteer fighters with PDF operating in insurgent-controlled areas.
After watching people being gunned down at their barricades in March, and realising that no international help was coming, they decided the non-violent strategy was not working.
"It was difficult to know where to begin our armed struggle', says George. "We were normal people, with no experience of military training."
For activists in Yangon, the easiest option was to join up with one of the established insurgent groups to the east of the city, which have been fighting the central government for decades.
Some of these groups have stayed aloof from the anti-coup movement, but three in particular, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in the north, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) along the Thai border, have offered sanctuary and training.
The first problem for George and Frank who joined the KNLA, was winning their trust. The group is wary of possible military infiltrators, and harbours a long-standing suspicion of a majority population which until recently had shown little sympathy for Myanmar's minorities.
Their second problem was weapons. They had to buy their own, on the black market.
George paid the equivalent of $2,000 (£1,500) for a pistol. Frank sold his car and a piece of land to fund his $3,500 purchase of a US-made M4 rifle. Ammunition is a constant problem.
Their Karen hosts expect PDF volunteers to be largely self-funding, but still operate under the command of KNLA officers. It has been a tough adjustment.
"Before all this I was only interested in studying and playing games", says Frank.
"Living in the jungle, sleeping on the ground, sometimes I just wanted to give up. We had to eat whatever was offered - we ate banana stems more often than meat. I found getting used to the toilet situation the most difficult."
In December both men were injured in fighting as the army attacked areas where they believed PDF leaders and members of the NUG were sheltering.
They describe terrifying, chaotic encounters where they were heavily outgunned. They also complained about not getting any material support from the NUG, to which the PDFs are nominally loyal.
The NUG is torn over how much to continue following Suu Kyi's non-violent principles, and how much to embrace the turn to armed resistance.
In September, it announced a "People's Defensive Revolution", supporting the right of people to use armed force against the junta, and publishing a code of conduct for the various militia groups.
It has raised significant sums of money from the overseas Burmese diaspora, and has established a defence ministry, with which George- who now commands his own small PDF battalion - says he communicates regularly; but he says the wishes of his Karen protectors must take precedence.
One year on, the resistance to military rule in Myanmar is unrecognisable from its boisterous, colourful beginnings.
The security forces have killed at least 1,500 people, some in dreadful massacres, and destroyed hundreds of homes. The junta claims hundreds on its own side have been killed by bombs, assassinations and drive-by shootings.
The economy is in ruins. And growing numbers of people are being driven into exile..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-30
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"၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် မည်သည့်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်မဆို အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို အပြည့်အဝ အာမခံချက်ပေးနိုင်သည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ထောင်ရေးကို ဦးတည်လျက် ပထမအကြိမ် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီက ကြီးမှူး၍ ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၂၇)ရက်နေ့မှ (၂၉)ရက်နေ့အထိ သမိုင်းဝင်ညီလာခံကြီးအဖြစ် အောင်မြင်စွာ ကျင်းပနိုင်ခဲ့သည်။
၂။ ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ အမြင့်ဆုံး ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် ချမှတ်ပေးနိုင်သည့် စုစည်းမှု ဖြစ်ပြီး အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ စုပေါင်း၍ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်တိုက်ဖျက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများ၊ မူဝါဒများ၊ မဟာဗျူဟာများနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများ ညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေး အတည်ပြု ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များဖြင့် ကျင်းပခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
၃။ ဤညီလာခံကြီးတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ အပါအဝင် ရွေးကောက်ခံလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ သမဂ္ဂများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်နှင့်လူနည်းစုဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အပါအဝင် အရပ်ဘက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်း CDM လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ လူထုသပိတ်လှုပ်ရှားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ကြားကာလ ပြည်နယ်/ဖက်ဒရယ်ယူနစ်/လူမျိုး ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များ၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့ အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဧည့်သည်တော်များနှင့် လေ့လာသူများ စုစုပေါင်း (၃၈၈)ဦး တက်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။
၄။ ပထမအကြိမ် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံတွင် အောက်ပါဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များကို အတည်ပြုဆုံးဖြတ်ခဲ့ သည်။
(က) ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၁) နှင့် အစိတ်အပိုင်း (၂) ကြားကာလ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံကို အတည်ပြုသည်။
(ခ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) ကို အစုအဖွဲ့ (၅) ဖွဲ့အား ကိုယ်စားပြုသည့် အစုအဖွဲ့ဝင် အဖွဲ့အစည်း (၃၃) ဖွဲ့ဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်ပြီ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အတည်ပြုသည်။
(ဂ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) အဖွဲ့ဝင်အစုအဖွဲ့များက ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို အတူတကွ ကတိကဝတ်ပြု သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်ချ၍ လက်တွေ့ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် သဘောတူ အတည်ပြု(Ratify) သည်။
(ဃ) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ (၁၆) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြု ကော်မတီ၏ အဆိုပြုချက်ဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) က ဖွဲ့စည်းပေးခဲ့သော အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ကို ဤပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ ရှေ့မှောက်၌ ထပ်လောင်း အတည်ပြုသည်။
(င) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) ၏ လုပ်ငန်းအစီရင်ခံစာကို အတည်ပြုသည်။
(စ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လုပ်ငန်းအစီရင်ခံစာကို ပြင်ဆင် ဖြည့်စွက်ချက်များနှင့်အတူ အတည်ပြုသည်။
(ဆ) အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC)၏ ဦးဆောင်မှု ခိုင်မာ အားကောင်းစေရန်၊ လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်တာများ ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်စေရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (NUCC) နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ (NUG) အကြား လုပ်ငန်းများ ချိတ်ဆက်မှု ကောင်းမွန်စေရေးအတွက် လုပ်ငန်းလမ်းညွှန်နှင့် လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများ (Terms of Reference and Role) ကို ပြင်ဆင်ဖြည့်စွက်သွားရန် အတည်ပြုသည်။
(ဇ) ပထမအကြိမ် ပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ရန် အတည်ပြုသည်။
၅။ အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူညီချက် (Geneva Convention) အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်လျက် ပြည်ထောင်စုတဝှမ်းလုံးရှိ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအား ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နှင့် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ဖမ်းဆီးနှိပ်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ (Crimes Against Humanity)၊ စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု (War Crimes) ကျူးလွန်မှုများ၊ လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုများ (Genocides) စသည့် ကျူးလွန်နေမှုမှန်သမျှကို ဤပြည်သူ့ညီလာခံကြီးက ပြင်းထန်စွာ ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချပြီး အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီမှတဆင့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာရာဇဝတ်မှုခုံရုံး (International Criminal Court) ၌ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်။
၆။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အင်အားအလွန်အကျွံသုံး၍ မြေပြင်နှင့် လေကြောင်း စစ်ဆင်ရေးများဖြင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူလူထုများအပေါ် ပစ်မှတ်ထား တိုက်ခိုက်နေခြင်းနှင့် အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း ကျူးလွန်ခံနေရမှုများမှ အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန် အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်ချက်အရ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ မကွေးတိုင်းနှင့် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းများတွင် နိုင်ငံတကာအာမခံမှုဖြင့် အရပ်သား ပြည်သူလူထုများအား အကာအကွယ်ပေးသည့် လုံခြုံသောနေရာများ (Internationally Guaranteed Civilians Protection - Safe Zones) ဖြစ်ပေါ်ရေးနှင့် လူထုအတွက် အရေးပေါ် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများအား ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းမှ ဝိုင်းဝန်းကူညီ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးသွားရန် ဤညီလာခံကြီးက အလေးအနက် တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။
၇။ နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီအား အသိအမှတ်မပြုဘဲ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ကိုသာ တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် ဤညီလာခံက တောင်းဆိုတိုက်တွန်းသည်။
၈။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ပြည်သူလူထုများ၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံမှုရရှိစေရေး ဆောင်ရွက်သွားရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသည့် ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပရှိ လူမျိုးစုံပြည်သူများနှင့်အတူ လက်တွဲဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ပြည်သူလူထုတရပ်လုံးအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိရေးနှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးတို့ကို ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အစွမ်းကုန် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၉။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါအဝင် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဟူသမျှ အပြီးတိုင်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုတည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ပုံသဏ္ဍာန်အမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရင်း ကျဆုံးခဲ့သူများ၊ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခံရသူများနှင့် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသူများအား ဤညီလာခံကြီးက အလေးအနက် ဂုဏ်ပြုမှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ်ပါသည်။
၁၀။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အပါဝင် အာဏာရှင်မှန်သမျှ ဖယ်ရှား၍ ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး၊ အမျိုးသားတန်းတူရေးနှင့် ကိုယ်ပိုင် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းခွင့်ကို အာမခံသော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စုကြီး တည်ဆောက်နိုင်သည် အထိ စုပေါင်းခေါင်းဆောင်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းညီညွတ်မှုအင်အားတို့ဖြင့် ဆက်လက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။
အရေးတော်ပုံ မုချအောင်ရမည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Consultative Council
Date of publication:
2022-01-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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Sub-title:
Military takeover hammers labour market already weakened by impact of COVID-19, women workers hit hardest.
Description:
"YANGON (ILO News) - Some 1.6 million jobs were lost in Myanmar in 2021, according to new estimates released by the International Labour Organization (ILO), with the military takeover compounding the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
One year on from the military takeover in Myanmar on 1 February 2021, the labour market remains fragile.
Working hours are estimated to have decreased 18 per cent in 2021 relative to 2020, equivalent to the working time of at least 3.1 million full-time workers. These working-hour losses were driven by employment losses as well as increased underemployment.
Key sectors have suffered considerable impacts. Rural farmers were hard hit by armed conflict, violence and insecurity. Construction, garments, and tourism and hospitality were also among the hardest hit industries in 2021, with year-on-year employment losses reaching an estimated 31 per cent, 27 per cent and 30 per cent, respectively.
The losses in both working hours and employment were disproportionately greater for women than men overall. Women also accounted for an overwhelming majority of job losses in garments as well as tourism and hospitality.
“The military takeover and COVID-19 pandemic have put millions of workers in Myanmar in a grim situation. We are witnessing a reversal of years of progress in the labour market. Should this continue, it can only lead to increased poverty and insecurity across the country,” said Mr Donglin Li, ILO Myanmar Liaison Officer/Representative..."
Source/publisher:
International Labour Organization
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Labour Organisation (ILO), Labour issues in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"GENEVA (28 January 2022) – UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on Friday urged the international community to intensify pressure on the military to stop its campaign of violence against the people of Myanmar and to insist on the prompt restoration of civilian rule.
“One year after the military seized power, the people of Myanmar – who have paid a high cost in both lives and freedoms lost – continue to advocate relentlessly for their democracy,” Bachelet said. “This week, I had a chance to speak in person with determined, courageous human rights defenders who are pleading to the international community not to abandon them, but to take robust, effective measures to ensure their rights are protected and the military is held accountable.”
“I urge governments – in the region and beyond – as well as businesses, to listen to this plea. It is time for an urgent, renewed effort to restore human rights and democracy in Myanmar and ensure that perpetrators of systemic human rights violations and abuses are held to account.”
Bachelet said she had heard chilling accounts of journalists being tortured; factory workers being intimidated, silenced and exploited; intensified persecution of ethnic and religious minorities – including the Rohingya; arbitrary arrests, detentions and sham trials of political opponents; “clearance operations” targeting villagers; and indiscriminate attacks including through airstrikes and the use of heavy weaponry in populated areas, showing gross disregard for human life.
“And yet, courageous human rights defenders and trade unionists continue to protest, to advocate, to document and accumulate the mounting evidence of violations,” she said.
The brutal effort by security forces to crush dissent has led to the killing of at least 1,500 people by the military since the 1 February coup – but that figure does not include thousands more deaths from armed conflict and violence, which have intensified nationwide.
The UN Human Rights Office has documented gross human rights violations on a daily basis, the vast majority committed by security forces. At least 11,787 people have been arbitrarily detained for voicing their opposition to the military either in peaceful protests or through their online activities, of whom 8,792 remain in custody. At least 290 have died in detention, many likely due to the use of torture.
Armed clashes have grown in frequency and intensity, with every part of the country experiencing some level of violence. In those areas of highest intensity military activity – Sagaing region, Chin, Kachin, Kayah and Kayin states – the military has been punishing local communities for their assumed support of armed elements. The Office has documented village burnings, including places of worship and medical clinics, mass arrests, summary executions and the use of torture.*
The crisis has been exacerbated by the combined forces of the COVID-19 pandemic and the collapse of the banking, transportation, education and other sectors, leaving the economy on the brink of collapse. The daily lives of people have been severely impacted, with devastating effects on their enjoyment of economic and social rights. There are projections that nearly half of the population of 54 million may be driven into poverty this year.
“Members of Myanmar civil society have told me first-hand what the impact of the last year has been on their lives and those of their families and communities," Bachelet said. “The people have shown extraordinary courage and resilience in standing up for their basic human rights and support each other.
Now the international community must show its resolve to support them through concrete actions to end this crisis.”
While there has been near universal condemnation of the coup and the ensuing violence, the international response has been “ineffectual and lacks a sense of urgency commensurate to the magnitude of the crisis,” Bachelet said. The actions taken by the UN Security Council and by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been insufficient to convince Myanmar’s military to cease its violence and facilitate humanitarian access and aid deliveries. The High Commissioner welcomed some private corporations’ decisions to withdraw based on human rights grounds, as a “powerful tool to apply pressure on the financing of the military’s operations against civilians”.
Bachelet also stressed that the current human rights crisis is “built upon the impunity with which the military leadership perpetrated the shocking campaign of violence resulting in gross human rights violations against the Rohingya communities of Myanmar four years ago – and other ethnic minorities over many decades beforehand.”
“As long as impunity prevails, stability in Myanmar will be a fiction. Accountability of the military remains crucial to any solution going forward – the people overwhelmingly demand this,” Bachelet said..."
Source/publisher:
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"THE EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN RANGOON IS TRANSMITTING THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION THROUGH THE AMERICAN LIAISON NETWORK AS A PUBLIC SERVICE TO U.S. CITIZENS IN BURMA. PLEASE DISSEMINATE THIS MESSAGE TO ALL U.S. CITIZENS IN YOUR ORGANIZATION OR NEIGHBORHOOD.
The Embassy is aware of potential rallies and a silent strike throughout Burma on February 1st and February 2nd, 2022, to protest the military’s February 2021 coup. The Embassy advises all Americans to avoid travel and outdoor activity on those days.
The Embassy advises all Americans that the anniversary of the military coup could result in heightened tensions in Yangon and outlying areas. Recent explosions and attacks in Yangon present a serious threat to American citizens and may increase in frequency and intensity. In addition, a security response of unknown proportions may result. Roadblocks and security operations are a particular concern.
The Embassy advises Americans to avoid public gatherings and limit their outside activities. Review your personal security plans and keep a low profile. Anticipate possible communication outages and have a plan in the event telecommunications become limited or unavailable. Advise family and associates of this possibility in advance. Always keep some form of communication with you, keep your electronic devices charged, and monitor local events. Maintain an adequate stock of food and water should you need to shelter in place for several days. Updates from the Embassy may not be readily accessible due to an outage during a crisis.
The current Level 4 Travel Advisory is the highest level issued by the Department of State and advises U.S. citizens not to travel to Burma or to leave as soon as it is safe to do so. As a result of these conditions, if you experience an emergency, the U.S. Embassy has a very limited ability to provide assistance..."
Source/publisher:
U.S. Embassy in Burma
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, USA-Burma relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar has published comparative data on targeted sanctions imposed on the Myanmar military junta, their businesses and associates since the illegal attempted coup on February 1, 2021.
The data shows an inconsistent approach among key international governments and that far more needs to be done urgently.
Some sanctions have been imposed by the US, UK, Canada and EU on senior junta individuals and some of the junta’s business interests.
Yet, less has been done to designate individuals in senior roles within the Myanmar military and junta-controlled ministries and businesses who are directly complicit in the junta’s serious human rights violations and corruption.
One year after the attempted coup, key junta businesses including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) and Telecom International Myanmar (the company that owns Mytel) still have yet to be sanctioned.
MOGE is a state-owned enterprise under Myanmar military control that generates the most significant amount of revenue for the terrorist junta.
Far too little has been done to designate individuals and entities involved in the supply of arms and dual-use goods.
Meanwhile, regional democracies Australia, India, Japan and South Korea have failed to impose any targeted sanctions since the attempted coup.
Australia passed a Magnitsky-style sanctions bill on December 2, 2021, but no sanctions have yet been imposed under the act.
Companies domiciled in these countries continue to pursue business with the Myanmar military junta and its conglomerates.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It has been one year since the military’s brutal and illegal attempted coup and four years since the military’s campaign of genocide against the Rohingya.
“The junta’s terror campaign has only intensified, as it continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
“While we welcome the targeted sanctions that have been imposed by the US, UK, Canada and EU, far more needs to be done.
“It is unacceptable that major military-controlled businesses and known arms suppliers continue to escape sanctions and are able to pursue business as usual, financing the junta’s international crimes.
“Also currently unsanctioned are far too many junta members, including military personnel who are responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“It is time for the international community to get serious and use sanctions to cut off the flow of revenue and arms to the junta.
“Shamefully, Australia, India, Japan and South Korea have not imposed any targeted sanctions in response to the Myanmar military's illegal coup attempt.
“They need to step up and immediately take action by imposing targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military junta and its conglomerates.
“Their allies in the US, UK, Canada and EU, who have already imposed some sanctions, also have a role to play pushing these laggards to act.
“New Zealand was quick to formally suspend high-level contact with the Myanmar military junta. However, it has failed to follow this up with targeted sanctions beyond a travel ban imposed on five senior junta officials. This is not good enough.
“Faced with horrific atrocities, the people of Myanmar continue to sacrifice their lives for federal democracy and peace. The international community must listen to their voices and act in solidarity.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Groups Urge Canberra to Act Ahead of Military Takeover Anniversary
Description:
"The Australian government, one year after Myanmar’s February 1, 2021 military coup, should impose targeted sanctions on Myanmar’s abusive military leaders and their business interests, six nongovernmental organizations said in a letter to Foreign Minister Marise Payne released today.
In December the Australian government passed amendments to enable targeted sanctions against serious human rights abusers, but the sanctions have not been used. In the past year governments such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Union have imposed various targeted sanctions against Myanmar individuals and entities.
The letter was signed by the Australian Centre for International Justice, Australian Council for International Development, Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), Human Rights Watch, Publish What You Pay, and the Refugee Council of Australia.
Since the Myanmar military overthrew the elected civilian government last year, the Australian government has not imposed any additional sanctions on military leaders or their business interests. Since then, the military junta has carried out a nationwide crackdown on anti-junta protesters and the political opposition that amounts to crimes against humanity.
State security forces have killed more than 1,500 people, most recently the horrific summary execution of at least 39 people, including 4 children and 2 humanitarian workers, in Karenni State, yet no one has been held accountable for these crimes. Australia should demonstrate its strong public opposition to these atrocities by announcing targeted sanctions on February 1, 2022, the organizations said.
On January 27, the Australian company Woodside, a natural gas producer, announced it was exiting from Myanmar, underscoring the need for coordinated and targeted sanctions from Australia, the US, EU, and other concerned governments on Myanmar’s natural gas revenues.
The letter to Australia’s foreign minister lists the individuals and entities who should face sanctions. Acting on that list should serve as a starting point for the Australian government to harmonize its position on Myanmar with like-minded governments.
Quotes from signatories to the letter:
“Australia should mark the one-year anniversary of Myanmar’s coup by joining join its allies in imposing targeted sanctions against Myanmar’s abusive generals and military-owned businesses. The Australian government should heed the calls of people in both Australia and Myanmar to help deprive the military of its revenue sources and to maximize pressure on the junta to end its campaign of terror.”
Elaine Pearson, Australia director at Human Rights Watch
“The Australian government needs to act by introducing targeted sanctions, and not just wring its hands. The Myanmar generals stand accused of committing genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya people and snuffing out democratic government, and attacking their own people for voicing democratic aspirations. When will the Australian government stand up for freedom and democracy?”
Marc Purcell, chief executive officer of the Australian Council for International Development
“A year on from the military coup in Myanmar, the Morrison government has failed to introduce further sanctions against Myanmar’s military leaders and business interests – putting Australia behind likeminded countries like the US, UK and EU. Workers in Myanmar are risking their lives to protest the military takeover while the Morrison government sits idly by, when they should be taking action to support democracy.”
Michele O’Neil, president of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU)
“The mining, oil and gas sectors are like an ATM for Myanmar’s murderous military. The Australian government should introduce sanctions that will outlaw Australian mining, oil and gas companies lining the pockets of the generals with tax and royalty payments.”
Clancy Moore, Australian director of Publish What You Pay..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Governments Should Deny Abusive Junta Funds, Arms
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Since the military coup on February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s junta has carried out a brutal nationwide crackdown aimed at suppressing widespread public opposition to its rule, Human Rights Watch said today. Concerned governments, including the United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and Japan, should together block the junta’s access to foreign revenues from oil, gas, and other extractives that are funding its abusive rule.
"How many more people does Myanmar’s military have to detain, torture, and shoot before influential governments act to cut off the junta from its flow of money and arms." - Brad Adams (Asia Director)
Under the leadership of Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, junta security forces have carried out mass killings, torture, sexual violence, arbitrary arrests, and other abuses against protesters, journalists, lawyers, health workers, and political opposition members amounting to crimes against humanity. Military attacks in the country’s northwest and southeast have resulted in numerous war crimes. The nature of the security force crackdown – methodical, widespread, and systematic – reflects the junta’s countrywide policy of suppressing the opposition.
“How many more people does Myanmar’s military have to detain, torture, and shoot before influential governments act to cut off the junta from its flow of money and arms,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “Myanmar’s people, who have not given up their fight for democracy in the face of daily atrocities, need to know they have the global community’s support.”
On February 1, 2021, the military arrested the country’s elected civilian leaders, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, in early morning raids in the capital, Naypyidaw. In the ensuing weeks, millions of people across the country joined the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), peacefully protesting the junta through mass demonstrations and general strikes.
Security forces responded with increasingly excessive and lethal force, including live ammunition, grenades, and so-called less-lethal weapons. Police and soldiers massacred protesters in cities and towns across the country. The security forces have killed nearly 1,500 people since the coup, including at least 100 children. “When they came at us, we had nothing,” said a protester attacked on March 3 in Yangon. “We didn’t have a stick. We didn’t have a knife. All we had was our chants and our three-finger salute.”
On March 26, the junta’s MRTV channel warned protesters to “learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back,” and urged parents to deter their children from demonstrating: “Let’s not waste lives for nothing.” Security forces killed 160 people the next day.
To contest the junta, in April, civilian members of parliament, ethnic minority representatives, and civil society activists formed a National Unity Government (NUG). In August, Min Aung Hlaing extended the one-year state of emergency, which the junta had declared on February 1, until 2023.
The junta has arbitrarily detained over 11,000 activists, politicians, journalists, and others, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, and forcibly disappeared hundreds. Military tribunals have sentenced 84 people to death in summary proceedings that do not meet international fair trial standards. Detainees are frequently kept incommunicado, unable to contact relatives or legal counsel.
Security forces have subjected many detainees to torture and other ill-treatment, including routine beatings, burning with lit cigarettes, prolonged stress positions, and gender-based violence. At least 150 people have died in custody, in many cases at military-run detention centers. “There was so much blood,” said a former detainee who was beaten during his eight-month detention. “I couldn’t even remember what I was there for. I couldn’t sit or stand. I kept wanting to faint. Maybe I did keep fainting.”
The junta has arrested over 120 journalists, about 50 of whom remain in detention awaiting charges or sentencing. At least 15 journalists have been convicted, the majority under section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that criminalizes publishing or circulating comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” The junta stripped the media licenses of seven local outlets and banned satellite television. “I’ve had to get my whole family out,” one journalist said. “Myanmar is not a safe place for anyone with a moral compass.”
Security force crackdowns spread beyond cities into rural and ethnic minority areas as resistance to the junta grew countrywide. The military continues to launch targeted and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, including airstrikes and heavy artillery barrages, the United Nations has reported. Accounts from displaced people and aid workers suggest that the junta has continued to use the military’s longstanding “four cuts” strategy, in which the armed forces maintain control of an area by isolating and terrorizing the civilian population.
In some areas, recently formed People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and other anti-junta armed groups fought alongside long-established ethnic armies against the junta’s military forces. In November, clashes were reported in every state and region in the country.
On December 24, security forces summarily executed at least 39 people in Hpruso township, Karenni (Kayah) State, including four children and two staff members from the international aid organization Save the Children. Many of the victims were bound, gagged, and showed signs of torture, and some may have been burned alive. “It is one of the most shocking and depressing things I have ever experienced,” said a doctor responsible for performing autopsies on the victims.
Since the coup, over 400,000 people have been internally displaced by fighting and unrest, primarily in the northwest and southeast, with an estimated 32,000 refugees fleeing to India and Thailand. The junta has deliberately blocked humanitarian aid from reaching millions at risk, in violation of international humanitarian law. Troops have attacked aid workers, destroyed supplies, and blocked access roads and aid convoys, seemingly as a form of collective punishment against civilians in areas where junta rule is contested.
According to the UN, the number of people needing assistance in the country has grown from 1 million before the coup to 14.4 million, including more than 5 million children. About 25 million people, or half the population, are estimated to be living below the national poverty line.
The Myanmar healthcare system has effectively collapsed since the coup. With the junta cracking down on medical professionals for their role in the Civil Disobedience Movement, Myanmar has become one of the deadliest countries in the world to work in health care, according to data from the World Health Organization and Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition. “We have to fight and overcome this, otherwise our futures are lost,” said one young doctor.
From February 1 to November 30, security forces allegedly killed at least 31 health workers and arrested 284. Security forces have beaten and shot medical staff providing care to injured protesters and forced clinics operated by nongovernmental groups to close, driving medics and volunteers to work underground in poorly resourced makeshift mobile clinics.
While the US, Canada, UK, and EU member states have imposed targeted sanctions on junta leaders and military-controlled companies over the past year, the junta’s foreign currency revenue remains largely untouched, in particular from natural gas sales, its greatest source of funds. Governments should immediately impose sanctions to block the junta from accessing the US$1 billion in foreign revenue that gas projects generate annually, and tighten sanctions enforcement on other sources of foreign revenue from mining, timber, and transportation facilities.
The UN Security Council should end its inaction borne of political gridlock, and urgently pass a resolution that institutes a global arms embargo on Myanmar, refers the military’s grave crimes before and since the coup to the International Criminal Court, and imposes targeted sanctions on the junta leadership and military-owned conglomerates. If China and Russia continue to oppose council action on Myanmar, they should face concerted global pressure for upholding the junta’s indefensible rights abuses.
“The one-year anniversary of Myanmar’s military coup serves as a signpost of a deepening descent into crimes against humanity and humanitarian catastrophe that the US, EU, and others need to address,” Adams said. “These countries should at long last impose costs on the junta that are too great for the generals to bear.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, General Strike, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar reviews international sacntions since the attempted coup
One year after the Myanmar military's illegal coup attempt, Justice For Myanmar has compared targeted sanctions imposed by some democracies. Targeted sanctions are a crucial mechanism to stop the flow of funds to the terrorist junta and to take action against those responsible for human rights violations and corruption.
We looked at the sanctions track record of Australia, Canada, the European Union, India, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, the UK and the USA since February 1, 2021.
Comparison of sanctions designations by country: Download Excel File (16 kb)
English Press Release: Download PDF (150 kb)
Appallingly, since the Myanmar military's attempted coup, Australia, India, Japan and South Korea have not imposed any targeted sanctions.
Companies from those countries, and in some cases, governments, are implicated in ongoing business with the military junta.
For instance, the Japanese state-backed Y Complex project involves payments to the Myanmar Army's Office of the Quartermaster General, although payments have been suspended since February 1, 2021.
The Shwe Gas project, which involves a collaboration between South Korea's state-owned company, KOGAS, POSCO International and the junta-controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, continues to bankroll the junta.
The majority state-owned Bharat Electronics Limited has transferred technology to the Myanmar military since its attempted coup.
Business with the junta and its conglomerates enables its widening campaign of terror.
Through their inaction – at best – and complicity, at worst, Australia, India, Japan and South Korea are failing to uphold their human rights responsibilities and failing the people of Myanmar. We call on them to change direction and support democracy and human rights in Myanmar.
Australia passed a Magnitsky-style sanctions bill on December 2, 2021, but no sanctions have yet been imposed under the act.
While New Zealand acted swiftly to formally suspend high-level contact with the Myanmar military junta, it too has failed to follow this up with targeted sanctions, with the exception of a travel ban imposed on five senior junta officials. This is insufficient. New Zealand does not have a Magnitsky law.
Some sanctions have been imposed by the US, UK, Canada and the EU on senior junta individuals and some of the junta’s business interests. Yet, not enough has been done to designate individuals and entities linked to the Myanmar military junta's serious human rights violations and corruption.
For instance, despite evidence that oil and gas bankrolls the military junta, enabling its continued atrocity crimes, sanctions have not yet been imposed on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). MOGE is a state-owned enterprise under Myanmar military control that generates the most significant amount of revenue for the terrorist junta.
Key military-controlled businesses, their directors and associates have also yet to be sanctioned, despite their well-documented links to the Myanmar military's international crimes.
A notable example is Telecom International Myanmar, the company that owns Mytel. Mytel provides a lucrative source of revenue for the terrorist junta and supports the military's communications capabilities.
Apart from the UK's sanctions designation against Htoo Group, and the US Commerce Department's designaton of King Royal Technologies, no sanctions have been imposed on individuals and businesses that supply arms and dual-use goods to the Myanmar military, despite growing evidence of the military's network of private arms brokers.
Targeted sanctions are an important tactic for the international community to deploy in support of the Myanmar people's overwhelming rejection of the attempted coup and the struggle to build a federal democracy. Justice For Myanmar continues to call for wide-ranging international action, including targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) hosted a press conference yesterday, Thursday 27 January 2022. The scale and gravity of the crisis in Myanmar cannot be overstated, yet the members of SAC-M said there are reasons for optimism, even as the crisis caused by Min Aung Hlaing’s failed coup enters its second year.
“Min Aung Hlaing tried to seize power over Myanmar on 1st of February last year. One year later, he has not succeeded. Why has he not succeeded? Why has he failed? Because the people of Myanmar resisted,” said Yanghee Lee, SAC-M founding member and former UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar.
Yanghee Lee told the press conference that the resistance movement which manifested within days of the attempted coup has since become a democratic revolution. Lee highlighted the achievements of the revolution, including the announcement of a Federal Democratic Charter, appointment of the National Unity Government and formation of People’s Administration Committees.
These achievements have come at a heavy cost, with Min Aung Hlaing’s troops becoming more and more barbaric as his desperation grows. The intensity of violence in Myanmar has escalated in the last four months to outpace that of other global flashpoints Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen and Iraq.
Marzuki Darusman, SAC-M founding member and former chair of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, echoed Lee’s sentiment, however. “This is a nation that is in a historic process of re-envisioning itself towards a federal democracy. Historically, when a nation comes onto that track nothing can stop it, not even the junta,” he said.
Darusman said that among the reasons for optimism are the total de-legitimation of the junta, the pull-out of major corporations, and the growing recognition of the National Unity Government in the international community.
The international system itself meanwhile was criticised for failing to act. Chris Sidoti, SAC-M founding member and former member of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission, said that inaction has been the characteristic of the international response, but that there is an opportunity for change.
Sidoti told the press conference that the UN Security Council needs to accept its responsibility under the UN Charter for international peace and security and pass a resolution on Myanmar that would see the three cuts – cut the weapons, cut the cash, cut the impunity – imposed on the military junta. He also called on the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice to welcome the National Unity Government as the representatives of the people of Myanmar and cooperate with them in their investigations, prosecutions and litigations.
“We in the international system have the opportunity of being on the side of the people of Myanmar,” said Sidoti. “The victory of the people is clear, it will occur, but how will the international system be judged when the history of these years is written?”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, International Court of Justice (ICJ) - Myanmar
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126.02 KB
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"Thawdar*, 14, who had to flee her home due to violence, stands in a displacement camp in Kayah state. More content from Kayah state here and from Northern Shan state here.
One year since the Myanmar military seized power in a coup, the scale and severity of violence against civilians, including children and humanitarian staff, is escalating, Save the Children said today. In the past two weeks alone, children have been killed in several bombings and raids by the military in Kayah state[i] and Sagaing region[ii][iii][iv], including the bombing of a camp for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Kayah. In the past year, at least 150,000 children have been forced to flee their homes[v].
The UN Security Council must find ways to address the crisis and protect children from violence, attacks and displacement in Myanmar, the child rights organisation said.
Recent UN figures show at least 405,700 people have fled their homes due to fighting within Myanmar since the military seized power almost a year ago, with that figure increasing by 27% in just the past month. Of the total number of people displaced across Myanmar, an estimated 37% are children[vi], many of whom are living outside in the jungle under makeshift shelters and vulnerable to hunger, illness and protection risks, the aid organisation said.
Violence has particularly intensified in the southeastern state of Kayah in recent months, where last week two teenage sisters were among those killed in the bombing of an IDP camp. Recent UN figures show 91,400 people in Kayah state have fled their homes since February 2021, but local reports earlier this year said the more accurate figure is much higher – more than half its 300,000 population.
Thawdar*, 14, had to flee her village in Kayah and is now sheltering in an IDP camp. She remembers the scorching sun and the sound of gunfire on the day she fled.
She said: “When I was working on harvesting corn in the field, my aunt came and told us that we also need to flee as we heard the weapons loudly. It was urgent and we couldn’t take so many things. My mother packed some clothes, pots and plates. Then, we left our home.
“I was so worried and thinking on the journey, ‘What if weapons hit us?’ I have always been afraid of the soldiers, and I pray they don’t reach the camp. I never want to hear the sound of heavy weapons again.”
Thawdar*, her family and others in the camp rely on food donated by Save the Children and other local charities to survive.
Thawdar’s* mother Daw Merry*, 36, who has four children, said she constantly worries about meals and insecurity. She said: “If we do not have enough food to eat, what should we do? Sometimes I feel sad when I don’t have money to buy medicines or snacks my children want.”
Kayah state was also the site of an attack on at least 35 civilians, including four children and two Save the Children staff members late last year. The aid workers, both young fathers who were passionate about children’s education, were on their way back to their office after working on a humanitarian response in a nearby community when they were caught up in the attack.
Inger Ashing, CEO of Save the Children International, said: “Yet again we are seeing children bear the brunt of conflict. Over the past year, a shocking 150,000 children have been displaced across Myanmar. That’s 150,000 children who are separated from their friends, their schools, and their homes.
“Children and their families are fleeing because they have no choice, and we are seeing them forced to hide out in jungles and forests and living in terrible conditions. Save the Children teams are doing what they can to provide urgent assistance, but they have very little access to food, clean water and healthcare, let alone education. Children on the move are at heightened risk of trafficking, abuse, recruitment into armed groups, injury and death. Last week’s horrific attack on an IDP camp shows that children in Myanmar are caught between a rock and a hard place.
“The Myanmar military, as well as all other armed actors, must uphold International Humanitarian Law, protect children and keep them out of harm’s way, and provide unhindered humanitarian access.”
Prior to the coup, there were already 370,000 people displaced across the country, including tens of thousands of Rohingya children living in detention-like camps in Rakhine state. The situation for them and the nearly 500,000 Rohingya children and their families who have fled into Bangladesh remains fragile. The brutal tactics employed by the military in Myanmar are reminiscent of the atrocities committed against the Rohingya in 2017, according to Save the Children.
Inger Ashing said: “UN Security Council members must deliver on their shared responsibility to address the unfolding crisis in Myanmar.
“Member states must impose an arms embargo, with a focus on limiting the kinds of airstrikes we’ve seen recently. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) must also convene on an urgent meeting to review and action the ‘Five Point Consensus’ agreed in April 2021, which calls for an immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar and for the ASEAN Special Envoy to help mediate a diplomatic solution. These steps are vital to protect children, their communities and humanitarian aid workers.”
Save the Children has been working in Myanmar since 1995, providing life-saving healthcare, food, education and child protection programmes through more than 50 partners and 900 staff across the country. Save the Children has now resumed the majority of its programmes across Myanmar following the attack on 24 December 2021, and staff remain fully committed to helping the most vulnerable children in Myanmar, especially during this time of conflict and crisis.
CONTENT AVAILABLE: Displaced families from Shan State, Myanmar and Kayah State, Myanmar.
For further enquiries please contact:
Emily Wight, [email protected];
Our media out of hours (BST) contact is [email protected] / +44(0)7831 650409..."
Source/publisher:
Save the Children (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"The military’s new draft Cyber Security Law repeats the repressive provisions of previous drafts and adds more, seriously threatening the safety and security of Myanmar’s digital space.
The military has circulated a newly revised draft Cyber Security Law to a few stakeholders requesting any feedback by 28 January 2022. A 2021 draft of the same law disappeared after being criticised by business and civil society, including FEM. Some of the 2021 draft’s repressive provisions were later added to the Electronic Transactions Law in an amendment condemned by FEM and others.
This analysis outlines new threats posed by the 2022 draft. FEM’s analysis is based upon international standards relating to the right to freedom of expression. All of the threats posed by the 2021 draft still remain in the 2022 draft, and are listed below too. FEM has published an unofficial translation of the 2022 draft, showing any changes from 2021. This analysis should not be understood as legitimising the military’s authority or its so-called laws.
Prosecution bias, evidence ignored, and courts sidelined
The 2022 draft seriously undermines due process in Myanmar’s judicial system. Due process, which can be defined as fair treatment in courts according to a clear set of rules, is vital for the protection of all human rights, including freedom of expression. Any undermining of due process is therefore an attack on the right to freedom of expression.
Prosecutors would no longer be required to present electronic evidence of a crime in court, but could simply say that the evidence exists (Art. 66). The prosecutor’s evidence would come from the newly established and military-controlled “National Digital Forensic Lab” (Art. 65). If the defendant’s lawyers gave contradictory evidence in defence, which is normal in any criminal case, the court would be forced to favour the prosecution’s evidence, regardless of its merit (Art. 67).
Several provisions in the 2022 draft would sideline the courts entirely. The military would have the legal authority to check and take over the systems of digital businesses, order content deleted, block digital platforms, revoke business licences, and seize individuals’ computers or phones, all without going to court (Arts. 60, 61b, 35, 61c, 71-78, 55, 57).
More options for permanently blocking social media and websites
The 2022 draft has added a whole new chapter on administrative sanctions for digital businesses (Ch. 15), compared to just one article in the 2021 draft (Art.72). The new chapter includes four articles that each allow the military to block access to digital businesses, such as Facebook, YouTube, or domestic companies (Arts. 71-74) for breaching any one of five long and vaguely written provisions (Arts. 34, 35, 36, 54, 58). For example, the military could permanently block the whole of Facebook on the grounds that it included just one post criticising a military leader (Arts. 71 and 35e). Any such block would likely be a clear violation of the right to freedom of expression and access to information.
The 2022 draft does not include any safeguards to arbitrary blocking. The military would not need to have or show a reason for blocking, would not need to go to court, or get a court order, and could therefore decide to block access unilaterally. Any appeal by a blocked digital business would be decided by the military rather than a court (Art. 77). If blocking was inadequate, the military could shut down the entire digital business on the grounds that it had not been “properly formed”, a status undefined anywhere in the draft (Art. 74).
VPN use and encouragement criminalised
The 2022 draft would criminalise the use of Virtual Private Networks, or VPN, with a punishment of up to three years imprisonment and a fine (Art. 90). VPNs hide data flows so that people can access blocked content or communicate privately. VPNs are vital for protecting freedom of expression and access to information in authoritarian countries like Myanmar.
Most people in Myanmar use VPNs to access Facebook, which has been blocked by the military since 4 February 2021 shortly after the coup began. Businesses also use VPNs to exchange data securely, but could potentially apply for a waiver to the ban (Art. 62). Given that VPNs are needed to access Facebook, any individual or business that posted on Facebook could in effect be creating evidence of a crime.
Any individual that encouraged the use of VPNs could also face a punishment of up to three years imprisonment and a fine (Art. 89c). This could include phone shops that install VPNs, media outlets and civil society organisations who promote VPN use, or digital rights defenders who give security training.
Platforms like Facebook criminalised for hosting criticism
The previous 2021 draft would have made digital businesses, such as Facebook and YouTube, criminally liable for hosting any expression that the military decided fell under five vague categories (Arts. 29 and 61). The five categories included expressions that were vital for democratic debate and were lawful offline. For example, expression that disturbed the so-called “stability” of the military’s coup (Art. 29a). The military would also have had the legal authority to order such expression deleted (Art. 29). Any international businesses operating outside of Myanmar could have ignored the order. However, they would still have faced the risk of their employees being charged in absentia, or their services being blocked (Art 86, 100, 101).
The 2022 draft repeats the 2021 version and its violation of the right to freedom of expression. It has also added a sixth vague category of expression that the military could order deleted: “expressions that damage an individual’s social standing and livelihood” (Art. 35f). On first impression, this could mean defamation, which is best defined as a false assertion of fact that results in serious harm to a person’s reputation. However, the sixth category does not say or imply that the expression needs to be false, or needs to be an assertion of fact, or that it should create serious harm. Furthermore, the sixth category does not use any of the common Burmese language descriptions of defamation. Instead, it would best be described as simple criticism, which inevitably – and often rightly – damages a person’s standing. For example, criticism of a coup leader.
The 2022 draft’s “intermediary liability”, or holding digital businesses liable for content, would not only apply to international social media, but could also apply to Myanmar-based servers, websites, or apps. This increase in business risk may directly or inadvertently encourage businesses, including international companies, to carry out military orders in part or in whole, increase general content moderation to delete anything that could fall under the military’s six categories, or block Myanmar users altogether.
Child “pornography” crime removed
The right to freedom of expression and information may be limited under particular circumstances, including when necessary and proportionate to protect the rights of others. As such, there is no right to seek, receive, or impart content showing sexual abuse of children, often inappropriately called child “pornography”.
The 2021 draft would have rightly criminalised the specific crime of seeking, receiving, or imparting content showing sexual abuse of children (Art. 69). However, the military has completely removed this crime from the 2022 draft. It is unclear why the military would choose to effectively decriminalise child abuse content.
The 2022 draft does however keep the 2021 draft’s crime of sharing general sexually explicit content (Art. 96). The provision is vague and could be used to violate the right to freedom of expression and access to information. For example, people, including teachers and civil society workers, could be criminalised for providing sex education, discussing women’s bodies, or raising awareness of LGBTIQ issues.
Financial flows to dissenting groups blocked
The right to freedom of expression is closely linked to the right to freedom of association. Often, individuals join together with others who wish to express similar concerns. They may establish organisations that sometimes require income in order to facilitate their rights to association and expression. Any block that prevents an organisation from raising funds can be a violation of the right to freedom of association. If the organisation is blocked because of its political message, this is a violation of the right to freedom of expression too.
The 2022 draft includes a range of provisions that could seriously undermine the financial systems that are commonly used by members of the public to finance groups that offer dissent against the military such as the National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), and Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) (Art.94 and 95).
Recommendations
At the beginning of the coup, the only institution in Myanmar with the constitutional mandate to adopt laws was the Union Parliament. As the Union Parliament is no longer functioning, laws and amendments, including the 2022 draft Cyber Security Law, cannot be lawfully adopted. The military has no legal right to adopt laws as civil society has already established.
Nevertheless, FEM calls on all national and international stakeholders – including those from within the business community – to review FEM’s analysis, reflect on how these violations of the right to freedom of expression would affect them and the Myanmar people, and act immediately to ensure that the military once again withdraws their repressive proposal.
Previously published concerns
The following concerns were published in February 2021 in response to the military’s circulation of the 2021 draft Cyber Security Law. All of the threats posed by the 2021 draft still remain in the 2022 draft.
1. Military will have absolute control over Myanmar’s internet
The draft law establishes a hierarchy of bodies overseen by and formed of representatives chosen by the military under the military’s governing State Administration Council (Arts. 5.a, 7, and 9). These oversight bodies are given absolute control over making internet and communications-related rules (Art. 6.a), implementing those rules (Art. 6.b), and investigating rule-breakers (Art. 12). Furthermore, the draft law also enables the Ministry of Defence to issue rules (Art. 88).
2. Regulates people, communications, and companies internationally
The draft law is unusual because it has a wide, extra-territorial reach, giving the military government an international jurisdiction as well as a normal domestic one. It creates international offences (Art. 2.a), applies to Myanmar citizens outside of Myanmar (Art. 1.a) and international organisations (Art. 6.h), and covers any form of international communications (Art. 1.c). This significantly extends the oppressive effect of Myanmar’s already restrictive domestic legal framework.
3. Increase in criminalisation and long prison terms
The draft law includes a variety of vague and overlapping crimes with three-year prison terms and fines, many of which do not have legitimate democratic aims. Three-year prison terms for misinformation or “fake” websites that cause “public panic, loss of trust or social division” are likely to be used to punish criticism (Arts. 64 and 65). Sharing “sexually explicit speech” – such as that currently being used by many Generation Z protesters – is also punished with a three-year prison term (Art. 68). Using false names or pseudonyms on Facebook will result in a three-year prison sentence (Art. 65). Several provisions include three-year prison terms for actions commonly done by whistleblowers (Arts. 57, 59, and 60). In addition to these disproportionate three-year prison terms, those convicted may also be charged under the Counter-Terrorism Law (Arts. 70 and 71).
4. Internet intermediaries criminally liable for content
The draft law places both administrative and criminal liability on internet intermediaries such as Facebook, Google, and Telenor, while easing the military’s potential to ban them altogether. It includes a vague list of content that all “online service providers”, defined as “any person or business providing online services used in Myanmar”, must remove when ordered (Art. 29). The vague list includes for example, “verbal statements against any existing law” and is clearly intended to punish criticism. All “online service providers” must prepare in advance to receive orders (Art. 48), which may come from any person or organisation authorised by the military government (Art. 47).
If an intermediary does not comply with an order, the military government can issue a warning, fine, or temporary or permanent ban (Art. 72). Representatives of the intermediary will also face a criminal punishment of up to three-years imprisonment plus a fine (Art. 61).
5. Eases network control and internet shutdown
The draft law enables the military government to take direct control over network infrastructure and eases their ability to shut down the internet. It includes provisions for both temporary and permanent bans on any online service such as Facebook (Arts. 51.a and 51.c), and provisions for allowing the military government temporary control of any network devices (Art. 51.b). Bans must be in accordance with a vague “public interest”, presumably as defined by the military (Art. 51). The only so-called “safeguard” is that the military’s governing State Administration Council must approve the military-controlled ministry’s decision (Art. 51).
6. Private data put under military control
The draft law gives the military unfettered access to private data. It requires all “online service providers” such as Facebook, Google, and Telenor, to store vast quantities of personal private data including Citizenship Card numbers for at least three years (Art. 30). This data must be stored on servers designated by the military-controlled government (Art. 28.a), and be accessible for “national security” checks (Art. 59). There are no privacy safeguards (Art. 15) and data must be provided when requested (Art. 31). Any computer owned by anybody can be inspected on vague grounds (Art. 45)..."
Source/publisher:
Free Expression Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
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"If the international community continues to drag its feet on the grave human rights violations including lethal violence targeted at protestors that we have seen in Myanmar this past year, many more people will suffer and this human rights crisis could worsen, Amnesty International said today ahead of the one-year anniversary of the 1 February, 2021 coup.
“Enough is enough, the 55 million people of Myanmar cannot afford another year of wavering and sitting on the sidelines by many governments around the world. Concrete action aimed at holding the military accountable and preventing their access to weaponry used to commit widespread human rights abuses must be taken now or the shocking death and misery that have defined life in Myanmar since the coup is likely to persist,” said Ming Yu Hah, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns.
“As the anniversary of the coup draws near, the military has launched indiscriminate air strikes that have killed civilians in the southeast, blocked life-saving aid, and kept up a bloody campaign against activists and journalists, who have been detained and killed in custody. Too many governments continue turning a blind eye to all these atrocities, as they did following the gross violations of human rights against the Rohingya people. As a result, the military has been increasingly brazen, acting with impunity in its efforts to wipe out any resistance to its rule.
“The Myanmar people are desperate and have become disillusioned about help from the international community. But there are clear steps that need to be taken to prevent the Myanmar military from maintaining its dystopian campaign of terror and persecution. The UN Security Council must stop dragging its feet, and instead impose a global arms embargo and targeted sanctions against military leaders, and urgently refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
“In addition, all local and foreign companies in business partnerships with the military or military-owned businesses need to responsibly disengage, cutting the flow of funds that the military uses to prop up its lethal operations.
“Closer to home, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must present a unified front on Myanmar and demand the military to immediately stop the violence against civilians. The ASEAN should also exert pressure on the military to stop blocking humanitarian access and expand on and implement with a clear timeline its five-point consensus adopted last year, which has proved a failure.
“The new year must bring new approaches to Myanmar, placing human rights for the people of Myanmar, accountability, and a zero tolerance to human rights violations and abuses at the forefront.”
Background:
Myanmar’s military seized power in a coup in the early hours of 1 February, 2021. Since then it has killed more than 1,400 people and arrested more than 11,000, with over 8,000 currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The shocking violence fits into a long history of well-documented crimes under international law against ethnic minorities in the country, including the Kachin, Shan and Rohingya.
The UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar has previously called for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other senior officials to be investigated and prosecuted for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.
The former civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been sentenced to six years on bogus charges and faces more than 100 years if convicted on all the counts against her. Many of her closest allies, including President Win Myint, have also been convicted on similarly trumped-up charges.
Following the violent crackdown on peaceful protesters, some opponents of the military authorities have established the armed People’s Defense Force, which claims to have killed hundreds of soldiers through shootings, bombs and ambushes.
On top of the chaos that has gripped major cities and towns across the country in the aftermath of the coup, economic and food insecurity as well as pandemic-related challenges have caused millions to face hunger. Hundreds of thousands have also been internally displaced while thousands have fled across the border to Thailand..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-01-27
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar
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"WASHINGTON — Today the U.S. Department of the Treasury joined the Departments of State, Commerce, Homeland Security, Labor, and the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative in issuing a business advisory to inform the public of the heightened risks associated with doing business in Burma, particularly business involving the military regime.
Since the military coup in February 2021, the military has engaged in a pattern of serious human rights abuse against the people of Burma, reportedly killing more than 1,400 people, committing brutal acts of violence against civilians, unjustly arresting civilian leaders, and attacking labor unions and their members.
The coup has also significantly damaged the economic and business environment in Burma. The regime’s monopolization of resources and lack of transparency contribute to significant corruption within the country. The specific entities and sectors of greatest concern for corruption and other illicit finance risks include:
State owned enterprises
Gems and precious metals
Real-estate and construction projects
Arms, military equipment, and related activity
Businesses and individuals with potential exposure to, or involvement in operations or supply chains tied to, the military regime that do not conduct appropriate due diligence run the risk of significant reputational, financial, and legal risks, including violations of U.S. anti-money laundering laws and sanctions.
Treasury encourages businesses and financial institutions to reassess and mitigate the heightened risks posed by the military’s attempts to reassert economic and financial control in Burma.
“The return of military rule in Burma brings with it high levels of public corruption and a deficient anti-money laundering regime,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “The international business community has a responsibility to ensure it is not contributing to corruption, illicit financial activity, or serious human rights abuses, all now heightened since the coup.”
Click here for the new business advisory: Risks and Considerations for Businesses and Individuals with Exposure to Entities Responsible for Undermining Democratic Processes, Facilitating Corruption, and Committing Human Rights Abuses in Burma (Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Energy Companies’ Withdrawal Underscores Need for New Sanctions
Description:
" Myanmar’s military will continue to collect massive revenues from natural gas and other extractive sectors unless new targeted sanctions block foreign currency payments supporting the junta’s abusive rule, Human Rights Watch said today. On January 21, 2022, TotalEnergies and Chevron announced plans to leave Myanmar, but natural gas revenue to the junta will continue because other companies will take over their operations.
The United States, European Union, United Kingdom, Japan, and other concerned governments should now adopt a common position to impose sanctions on all natural gas revenues. Thailand’s state-owned PTT and South Korea’s POSCO, the two main energy companies remaining in Myanmar, should signal their support for such measures.
“After nearly a year in power, Myanmar’s junta is continuing to commit horrific abuses without facing significant costs from the international community,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “Junta leaders are not going to turn away from their brutality and oppression unless governments impose more significant financial pressure on them.”
Natural gas projects in Myanmar generate over US$1 billion in foreign revenue for the junta annually, its single largest source of foreign currency revenue. The money is transmitted in US dollars to the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) and other military-controlled bank accounts in foreign countries in the form of fees, taxes, royalties, and revenues from the export of natural gas, most of which travels by pipeline to Thailand or China.
In its announcement on January 21, TotalEnergies said that the company was withdrawing from Myanmar due to the deteriorating human rights situation, which “no longer allows TotalEnergies to make a sufficiently positive contribution in the country.” TotalEnergies, in partnership with Chevron and PTT, has since the 1990s operated the Yadana gas project, one of the country’s largest fields. Chevron sent a brief statement to journalists the same day, stating that it was making “a planned and orderly transition that will lead to an exit from the country.”
TotalEnergies’ announcement reiterated points made by its CEO, Patrick Pouyanné, in a January 18 letter to Human Rights Watch, stating that the company had informed French and US authorities that it “supports the implementation of such targeted sanctions” to stop financial flows to MOGE.
Since staging a coup on February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military has carried out a nationwide crackdown on anti-junta protesters, activists, and the political opposition, featuring widespread killings, torture, and other abuses, amounting to crimes against humanity. It has renewed military operations in ethnic minority areas that have resulted in numerous violations of the laws of war, including war crimes. TotalEnergies has faced growing pressure over the past year from across Myanmar civil society as well as from international rights groups and institutional investors to suspend payments to the junta or support sanctions that would block such payments.
Following the coup, the US, Canada, UK, and EU member states imposed targeted economic sanctions on junta leaders and companies controlled by the Myanmar military, but not on MOGE or payments it receives. The French and the US governments, as well as the EU, have not supported such measures.
The US and EU in particular are in key positions to impose sanctions since payments in the gas sector – even those handled by non-US and non-EU companies – are typically made in US dollars and involve correspondent US and EU banks. Sanctions by the US and EU can stop payments made in US dollars or Euros even by banks in Thailand, Singapore, South Korea, and other locations, since those banks always ultimately need correspondent US and EU banks – which are subject to US and EU law – to finalize, or “settle,” large dollar or Euro transactions.
When TotalEnergies and Chevron depart Myanmar, the flow of funds to the junta will not be disrupted. TotalEnergies reported that it will continue operating the Yadana field and pipeline for six months according to existing agreements, which also stipulate that “in the event of withdrawal, TotalEnergies’ interests will be shared between the current partners, unless they object to such allocation, and that the role of operator will be taken over by one of the partners.”
PTT, the remaining foreign project partner in Yadana, which currently holds 25.5 percent of the project, announced it was “considering potential directions of the Yadana project.”
The largest gas revenues that are paid to junta-controlled accounts are made via PTT, which purchases approximately 80 percent of Myanmar’s exported natural gas from Yadana as well as the Zawtika gas field, which it operates itself. In addition, PTT owns stakes in joint ventures with POSCO, which transports and sells gas to China. Human Rights Watch has previously written to all of these companies and their shareholders, urging them to support sanctions on gas revenues.
“Energy company departures from Myanmar will be only gestures so long as the junta keeps making money,” Sifton said. “The US and EU urgently need to impose measures that will have real economic impact on the junta, if there is to be any progress on human rights.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
One Year After Coup, Global Arms Embargo Urgently Needed
Description:
"United Nations Security Council member countries should abandon their timid approach to the Myanmar military’s mounting atrocities and replace mealymouthed statements with tough action.
A year ago, on February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military ousted the democratically elected civilian government, jailed many politicians, and unleashed a wave of violence against protesters opposing the coup, killing nearly 1,500. Renewed attacks on ethnic minority areas have resulted in numerous war crimes.
Three-and-a-half years earlier, the same military launched a campaign of atrocities against Rohingya Muslims including murder, rape, torture, and the widespread burning of villages. A UN-backed investigation said the attacks against the Rohingya may amount to genocide.
Between the 2017 campaign against the Rohingya and the 2021 coup, the Security Council did little more than issue a handful of statements on Myanmar, failing to put forth a single resolution. This approach surely gave Myanmar’s military confidence that any new wave of repression would largely be met with silence.
Calls for the Security Council to hold a public meeting to discuss the violence since last year’s coup have gone unheeded, as has a campaign by dozens of organizations urging the council to impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar and targeted sanctions on the junta leaders and military companies.
The United States, Britain, and the European Union have issued unilateral sanctions on Myanmar. But none has presented a draft resolution for the Security Council to negotiate. Why? Fears of a Chinese and Russian veto.
But a veto threat hasn’t stopped them before. Russia, usually backed by China, has vetoed 16 resolutions regarding Syria’s armed conflict since 2011. US and EU persistence has sent a strong message that the international community is determined to hold parties to the conflict accountable for serious abuses.
In June, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling on all governments to suspend arms transfers to Myanmar.
A Security Council resolution imposing a legally binding UN arms embargo is urgently needed.
If Russia and China want to side with Myanmar’s murderous military against the country’s people, nothing can stop them. But Security Council action is long overdue..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UN Security Council, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"415 Attacks on Health Care in Myanmar During One Year of Crackdowns Following Military Coup: Report
Ahead of February 1 coup anniversary, new report spotlights Myanmar armed forces’ brutal violence against health workers and facilities
January 26, 2022
At least 415 attacks and threats against health workers and health infrastructure in Myanmar were perpetrated during the one year since the country’s coup and the ongoing crackdown, according to a new report by Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), Insecurity Insight, and the Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR). February 1 marks the one-year anniversary of the Myanmar coup d’état and the military’s ensuing crackdown on civilians, which has been characterized by targeted violence against health workers and obstruction of health care services, in gross violation of international law.
“Our Health Workers Are Working in Fear”: After Myanmar’s Military Coup, One Year of Targeted Violence against Health Care,” based on open-source information, documents and analyzes trends in violence against health workers and facilities during the military crackdown since the coup, highlighting:
A total of 415 attacks on health care
286 health workers arrested or detained
128 health facilities attacked
30 health workers killed
“In the year since Myanmar’s coup, nurses and doctors have been in the military’s crosshairs. Armed forces have harmed and intimidated health care workers, raided COVID-19 clinics and blocked vital humanitarian aid, resulting in the decimation of the Myanmar health system amid a pandemic,” said Lindsey Green, program officer for PHR and a report co-author. “Without immediate action from the international community to pressure the Myanmar military to end the bloodshed, Myanmar’s besieged health workers and civilians will enter a second year of a health and human rights catastrophe.”
The data featured in the new report covers February 1, 2021 through January 10, 2022. Researchers from the CPHHR, Insecurity Insight, and PHR used an open-source methodology informed by the Berkeley Protocol on Digital Open Source Investigations. The incidents reported are neither a complete nor a representative list of all incidents. Data collection is ongoing and data may change as more information is made available. However, the research provides a snapshot of how Myanmar’s military is persecuting health workers and targeting facilities amid its broader crackdown on civilians in the past year. The underlying data set can be explored at Humanitarian Data Exchange on a global map on threats and violence against health care.
Attacks on health care have become a prominent feature of the country’s coup d’état. Today, Myanmar is one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a health worker, with more reported attacks against health care in Myanmar in the past year than in any other country on Earth.
While the highest number of monthly incidents were documented amid nationwide protests in March 2021, there has been a gradual increase in reported attacks from September 2021 through early January 2022, amid escalating armed resistance across the country and crackdowns by the Myanmar military.
The new report also analyzes how forms of violence against health care have evolved alongside wider events happening in the country over the 12 months since the coup, including the nationwide protests, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), the disastrous third wave of COVID-19, and the declaration of a people’s defensive war.
The report shows how, today, the people of Myanmar are facing gravely diminished access to routine and emergency health care services, with ongoing and egregious deliberate targeting of health care by the Myanmar military and other armed actors.
Mandalay Medical Cover, a volunteer medical organization, provided a statement alongside PHR to the UN Human Rights Council about the impacts of violence against health care:
“Our healthcare workers are working in fear. We are being oppressed, we are forcefully arrested – as are our family members if we cannot be found – and are being prevented from providing proper medical care, resulting in permanent damage to patients and the loss of many lives…. By effectively and forcibly preventing doctors from providing essential medical care to these people, many lives which could otherwise have been saved are unnecessarily lost.”
Attacks on health workers violate human rights and are grave breaches of international law. The researchers offer a series of detailed recommendations to the State Administration Council, Myanmar military (Tatmadaw), National Unity Government, ethnic armed organizations, People’s Defence Force, and the international community.
PHR is calling on the Myanmar military-led State Administration Council and Tatmadaw to immediately cease the targeting of health care workers with warrants and arrests for participating in the CDM and peaceful protests or for their provision of health care, as well as to immediately release people arbitrarily detained. All parties to the conflict must adhere to the provisions of international humanitarian and human rights law regarding respect for and the protection of health services and the wounded and sick, and regarding the ability of health workers to adhere to their ethical responsibilities of providing impartial care to all in need.
PHR is calling on international actors to provide COVID-19 vaccines, medical aid, and broader humanitarian support to the people of Myanmar through flexible mechanisms that recognize the evolving nature of conflict dynamics and difficulty in reaching all people in need. This should include support for cross-border delivery of humanitarian aid (along borders with China, India, and Thailand) to reach those in need who cannot be reached otherwise.
PHR is also calling on the United States Congress to pass the BURMA Act, which calls for the authorization of humanitarian assistance and targeted sanctions with respect to human rights abuses perpetrated by the Myanmar military. In addition to the February 2021 coup and ongoing crackdown against civilians, Myanmar security forces also perpetrated atrocities against the Rohingya people, which resulted the exodus of more than one million people from Myanmar to Bangladesh.
As the one-year anniversary of the coup is marked on February 1, the human rights and health crisis continues to grow in Myanmar, with escalating conflict, increasing numbers of internally displaced people and refugees, and the effective collapse of the public health care system.
“The impacts on the people of Myanmar of the military coup d’état and attacks on health care over this past year are incalculable and will continue to have implications for many years to come – especially as these attacks continue unabated,” the report states..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight, Johns Hopkins University and Physicians for Human Rights via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Health Workers Strike, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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1.88 MB (42 pages) - Original version
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"JAKARTA – In response to the statement issued by the National Assembly of Cambodia regarding ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights’ (APHR) criticism of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar earlier this month, the group of lawmakers urges the Cambodian government, as this year’s Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to instead prioritize its efforts on finding the solutions needed to address the tragic crisis engulfing Myanmar.
Rather than focusing its response on the National Assembly’s personal attacks on Charles Santiago, APHR’s Chair, the organization asks that the Cambodian government redirect its attention on the more urgent humanitarian and human rights needs in Myanmar.
Far from being a success, the Prime Minister’s Myanmar visit shows that Hun Sen’s consensus-breaking decision not only threatened the legitimacy and solidarity of ASEAN, but may have also emboldened the junta to escalate their abuses on the Myanmar people, APHR said.
On the very day that Hun Sen left Myanmar on 8 January with the junta’s agreement to a ceasefire until the end of 2022 in hand, there were reports that junta forces began airstrikes in Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State, displacing around 40,000 civilians. More than half of the state’s 300,000 residents were reportedly displaced even before the air strikes began.
“ASEAN’s response to the attempted coup in Myanmar has been far from perfect, but the Five-Point Consensus was a step in the right direction, as was the decision to ban Min Aung Hlaing from last year’s summits for failing to adhere to the Consensus. Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar – and the ensuing joint statement he signed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing – risked completely undermining that progress,” Santiago said.
APHR’s view that the Consensus should hold has been echoed by the Malaysian and Singaporean Prime Ministers. According to a statement issued by Malaysia’s Foreign Ministry on 25 January, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob told Hun Sen that his country’s position to only invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to high-level ASEAN meetings “remained unchanged unless there was real progress and full implementation of the Five-Point Consensus”. Earlier this month, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong also said the bloc should exclude junta leaders from meetings until progress has been made on the Consensus.
Prime Minister Hun Sen himself has now concurred, after initially suggesting that the junta be included in meetings. A post on his Facebook page on 25 January announced that he would invite Min Aung Hlaing to attend the ASEAN summit “if there was progress on the implementation of the five points agreed unanimously … if not, he must send a non-political representative to ASEAN meetings”.
“We’re pleased to see Prime Minister Hun Sen reverting back to the approach originally agreed to by the ASEAN Member States,” Santiago said. “Now what is needed is for the ASEAN Chair to work closely with the rest of its members to hold the junta leader accountable towards the Five-Point Consensus that he himself also agreed to. Amidst all of this, let’s not forget the people of Myanmar, who continue to be subjected to the terror and violence of this junta, and yet bravely continue to voice their rejection of the military.”
During the first 11 months of the junta’s attempted coup, there were 7,686 armed clashes and attacks on civilians across Myanmar, a 715% increase from the same period in 2020 (943). The intensity of the violence was comparable to Syria (7,742), and greater than in Afghanistan (6,481), Yemen (6,270), and Iraq (3,732). In the last four months of 2021, the conflict in Myanmar has escalated to outpace all of the other four countries.
Immediate international action is needed to address the junta’s widespread, systematic, and increasingly frequent and severe attacks on civilians in Myanmar, APHR said.
APHR calls on the Cambodian and other ASEAN member governments to prioritize finding the urgent solutions necessary to address the humanitarian demands in Myanmar, use all means at their disposal to end the atrocities being committed by the junta, recognize all legitimate stakeholders involved, including the National Unity Government (NUG), which includes elected representatives of the Myanmar people, urge the junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all opposition MPs and individuals wrongfully imprisoned on baseless politically motivated allegations, and press for Myanmar to be tabled at the United Nations Security Council.
APHR is an independent, non-partisan group of current and former lawmakers, and is committed to the protection and advancement of human rights and democracy across Southeast Asia.
“We remain available for constructive dialogue and engagement with all relevant stakeholders, such as representatives of the Cambodian government, including Prime Minister Hun Sen, with the aim of contributing to finding solutions to the urgent crisis affecting the people of Myanmar,” Santiago said..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of publication:
2022-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
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"အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
စီးပွားရေးနှင့်ကူးသန်းရောင်း၀ယ်ရေး၀န်ကြီးဌာန
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအား စစ်လက်နက်များ ၀ယ်ယူရရှိနိုင်စေရန် ပံ့ပိုးနေသော လုပ်ငန်းများဆိုင်ရာ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၁/၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Commerce, National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-25
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Individual Documents
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National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
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"We, the undersigned 286 organizations stress the need, at an absolute minimum, to convene an open meeting of the UN Security Council to address the deteriorating humanitarian situation and urgent civilian protection concerns in Myanmar as a matter of extreme urgency.
As we approach one year since the attempted coup on 1 February, all UN Security Council member states have a shared responsibility to address the crisis in an open setting and share national positions on actions the UN Security Council should be taking. Closed meetings and press statements are not working.
We call on Norway as UN Security Council President, the UK as Myanmar “penholder” and all supportive states to table the open debate before the one-year anniversary and require other member states to declare their support..."
Source/publisher:
286 Organizations via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2022-01-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, UN Security Council, Human Rights and international relations
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"No one doubts that the American community in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, which consists mostly of NGO workers, missionaries and retirees, needs consular services. But could that be the only reason why a massive, new United States (US) Consulate General is under construction at a cost of US$300 million? Due to be opened in 2023, the buildings of the diplomatic mission will sprawl over no less than 6.6 acres, or 26,709 square meters, of land in a business park on the outskirts of Chiang Mai. In a colorful, online brochure, the US Consul General in Chiang Mai describes the project as “a concrete sign of our long-term commitment to the people of northern Thailand and the future of our partnership” and the text goes on to state that the US Consulate General is “dedicated to serving the local American community or those wishing to travel to the United States”.
While all of that may be accurate, Michael Vatikiotis, a Singapore-based British analyst, argues in an op-ed piece for Nikkei Asia on January 7 that Beijing sees the construction of a such a huge diplomatic complex only 500 kilometers from the Chinese border and even closer to Myanmar and Laos “as an attempt to reinforce existing US intelligence gathering capacity in northern Thailand”.
Covert US activity of that kind would fit into the broader picture of geostrategic rivalries in the region. The rise of China as an economic and political superpower in Asia has been met by the formation of new alliances in the region. The first was the Quad, or the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which was set up in 2007 and brings the US together with Japan, India and Australia. Then, on September 15 last year, the formation of AUKUS, or the Australia-United Kingdom-United States pact, was announced with the specific purpose of coordinating activities in the spheres of “cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies and additional underwater capabilities.” Under the terms of the pact, the US and the UK will help Australia acquire nuclear-powered submarines.
Both pacts are widely seen as efforts to counter China’s influence in the contested South China Sea and the Chinese navy’s increasingly frequent forays into the Indian Ocean. That was not lost on Beijing, who especially condemned the establishment of AUKUS. Only two days after the announcement of the pact, China’s foreign ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said the alliance risked “severely damaging regional peace… and intensifying the arms race.” He also criticised what he called “the obsolete Cold War… mentality” of the pact’s members and warned them that they were “hurting their own interests.”
In an editorial published in the Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece Global Times on September 30, the rhetoric was even blunter and more vitriolic: “The three countries, drawing lines based on ideology, have built a new military bloc that will heighten geopolitical tensions. The international community rejects the Cold War and its divisions, but the US blatantly violates its political claims of not engaging in any new Cold War and gangs up with others to create a small Anglo-Saxon ‘clique,’ putting geopolitical self-interest above international solidarity. This is a typical Cold War mentality”.
The editorial also warned of the danger of an escalating arms race: “The move will spur regional countries to accelerate the development of military capabilities, and even seek to break the nuclear threshold and increase the risk of military conflict. The US, on the one hand, hands out sanctions and suppresses some countries to pressure them not to develop nuclear capabilities, while on the other hand flagrantly transferring nuclear technologies to non-nuclear states. This is a typical double standard”.
The Global Times editorial did not expand on the reference to the possibility of nuclear proliferation, and Australia will certainly not become a nuclear power just because it is about to acquire nuclear-powered submarines. But the harsh rhetoric shows how concerned China’s government is, and that the battlelines in the new Cold War are becoming clearer. China is seen as the enemy of a range of countries which consider themselves guardians of democratic values. Needless to say, there are also competing economic interests between China and its adversaries. An increasingly affluent Asia is a huge market for consumer goods and the region is rich in natural and mineral resources which many countries are eager to exploit.
That competition can be seen also on land and it’s no coincidence that Chiang Mai has been chosen as a strategic listening post in the region. And in that regard, it appears that old ghosts have come alive again. The Americans first set up a diplomatic mission in Chiang Mai in 1950, and it was then mainly an intelligence station that coordinated support for nationalist Chinese, Kuomintang, forces that had retreated into Shan State in eastern Myanmar after their defeat in the Chinese Civil War. A string of bases was established just across the border in Shan State and, to the north, along the Chinese border. The tiny airstrip at Möng Hsat opposite Thailand’s Chiang Rai province was transformed into a formidable air base capable of receiving C-46 and C-47 transport planes, which brought in arms, ammunition, and medical supplies. This dramatic build-up was a joint venture between the Republic of China’s Kuomintang government, which still controlled the island of Taiwan, and the US security authorities to encircle and try to reconquer the Chinese mainland. But the effort failed miserably. The Shan State-based “secret Kuomintang” army attempted on no less than seven occasions in the early 1950s to invade neighboring Yunnan Province in China, but was repeatedly driven back across the border.
Then came the wars in Indochina, and the US consulate in Chiang Mai oversaw the gathering of human as well as signals intelligence in the region. Local agents were sent across the border and the Americans together with the Thais had an extensive network of listening posts in northern Thailand. The main such facility was located at Ramasun, 20 kilometers south of Udon Thani in northeastern Thailand. That base was first established in 1966 but then as an outpost for the main facility in Bangkok. In 1970, it was upgraded to an AN/FLR-9 Circular Disposed Antenna Array (CDAA) station, a large, circular array of Wullenweber antennas commonly referred to by the nickname “Elephant Cage” because its shape resembled an elephant kraal. The Ramasun facility picked up radio traffic from Laos, southern China and North Vietnam and monitored Chinese military movements in the region. Most importantly, it served as a military intelligence terminal for communications between the US and its various intelligence sites in Southeast and East Asia.
A similar signals intelligence facility was established near Lampang, 108 kilometers south of Chiang Mai, for the specific purpose of monitoring radio traffic in northern Myanmar and Yunnan. American Chinese language experts translated intercepted messages into English, and Burmese-speaking Shans translated messages in Burmese into Thai and English. A major target at that time was the China-supported Communist Party of Burma (CPB). There was always the possibility of a linkup between the CPB and the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), which would open a direct route for arms flowing down from China and into Southeast Asia. China’s plan at the time was to use Myanmar as a springboard to reach not only the CPT but, at least until the 1960s, communist movements in Malaya (now Malaysia) and Indonesia.
The “Elephant Cage” at Ramasun was officially dismantled in 1976, a year after the end of the Indochina wars and, in 1975, Thailand also switched recognition to the People’s Republic of China from the Republic of China (Taiwan). The Americans withdrew and the Thais took over operation of the Ramasun and Lampang facilities. Over the years, the “Elephant Cages” became obsolete and, in May 1986, the very last of them, in Alaska, was decommissioned. Today, there are more advanced and sophisticated ways of monitoring movements in cyberspace, as well as on the ground.
The current US mission in Chiang Mai is located in old buildings overlooking the banks of the Ping River. Some of them were built over a hundred years ago and then called the Chedi Ngam Palace, or the Beautiful Pagoda Palace. The compound once served as the residence of the last ruler of northern Thailand, Chao Kaew Nawarat, who died in 1939. After that it became government property and, eleven years later, the Americans moved in and turned it into a consulate. But it is important to remember that it remained a consulate until 1986 and only then became a Consulate General, or a proper foreign service mission. Before 1986, it was effectively an intelligence station, although it also provided consular services.
It is anybody’s guess what roles the new US Consulate General will play when it opens its doors next year. Apart from the obvious — that people will go there to get visas, for cultural events and to visit its libraries — intelligence gathering will most certainly be a top priority. Myanmar-watching will remain one of the consulate general’s main tasks, albeit in a different context as China no longer exports revolution. But Beijing’s expanding economic empire requires political protection and therefore also influence in its neighboring countries. Myanmar is right there, between Thailand and China, and the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor is China’s only direct access to the Indian Ocean.
Already in 2017, China’s then Consul General in Chiang Mai, Ren Yisheng, talked about Beijing’s multi-trillion-dollar infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative, at the city’s university. Two years later, Ren attended a similar conference in Chiang Rai with the emphasis on development in the so-called Greater Mekong Sub-region, which includes parts of southern China, Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia and Vietnam. Even China appears to have made Chiang Mai and their Consulate General there a base for their plans for the region.
Chinese boats with armed police, seen by this correspondent, are also now for the first time in history venturing down the Mekong River, almost as far as the riverine junction where Myanmar, Laos and Thailand meet. That may not be perceived as a major threat to the region, but it is nevertheless a new development that China’s adversaries would be keen to monitor. And while the US has strongly condemned last year’s February 1 coup in Myanmar, China is cozying up to the generals. In August, China transferred US$6 million to Myanmar to be used for projects and programs within Beijing’s Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Framework, seemingly a tiny gesture but important in the broader scheme of things. Then there are the insurgencies inside Myanmar where China maintains close links with the United Wa State Army while its rival, the Restoration Council of Shan State, receives most of its supplies from Thailand.
The new Cold War may not yet be as hot as the previous one sometimes was, but it is clear that the Americans and their Quad and AUKUS allies are building a bulwark against China and that the construction of a new US Consulate General in Chiang Mai is part of that strategy. But we can only wait and see what that means for the region — and especially for troubled and vulnerable Myanmar. There’s still a long way to go before we could see a return to the open confrontations of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. But, once again, Myanmar may well find itself in the midst of a geopolitical storm..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History, China-Burma-US relations
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"ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံရောက် မြန်မာအလုပ်သမားများ ပိုမိုခက်ခဲကျပ်တည်းအောင် ခေါင်းပုံဖြတ်ခွင့် ဖန်တီးပေးနေသည့် အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု ၏ မည်သူမည်ဝါ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သက်သေခံလက်မှတ် (Certificate of Identity – CI) သက်တမ်းတိုးထုတ်ပေးခြင်း လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်နှင့်ယင်းလုပ်ငန်းစဉ် အကောင်အထည်ဖေါ်မှုတွင် ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ ကုမ္ပဏီနှင့် အေဂျင်စီတို့အား အလုပ်သမားဝန်ကြီးဌာန မှ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရှုံ့ချကြောင်း ကြေညာချက်..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Labour - National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"The Ministry of Planning, Finance, and Investment welcomes the recent
announcements made by TotalEnergies and Chevron Corp, amongst the world’s
largest oil and gas producers, that each would be severing financial ties with the
military junta and withdrawing from Myanmar.
In taking this step, both firms have responded to the voices of Myanmar’s
people and indeed, the wishes of many of their own employees. The collapse of the
rule of law under the military regime has clearly made it impossible to sustain their
significant business operations in partnership with military-controlled institutions
while also avoiding complicity in the regime’s atrocities.
This action will likely pause a major source of foreign funding, further limiting
the military’s ability to finance its campaign of terror.
The military regime has recently admitted to a significant contraction in tax
revenues over the past year. Meanwhile, nationwide boycotts have stifled the
military’s business interests and stopped other key flows to military-controlled
institutions, such as electricity tariffs. These actions continue to make it impossible
for the military to establish control of the state and make it more difficult for them to
extend concessions to their shrinking group of facilitators. Economic pressure is
continuing to weaken the already fragile regime.
The National Unity Government recognizes that this landmark victory would not
have been possible without the relentless efforts of a global advocacy campaign. This
work has been spearheaded by our domestic and diaspora activist communities,
together with Myanmar civil society, labor organizations, and international partners.
Our victory serves as a stark example of the way in which people across the country
are overcoming old divisions in order to maximize opposition to the military and
enable the emergence of a more peaceful and prosperous Myanmar.
For months now, the National Unity Government has been clear - Total and
Chevron’s continued presence in Myanmar risks doing more harm than good and thus
is not in accordance with both our Three Pillar Framework Guiding Responsible
Investment and Continued Operations, and our Sanctions Policy.
The actions taken by these two firms have sent a clear message to the
military junta - without the ability to finance your campaign of terror, your already
tenuous grip on power will continue to slip away.
We are united in calls for comprehensive sanctions to be implemented by the
US, France, and EU that would block revenue payments from remaining oil and gas
projects - upon which the junta relies to fund their terror campaigns. No revenues
should flow to the illegitimate regime.
With these key foreign financial interests no longer advocating against
decisive action that targets the military regime, there now exists a clear pathway to
impose meaningful sanctions on the military-controlled Myanma Oil and Gas
Enterprise and the financial institutions that process revenues from natural gas sales.
The military regime is not the Government of Myanmar, and as such, it has no
right to bring in a new operator for the project. Any form of collusion or assistance that
may facilitate the entry of a new operator will simply perpetuate the illegal
exploitation of Myanmar’s natural resource wealth by a terrorist organization.
The National Unity Government further calls upon both Total and Chevron to
undertake a public commitment not to sell to another operator or facilitate a
handover to a new operator. The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment will
offer further detail regarding its policy on responsible divestment in the coming
weeks.
In addition, no responsible divestment can occur without consultation with
the National Unity Government. The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment
looks forward to ongoing consultations with Total and Chevron in this regard.
The National Unity Government also looks forward to responsible operators
returning to sustainably develop our country’s resource wealth once our revolution
has succeeded, and once proper arrangements for a federal democratic system are in
place.
There is no longer any excuse to delay in maximizing pressure on the military
regime.
The current crisis in Myanmar is complex, but the complexity of this crisis
does not provide an excuse for continued inaction. The paper-thin foundations of the
military regime are folding. The world must help the people of Myanmar in hastening
the regime’s collapse. Today we are reminded that the power of the people is
prevailing and will always prevail..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-01-23
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
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96.97 KB 437 KB
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"Six civil society organizations that have been urging Japanese companies to give appropriate consideration to the environment, society, and human rights in their overseas business operations, sent a letter on January 18, 2022 to 125 corporate investors holding shares in ENEOS Corporation, Sumitomo Corporation, Marubeni Corporation, and Mitsubishi Corporation. These Japanese companies continue to invest in four problematic projects in Myanmar, despite the unacceptable risk of the projects financing the Myanmar military, thereby supporting the military’s international crimes and grave violations of human rights, including murder, wrongful arrest and arbitrary detainment, sexual violence, forced disappearances, and torture.
Although the above four companies have expressed general concerns over violence and human rights violations perpetrated by Myanmar’s military, they have not officially declared specific plans to avoid the risk of their own business activities in Myanmar aiding and abetting grave human rights violations by the military, or announced plans to alter the course of their business activities. The four companies are involved in the following four problematic projects in Myanmar: Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Development Project, Yetagun Gas Project, Landmark Project (Yoma Central Project); and Thilawa Area Port Terminal Operation Project.
The letter requests all holders of shares in the Japanese companies involved in the four projects to promptly engage with their investees and to urge the companies to take measures to ensure that their business activities do not benefit the Myanmar military. The letter further asks the corporate investors to consider divestment if the companies do not take sufficient measures..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, ayus: Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation, Japan International Volunteer Center and Network Against Japan Arms Trade
Date of publication:
2022-01-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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32.61 KB 75.51 KB 236.63 KB 219.84 KB
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"Paris, January 21st, 2022 – Following the coup of 1st February 2021 in Myanmar, TotalEnergies has firmly condemned on several occasions the abuses and human rights violations taking place there. Since then, our Company's decisions have been guided by clear principles: to halt all our ongoing projects, but to continue to produce gas from the Yadana field, which is essential for supplying electricity to the local Burmese and Thai population, to protect our employees from the risk of criminal prosecution or forced labour, and, insofar as is materially and legally possible, to limit the financial flows received by the national oil company MOGE.
Despite the actions taken, TotalEnergies has not been able to meet the expectations of many stakeholders (shareholders, international and Burmese civil society organisations), who are calling to stop the revenues going to the Burmese state through the state-owned company MOGE from the Yadana field production. In fact, this is materially impossible for TotalEnergies, as most of the payments for the sale of the gas are made directly by the Thai company PTT, the buyer of the exported gas. TotalEnergies has also approached the French authorities to consider putting in place targeted sanctions that would confine all the financial flows of the various partners to escrow accounts without shutting down the gas production. TotalEnergies has not identified any means for doing so.
While our Company considers that its presence in a country allows it to promote its values, including outside its direct sphere of operations, the situation, in terms of human rights and more generally the rule of law, which have kept worsening in Myanmar since the coup of February 2021, has led us to reassess the situation and no longer allows TotalEnergies to make a sufficiently positive contribution in the country.
As a result, TotalEnergies has decided to initiate the contractual process of withdrawing from the Yadana field and from MGTC in Myanmar, both as operator and as shareholder, without any financial compensation for TotalEnergies. This withdrawal has been notified today to TotalEnergies' partners in Yadana and MGTC and will be effective at the latest at the expiry of the 6-month contractual period. The agreements also stipulate that, in the event of withdrawal, TotalEnergies' interests will be shared between the current partners, unless they object to such allocation, and that the role of operator will be taken over by one of the partners.
During this notice period, TotalEnergies will continue to act as a responsible operator in order to ensure the continuity of gas deliveries for the benefit of the population. TotalEnergies has indicated to its partners its willingness to ease the transition to the new operator and facilitate the transfer of staff who so wish.
***
About TotalEnergies in Myanmar
TotalEnergies has been a partner (31.24%) and operator of the Yadana gas field (Blocks M5 and M6) in Myanmar since 1992, alongside its partners Unocal-Chevron (28.26%), PTTEP (25.5%), a subsidiary of the Thai national energy company PTT, and the Burmese state-owned company MOGE (15%).
The Yadana field produces around 6 billion cubic meters per year of gas of which about 70% is exported to Thailand where it is sold to the national company PTT and 30% to the national company MOGE for domestic use. This gas helps to provide about half of the electricity in the Burmese capital Yangoon and supplies the western part of Thailand. Gas is exported to Thailand through a pipeline operated by MGTC that carries gas from the Yadana field to the Burmese-Thai border, over 400 kilometers. The shareholders of MGTC are the same as the partners in the Yadana field and in the same proportions.
About TotalEnergies
TotalEnergies is a global multi-energy company that produces and markets energies: oil and biofuels, natural gas and green gases, renewables and electricity. Our 105,000 employees are committed to energy that is ever more affordable, cleaner, more reliable and accessible to as many people as possible. Active in more than 130 countries, TotalEnergies puts sustainable development in all its dimensions at the heart of its projects and operations to contribute to the well-being of people.
Media Relations: +33 (0)1 47 44 46 99 l [email protected] l @TotalEnergiesPR
Investor Relations: +33 (0)1 47 44 46 46 l [email protected]
Cautionary Note
The terms “TotalEnergies”, “TotalEnergies company” or “Company” in this document are used to designate TotalEnergies SE and the consolidated entities that are directly or indirectly controlled by TotalEnergies SE. Likewise, the words “we”, “us” and “our” may also be used to refer to these entities or to their employees. The entities in which TotalEnergies SE directly or indirectly owns a shareholding are separate legal entities. TotalEnergies SE has no liability for the acts or omissions of these entities. This document may contain forward-looking information and statements that are based on a number of economic data and assumptions made in a given economic, competitive and regulatory environment. They may prove to be inaccurate in the future and are subject to a number of risk factors. Neither TotalEnergies SE nor any of its subsidiaries assumes any obligation to update publicly any forward-looking information or statement, objectives or trends contained in this document whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise. Information concerning risk factors, that may affect TotalEnergies’ financial results or activities is provided in the most recent Registration Document, the French-language version of which is filed by TotalEnergies SE with the French securities regulator Autorité des Marchés Financiers (AMF), and in the Form 20-F filed with the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)..."
Source/publisher:
TotalEnergies
Date of publication:
2022-01-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Cambodia’s recent visit to Myanmar has triggered global criticism. Would Cambodia as the new ASEAN Chair be able to maintain ASEAN unity in the face of the Myanmar crisis?
The year 2022 began with the most awaited visit of the current ASEAN Chair, Cambodia, to Myanmar. This visit invited quite a controversy as this trip could be seen as a step towards legitimising the Junta leadership and acknowledging the recent coup—the very reason for which Myanmar was excluded from previous ASEAN meetings. While this has been met with condemnations both globally and within Myanmar, Cambodia hopes to thaw the ice for future dialogues to take place.
The Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar marks the first visit made by a foreign leader since the military seized power in Myanmar last February. During his two-day visit on 7 and 8 January, Hun Sen met with Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing and other leaders of the military administration, for talks aimed at resolving the country’s tangled political, economic, and humanitarian crises. As Cambodia holds the rotating chairmanship of ASEAN this year, the PM’s trip was seen to be another effort to implement a five-point ASEAN peace plan adopted last April and amend the impact of the Myanmar crisis on regional security which affected the unity, credibility, and centrality of ASEAN as a rules-based organisation.
The February coup in Myanmar certainly breached the ASEAN Charter when viewed through the lens of the rule of law, good governance, and democracy, but any prospective response by ASEAN runs against the principle of non-interference.
In 2021, ASEAN broke free from a self-imposed impasse created by the non-interference policy it has upheld since its foundation. The February coup in Myanmar certainly breached the ASEAN Charter when viewed through the lens of the rule of law, good governance, and democracy, but any prospective response by ASEAN runs against the principle of non-interference. Until last year, whenever ASEAN has faced a dilemma, it has let itself be hamstrung, opting for a wait-and-watch approach. The 2014 coup in Thailand is an example of such an approach. This fostered the impression that democracy within ASEAN is on the decline. If ASEAN had simply sat back and waited throughout the Myanmar crisis, the bloc’s reputation with the international community would have been in tatters, casting doubt on the concept of “ASEAN centrality”.
A firm approach was subsequently attempted via the Five Point Consensus in April 2021. This consensus is a gradual strategy that offers a way for ASEAN to begin negotiations with the Myanmar military regime through diplomatic engagement. It calls for an end to violence, the beginning of political discussion including all parties within Myanmar, and the creation of an opening of an ASEAN Special Envoy to commence the process for negotiations and dialogues.
If ASEAN had simply sat back and waited throughout the Myanmar crisis, the bloc’s reputation with the international community would have been in tatters, casting doubt on the concept of “ASEAN centrality”.
Military members, including Min Aung Hlaing, were barred from attending the ASEAN summit discussions in October after the former refused to allow the Special Envoy elected by ASEAN members to meet with all parties concerned in Myanmar. A representative from Myanmar was invited to attend the summit; however, this step was considered impolite for the new military leader and thus the nation refused to participate in the ASEAN Summit where leaders from the United State, China, and India were present. Subsequently, Myanmar’s absence was felt in the China–ASEAN Summit in November. What turned heads was the participation of the National Unity Government (the shadow government) in the formal ASEAN climate and disaster conference. While it shows elements of the growing frustration with Myanmar general’s stubbornness to change his ways, this step did not go down well with nations backing Myanmar within the bloc: Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand.
Cambodia’s role as the ASEAN Chair
A change around the approach took place with Cambodia taking over as the ASEAN Chair for 2022. PM Hun Sen made the bloc’s intention clear to pursue a pragmatic engagement policy with Myanmar’s military administration, defying ASEAN’s collective decision to exclude the Junta from the bloc’s meetings unless progress on the Five-Point Consensus was initiated. He emphasised that under the ASEAN Charter, no ASEAN member state has the authority to eject another member, which he sees as a reflection of the long-standing non-interference principle.
PM Hun Sen made the bloc’s intention clear to pursue a pragmatic engagement policy with Myanmar’s military administration, defying ASEAN’s collective decision to exclude the Junta from the bloc’s meetings unless progress on the Five-Point Consensus was initiated.
The subsequent visit in the second week of January yielded few immediate breakthroughs. Min Aung Hlaing offered to extend a ceasefire with the ethnic armed groups until the end of the year, according to a joint statement released on 7 January that described the negotiations as “frank and forthright”. The military leader further stated that as ASEAN’s Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn will be allowed to speak with all parties involved in the country’s political crisis, including the armed ethnic minority groups. Both presidents also vowed to push for a summit to coordinate humanitarian aid deliveries.
While this visit has been said to bring about the desired effect, however, the ground situation within Myanmar remains fraught with ethnic–military disputes. The divide and rule policy applied by Junta to fight some ethnic groups, while keeping others at bay by providing ceasefires continues. The number of air bombings in the Kayin state, Sagaing’s Kathar township has shaken the nation in the past few days. Clashes with Ta’ang National Liberation Army, Karen National Liberation Army, and others are ongoing, raising casualties and displacing thousands of civilians. As of now, since the coup, the police and army have killed at least 1,447 civilians, detained nearly 8,500, and injured millions.
The military leader further stated that as ASEAN’s Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn will be allowed to speak with all parties involved in the country’s political crisis, including the armed ethnic minority groups.
The conviction of ex-state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi for four more years following Hun Sen’s visit on 10 January shows the military’s willingness to continue its stance of suppressing the democratic regime. Seven more such verdicts are scheduled in a few months while five more corruption charges have been slapped on her. As Myanmar remains in turmoil, member states are waiting to see if Cambodia, the Chair for 2022, can demonstrate its leadership by not isolating Myanmar while providing guidance and preserving the ASEAN unity. The bloc seems divided at the moment by Sen’s actions that resulted in the postponing of the ASEAN foreign minister’s meeting that was to be held last week for an indefinite period of time.
Cambodia’s role will be critical in determining ASEAN’s future course, as the Myanmar crisis will continue to be a litmus test for the organisation’s legitimacy and unity. Cambodia was the Chair of ASEAN in 2012, and its stance in ASEAN meetings based on China’s actions in the South China Sea significantly harmed ASEAN unity. This time, Cambodia has an opportunity to redeem itself. Whether it will fail or rise up to the occasion will be interesting to watch. Myanmar’s compliance with the Five-Point Consensus will necessitate a new approach that combines firmness and flexibility.
As the coup progresses to complete one year in the next few days, it will be crucial to note whether the military regime will finally adhere to the Five-Point Consensus by allowing to negotiate with the ASEAN Envoy or will it continue to act against the consensus by prolonging violence or human rights abuses that undermine democratic transition..."
Source/publisher:
Observer Research Foundation
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"The UN Security Council must take concrete action to address the junta’s widespread
and systematic, and increasingly frequent and severe, attacks on civilians in Burma.
The Security Council called for accountability in its
29 December 2021 press statement. 1
Accountability is precisely what is needed: the
Security Council must adopt a resolution referring
the junta’s crimes to the International Criminal
Court; and the Security Council and other UN
bodies must act to achieve accountability and urge
ASEAN to work with the UN.
During the first 11 months of the junta’s attempted
coup (1 February–31 December), there were
7,686 armed clashes and attacks on civilians
(in every administrative area of Burma), a 715%
increase from the same period in 2020 (943).
The violence was comparable to Syria (7,742),
and greater than in Afghanistan (6,481), Yemen
(6,270), or Iraq (3,732). In the last four months of
2021, Burma outpaced the other four countries.
2
The widespread and systematic nature of junta troops’ massacres and other atrocity crimes suggest
that they are not isolated incidents, but rather reflect orders from the junta’s highest levels.
In ethnic States, the junta increased conflict with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and it relied
on its Border Guard Forces (BGFs) and other aligned ethnic militias to fight EAOs. In urban and
non-EAO-controlled areas, the junta engaged in asymmetrical warfare with civilian resistance
groups, applying traditional battlefield tactics to urban environments.
Junta security forces (military and police) have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity,
and violated international humanitarian law and numerous Security Council resolutions (e.g., 2601,
2573, 2535, 2475, and 2467).
3 They have shelled and torched villages; targeted civilian objects
such as churches, schools, and hospitals; attacked health and humanitarian aid workers; used
civilians as porters and human shields; tortured and killed detainees; raped women; and committed
perfidy. They have killed at least 2,164 civilians,
4 and arrested over 11.000.5
Junta troops have destroyed food stores and blocked humanitarian aid:
On 10 June, in Moe Bye, Pekon Township (Shan), junta forces burned 80 sacks of rice and medical
supplies meant for IDPs.6
In July, it was reported that the junta was only allowing around 450kg of
rice—not enough to feed residents—to enter Mindat (Chin State) each day, despite the existence of a ceasefire and an agreement allowing vehicles to bring food into Mindat.7
In December, Human
Rights Watch condemned the junta’s recent travel restrictions for humanitarian workers, blocks on
access roads and aid convoys, and destruction of non-military supplies.8
The junta intentionally deprived people of oxygen, and targeted doctors and health workers:
At the height of the third wave of COVID-19 in Burma, the junta ordered that oxygen be denied to
clinics and ordinary citizens; doctors accused the junta of funneling supplies to military hospitals;
and several incidents were reported of soldiers forcibly confiscating oxygen from charities.9 By
November, junta forces had arrested at least 284 healthcare workers and killed 31; WHO figures
show that in 2021 Burma was one of the most dangerous countries in the world for health workers.10
The junta committed massacres and atrocities, including the following incidents:
In July, junta troops killed at least 40 people in Kani Township (Sagaing Region), with many of the
bodies showing clear signs of torture. Earlier in the month, over 10,000 people had fled Kani
because of junta raids in which soldiers robbed villagers, laid landmines, stole and destroyed
property, and dumped insecticides into water reservoirs, poisoning water supplies.11
In early September, the junta terrorized civilians in Thantlang Township (Chin State) by firing guns
and heavy artillery, both indiscriminately and aimed at Thantlang town,12 before stationing 200
soldiers in the town and commencing daily fly-overs.13 On 17 September, junta forces killed a
Baptist pastor and cut off his finger to take his wedding ring.14 On 19 September, junta forces
opened fire on the town with heavy weapons and artillery, burning down 19 houses and causing
8,000 residents to flee. 15 Thantlang was still a ghost town on 29 October, when junta forces
destroyed more than 160 of its 2,000 homes. Two churches and a building attached to a third caught
fire, as did several local civil society organization offices and a Save the Children office.16
On 7 December, in Salingyi Township (Sagaing Region), junta troops bound 11 civilians, including
five children aged 14–17, and tortured them before burning them alive.17 The body of a twelfth victim
was found the following day, with a gaping knife wound in her neck, just 50 feet (15 meters) from
the ashes of those the junta burned.18
On 12 December, in Gaung Kwe, Myaung Township (Sagaing Region), junta troops killed and
burned five people, including one reported as having a cognitive disability.19
On 24 December, junta forces captured at least 37 men, women, and children fleeing conflict in
Moso village, Hpruso Township (Karenni State), tied the victims’ hands behind their backs, placed
them in cars, and then torched the vehicles, burning them to death. The troops also killed four
Karenni BGF members who attempted to stop them.20 Save the Children confirmed that two of its
staff, traveling home from a humanitarian mission, were among those killed.21
On 7–9 January, a local resistance group found the dead bodies of 10 male civilians, including a
13-year-old child, in Matupi Township (Chin State). The victims were among 11 villagers abducted
by junta troops while traveling between villages on 6–7 January, and were used as human shields before the troops killed them. The 13-year-old boy was found with his throat slit; others showed
injuries from being hit with rifle butts, slashed, cut, and shot. Several bodies had been stripped
naked and had their mouths covered. The 11th villager had not been found at the time of reporting.22
The junta unleashed air strikes on civilian communities across the country:
In the second half of December, junta forces conducted repeated air strikes around Lay Kay Kaw
(Karen State), displacing around 10,000 civilians, around half into Thailand.23 Air strikes in Karen
State on 27 March 2021, coinciding with Burma’s Armed Forces Day, marked the military’s first air
assaults in Karen State in 25 years;
24 that offensive in Hpapun left 83,000 people displaced.25
On 8 January 2022, junta forces began air strikes in Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State, displacing
around 40,000 civilians.26 Even before the air strikes began, over half of Karenni State’s 300,000
residents were displaced.
27 On 16–17 January, junta jets bombed an IDP camp in nearby Hpruso
Township, killing a child, three medical workers, and two other civilians.28
Heightened risk of atrocity crimes:
The junta has armed and relied upon paramilitary Pyu Saw Htee groups, which have terrorized and
killed civilians, actively distributed misinformation, raided villages, and torched properties.
Unprecedented casualty rates (over 2,000 just in September–October 2021),29 defections (at least
8,000 as of 1 December),30 and growing internal discontent31 have hit the junta hard. In a desperate
attempt to maintain troop numbers, the junta has recalled veterans and subjected troops' wives
and children to military trainings.32 These moves violate international law, Burma’s human rights
commitments, and Security Council resolutions..."
Source/publisher:
ALTSEAN-Burma and Progressive Voice
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Japan’s defence ministry claims the program, which includes combat training, will inspire change from within. That’s not going to happen.
Description:
"Japan was one of the first governments to issue a statement after the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1 last year.
Within hours of events unfolding in Naypyitaw, the Japanese leadership expressed “grave concern” and called for the release of those detained by security forces, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
Following its swift condemnation, the Japanese government took further action by halting new non-humanitarian development projects, while allowing existing aid projects to continue.
Then on March 28, Japan’s defence ministry issued a joint statement with 11 allies criticising the military’s use of force against “unarmed civilians.” Japan even voted in favour of a Myanmar resolution at the United Nations General Assembly in June, a major shift from its repeated abstentions since 2017.
All this begs the question: why does the Japanese government continue to train the Myanmar military? The Tatmadaw, along with other Myanmar security forces, has since the coup killed more than 1,400 people, detained over 10,000, and intensified abusive military operations in ethnic minority areas.
Not only do Japan’s ongoing ties with the Tatmadaw contradict its condemnation of the coup, but they also undermine the international community’s efforts to hold the generals accountable for crimes against humanity and other abuses.
Since 2015, Myanmar military cadets have been studying at Japan’s National Defense Academy, receiving both academic and military training. The program is authorised by the defence minister under article 100 of the Self-Defense Forces Act, which permits training and educating foreign nationals in Defense Ministry facilities.
In December, a defence ministry official told Human Rights Watch that eight cadets from Myanmar were attending the academy, and at least two of them joined after the coup. The academy’s curriculum includes combat and the use of firearms.
In addition to the cadets, two Tatmadaw officers are being trained at the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Training, Evaluation, Research and Development Command, and at the Japan Air Self-Defense Force Command and Staff College, according to a defence ministry document obtained by Human Rights Watch.
Another defence ministry official said that the program is designed to bring change from within the Tatmadaw by showing cadets, who are expected to become officers, how Japan’s armed forces operate under strict civilian control. However, the official also conceded that the ministry does not keep track of the career paths the trainees take after the program, meaning that they do not monitor or evaluate whether this actually happens.
The Japanese government should simply look at the Tatmadaw’s long record of human rights abuses and absence of deference to civilian authority and recognize that this program is not going to bring about the reforms they say it will.
In August 2017, two years after Japan began the program, the Myanmar military under the current junta leader and commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, carried out crimes against humanity and possible genocide against ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, forcing more than 740,000 to flee to Bangladesh.
At least 600,000 Rohingya who remained in Myanmar are confined to camps and villages under guard of local authorities and security forces, under conditions that amount to the crime against humanity of apartheid.
Even before 2017, in long-running conflicts with ethnic armed groups, the Myanmar military has for many years committed summary killings, rape, indiscriminate shelling, torture, arson, and other abuses with impunity.
And now, six years after the program began, Myanmar is in turmoil because of the Tatmadaw’s coup.
The Japanese government should immediately suspend the program and cut defence ties with the Tatmadaw, as New Zealand and Australia, Japan’s regional allies, did soon after the coup. Otherwise Japan risks being complicit in the Tatmadaw’s atrocities..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Japan-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"We, the undersigned Rohingya worldwide organisations, urge President Biden of the United States of America and President Macron of France to urgently introduce sanctions on gas revenue in Burma. Gas extraction projects which involve American Chevron and French Total provide hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue to the Burmese military annually. This money helps pay for the military’s crimes including killing of children and indiscriminate bombings of villages.
So far both President Biden and President Macron have blocked sanctions on the gas industry, protecting the profits of American and French companies ahead of the lives of Burmese people. This urgently needs to change.
It is almost one year since the military coup in Burma on 1 February 2021. The US, EU, UK and Canada have imposed a number of sanctions on sources of income for the Burmese military, include on timber and gems, but gas production, which is one of the military’s biggest revenue sources, has so far gone untouched.
We Rohingya had to witness the genocide of our people go largely unpunished by the international community. This lack of accountability led the Burmese military to believe they could get away with the military coup. They are now attacking people all over Burma, killing children, burning villages and torturing with impunity. 300,000 people have had to flee their homes since the coup. It all echoes what the Rohingya has had to suffer at the hands of the military, and we are standing in solidarity with our fellow brothers and sisters across Burma. They are bravely resisting the military one year on from the coup, and paying for this with their lives. The international community needs to do everything they can to support them. We cannot let the Burmese military get away with impunity anymore.
Waging war costs money, and sanctions on gas revenue would stop the military getting their hands on hundreds of millions of dollars which currently help fund their crimes against the Burmese people, which amounts to crimes against humanity.
We urge President Biden and President Macron to stand with all the people of Burma in their resistance to the military coup by introducing sanctions on gas revenue..."
Source/publisher:
Rohingya Today
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Language:
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Sub-title:
Clear Path for US, France, EU to Block Gas Revenue Payments to Junta
Description:
"(Paris) – The French company TotalEnergies has signaled support for targeted sanctions on Myanmar’s natural gas revenues to block the country’s abusive military junta from profiting from hundreds of millions of dollars in payments, Human Rights Watch said today.
TotalEnergies acknowledged the shift in a response to a letter from Human Rights Watch urging the company to support sanctions to stop gas payments to Myanmar military-controlled entities. TotalEnergies has operated the Yadana gas project in Myanmar since the 1990s, which pays revenues to the junta-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
“The fact that both TotalEnergies and human rights groups now support sanctions on Myanmar’s gas revenues leaves the US and European Union without any excuses to delay action,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “These governments should immediately impose measures vitally needed to target funds that pay for the junta’s abusive rule.”
In a January 18, 2022 letter to Human Rights Watch, the TotalEnergies CEO, Patrick Pouyanné, said the company had spoken with French and US authorities concerning the implementation of targeted sanctions on gas revenue flows and said that it “will not only comply with any sanction decision from the European or American authorities but also supports the implementation of such targeted sanctions.”
TotalEnergies also formally asked the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to put in place sanctions that would create “a legal framework to respond to calls requesting us to stop the financial flows” to MOGE.
Since overthrowing the democratically elected government on February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military has carried out nationwide crackdowns on anti-junta protesters, activists, journalists, and the political opposition, killing more than 1,400 people and amounting to crimes against humanity. Renewed attacks on ethnic minority areas have resulted in numerous war crimes. TotalEnergies has faced growing calls over the past year to suspend payments to the junta from Myanmar civil society and labor organizations, as well as pressure from institutional investors.
Since the coup, the US, Canada, United Kingdom, and EU member states have imposed targeted economic sanctions on junta leaders and several conglomerates and companies owned or controlled by the Myanmar military, but not on MOGE or payments it receives. The French government of President Emmanuel Macron has not supported such measures. The administration of US President Joe Biden has been unwilling to impose sanctions on gas payments unilaterally without the support of France and other EU nations.
The US and France should now reach a common position on imposing such sanctions, Human Rights Watch said.
Natural gas projects in Myanmar generate over US $1 billion in foreign revenue for the junta annually, its single largest source of foreign currency revenue. The money is transmitted in US dollars to MOGE or other military-controlled bank accounts in foreign countries, in the form of fees, taxes, royalties, and dividends from the export of natural gas, most of which travels by pipeline to Thailand or China.
The largest gas revenues paid are made via the majority Thai state-owned PTT, which purchases approximately 80 percent of Myanmar’s exported natural gas from joint ventures owned with TotalEnergies, Chevron, and MOGE. PTT separately owns stakes in joint ventures with the South Korean company POSCO, which transports and sells gas to China. Human Rights Watch has previously written to all of these companies and their shareholders, urging them to support sanctions on gas revenue.
“TotalEnergies’ support for sanctions should be an example to other energy companies operating in Myanmar, as well as to the Thai government, the single biggest buyer of Myanmar gas,” Sifton said. “Board members and institutional investors in other companies should push them to follow TotalEnergies’ decision.”
One critique of sanctions is that they might shut down gas operations completely, harming the general population. However, targeted sanctions on revenue and tax payments would not disrupt operations, just the flow of funds to the junta. The EU and US are in a key position to impose sanctions since payments for gas operations are made in US dollars and involve multinational banks that fall under the jurisdiction of EU and US law. Sanctions by those authorities can stop payments made by banks in Thailand, Singapore, South Korea, and other locations because foreign banks must comply with EU and US authorities when they ultimately require EU and US banks to process, or “settle,” Euro or dollar transactions.
“With TotalEnergies’ announcement, governments now have no reason to oppose or avoid tough measures that show support to the millions of people in Myanmar who want justice and accountability,” Sifton said. “Junta leaders are only going to turn away from their brutality and oppression if the economic costs of their abuses are too great for them to bear.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, Oil and gas, Natural Resource Use: global and regional, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"On 13 January 2022, the office of the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on
Burma/Myanmar published a statement following discussion held between the Special Envoy and
the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, currently chairing ASEAN and just back from a
personal visit to meet with the Myanmar army's chief who heads the junta which took power in
Burma/Myanmar on 1st February 2021.
The statement refers to the Special Envoy's proposal for a coherent international "humanitarian
plus" approach to urgently expand the provision of humanitarian assistance to Burma/Myanmar.
Since the humanitarian needs of the country, due to the levels of violence inflicted on the whole
country by the Myanmar military since the coup, The KNU, KNPP and CNF would like to express their
support for the Special Envoy's proposal as below with additional demands;
1. We support for the Special Envoy's proposal for the formation of an UN-ASEAN Women,
Peace and Security platform to amplify the voices of women and young people, including
from hard-to-reach areas, and call for the joint creation with Myanmar's neighbours and
international friends of "Safe Zones" and Humanitarian Corridors.
2. It needs to be expanded to humanitarian assistance to the people living in the mainland of
Burma/Myanmar including Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Shan States and Sagaing and
Magwe Regions, where humanitarian assistance is urgently needed.
3. A "humanitarian plus" approach is needed as the crisis in Burma/Myanmar is not just a
humanitarian crisis.
4. The scale of the current humanitarian crisis is matched by the political crisis faced by the
people of Burma/Myanmar, we urged the UN, the ASEAN and the international community
to consider how the civilians can be protected from attacks and humanitarian support
provided to the people as below;
a. Declare Burma/Myanmar a military no-fly-zone to be internationally enforced.
b. To declare specific areas such as villages, IDP camps, hospital, clinics and schools in
need of shelter and support, as internationally guaranteed protection of Civilians -
safe zones where there can be unhindered international humanitarian access to
those most in need.
c. To declare a series of internationally negotiated humanitarian corridors, such that
there would be unimpeded access, via these corridors, across borders, or from key
points within the country, for humanitarian agencies to provide support to those
most in need.
The KNU, KNPP and CNF condemn the level of violence perpetrated by the Myanmar military since
the February 1st coup and we commend the Special Envoy's proposal for a coherent international
"humanitarian plus" approach. We commend also her idea of 'a humanitarian pause to allow safe
and unhindered access to those in need. We call for the joint creation by ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's
neighbours and friends in the international community, of internationally guaranteed safe zones and
humanitarian corridors. We hope that such an approach may both urgently expand the provision of
humanitarian assistance to the people of Burma/Myanmar, and at the same time utilise the urgent
need as a means to create a constructive dialogue between ASEAN and the international community
with all Burma/Myanmar stakeholders..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni National Progressive Party, Karen National Union and Chin National Front
Date of publication:
2022-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
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Size:
97.21 KB 540.8 KB
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Description:
"Serbia has a long and close relationship with
the Burmese military. Is Serbia still arming the
Burmese military?
Since the Burmese military attempted to grab
power through a coup on February 1st 2021
there have been unconfirmed rumours and
reports of military contacts and Serbia supplying
arms or equipment to the Burmese military.
These reports have been given more
credence by the fact that Serbia has had a
close relationship with the Burmese military
for decades, signed a defence co-operation
agreement in 2015, and continued to supply
arms and publicly discuss increased defence
co-operation as recently as 2019.
In June 2021 Serbia backed a UN General
Assembly Resolution calling for the flow of
arms to the military to be stopped, but also has
a long track record of failing to bring its foreign
policy into line with the EU as part of its EU
membership process, including continuing to
sell arms to the Burmese military despite an EU
arms embargo.
In August 2021 Burma Campaign UK wrote
to the Serbian Embassy in the UK asking for
clarification of Serbia’s current policy. We did
not receive a response.
Serbia must now clarify its policy.
It must publicly state that it does now have an
arms embargo in place, does not supply military
equipment, technology or parts, and that it has
ended defence co-operation with the Burmese
military.
Historically close relations
The Serbian government boasts on its website
that: “Since the first contacts in the 1950s, the
two countries have had very close military and
economic co-operation.”1..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.29 MB
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Description:
"Regional and international audit institutions, as well as the auditors general of Sweden and Norway, are providing legitimacy to the illegal Myanmar military junta through recognition, engagement and support.
In November, the Myanmar military junta’s auditor general, Dr Kan Zaw, became the Chairperson of the intergovernmental organisation, ASEAN Supreme Audit Institutions (ASEANSAI), placing the group under the military junta’s leadership.
Dr Kan Zaw was appointed auditor general by the illegitimate military junta on February 2 in an order signed by Lt Gen Aung Lin Dwe, following the brutal attempted coup in which the former auditor general, Maw Than, was deposed. Dr Kan Zaw had proven his loyalty to the military, having served as a deputy minister under the military’s former proxy government, led by the Union Solidarity and Development Party.
The Myanmar military junta took over the rotating ASEANSAI chair from Malaysia during the ASEANSAI Summit, hosted by the junta’s Office of the Auditor General (OAG) on November 2, 2021.
The Summit featured Vice Senior General, Soe Win, as the “Guest of Honour”. Soe Win is a war criminal responsible for genocide in 2017 and ongoing atrocity crimes as Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar military. As Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s deputy, he played a key leadership role in the military’s illegal and brutal attempted coup on February 1, 2021.
In his opening video address at the ASEANSAI Summit, Soe Win told participants that the 2020 national election in Myanmar was marred by electoral fraud and that the National League for Democracy “were trying to grab power illegally”. He claimed that the Myanmar military “are doing our utmost to firmly build a disciplined and genuine multi-party democratic system.”
Also present at the meeting were representatives of the Swedish auditor general’s office and a Norway-based intergovernmental organisation that provides development assistance.
The meeting took place after a year of international engagement with Dr Kan Zaw and the junta’s OAG through ASEANSAI, which included meetings and training sessions attended by staff of the junta’s OAG.
The European Union is a notable exception to this engagement. Pierre Destexhe of the EU Mission to ASEAN told Justice For Myanmar that “in conformity with its strong condemnation of the military coup, its unequivocal non-recognition of the military leadership and its sustained calls for an immediate and unconditional return of democracy in Myanmar, the EU did not engage in any form of dialogue with the military junta, including with the office of the auditor general since February 1, 2021… Therefore the EU does not plan participation in ASEANSAI events or support to ASEANSAI while the Myanmar military junta is included.”
Justice For Myanmar has investigated international engagement with the junta’s auditor general, which has taken place in a vacuum of international recognition for the illegal military junta, including the UN rejection of a junta-appointed ambassador.
As part of this investigation, Justice For Myanmar reviewed internal organisational documents received through freedom of information requests to organisations in Sweden and Norway.
INTOSAI awards early recognition to the Myanmar military junta
The International Organization of Supreme Audit Institutions (INTOSAI), based in the Austrian Court of Audit, is an intergovernmental organisation of auditors general. Myanmar is a member and, in a shocking betrayal of democratic principles, INTOSAI formally recognised the Myanmar military junta shortly after the February coup attempt, listing Dr Kan Zaw as the INTOSAI member for Myanmar on their website and in its official media (after questions from Justice For Myanmar, INTOSAI removed the names of auditors general from their member listings).
Justice For Myanmar asked INTOSAI when and how the decision was made to recognise the illegal Myanmar military junta. INTOSAI did not respond to these questions, providing only a short statement that INTOSAI “is an autonomous, independent, professional and non-political organization”.
On March 18, Dr Kan Zaw sent a letter to INTOSAI notifying that a new auditor general had been appointed. The letter, disclosed to Justice For Myanmar, explained that “since this post entails acting independently in carrying out all powers and duties of the Auditor General, we have to discharge responsibility and uphold the virtues”.
INTOSAI and the Austrian Court of Audit did not respond to a freedom of information request regarding their recognition of, and engagement with, the illegal military junta.
The INTOSAI Development Initiative (IDI) is an INTOSAI organ chaired by the Auditor General of Norway. IDI aims to support the capacity development of audit institutions in the developing world.
IDI told Justice For Myanmar that INTOSAI administers membership and IDI “works with all its members”.
After the Office of the Auditor General of Norway wrote to IDI recommending advocacy in response to the illegal coup, IDI released a statement expressing concern about the independence of the junta’s OAG. IDI claimed that the military coup may breach Principle 2 of the Mexico Declaration on SAI Independence, which requires security of tenure for supreme audit institutions (SAIs).
Yet, INTOSAI and IDI also continued business as usual with the junta’s OAG.
On March 26, IDI wrote to Dr Kan Zaw, inviting him to nominate up to 20 people for a ten-month, professional education pilot program for state auditors. The program required that the junta’s OAG also nominate a coach, with IDI bearing all costs for the development and delivery of the course.
Some IDI engagement with the junta was related to the COVID-19 pandemic. The junta has weaponised COVID-19, restricting oxygen supplies, blocking aid, arresting doctors and medical personnel, denying vaccines to Rohingya and dismantling the healthcare system. Under the military junta, millions of dollars in COVID-19 relief funds have disappeared.
Yet, Dr Kan Zaw was invited to participate in cooperative audits related to COVID-19 funds and public health systems, involving training for members of his staff.
Correspondence that IDI disclosed to Justice For Myanmar shows junta staff trying to continue business as usual amid mass anti-coup protests and the military’s campaign of terror.
In one email, a staff member from the junta’s OAG informed IDI that they could not join a webinar because of “some riot near my house and it caused wifi line disconnected [sic]”.
In another, the junta’s OAG informed IDI of an internet shutdown that would prevent webinar attendance.
In a third email, the junta’s OAG informed IDI of the “resignation” of a training participant, which may allude to OAG staff participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement.
As the junta’s terror campaign intensified with mass killings, torture, rape and indiscriminate airstrikes, INTOSAI continued to recognise and legitimise the junta through communication, training and participation in events.
In October, IDI facilitated an ASEANSAI “lessons learned” session, inviting Dr Kan Zaw.
IDI also invited Dr Kan Zaw to its Global Summit in November, asking the junta’s OAG and other invitees to share their “success stories”.
In addition, IDI participated in an ASEANSAI development partners meeting in October with Dr Kan Zaw.
Further, a representative of IDI attended the November ASEANSAI Summit hosted by the Myanmar military junta where Vice Senior General, Soe Win, gave the opening address.
In response to questions from Justice For Myanmar of reputation laundering for the Myanmar military junta, IDI stated, “IDI’s cooperation with ASEANSAI is at a technical level through the ASEANSAI Secretariat hosted by the SAI of Indonesia. We are aware of the risks of reputation laundering and continue to monitor the situation closely and will respond accordingly.”
When asked why they attended the Summit, IDI stated, “The agenda for the meeting did not include attendance by Soe Win. As ASEANSAI is a non-political organisation, the attendance by Soe Win was inappropriate and should not have happened. IDI is now discussing the implications of this event for its future engagement. We have discussed with the European Commission, who support our continued engagement with ASEANSAI.”
Norway’s engagement with the junta’s OAG
In addition to engagement with the Myanmar military junta through IDI, Norway’s Office of the Auditor General has direct engagement with ASEANSAI.
While Norway’s Office of the Auditor General wrote to the junta’s auditor general on February 4, seeking clarification on "changes of higher management" and again on February 23 to put bilateral cooperation on hold, they have continued to engage with the junta through ASEANSAI.
In August, this included the training of junta staff in performance auditing on modern fisheries through ASEANSAI.
Norway’s Office of the Auditor General also participated in an ASEANSAI development partners meeting in October, with Dr Kan Zaw, to discuss support for ASEANSAI under the junta’s leadership.
During the meeting, a representative of Norway’s Office of the Auditor General stated that Norway can provide assistance and advice as a “technical donor”, funded by the Norwegian parliament. He offered Norway’s support on a “large scale”.
In response to questions from Justice For Myanmar, Norway’s Office of the Auditor General described their collaboration with ASEANSAI as “informal” and involving “technical assistance.”
Justice For Myanmar asked Norway’s Office of the Auditor General if their cooperation with the military junta through ASEANSAI is consistent with the Norwegian government’s policy of freezing bilateral aid to Myanmar in response to the coup attempt.
Øivind Berg Larsen, Head of the International Division, replied that “the engagement of OAG Norway with ASEANSAI on a technical level is in line with Norwegian foreign policy. No specific instructions or approval is needed for the OAG as an independent body.”
When asked how Norway’s OAG has assessed the human rights and reputational laundering risk of engaging with the illegal junta through ASEANSAI, Øivind Berg Larsen responded, “Our analysis has been that the nature of the support we give is not of such a nature that it can cause human rights violations. We acknowledge the fact that engaging with ASEANSAI while OAG Myanmar has the Chairmanship involves a risk of reputational laundering. We consider this risk as low related to a technical collaboration. Our collaboration with ASEANSAI is at a technical and not political level.”
Sweden’s engagement with the junta’s OAG
The Swedish National Audit Office (SNAO) has engaged with the junta’s OAG throughout 2021 and has a memorandum of understating in place with ASEANSAI until the end of 2022, regarding the provision of technical support and training.
Swedish engagement has included attendance at the ASEANSAI Summit in which Soe Win was “guest of honour” in November, participation in the ASEANSAI development partners coordination meeting and were involved in training to members of the junta’s OAG on performance audits in October, and on compliance audits in June.
In July, SNAO supported a workshop on financial audits in which one session was facilitated by a member of the junta’s OAG.
Notably, the SNAO provided technical support for ASEANSAI’s strategic plan for 2022-2025, which covers the period when ASEANSAI is under the junta’s leadership.
As part of this, SNAO was involved in ASEANSAI's strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) analysis.
A report on the ASEANSAI members’ demands and SWOT analysis states that most members suggested deleting the goal “to promote safeguarding the independence of members SAIs” due to “different legal and political profiles of each member SAI”.
The document made no mention of the Myanmar military’s attempted coup and the illegitimacy of the junta’s OAG as a threat to ASEANSAI.
In October, a member of the SNAO participated in ASEANSAI’s development partners meeting. During the meeting, the Swedish participant offered to work with ASEANSAI to develop international partners and donors during the period when ASEANSAI is under the junta leadership.
Justice For Myanmar asked the SNAO about their engagement with the junta’s OAG. They replied, “Through our international capacity development work, the Swedish NAO works with several SAIs operating in challenging contexts, including non-democratic and authoritarian regimes. In our view, an effective SAI is a vital part of any democracy. We believe that by supporting SAIs, also in very complex contexts, we can – in the long run – contribute to strengthening democracy through transparency and accountability of government institutions.”
When asked about their attendance at the ASEANSAI Summit, in which Soe Win was "Guest of Honour", SNAO told Justice For Myanmar that Soe Win's participation was not announced beforehand and "thus we had no chance to reconsider our attendance." A copy of the Summit agenda provided to Justice For Myanmar shows "xxxx" in place of Soe Win. The SNAO since demands that speakers are announced in advance, Dagens Nyheter reported, a response that ignores the serious human rights impact of engaging with the terrorist military junta.
In December, Auditor General Helena Lindberg told Dagens Nyheter, "We are obviously concerned about developments in Myanmar, and see a threat to the independence of the audit authority, but we see our participation in ASEANSAI as a way to resist evil forces, and make the assessment that we want to continue to fulfill our commitment."
SNAO's engagement with ASEANSAI is inconsistent with Sweden's strategy on development cooperation with Myanmar. In April last year, the Swedish government issued changes specifying that "development cooperation shall neither resource nor legitimise the setback for democracy that the military takeover has entailed."
SNAO's legitimisation of the military junta is also inconsistent with its own international development cooperation strategy, which specifies that cooperation "is based on and characterised by a rights and poverty perspective" with an overall purpose to promote "democratic development".
ASEAN complicity
Since the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, ASEAN has failed to take effective action against the junta’s criminal conduct.
ASEAN has been unable to achieve any progress towards their five-point consensus, agreed to in an ASEAN Leaders' Meeting held in Indonesia in April, in which Senior General Min Aung Hlaing participated.
The first of the five points is for an "immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar". Not only has the military junta ignored this but they have intensified their terror campaign since April, with murders, mass arrests, torture, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling.
ASEANSAI is an official ASEAN entity. The ASEAN Secretary General participates in ASEANSAI events. For instance, the former Secretary General, Dato Lim Jock Hoi, gave an address at the ASEANSAI Summit hosted by the Myanmar military junta. This occurred in contrast to ASEAN’s decision to only invite a “non-political” representative of Myanmar to its annual summit.
Singapore’s Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong, recently stated that ASEAN should continue to not include political representatives from Myanmar at meetings.
Through ASEANSAI, the supreme audit institutions of member states have continued business as usual with the junta’s OAG, culminating in the transfer of chairpersonship from Malaysia to Myanmar in December.
The activities of ASEANSAI throughout the year have been supported by the Audit Board of the Republic of Indonesia (BPK), which provides the organisation’s secretariat. BPK is now serving the Myanmar military junta’s chairpersonship.
Stop legitimising the terrorist junta!
The National Unity Government, which was democratically elected shortly before the attempted coup in February 2021, has designated the Myanmar military as a terrorist organisation, a classification supported by international legal experts under international law.
INTOSAI and the Norwegian and Swedish auditors general are legitimising the illegal military junta through their continued engagement with, and support for, ASEANSAI. Since the junta’s auditor general has taken up the role of Chair of ASEANSAI, any engagement with the organisation legitimises the military junta and can amount to reputation laundering.
Since the ASEANSAI Summit, the junta has continued to commit horrific war crimes and crimes against humanity in its attempt to gain full control of Myanmar.
After the Myanmar military's killing of at least 35 people on Christmas Eve in Karenni State, the UN Security Council issued a statement demanding an immediate cessation of violence and accountability, yet the junta's campaign of terror continues with total impunity.
The junta is desperately seeking international legitimacy. The acceptance of the junta and its auditor general by INTOSAI, ASEAN and audit institutions in Norway and Sweden has only emboldened its illegitimate coup. Continued engagement disregards the will of the Myanmar people, who are represented by the National Unity Government and overwhelmingly oppose the illegal attempted coup.
The Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt breaches the Lima Declaration of Guidelines on Auditing Precepts, which states independence as an essential prerequisite, and the Mexico Declaration on SAI Independence.
Justice For Myanmar welcomes the European Union’s clear stance to not support ASEANSAI while the military junta is included. Other international organisations must follow suit.
Justice For Myanmar calls on international organisations including ASEANSAI and INTOSAI to immediately stop recognising the Myanmar military junta and bar the junta’s OAG from participation in all international fora. ASEANSAI must revoke the junta’s chairpersonship.
The auditors general of Norway and Sweden must stop all engagement with ASEANSAI while the Myanmar military junta is included, following the lead of the European Union..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"January 19, 2022, Myanmar: The illegal Myanmar military junta is being awarded legitimacy and support from regional and international organisations of supreme audit institutions, and the auditors general of Norway and Sweden, a Justice For Myanmar investigation has found.
Despite the Myanmar people’s overwhelming rejection of the military’s illegal attempted coup on February 1 last year, ASEAN Supreme Audit Institutions (ASEANSAI) and the International Organization of Supreme Audit Institutions (INTOSAI) have recognised and engaged with the junta’s auditor general throughout 2021.
In November, the junta’s Office of the Auditor General became chair of ASEANSAI for a two-year term, placing the junta in the leadership of an international organisation, likely for the first time.
Following the attempted coup, the Myanmar military deposed Myanmar’s previous auditor general and appointed Dr Kan Zaw, a former deputy minister during the military’s previous proxy government led by the Union Solidarity and Development Party.
The military’s appointment of Dr Kan Zaw breaches the Lima Declaration of Guidelines on Auditing Precepts and the Mexico Declaration on SAI Independence.
ASEANSAI’s development partners, the Office of the Auditor General of Norway and the Swedish National Audit Office, have continued to engage with the Myanmar military’s auditor general through ASEANSAI, by providing training and technical support.
The Swedish National Audit Office and a representative of a Norway-based INTOSAI program even attended the ASEANSAI Summit that was convened by the terrorist military junta on November 2.
At the Summit, war criminal Vice Senior General of the Myanmar military, Soe Win, was “Guest of Honour”.
Norwegian and Swedish recognition of the junta’s auditor general contrasts with the position of the European Union, which has told Justice For Myanmar that “the EU does not engage in any form of dialogue with the military junta. Therefore the EU does not plan participation in ASEANSAI events or support to ASEANSAI while the Myanmar military junta is included.”
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The Myanmar military junta is a terrorist organisation that is carrying out mass killings, rape and torture with total impunity.
“Engagement and support for the junta’s auditor general has emboldened the junta’s terror campaign and provided legitimacy that the junta is desperately seeking.
“ASEANSAI and its member states have failed to uphold human rights and respect the will of Myanmar people by recognising the junta’s auditor general and allowing him to assume leadership.
“INTOSAI has also deplorably failed to respect human rights and the principle of independence of supreme audit institutions by formally recognising the junta.
“We call on ASEANSAI and INTOSAI to immediately cease recognition of the Myanmar military junta and bar its representatives from participation in all events.
“We welcome the EU’s position to not participate in, or support, ASEANSAI while it is under the leadership of the Myanmar military junta. Norway and Sweden must follow the EU’s lead and end all contact with the illegal junta, including its auditor general.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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172.91 KB
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The junta is increasingly relying on troops and mines to secure its infrastructure, including the pipelines sending fossil fuel from the Rakhine coast to China
Description:
"The junta recently placed landmines around oil and gas pipelines running through Hsipaw Township in northern Shan State to China, according to the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF).
An unconfirmed number of military mines have been set up near a pumping station in forested areas along both sides of the Mandalay-Lashio highway, the rights group said in a Tuesday statement.
The site is just outside Nawng Arng village in Hawng Haeng village tract, some 15km west of Hsipaw town.
SHRF reported that in November, a Myanmar army sergeant informed Hawng Haeng’s headman of their use of the landmines in the area for “security reasons,” despite objections by locals.
The military has reportedly prohibited villagers from entering the mined area, which they have long used to gather edible plants and hunt for wild game.
“The mines are for [the military’s] own security, not for the locals’ security,” SHRF’s Sai Hor Hseng told Myanmar Now.
The pipelines, constructed in 2011 and 2013, carry gas and oil nearly 800km from the Rakhine State coast to China. One-third of the structure is located in northern Shan State, where locals have long opposed the pipelines due to the risks associated with possible leaks or explosions, SHRF’s statement said.
“It’s very dangerous for the people there, and it has become even worse during this crisis,” the group’s spokesperson told Myanmar Now, referring to the nearly one-year period since the February 1 coup.
Following the coup and subsequent attacks on military infrastructure by armed resistance forces, around 20 junta soldiers began guarding the pumping station in Nawng Arng, from Infantry Battalion 23 and Light Infantry Battalions 503 and 504, according to SHRF.
“There is conflict everywhere in the country so the army is afraid for the security of the gas pipeline. They have brought more troops to this area to protect themselves,” Sai Hor Hseng explained, adding, “The military is putting foreign investment ahead of the local people, the civilians.”
The recently mined area along the pipeline is also located in a conflict zone where multiple armed groups are active, Sai Hor Hseng explained.
Among them are forces belonging to the Northern Alliance of ethnic armed organisations—a coalition which includes the Arakan Army, Kachin Independence Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army—as well as the Restoration Council of Shan State, and the Myanmar army.
During a recent episode of fighting near Nawng Arng, an artillery shell landed some 20m from the pipeline, Sai Hor Hseng said, adding that it is not confirmed which groups had clashed at that time, or who fired the shell in question.
Myanmar Now previously reported that the military had also laid so-called “security landmines” at telecommunications towers leased to multiple providers. The move followed attacks by anti-junta People’s Defence Forces using makeshift explosive devices to topple towers used by military-owned provider Mytel.
A spokesperson for the International Campaign to Ban Landmines has condemned the ongoing use of landmines in Myanmar, saying there was “no justifiable use of this weapon.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Oil and gas, Reports and maps covering anti-personnel landmines and Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"Ousted Rakhine State chief minister U Nyi Pu was sentenced to nine years in prison for corruption on Wednesday along with other National League for Democracy (NLD) ministers, according to lawyers.
The detained finance minister U Kyaw Aye Thein, transport minister U Aung Kyaw Zan, agriculture minister U Kyaw Lwin and municipal minister U Min Aung were also given jail terms.
The chief minister, U Kyaw Aye Thein and U Aung Kyaw Zan faced three corruption charges for violation of financial regulations on land use in Gwa Township and for using 86.5 million kyats of Rakhine State funds.
The regime also accused the three of handing three state-owned buildings in Sittwe to a company they had links with to open a clothing factory and for giving the company 5.5 million kyats for maintenance of the building although the factory was not operational.
The junta court in Sittwe Prison handed the three ministers a three-year sentence for each charge, according to U Aung Naing Win, U Aung Kyaw Zan’s lawyer. U Kyaw Lwin was given three years for the charge over land use in Gwa.
U Nyi Pu’s daughter said: “I have no comment. People know if the lawsuits and verdicts are fair.”
U Nyi Pu and U Min Aung were detained in February soon after the coup. U Kyaw Aye Thein and U Aung Kyaw Zan were detained in Yangon at the end of July. U Kyaw Lwin was detained on Ramree Island in Rakhine State in August.
In August, the military regime said it had opened corruption cases against the ministers under Article 55 of the Anti-Corruption Law, which carries a potential 15-year sentence for anyone in political office involved in bribery.
U Min Aung was sentenced to seven years in prison on Wednesday. He was also accused of accepting bribes to grant approval for markets to be built. In September, he was sentenced to two years and two months under the Natural Disaster Management Law and Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law for organizing anti-regime protests.
U Nyi Pu, an NLD member, was sentenced to two years in prison with labor for sedition in October last year.
The junta-appointed Rakhine State election body has also opened cases against U Nyi Pu and U Min Aung for alleged violation of electoral laws in the 2020 general election..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles and reports about the NLD, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
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Description:
"Three electricity pylons supplying the China-backed Tagaung Taung nickel-processing plant in Sagaing Region have been blown up this month, forcing production to halt.
Tigyaing Township People’s Defense Force (PDF) said it blew up the pylons on January 7.
The nickel project opened in July 2008 with a 20-year production-sharing contract between the No.1 Mining Enterprise of Myanmar and Chinese state-owned firm China Nonferrous Metal Mining (CNMC).
With an investment of US$800 million, the project is the largest nickel production site in Myanmar with an annual production of 85,000 tonnes of ferronickel, according to the joint venture Myanmar CNMC Nickel.
Around 5,000 tonnes of ferronickel ore each day is transported from the Mt Tagaung mine in Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region, to Tigyaing where the nickel is smelted.
The Chinese Embassy in Yangon has reportedly complained to the parallel National Unity Government about the explosions but no details are known.
Chinese mining companies in Myanmar are being called on to demonstrate greater social responsibility and accountability and withdraw their investments since last year’s coup.
Activists have pushed for the closures of China-backed mines. A report by Publish What You Pay Australia — a coalition of 30 organizations campaigning for transparency and accountability in the extractive industries — said Chinese-backed mines were financially propping up the junta.
The report, How Chinese Mining Investment Funds the Myanmar Military, released in November last year, said the Chinese-run Letpadaung, Sapetaung and Kyesintaung and Tagaung Taung mines paid an estimated US$725 million to the military during the 2020-21 financial year.
Myanmar’s three largest mines are run by Chinese state-owned enterprises, Wanbao Mining Ltd and CNMC, with a slice of the profits flowing to the generals, said the report.
It said Myanmar’s economy has been in freefall since the coup meaning the regime is increasingly reliant on oil and gas, gemstones and metal mining, often with heavy Chinese investment.
More than 1,400 people have been killed by the junta since its takeover in February last year, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Political History
Language:
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Description:
"Mizzima was able to speak recently with the National Unity Government’s (NUG) Foreign Minister U Moe Zaw Oo, this is what was discussed.
MZM: May I know the comments from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government on the remarks of the next ASEAN chair Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen. According to the international media, the prime minister said he will visit Myanmar and meet with the chairman of Myanmar Military council because Myanmar is a member in ASEAN and has the right to attend ASEAN meetings.
U Moe Zaw Oo: Cambodian Prime Minister has officially taken over the rotating ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) presidency from Brunei and duties of the chairman of ASEAN will start from January next year. As we all know people’s uprising in Myanmar is a very important case within ASEAN. Brunei, the former chairman of ASEAN has not been able to take responsibility for this. Cambodia may have the intention to try and find a solution. I assume this is a good intention. However, if they want to try and find a solution, they need to know everything about the Military Council as the former ASEAN chairman was deceived by various tricks of the junta. As we all know, the Military chairman attended the ASEAN meeting but he did not follow any rules agreed at the meeting. And now, he said that he could not accept and follow the dialogue according to his last conference. Thus, they should carefully consider the intentions of the Myanmar Military council. When Cambodia’s Prime Minister goes and meets with them, he must be careful not to give legitimacy to them. While the military council is not Myanmar's legitimate government, such a visit of the Prime Minister level could be translated as a recognition of some legitimacy. We cannot accept that. Cambodia should reconsider the plan. A special envoy to deal with Myanmar issues [by ASEAN] has been appointed. The role of the special envoy remains the same and remains unchanged. Cambodia also needs to respect the mandate of the special envoy. Another point is that ASEAN is a union comprising ten member countries, and thus, it is necessary to abide by the decisions of all ten countries. For example, there have recently been resolutions for Myanmar called a special session in October and so Cambodia needs to follow and respect those resolutions. As a chairman of ASEAN, Cambodia cannot do what it wants to do. He has to cooperate with other ASEAN countries. Thus, we want to say that the Prime Minister of Cambodia has a responsibility to respect the decisions of other countries.
MZM: As you said, ASEAN did not invite the chairman of the military council to the ASEAN summit last October. Moreover, the military council was not invited to the China-ASEAN talks or the EU-ASEAN talks. While such absence of recognition was shown by most, what will be the main reasons that Cambodia’s Prime Minister is now saying he would go and meet with the Myanmar Military chairman against the policies of the ASEAN member countries?
U Moe Zaw Oo: Among ASEAN countries, as you know, some are authoritarian countries. Cambodia also has lacking standards when it comes to the will of the people and elections. There are various speculations about what would happen when Cambodia takes over the ASEAN leadership. My point of view is that Cambodia has the responsibility to cooperate and make decisions together with other countries concerning ASEAN issues. On the other hand, there may be issues Cambodia wants to try and solve, but it must understand the current situation and respect the decisions of other ASEAN countries.
Otherwise, no matter how hard they try, the military council will use these attempts to manipulate and exploit these attempts, and the results will be disappointing.
MZM: According to what you have explained, may I know your comments on the concerns if the military gets more recognition in ASEAN and what we need to watch closely?
U Moe Zaw Oo: We are following and watching that issue closely. There are also some ASEAN member countries who support us (NUG). We have also contacted these countries and they are aware of the current situation. We understand that the rest of the allied countries are also watching. As we all know, ASEAN has to work in unity and consensus, thus, there is a lot of disagreement in ASEAN, regarding the current situation in Myanmar. Inconsistencies are not good for ASEAN. I want to say that Cambodia has many responsibilities as a Chairman to prevent the situation from getting worse.
MZM: It is a time that various organizations and countries are pushing ASEAN to deal with the Myanmar issue more carefully. May I know your opinions if Cambodia's decision will bring more frustration towards ASEAN’s role and performance and if Myanmar's situation will become direr?
U Moe Zaw Oo: Recently, peaceful anti-coup protesters were killed by ramming military truck [into them]. Protesters are also being chased with guns. It is clear how serious these incidents need to be and how serious the human rights abuses are. Countries around the world, including the United Nations, have criticized these actions of the junta, saying it is not civilized. The first point of the ASEAN five-point consensus is to end violence. But, the violence has not stopped and is being perpetuated even in the cities in broad daylight. In addition, our leaders, President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were imprisoned on unspecified charges. These are not positive changes. We do not see any progress. We have to be very careful about showing any signs to legitimate the military council when we have not seen any progress. In particular, as a chairman of ASEAN, I would like to say that he should carefully consider the current situations and need to pay respect and adherence to ASEAN resolutions.
MZM: Will there be Chinese support from behind? Do you think that with the support of China, the Cambodian Prime Minister was able to make this decision about Myanmar with such courage? What do you think?
U Moe Zaw Oo: There are different countries' influences on ASEAN member countries. Some big countries have strong relationships with some countries in ASEAN. But, I think the important thing is that the influence of other big countries should be used positively. For example, I have no comment if he tries to find a solution to solve our country's issues with the help of any other big countries such as China, the United States and other EU countries. We just need help to coordinate and strengthen the current involvement of ASEAN to solve the problem. I just want to say that it should not have the kind of influence that complicates the current situation further.
MZM: Does the National Unity Government have any contact with Cambodia, chairman of the rotating ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly? Is there any plan for the NUG to communicate with Cambodia’s Prime Minister about his plans?
U Moe Zaw Oo: We are always trying to connect and work with all ASEAN countries. There are currently no direct talks with Cambodia. So what I want to say here at the same time is that if Cambodia becomes the chairman of ASEAN, it has an obligation to communicate with Myanmar’s official government, NUG, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and other ethnic armed groups from Myanmar because one of the five points of the ASEAN Common Agreement is to engage with all stakeholders. If Cambodia wants to communicate with all of us, we are always ready to talk and meet with Cambodia..."
Source/publisher:
Mizzima
Date of publication:
2022-01-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Sub-title:
The military fires on local defence forces by helicopter, hours after the resistance groups had cornered a Myanmar army column travelling through Tedim
Description:
"The military carried out airstrikes during battles with the resistance near a Tedim Township village in northern Chin State on Saturday, defence forces in the area said.
A Chin alliance attacked a junta convoy of more than 150 soldiers near Hiangzing village, some 20 miles west of Kalay, at around 8am, with multiple military casualties suspected.
The defence forces involved included the Chin National Front, Chin Nationalities Defence Force, Zoland People’s Defence Force (PDF), Civic Defence Militia, People Defence Army and the Zogarm Army.
Representatives of the groups said their geographical knowledge of the area proved to be an advantage, and estimated that at least 10 junta troops were killed by explosives set up by the resistance.
“We started attacking them after they stopped their cars as soon as the explosives detonated,” a member of the Civic Defence Militia told Myanmar Now.
Myanmar army soldiers stationed on the Kalay University campus in neighbouring Sagaing Region started firing heavy artillery towards the battle site in Chin State at around noon, four hours after fighting began, the spokesperson for the Zoland People’s Defence Force (PDF) said.
By 2pm, two helicopters had arrived at the scene and opened fire on the resistance forces, he added.
“We managed to successfully defend against the junta convoy in the morning,” the spokesperson said. “They probably started sending military jets in the afternoon because they had faced a lot of losses.”
Seven members of the resistance were reportedly injured in the clash, with two in critical condition after being struck by artillery and the helicopter gunfire.
Representatives of the defence forces speculated that fighting could escalate in the area as more junta troops were expected to travel south in Chin State, and pass nearby Saturday’s battle site.
The military convoy involved in the clash had left Kalay on January 12, shielding themselves by travelling with civilian vehicles, and reached Hiangzing after being ambushed by defence forces near another village on the route, Theizan.
The military has been escalating attacks on Chin State as part of an offensive known as “Operation Anawrahta” since October of last year, sending massive reinforcements to the area and launching air attacks on the resistance.
The military council has not mentioned the recent battles in Chin State during their press conferences, nor have their spokesperson answered Myanmar Now’s repeated calls for comment..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Chin State, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Chin (Zo)- economic, social, cultural, political, Chin (Zo) discussion groups
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Description:
"The Myanmar military raided Ohn Nauk Village in Sagaing Region’s Pale Township from January 10-12, employing four helicopters in an attempt to capture Pale People’s Defense Force (PDF) leader Bo Nagar dead or alive. Pale PDF has inflicted heavy casualties on junta troops under the leadership of Bo Nagar.
The PDF leader was elsewhere during the raid. Bo Nagar spoke recently to The Irrawaddy about the fighting in his town.
When did clashes break out between junta troops and local resistance fighters in Pale?
We have been fighting them since around the end of April.
Are you worried that the regime is employing large numbers of troops to capture you dead or alive?
Yes, I have concerns. But I am also prepared for it. I have left behind those who I was attached to. Now, I have only the people to love and rely on. I have chosen to live for the people over my own life as the country is suffering. I know that there are risks. But even before I risked my neck, I had to sacrifice a lot. I know that there will be more dangers ahead.
But I keep pushing ahead. Meanwhile, I have taught and nurtured young people as much as I can so that they can replace me if I die. So there are many people like me now even if I die. They are not yet a significant presence just because I am still here. But I want to say that there are many people like me now. I have concerns [about my safety]. Other people might also have concerns. But I try not to worry too much and I would like to urge the people not to worry.
Junta forces recently raided Ohn Nauk Village on a tip that you were there. They even used four helicopters in the raid. What do you say about that?
The military regime, after they have fought with us, knows how dangerous I am to them. And they also know through their military informants how much moral support I give to local people.
So perhaps they [the junta] view me as their worst enemy. But even if they kill me, there are already many people like me. They [the regime] might not know that there are many people who can replace me now.
Do you feel like the regime is attacking you personally?
They seem to think that resistance will die away if I am killed. But I have inspired many young people, not only in my township but also in other parts of the country, to continue fighting injustice. The junta may be able to defeat me alone. But they cannot prevent the rise of a new generation of brave revolutionaries.
The regime should understand that people loathe them as they are forced to bow down before them. So I urge the regime leaders and followers to surrender and apologize to the people for their sins. Although they are the villains of the country, they can still win the respect of the people in the end if they do apologize.
What are your concerns for civilians in Pale?
I have a lot of concerns for the people here. As I have built an organization that is concerned with all of Myanmar, I have to make many trips. Things happened in Pale during my first trip and, even though I was away, I was concerned about my town.
I am concerned that civilians will be killed and tortured and that resistance fighters will be harmed. I have trained them mentally and physically as much as I can. Although I have left my township, I didn’t leave for my own safety. I went away to make preparations and to do what it takes to achieve liberty for our country.
What do you say to people who are concerned about your safety?
Don’t worry about me. Just worry that our country remains under the rule of the evil.
What do you want to say about the resistance movement?
This revolution was born out of our witnessing violence and brutality. There will inevitably be pain and difficulties, as the revolution was born out of the sufferings people have endured for too long. Please stay strong at this moment. There will be hardship in this revolution as we are facing the most unscrupulous people.
Think about the hell-like consequences that we might have to face if this revolution fails. So please continue to take part in this revolution with bravery and dignity as citizens who are dutiful to their country and as parents who are dutiful to the younger generations.
Once we are united, this revolution will reach its goal smoothly. The military regime is in chaos even though only a few people are fighting. Bearing that in mind, the whole country should rise and take an active part in this revolution..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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"The news that Myanmar’s air force chief has been forced to step down has prompted speculation about the role as the military regime is relying increasingly on airstrikes when fighting resistance groups across the country.
General Maung Maung Kyaw, who has overseen deadly airstrikes on villagers and displaced civilians, was forced to retire on Jan. 10 and replaced by air force chief of staff, Lieutenant General Tun Aung.
Some say his departure followed the military’s retirement policy while others speculate that the move was because of animosity from regime leader Min Aung Hlaing.
Maung Maung Kyaw was appointed in January 2018 and his retirement was due this month under the policy that limits full generals’ terms to four years.
Retirement is not, however, mandatory, with two-year extensions available.
Some generals close to Min Aung Hlaing have served six years in the three roles that carry the rank of full general: chief of the general staff of the army, navy and air force – the third-highest military rank – and the naval and air force chiefs.
General Khin Aung Myint was air force chief for more than five years from 2013 to 2018. He was concurrently chief of the general staff for more than a year and was the first general to hold both positions at the same time.
Admiral Tin Aung San was naval chief for six years from 2015 to August 2021 when he was appointed transport and communications minister by the regime.
The two generals stayed on for more than four years because both served the interests of Min Aung Hlaing, said a retired lieutenant general.
General Mya Tun Oo, who was once tipped to be the next senior general, was chief of the general staff from August 2016 to January 2021 and appointed defense minister after the coup.
General Hla Htay Win, who allegedly had a poor relationship with Min Aung Hlaing, was moved on after four years as the chief of the general staff after four years from April 2011 to August 2015.
Admiral Thura Thet Swe, 60, retired as naval chief after three years from 2012 to August 2015 before he reached retirement age.
According to military sources at the time, he was sacked because Min Aung Hlaing did not like his wife who was a doctor who often failed to attend military events and show him enough respect.
The fate of former generals supports rumors of animosity between Min Aung Hlaing and Maung Maung Kyaw.
Major General Lwin Oo, the deputy air force chief, retired before retirement age over his allegedly poor performance during the conflict in Kokang near the Chinese border in early 2015.
He was dismissed after most of the missiles landed in Chinese territory, said a retired lieutenant general.
Min Aung Hlaing has often ignored military policies on promotion and retirement when organizing his staff. He promoted the head of a non-combat unit to lieutenant general, which is unprecedented in the military’s recent history. The rank has previously only been awarded to regional commanders.
Lieutenant General Aung Lin Dwe was sacked as judge advocate general and transferred to the reserve force. He, however, remains the secretary of the State Administration Council, the regime’s governing body.
He was replaced by Major General Myo Thant Naing, who was promoted to lieutenant general and was previously the recruitment chief.
To conclude, generals’ retirement date does appear to be linked to their relationship with Min Aung Hlaing..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
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Individual Documents
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today publishes a new briefing paper, ‘Is Serbia Still Arming the Burmese Military?’, detailing the decades-long relationship between Serbia and the Burmese military. This includes arms sales and discussions on increasing defence co-operation taking place as recently as 2019.
The briefing paper is available here.
Serbia has not publicly stated that it has ended arms sales and its defence co-operation agreement with the Burmese military since the military coup on 1st February 2021. Serbia is supposed to align its foreign policy with the European Union as part of its membership process but has consistently continued to supply arms despite an EU arms embargo.
The Serbian government did not respond to correspondence from Burma Campaign UK requesting clarification on their current policy.
“Given its long track record of arming the Burmese military and ignoring human rights, Serbia must now state unequivocally that it has ended arms sales to the Burmese military,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK.
Burma was Yugoslavia’s first international customer for arms sales. Ne Win’s military dictatorship admired and was inspired by the so-called socialist policies of the Yugoslavian dictatorship and its non-aligned foreign policy. The two regimes became close allies. Yugoslavia was a major arms supplier to Ne Win’s dictatorship from the 1950s onwards, including jets and heavy artillery.
That relationship continued after the break-up of Yugoslavia, with Serbia signing a defence co-operation agreement with the Burmese military in 2015.
Since the military coup, Serbia has aligned itself with EU declarations on Burma, and supported a June 2021 UN General Assembly resolution calling for a halt to the flow of arms to the Burmese military. However, it has also broken with other European countries in its diplomatic approach, recognizing the military as the government of Burma by inviting them as the representative of Burma at a summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in October 2021.
Calls for a global arms embargo have grown since the military coup, but with Russia and China likely to veto a UN Security Council resolution on an arms embargo, attention has moved to expanding the number of countries with unilateral arms embargoes. More than 70 of the 119 countries which backed the UN General Assembly Resolution do not have unilateral arms embargoes in place.
Since the coup, South Korea and Japan have imposed arms embargoes and New Zealand has confirmed it bans the export of all military equipment and technology to Burma. Last week British Member of Parliament Rushanara Ali published a statement welcoming confirmation from the Turkish Ambassador in the UK that Turkey bans the export of military equipment to Burma.
“The Burmese military has declared war against the people of Burma, cutting the supply of arms to the military is essential,” said Anna Roberts. “Serbia, as a long-term supplier of arms to the Burmese military, must now publicly commit to a complete ban on the sales of arms, equipment and technology.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-01-18
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Were Inya Lake an animate being, it could tell many stories about Myanmar’s politics. The famous lake in Yangon has witnessed the way Myanmar’s politics has been shaped by its residents, from the prestigious Yangon University, the birthplace of Myanmar’s independence struggle, to the residences of Myanmar’s dictatorial and democratic leaders.
From Myanmar’s first military dictator Ne Win to democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, their lakeside residences have been intertwined with Myanmar’s politics.
Coup leader Min Aung Hlaing is one of the landlords in the upmarket village neighborhood on Inya Lake. And he has two. Min Aung Hlaing did not have a house of his own in an affluent neighborhood in the commercial capital Yangon until he was handpicked by former dictator Senior General Than Shwe to become the military chief in 2011. But in the next five years, he managed to acquire two residences in the Inya Lake neighborhood worth billions of kyats (millions of US dollars).
One of his residences is known as 14 Inya, located at No. 14 Inya Road. Another is at 6 ½ Mile, close to the Lotte International Hotel and not far from Kan Thar Yar Hospital, in which he has a financial interest.
Until 2014, the coup leader stayed at 14 Inya whenever he came to Yangon, but since 2015 he has preferred to stay at the 6 ½ Mile residence, according to striking military personnel.
The 14 Inya residence used to be a military guesthouse, commonly known as the military intelligence guesthouse, where military leaders received foreign diplomats and ethnic armed organization leaders.
One of the prominent figures who visited the location was the late leader of the Karen National Union (KNU) General Saw Bo Mya, better known as Bo Mya. Military intelligence chief General Khin Nyunt received him at the guesthouse, according to a former military intelligence officer.
In his heyday as the military spy chief in the 1990s, Khin Nyunt would celebrate Thingyan, the water festival that marks Myanmar’s New Year, at the guesthouse together with military leaders and artists.
But since 2011, Min Aung Hlaing has made the guesthouse his own mansion.
“When Senior General Than Shwe stepped down, he asked [then] General Min Aung Hlaing if he had a house in which to live in Yangon. [Min Aung Hlaing] said he did not, so that guesthouse was given [to him],” a former lieutenant general from the previous military regime told The Irrawaddy.
Min Aung Hlaing and military leaders at the opening ceremony of Kan Thar Yar Hospital in December 2017.
The guesthouse was then sold to Min Aung Hlaing at a price much lower than the market rate at the time and transferred from military ownership to Min Aung Hlaing’s private ownership, said the former lieutenant general.
Today, the property is valued in the millions of US dollars—something Min Aung Hlaing could not afford with his own official remuneration package.
Not content with the 14 Inya residence, Min Aung Hlaing had the residence at 6 ½ Mile transferred to his private possession. It was created from three compounds previously owned by the military and used to house serving major generals dating back to the time of late military dictator Ne Win.
One of Min Aung Hlaing’s two residences on Inya Lake is near the Lotte Hotel.
Before the military’s headquarters was moved to Naypyitaw, the last occupants of those three compounds were joint adjutant-generals Major General Maung Nyo and Major General Kyaw Win, and deputy air defense chief Major General Kyi Win.
The compounds were left vacant after the three moved to serve at Naypyitaw military headquarters. Following the relocation of the headquarters, some military-owned properties were sold or leased to businesses and individuals.
Min Aung Hlaing purchased the three compounds and started building a mansion there in 2014. It is not known how much he paid for the compounds. Real estate agents said a plot of land is worth millions of US dollars in that particular neighborhood.
The mansion was built by IGE Co. owned by U Nay Aung, the elder brother of Myanmar’s Navy chief Admiral Moe Aung, according to a striking government employee from Yangon.
Nay Aung and Moe Aung are the sons of U Aung Thaung, the former Industry Minister who was notorious as the most corrupt official in the former military regime. The military leased the land on which the Lotte Hotel now sits to IGE in 2012..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-17
Grouping:
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Description:
"အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီ လက်အောက်ခံ ကျောင်းအုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အဖွဲ့မှ ဖွင့်လှစ်သော ဘွဲ့ကြိုသင်တန်း အသီးသီးသို့ တက်ရောက်သည့် ကျောင်းသူ/သားများနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်..."
Source/publisher:
University of Medicine1, Yangon Interim University Council
Date of publication:
2022-01-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
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529.2 KB
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Source/publisher:
Karenni State Consultative Council
Date of publication:
2022-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-17
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Individual Documents
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183.78 KB
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Sub-title:
အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးကာလအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ နေပြည်တော်၊ ရန်ကုန်မြို့တော်၊ မန္တလေးမြို့တော်စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီများ၏ မြေအရောင်းအဝယ်ဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များအားလုံး တရားဝင်မှုမရှိကြောင်း ကြေညာခြင်
Description:
"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထုထံမှ အာဏာကို မတရားသောနည်းလမ်းဖြင့် အတင်းအဓမ္မ သိမ်းယူထားသော၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ(CRPH)က အကြမ်းဖက် အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် တရားဝင်ကြေညာခြင်းခံထားရသော၊ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် မည်သည့်နိုင်ငံကမျှ တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုထားခြင်းမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုသာဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီများသည် စည်ပင်သာယာ ပိုင်မြေများကို ရောင်းချခြင်း၊ ဂရံဖောက်ခြင်းများ စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေကြောင်းသိရှိရသည်။ နိုင်ငံပိုင်မြေ၏ မူလပိုင်ရှင်သည် နိုင်ငံတော်တွင်မှီတင်းနေထိုင်ကြသော နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားများဖြစ်သည့်အတွက် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ကိုယ်စားပြုမှု အလျဉ်းမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ယင်း၏ လက်အောက်ခံအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အဆိုပါမြေများအား စီမံခန့်ခွဲ ရောင်းချပိုင်ခွင့် မရှိကြောင်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် သတိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက အာဏာသိမ်းထားသည့်ကာလအတွင်း နေပြည်တော်၊ ရန်ကုန်မြို့တော်၊ မန္တလေးမြို့တော်စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီများက မြေကွက်များရောင်းချခြင်း၊ ဂရံထုတ်ပေးခြင်းများသည် တရားဝင်မှု လုံးဝမရှိသော ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်သာဖြစ်၍ အဆိုပါမြေကွက်များကို ဝယ်ယူခြင်း၊ ဂရံထုတ်ယူခြင်း၊ တဆင့်ရောင်းချခြင်းများ မပြုလုပ်ကြရန် တားမြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူ့အာဏာ ပြည်သူ့လက်ဝယ်ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိသည့် အချိန်ကာလတွင် အဆိုပါ မြေများအား ပြည်သူပိုင်မြေအဖြစ် ပြန်လည် သိမ်းယူသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကာ ဝယ်ယူသူများ၊ ရောင်းချသူများနှင့်တကွ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သူများအားလုံးကို ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သတိပေးလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Political History
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Sub-title:
Htet Htet Eaindra Aung fled Yangon and now files reports on the run from remote and embattled Kayin state.
Description:
"Htet Htet Eaindra Aung was a news anchor at 7-Day TV in Myanmar’s commercial capital Yangon when the military junta ousted the democratically elected government and shut down news organizations like hers. Now she’s among a group of young journalists trying to help to restore democracy by working remotely, often on the run, for online outlets dedicated to challenging the regime’s propaganda.
An outspoken critic of the military, Htet Htet Eaindra Aung said she felt that she had to flee Yangon after its crackdown on media. She spoke with RFA’s Myanmar Service from the jungle in Kayin state along Myanmar’s border with Thailand, with only a backpack full of her personal belongings.
“I can’t stand the weather here. It's very cold,” she said. “There are days when you wake up in the morning without having a good night's sleep. Sometimes I spend the whole night in front of the fire and go back to bed in the afternoon.”
Htet Htet Eaindra Aung spent several weeks on the run with refugees fleeing an offensive by the military in the Lay Kay Kaw region — an area in adjacent Kayin state under the control of the armed wing of the ethnic Karen National Union. Some 20,000 civilians are estimated to have fled fighting in the area to makeshift camps along the banks of the Thaung Yin (Moei) River and into neighboring Thailand.
Each day, Htet Htet Eaindra Aung records a news segment in front of a greenscreen for the online-only news outlets of PVTV and Delta News Agency. At night, she sleeps in a crowded tent in the jungle. She said that she misses being able to work at her own pace and her former carefree lifestyle when “there was nothing to worry about.”
“I would work quietly all day in an air-conditioned room. After work, I’d take a walk outside. That was my previous life,” she said.
Journalists targeted
Htet Htet Eaindra Aung is one of many journalists who left the city for Myanmar’s jungles amid the deteriorating security situation. Some have left the country to seek political refugee status. Several others have been detained while working inside the country.
About 120 journalists have been detained since the coup, according to U.N. ad RFA tallies. While some have since been released, at least 53 others are still being held in various prisons. One photojournalist died while being interrogated and another was fatally shot in an artillery attack carried out by Myanmar’s armed forces while covering the plight of refugees in Kayin state.
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in a report it released in December that Myanmar ranks second only to China as the world’s worst jailor of journalists.
After the coup, Htet Htet Eaindra Aung said that she constantly felt anxious and insecure because she had spoken out against the military, making it impossible for her to work or even risk staying in her own home.
Eventually, she decided to leave Yangon to work as a correspondent in the jungle.
“I only have a brother and my father. They never stop me from doing what I want to do,” she said. “I told my father that I wanted to leave like this and that I might not be able to return home. He said it was fine and that I could decide for myself and not to worry about him.”
Inconveniences and danger
Htet Htet Eaindra Aung, who has a passion for singing and aspires to become an artist, said she was initially excited to experience life in the mountains and believed that working as a reporter in the country’s remote border regions would not be so difficult. However, she told RFA that she misses the convenience of city life in Yangon.
“I try to be happy here, with nothing in my mind. I carry out my work as required. But in my subconscious mind, I miss Yangon,” she said.
“I often have dreams and in them, I’d be walking alone in Yangon without anyone by my side. It should be a fun time in which I’m walking around the city happily. But I often feel very bad when I wake up from such dreams.”
Life in rural Myanmar isn’t only more difficult because of small inconveniences. When fighting between the military and the KNU intensified in Lay Kay Kaw, Htet Htet Eaindra Aung fled the town along with its residents, including infants and the elderly.
“I was very sad to see a newborn baby while on the run. The baby was only eight days old. Both the baby and the mother were running away from the fighting,” she said. “I saw elderly people as old as my grandmother trying to flee to safety. Even young people like me cannot stand the cold weather here. How can these elderly people manage?”
Htet Htet Eaindra Aung said she regularly prays for the release of the country’s detained journalists and the resumption of her career as a reporter following an end to military rule. She also expressed her appreciation for her family, who she said “have full confidence in me.”
“I’m so very grateful to my father and brother, but I have never said it out loud. If I had a chance, I’d like to thank them for this opportunity,” she said..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders
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Sub-title:
Facing a huge loss of revenue amid economic turmoil, the military has sent soldiers to act as debt collectors.
Description:
"The schoolteacher had just gotten out of bed when four Myanmar army soldiers pounded on her door. Her electricity payment was overdue, they said, and ordered her to pay it immediately at the government power company office.
The teacher, Daw Thida Pyone, asked what would happen if she refused. “One soldier pointed his gun at me and said, ‘If you choose your money over your life, then don’t go pay the bill,’” she recounted.
She was so frightened she got goose bumps. She grabbed her money and went straight to the payment office, not even taking time to change out of her yellow and pink pajamas.
After the Myanmar military seized power in a Feb. 1 coup, millions of people walked off their jobs in protest. Millions also began refusing to pay for electricity, an act of civil disobedience aimed at depriving the junta of a crucial source of revenue.
Experts doubt that these efforts alone can bring down the regime. But eleven months after the coup, the military appears so desperate for cash that its soldiers have begun acting as debt collectors.
For weeks, residents say, troops have been going door to door alongside power company workers to extract payments in major urban areas, including the nation’s two largest cities, Yangon and Mandalay.
The soldier’s threat to Ms. Thida Pyone was part of a wider, violent crackdown as the regime has tried to crush street protests and the civil disobedience movement. Soldiers and the police have killed at least 1,466 civilians, including nearly 200 who died during torture at interrogation centers, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. At least 85 young protesters were shot in the head at demonstrations, the rights group said.
The coup and subsequent crackdown also threw the nation’s economy into crisis as millions left their jobs in protest, including doctors, engineers, bank staff, power company employees and railway workers. Most have not returned.
The economy had previously been projected to grow in 2021, but with the coup and the Covid-19 pandemic, the World Bank estimates that it contracted by more than 18 percent instead.
The United Nations Development Program predicts that urban poverty rates will triple by early 2022, according to a December report based on a survey of 1,200 households.
“A slide into poverty of this scale could mean the disappearance of the middle class — a bad omen for any rapid recovery from this crisis,” Kanni Wignaraja, director of the agency’s bureau for Asia and the Pacific, said in a statement accompanying the report.
Myanmar’s currency, the kyat, has plummeted since the coup to less than half its previous value, driving up prices for imports such as fuel and cooking oil.
Cash remains in short supply as people, lacking confidence in the banks, hoard kyat. Banks are no longer stocking even a handful of A.T.M.s. Customers who want their money must obtain a token online or make an appointment by phone; both are almost impossible to do. Most people get cash from their accounts by transferring it to a broker and paying a commission of as much as 7 percent.
After a previous military regime began opening the country in 2010, Myanmar saw economic growth with increased international investment and a higher standard of living. The coup has undone this progress.
“In the past 10 months, the country has lost all its gains from the past 10 years,” said U Hein Maung, an economist based in Myanmar. “The cost of doing business has increased substantially. There is a booming informal economy of drug trafficking, illegal logging, money laundering and other illegal businesses.”
A decline in electricity payments, as well as tax revenues and international development assistance, has cost the regime about a third of the revenue that the previous government used to receive, he said.
Many public services, like health care and schools, are barely functioning, and the regime has halted many longer-term programs reliant on state funding, such as infrastructure projects.
“They are in zombie mode,” Mr. Hein Maung said. “They are functioning in the minimum viable way.”
Nevertheless, the military is in a better position than the public to withstand the downturn.
“The military has its own businesses and banks,” he said. “They can survive despite the fact that everything else has collapsed. And they have the guns, of course.”
Myanmar’s shadow opposition government, the National Unity Government, has urged the public to stop paying for electricity. In September, it said that 97 percent of people in Mandalay and 98 percent in Yangon had done so, costing the regime $1 billion by that point.
Ko Si Thu Aung, 24, who sells vintage clothes online, had not paid his bill since February in support of the civil disobedience movement. But on Christmas Day, soldiers came to his home and cut the power line. After two days without electricity, he decided he had no choice.
“If there is no electricity, I can’t work,” he said as he stood in line with more than 300 others waiting to pay their bills at the office of the Mandalay Electricity Supply Cooperative. “I feel bad because our money will become bullets to kill people.”
He said he would atone by donating more than the amount of his electricity payment to the People’s Defense Force, an anti-regime militia formed since the coup.
Opponents of the regime have also targeted lesser revenue sources, such as motor vehicle payments, by not renewing driver’s licenses or car registration. Soldiers have begun trying to collect more money by stopping drivers at random and inspecting their documents.
And revenue from the state-run lottery dropped to nearly zero after most of the public stopped buying tickets.
Opponents also have mounted a boycott against companies owned by the military, which operates two vast conglomerates with more than 120 subsidiaries. Among those affected are military-owned beer producers, banks, a cigarette manufacturer, tourist hotels, an insurance company and the cellphone company Mytel, a joint venture with Vietnam’s defense ministry.
In Mandalay, where the power goes out every day for hours at a time, the regime’s strong-arm campaign to collect electricity payments began in October.
Power outages were common before the coup but recently have become longer and more frequent. The energy ministry blames the outages in part on a fourfold increase in the price of imported natural gas.
Sometimes, in their effort to collect payment, troops sever the cables supplying power to individual homes.
Dr. Wai Phyo Aung, 36, a Mandalay dentist, said soldiers came to his neighborhood at the end December and cut the power lines of residents with the largest outstanding bills. One man who took a photo of a soldier cutting a cable was arrested, he said.
But he said he would refuse to give the regime any money. He has not paid his bill since the coup.
“If they come to my house and cut the electricity, I don’t care,” he said. “I will never pay the bill. I don’t care even if they kill me. I won’t let my money kill citizens and feed the war dogs.”
Ms. Thida Pyone, 39, who stood in the payment line in her pajamas, said she felt that she had no choice.
“They are threatening people in all possible ways,” she said. “I feel guilty for paying the bill, but I am afraid they will kill me.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The New York Times" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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Up to 170,000 people are thought to have left homes in Myanmar’s Kayah state due to intensified fighting
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"Nan and her family had just one hour to gather their belongings and prepare to flee their home. A charity had offered to drive them away from Loikaw, the capital of eastern Myanmar’s Kayah state, to relative safety. She considered staying behind, with the plants, dogs and pigs that she had raised, but knew she had to leave.
Since last week, Loikaw has seen intense fighting between groups opposed to last year’s military coup and the armed forces, which have launched airstrikes and fired artillery. An artillery shell had dropped near Nan’s fence, terrifying her cousin’s children, who ran to hide under their bed. “It was so loud,” she said. “My grandma was shocked and sweating, we had to give her medication to calm her down.” Other homes in Nan’s neighbourhood have been hit.
The UN estimates that half the population of Loikaw have been forced to leave their homes, and that almost 90,000 people from Kayah state, formerly known as Karenni state, are displaced. Estimates by local media and a rights group are far higher, suggesting up to 170,000 people in Kayah, more than half of its population, have left their homes.
Almost one year since the military seized power in Myanmar, the junta faces widespread and defiant opposition to its rule, and to the heinous violence it has inflicted on the public. Alongside a peaceful protest movement, people across the country have resorted to taking up arms, sometimes with support from established ethnic armed organisations.
The military is now battling armed groups on multiple fronts. This includes in Kayah state, where it has been met with strong opposition, and has in turn launched brutal crackdowns. In December, more than 30 people, including children, were killed and their bodies burned in a massacre on Christmas Eve.
On 7 January, a day after fighting intensified, Nan, 26, left her home along with her grandmother – who was in ill health – her parents, cousins and their children.
The drive to Shan state, where they sought refuge, would normally take three and a half hours. Instead, it took the family three days. Fighting forced them to stop and take shelter on the way, only for the attacks to then become so close that there was no option to move again. “They continuously launched behind us as we moved forward,” she said.
Ba Nyar, a spokesperson from Karenni Human Rights Group, said the situation was the most severe he had seen in the state and that 170,000 people are displaced. Many had sought refuge in Buddhist temple compounds, schools and community halls, he said. But people were struggling to access food or basics such as blankets or makeshift roofs to provide shelter at night, he added.
After the recent escalation in fighting, the military has stopped all trucks coming in and out of Loikaw, cutting off supplies, said a volunteer at a refugee camp where about 100 families are sheltering. According to a report by the independent outlet Myanmar Now, the military has also cut off electricity to several areas of Loikaw, halting water supplies and wifi coverage.
More than 650 houses and other civilian properties, including churches, monasteries and schools have been burned down or destroyed in Kayah state since May 2021, according to reports cited by the UN.
This week, the UN special rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, called on the junta chief, Min Aung Hlaing, to “immediately halt the air and ground attacks that junta forces have unleashed on Loikaw”, to lift the blockade of those seeking to escape and allow access for those seeking to provide aid and shelter.
The UN’s children’s agency, Unicef, said it was gravely concerned by the escalating conflict and condemned the killing of at least four children across the country, and the maiming of others over the past week. Among those injured are a 12-year-old girl and 16-year-old boy from Loikaw, who were hit by heavy weaponry “following intense airstrikes and mortar attacks”, according to Unicef.
Phil Robertson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, said the military had “clearly decided to make an example of Loikaw, hitting it with indiscriminate artillery and aerial bombardment that puts civilians at serious risk of grievous harm”.
“Humanitarian assistance is urgently needed, and NGOs, UN agencies and donors should bend over backwards to get assistance to displaced persons who require it,” he said.
Few remain in Loikaw. One resident who is still in the city said there was shooting on Wednesday evening until 9pm, and that three military helicopters were seen in the sky. “I have to stay very quiet inside my house for my safety and eat what I have,” he said. “I gave everything else to my family.”
He stayed in the city to watch over the family home, but will leave if fighting worsens. “I think we can still leave, but there are many military soldiers hiding on the roads,” he said.
Nan’s family were stopped twice at checkpoints before they eventually reached relative safety in Shan state. Her grandmother, who had heart problems, died before they arrived. Nan believes it was the shock and trauma caused by the sound of the firing of artillery shells.
Even as the family tried to pause their journey to hold a funeral for her at a nearby town, they were again forced to leave immediately due to worsening violence. Residents from the area were also forced to flee.
Nan has considered returning home. As she drove past the mountains at the back of a truck, she longed to go back. “If my parents are safe, I’d like to go back there even if I have to move from one place to another when fighting takes place in the town,” she said. “I miss home so much.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-01-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Karenni State, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"The military coup on February 1, 2021, effectively ended the democratic transition under Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). The NLD was poised to return to power for another five years after winning landslide general elections in November 2020. Instead, under the military State Administration Council (SAC) junta led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, soldiers and police rounded up hundreds of members of parliament, including Aung San Suu Kyi and senior NLD party members, and held them in arbitrary detention for months, many of them in undisclosed locations.
The military seized power making unfounded claims of widespread and systematic election and voter irregularities, although international and domestic election observers found that the election was “credible and reflected the will of the majority of the voters.”
The junta brought multiple charges against Aung San Suu Kyi, including for corruption, incitement, and breaching the Official Secrets Act. Three of her deposed cabinet ministers and an Australian economic adviser also faced charges under the Official Secrets Act.
Millions took to the streets across the country in largely peaceful protests to call for the military to relinquish power, while members of parliament, ethnic minority representatives, and civil society activists formed the opposition National Unity Government (NUG). The security forces responded by committing offenses amounting to crimes against humanity against the civilian population, including torture, severe deprivation of liberty, enforced disappearances, rape and other sexual abuse, and inhumane treatment. Journalists, lawyers, medical personnel, anti-junta protesters, civil society activists, women, and many others continue to be at high risk of arbitrary arrest.
Between February 1 and November 1, the police and military killed at least 1,200 protesters and bystanders, including approximately 75 children, and have detained over 8700 government officials, activists, journalists, and civil servants.
On March 14, the junta imposed martial law in several townships across Yangon and began to enforce additional restrictions in other parts of the country. On May 13, the junta also imposed martial law in Chin State’s Mindat township after clashes between security forces and lightly armed opposition militias. Under martial law orders, direct authority over the townships was transferred to the respective regional military commanders.
Since the coup, the military has intensified military operations against ethnic armed groups in some areas, such as Chin State. The military’s indiscriminate use of artillery and airstrikes has reportedly injured and killed civilians, damaged villages, including schools, and forced thousands to flee.
Post-Coup Crimes against Humanity
The security forces have engaged in widespread and systematic attacks on civilians throughout Myanmar, including killing protesters, enforced disappearance of opposition supporters, torture, sexual abuse, rape of some detainees, and mass political detentions. On February 21, 2021, the junta stated in the state’s Global New Light of Myanmar: “Protesters are now inciting the people, especially emotional teenagers and youth, to a confrontation path where they will suffer the loss of life.”
Many of the 1,200 people killed by police and military since the coup were protesters and bystanders in cities and towns across Myanmar, including Yangon, Mandalay, Bago, Monywa, and other townships in Sagaing Region, Mindat township in Chin State, and many other locations. International human rights standards permit law enforcement officials to use lethal force only as a last resort when there is an imminent threat to life. But in numerous cases in 2021 reported by the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, other human rights organizations, and media, security forces fired on demonstrators who were unarmed and posed no apparent threat.
The UN reported that on March 3, security forces across the country fired live rounds at protesters, killing at least 38 and wounding more than 100. Killings were also reported in one day in Monywa, Sagaing Region; Myingyan and Mandalay, Mandalay Region; Salin, Magway Region; and Mawlamyine, Mon State, according to media reports. On March 13, authorities killed at least nine protesters, including five in the Sein Pan area of Mandalay, when security forces shot into a crowd. On March 14 in Hlaing Tharyar township, Yangon, security forces killed an estimated 66 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
The MRTV news channel announced the day before Armed Forces Day, on March 27, that demonstrators “should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back.” On March 27, security forces followed through on that threat by carrying out violent crackdowns on protesters in at least 40 towns and cities, killing dozens.
On April 9, military personnel killed an estimated 82 people in Bago in a dawn assault on protesters’ barricades and encampments; exact figures have been difficult to determine due to a strong security presence and lack of access to the area by reporters or independent investigators.
Many persons detained for taking part in pro-democracy demonstrations said after their release that security personnel tortured and otherwise ill-treated them and others in custody. Methods of torture included beatings, mock executions with guns, burning with cigarettes, and rape and threatened rape.
The junta has taken into custody more than 100 politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, and protesters, and refused to confirm their whereabouts or conditions of detention in violation of international law. Security forces frequently detained family members, including children and older people, when they were unable to find the individual they sought to arrest.
Threats to Rohingya
Authorities have been committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and severe deprivation of liberty against 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State. Most Rohingya had fled the country following the military’s campaign of killings, rape, and arson that resulted in crimes against humanity and genocidal acts in 2017.
Approximately 130,000 Rohingya have been confined to open-air detention camps in central Rakhine State since being displaced by ethnic cleansing in 2012, in violation of their fundamental right to return home. They are denied freedom of movement in what amounts to arbitrary and discriminatory deprivation of liberty.
Following the coup, restrictions on humanitarian access increased, leading to preventable deaths and illnesses in Rohingya camps and villages. In late May, nine children reportedly died Rakhine State following an outbreak of acute watery diarrhea.
Threats to Women’s and Girls’ Rights
Women have led and taken part in mass protests as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the junta. Female protesters were some of the first killed by security forces and arbitrarily detained. Many women reported being beaten by security forces during their arrests, and some reported credible allegations of sexual violence and humiliating treatment by security forces during their detention.
Trafficking of women and girls remains a serious problem in Shan and Kachin States, where conflict and economic desperation has made them vulnerable to being lured to China under false promises and sold into sexual slavery and forced reproduction as “brides.”
The NLD government, prior to the coup, was unable to pass the Prevention of Violence Against Woman Law. While the law had been criticized for falling well short of international standards, the absence of targeted legislation has stalled efforts to prevent gender-based violence, assist survivors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
Freedom of Expression and Media
As of October 25, Myanmar’s junta had arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom remained in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Six journalists had been convicted, including five for violating section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” In such prosecutions, “false news” appears to be any news that the authorities do not want to reach the public.
On March 8, the junta stripped media licenses from five local outlets: Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), Khit Thit Media, Mizzima, Myanmar Now, and 7Day. On May 4, authorities banned two other outlets, the Kachin-based 74 Media and the Shan-based Tachileik News Agency, and also banned satellite television.
Also, on May 4, authorities arrested US journalist Danny Fenster, the managing editor of Frontier Myanmar, and detained him on politically motivated charges. On November 12, a court sentenced him to 11 years’ hard labor, but he was permitted to leave the country on November 15.
On June 30, the Ministry of Information issued a warning to journalists to stop describing the SAC as a “junta” or face prosecution.
Internet Shutdowns
In the weeks following the coup, the junta imposed nationwide internet shutdowns from 1 a.m. to 9 a.m., which were later lifted, but authorities continued to block many websites and throttled internet speeds throughout the year. Blocks to mobile data and networks also continued across 22 townships where anti-junta opposition resulted in heavy clashes between the Myanmar military and pro-democracy militia groups.
Threats to Humanitarian Aid
Increased fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups in the border areas in Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, and Shan States has increased strain on access and limited humanitarian aid to those areas. The UN said, in July, at least 3 million people needed humanitarian aid—an increase of 2 million since February 1—and food shortages were reported in parts of Chin and Rakhine States.
Anti-Junta Militias
Militias have formed around the country since the coup to oppose the junta and target security forces. Many of the militias have adopted the title of People’s Defense Forces, the same name the NUG adopted for the nationwide force it created. However, not all the recently formed People’s Defense Forces are linked to the NUG or take orders from its command structure.
These militias began conducting small-scale attacks against the military in July. In Sagaing and Magway Regions and Chin State, intense fighting between the militias and the military reportedly killed hundreds of troops. The military responded with increased raids and by burning villages. Some militias have carried out unlawful bombings of buildings and targeted killings of civilian supporters of the military.
On September 7, acting NUG President Duwa Lashi La declared a “defensive war” against the military junta.
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Myanmar’s penal code punishes “carnal intercourse against the order of nature” with up to 10 years in prison and a fine.
The opposition NUG reported that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people have been particularly vulnerable to sexual violence in custody. One transgender woman recounted after her release that she was raped in custody with an object, tortured, and severely beaten.
Covid-19 and Attacks on Healthcare Workers
By November 2021, just 13 percent of Myanmar's 54 million population was fully vaccinated. A total 17,998 deaths were recorded by the Ministry of Health between March 2020 and October 2021, although the actual numbers are likely much higher.
The junta has harassed, arbitrarily arrested, and attacked medical professionals, sometimes as they treated injured protesters. Healthcare workers were early leaders of the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement and refused to work in government hospitals as a form of protest. In the nine months following the coup, at least 260 healthcare workers were attacked while trying to administer medical aid, and 20 killed. The AAPP said 76 remained in detention in September, and as many as 600 healthcare workers had outstanding arrest warrants against them. Many have been forced to work underground in makeshift mobile clinics to treat Covid-19 patients or have gone into hiding to evade arrest. The UN Country Team in Myanmar has said that attacks on healthcare workers have jeopardized the Covid-19 response and prevented patients from receiving health care.
Key International Actors
In February, the UN Human Rights Council held a special session and adopted by consensus a resolution deploring the removal of the elected government and calling for the unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained. A further resolution was adopted at the council’s March session “condemning in the strongest terms” the military deposition of the civilian government, and highlighting the need for accountability.
In June, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution strongly condemning the February 1 coup. The General Assembly also made several important recommendations, including calling for all members states to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar. The UN Security Council did not follow up and pass a legally binding resolution of its own that would impose a global ban on the transfer of weapons and dual-use technologies to Myanmar.
Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States have imposed targeted sanctions against Myanmar’s top military officials and members of the junta, conglomerates, and companies owned or controlled by the military. However, foreign governments did not impose sanctions on oil and gas revenues, the junta's main source of revenues.
In October, the US Congress introduced the BURMA Act 2021, supporting authorization of further targeted sanctions and recommended the US government make a Rohingya genocide determination. The European Parliament also supported recognizing the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar and urged further EU sanctions against military-owned businesses. While the EU expressed support for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a mediator with the Myanmar military, it also condemned the coup in “the strongest terms.”
The UN-backed Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) is mandated to build case files to support efforts to hold individuals legally accountable for serious international crimes. The IIMM is “closely monitoring” events and is collecting evidence of such crimes committed following the coup, and said if substantiated, the alleged violations could amount to crimes against humanity.
On April 24, ASEAN negotiated a five-point consensus plan with the military, and appointed Brunei diplomat Erywan Yusof as special envoy. The military’s failure to implement the five-point plan led ASEAN to exclude junta leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing from its October summit.
At the International Criminal Court, the prosecutor is investigating Myanmar for the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution, based on the completion of these crimes in Bangladesh, an ICC member, following the 2017 ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya. In July, citing Article 12(3) of the ICC Statute, the NUG lodged a declaration with the ICC accepting the court’s jurisdiction over crimes committed in Myanmar since July 1, 2002.
Gambia’s case alleging Myanmar’s violation of the Genocide Convention continued before the International Court of Justice, with Myanmar raising preliminary objections to the court’s jurisdiction and the admissibility of Gambia’s application..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-14
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Articles and reports about the NLD, Political History
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Sub-title:
Military Junta’s Abuses Amount to Crimes Against Humanity
Description:
" The February 1, 2021 military coup in Myanmar overthrew democratic rule and plunged the country into steadily worsening rights abuses, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2022. Security forces under the junta led by Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing committed widespread and serious abuses that amount to crimes against humanity.
“Myanmar’s long abusive military dismantled the democratically elected government, committed crimes against humanity against anti-coup protesters, and renewed atrocities in ethnic minority areas,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Concerned governments should respond to this human rights crisis with targeted sanctions and an international armed embargo, and by cutting off revenue streams to the junta.”
In the 752-page World Report 2022, its 32nd edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in nearly 100 countries. Executive Director Kenneth Roth challenges the conventional wisdom that autocracy is ascendent. In country after country, large numbers of people have recently taken to the streets, even at the risk of being arrested or shot, showing that the appeal of democracy remains strong. Meanwhile, autocrats are finding it more difficult to manipulate elections in their favor. Still, he says, democratic leaders must do a better job of meeting national and global challenges and of making sure that democracy delivers on its promised dividends.
Millions took to the streets across the country in largely peaceful protests to call for the military to relinquish power, while members of parliament, ethnic minority representatives, and civil society activists formed a National Unity Government to contest the junta. Myanmar security forces responded by committing offenses amounting to crimes against humanity, including murder, torture, deprivation of liberty, enforced disappearances, and rape and other sexual abuse.
Between February 1 and December 1 the police and military killed at least 1,300 protesters and bystanders, including approximately 75 children, and detained over 10,596 protesters, government officials, activists, journalists, and civil servants. The National League for Democracy (NLD) leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, was among the first arrested on February 1, and she remains in custody on fabricated criminal charges.
Anti-junta People’s Defense Forces (PDF) militias formed throughout the country, targeting security force personnel and perceived civilian supporters of the junta. Some have carried out unlawful bombings of public areas and buildings. The military responded with attacks on civilians and the destruction of urban neighborhoods and rural villages. Intense fighting in ethnic minority areas, notably in the northwest Chin State and Sagaing Region, has displaced 30,000 people.
The 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Myanmar since the military’s 2017 campaign of ethnic cleansing and acts of genocide in Rakhine State remain confined to camps and villages where they are subjected to the crimes against humanity of persecution and apartheid. They are denied access to adequate food, health care, education, and livelihoods. Following the coup, restrictions on humanitarian access increased, leading to preventable deaths and illnesses in Rohingya camps and villages.
Increased fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups in Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, and Shan States has hindered access to humanitarian aid. Food shortages have been reported throughout the country, and the United Nations estimated the number of people facing hunger could be as high as 6.2 million.
Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States have imposed various targeted sanctions against Myanmar’s top military officials and military-controlled companies. However, no governments have imposed sanctions or other economic blocks on the junta’s oil and natural gas revenues, its single largest source of foreign currency.
In June, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution strongly condemning the coup. The General Assembly also made several important recommendations, including calling for all member states to halt the flow of arms into Myanmar. However, the UN Security Council did not follow up to pass a binding resolution imposing a global ban on weapons transfers to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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"The Myanmar military’s 1 February 2021 coup d’état has dramatically reshaped the
country’s conflict landscape, killing off the decade-old peace process and sparking
a new wave of violence. New forces have emerged, long-established ethnic armed
groups have recommitted to insurgency and heavy clashes have erupted in areas that
had not seen significant fighting in decades. The opposition National Unity Government (NUG) has sought to rally non-state forces – both old and new – to its side in
order to topple the junta, with mixed results. Most ethnic armed groups are hostile
to the military regime, but they also see little prospect of it collapsing and until now
have been reluctant to cement alliances with the opposition. With the multiplication
of new fronts stretching its capacities, the military is likely to seek bilateral deals with
some groups to free up troops, as it has done in the past. As Myanmar appears headed
for protracted conflict, international donors that supported the now failed peace
process should shift their focus to alleviating the impact of renewed fighting on local
populations.
From the first weeks after the coup, ethnic armed groups have been important players in the battle between the regime and its political opponents. They have adopted a
wide range of responses, based on their history, geographic location and strategic
objectives: some have sat on the fence or distanced themselves from the resistance
movement entirely, while others have sheltered dissidents fleeing the regime, provided some with military training and engaged politically with the NUG. Several are
struggling to balance public pressure to cooperate with the NUG with their own hardheaded assessments of the conflict’s likely trajectory, leading to internal divisions
and contradictory messaging.
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), which was established
shortly after the coup by deposed lawmakers, who had been elected in November
2020, and its parallel administration, the NUG, have sought to build political and
military alliances with ethnic armed groups. They have made a number of important
concessions, including appointing an ethnically diverse cabinet, repealing the military-drafted 2008 constitution and announcing plans for a new federal charter, in an
effort to convince ethnic armed groups that they have a historic opportunity to build
the federal system they have long fought for. Perhaps most importantly, the coup has
prompted a shift in how much of the Burman majority views ethnic armed groups and
minorities’ demands for a fairer distribution of political power. Decades of propaganda had castigated minorities as the cause of Myanmar’s political problems, but
Burmans angry at the regime now view ethnic grievances much more empathetically.
A significant amount of political and military cooperation against the regime is
taking place. A united front comprising all of Myanmar’s ethnic armed groups joining
the NUG in taking the fight to the military regime is not a realistic prospect, given
their diversity and the historical rivalries among them. But at least four groups have
emerged as important partners of the parallel government, and another half-dozen
or so have engaged with the NUG to some degree. In doing so, they have taken a significant risk, motivated largely by the need to respond to public sentiment but also
to some degree by the opportunity to establish a genuinely federal state. Even among those groups more inclined to side with opposition forces, however, the CRPH/NUG
has struggled to overcome a legacy of mistrust. As a result, even armed groups that
have offered important support to the opposition movement have mostly kept relations informal.
The State Administration Council, as the junta refers to itself, has also sought to
engage ethnic armed groups, but with a much more limited goal: it wants to keep
them off the battlefield as much as possible and stop them from establishing formal
alliances with the NUG. If the regime can thus curb the military threat these groups
pose, it can train its attention on the dozens, possibly hundreds, of new anti-regime
militias that have formed since the coup in majority-Burman areas and are mostly
loyal to the NUG. The regime has already announced a five-month unilateral ceasefire pitched at ethnic armed groups and met some of them for talks.
The junta has little to offer ethnic armed groups in terms of meaningful political
reform, as the coup has brought an end to negotiations over a formal peace settlement
that began in 2016. Ethnic leaders are well aware that Commander-in-Chief Min
Aung Hlaing is very unlikely to accept a genuine federal system, but the regime has
other inducements it can offer, such as promises of de facto autonomy and economic
concessions, as well as threats of force. The military has used the inducement tactic
many times in the past to divide its opponents, particularly in the 1990s. It will be
trickier to pull off today, however, since the ethnic armed groups will face public backlash if they negotiate with the regime.
Myanmar likely faces a protracted period of increased conflict, as neither the
Tatmadaw nor the opposition appears likely to prevail. Still, despite some hiccups,
the opposition movement is gradually building strength. Even those ethnic armed
groups that are unsympathetic to the NUG are seeking to take advantage of the fact
the military is stretched, creating opportunities for them to seize new territory or expand their influence. If the anti-regime movement gains further momentum, groups
that are sitting on the fence may be enticed into engaging with the CRPH/NUG, thus
further bolstering the opposition.
While, in this environment, opportunities for international actors to reduce conflict are limited, there are things they can usefully do to reduce suffering that might
also contribute to transforming relations between the majority Burmans and ethnic
minorities. A first step should be to recognise that the peace process established a
decade ago is dead. Donors that have supported it should shift focus to shielding people in conflict-affected areas from war’s effects through rapid disbursement of emergency funding. As access to many areas is difficult, donors will need to work closely
with local implementing partners; to avoid overburdening these groups, they should
show flexibility, particularly by keeping administrative requirements to a bare minimum. They should also recognise the significance of political negotiations between the
CRPH/NUG and ethnic armed groups, and support cooperation where the two sides
have found ways to work together in areas such as health and humanitarian aid..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG), National Unity Government (NUG)
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Description:
"၁။ (၁၂-၁-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့၊ နံနက် (၁) နာရီအချိန်ခန့်က KNU - ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး၊ မူတြော် ခရိုင်၊ ဒွယ်လိုးမြို့နယ်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက လေကြောင်းဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ရာ ဒွယ်လိုးမြို့နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ဝါးခါဒဲနှင့် လယ်ထူဖိုး ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးပေးခန်းများ ဗုံးထိမှန်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ ကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။
၂။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းသည့် (၁-၂-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့မှ (၃၀-၁၁-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့အထိ (၁၀) လတာ ကာလအတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုပ်ငန်းစုစုပေါင်း (၃၅၅) ခုကို တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်း၊ ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သား (၂၈၄) ဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ဆေးရုံ/ဆေးခန်း (၁၁၃) ခုကို ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်းလုယက်ခြင်းနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သား (၃၁) ဦးကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းတို့အား ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြောင်း Insecurity Insight အဖွဲ့၊ Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) အဖွဲ့နှင့် the Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) အဖွဲ့တို့က (၂၃-၁၂-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပူးတွဲထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ (https://tinyurl.com/violenceagainsthealthcare)
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုလုပ်ငန်းများနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးလုပ်သား များအပေါ် အထက်ပါအတိုင်း ကျူးလွန်ရက်စက်နေသည်သာမက ကချင်၊ ကယား/ကရင်နီ၊ ကရင်၊ ချင်း၊ မွန်၊ ရှမ်း၊ စစ်ကိုင်း၊ မကွေး၊ ပဲခူး၊ တနင်္သာရီ အစရှိသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြား တွင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများကို အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လေကြောင်းနှင့် လက်နက်ကြီးများ အသုံးပြု၍ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများကို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက် ခြင်း၊ အိုးအိမ်ပစ္စည်းများကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးလုယက်ခြင်း စသော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များကို လူစိတ်မဲ့စွာ ဆက်တိုက်ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် (၁-၂-၂၀၂၁) ရက်နေ့မှ (၃-၁-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့အတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသ အသီးသီးရှိ ပြည်သူ (၄) သိန်းနီးပါးခန့်မှာ မိမိတို့၏ နေရပ်အသီးသီးကိုစွန့်ခွာ၍ စစ်ဘေးရှောင် နေရလျက်ရှိပါသည်။ (https://tinyurl.com/unhcridpmyanmar)
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါအကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် ပြင်းထန်စွာကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး ဂျီနီဗာကွန်ဗန်းရှင်း (Geneva Conventions) နှင့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂလုံခြုံရေးကောင်စီ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များ အပါအဝင် ပြည်တွင်းဥပဒေများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ပျက်ရယ်ပြု၊ ချိုးဖောက်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကို နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် အချိန်မီထိရောက်စွာ တားဆီးအရေးယူကြ ပါရန် တောင်းဆိုထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
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Some of the victims died on the spot after being shot by regime troops, while others showed signs of being torture to death
Description:
"Junta troops have killed at least five civilians and two resistance fighters in three Sagaing Region townships so far this week, according to local sources.
On Monday, two unarmed civilians were shot dead near a bridge in Sagaing Region's Htigyaing Township. They were travelling to the village of Kyarhnyat in Mandalay Region's Thabeikkyin Township, some 70 km away from Htigyaing, a resident of the area told Myanmar Now.
The victims, both men in their late 30s, were killed near a military checkpoint where villagers are routinely harassed by soldiers, said the source, who did not want to be identified.
“It happened at around 8pm. They were heading back to the village on a motorcycle when the soldiers started shooting,” he said.
One man was killed instantly as he attempted to flee, but the other, who was shot first, managed to call his family before dying, he added.
“He told them to come pick him up, but that was all he was able to say,” said the villager, who is close to the victim’s family.
Earlier in the day, the bodies of two other men who were taken into custody at the same checkpoint late last week were found on the side of a nearby road.
The men, both aged 23, were members of a local resistance group called the Eagle Army, the group’s leader, Bo Chit, told Myanmar Now.
“The bodies were badly disfigured. One had been shot in the head, but the other was covered with bruises and didn’t have any bullet wounds,” he said.
There were also signs of extreme abuse on the bodies of two civilians who were killed during a military raid on Chanthar, a village in Ye-U Township, on Monday, local sources reported.
The raid, which was carried out by around 130 junta troops at around 10am, forced most of the village’s inhabitants to flee, but the two victims were among several people who were unable to escape in time, the sources said.
A villager who found the bodies of the two middle-aged men said that both had stab wounds to their chests, while one also had a crushed skull.
According to the source, three other local men were also tortured before the troops left on Tuesday.
The village remains empty, he added, as residents feared that the troops could open fire with heavy artillery again, as they did the day before.
This is the third time that Chanthar has come under attack since last April.
Late last month, at least seven civilians were killed after the military used five helicopters to carry out a raid on the nearby village of Yae Myet.
On Tuesday, another village came under attack in Kalay Township. At least one civilian was killed and three others were injured, local sources reported.
Thasi, a village on the Kalay-Gangaw road, was raided by more than 120 uniformed troops and others in plainclothes at around 7am, the sources said.
Most of the village’s roughly 1,000 inhabitants had fled ahead of the raid, but several people were still there when the regime forces arrived, they added.
According to a local woman who spoke to Myanmar Now at around 3:30pm on Tuesday, the village’s residents remain vulnerable to attacks by members of the pro-military Pyu Saw Htee militia who took part in the raid.
“We’ve had to flee again, because the Pyu Saw Htee started terrorising us even in the woods. Things are looking very bad here,” she said.
At least 20 civilians were found dead earlier this month following airstrikes on the village of Natchaung, which is also located on the Kalay-Gangaw road.
Myanmar’s junta has denied targeting civilians in its ongoing offensives against anti-regime groups operating in Sagaing Region and other parts of the country.
In a recent interview with the BBC, the regime’s spokesperson, Zaw Min Tun, blamed resistance forces for the high number of civilian casualties.
“There have been several occasions where they [resistance fighters] blended in with the civilians and ambushed the army. Our security forces have been trying to manage this situation,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"Myanmar's military leader has removed the head of the air force, local media and four sources close to the armed forces said, replacing one of the most senior figures in a junta that has carried out bombing raids to try to crush resistance.
The sources told Reuters that 57-year-old Maung Maung Kyaw, a general from an elite military background, had been ousted from the post he had held since 2018.
Two of the sources said he was replaced on Monday by Htun Aung, who had been the air force's chief of staff.
There was no public announcement that Maung Maung Kyaw had been removed and Reuters was unable to establish why junta leader Min Aung Hlaing had removed him.
Military spokesman Zaw Min Tun did not respond to a request for comment on whether Maung Maung Kyaw had been removed. The spokesman was quoted by local news outlet Eleven Media as saying Maung Maung Kyaw had ended his service after a four-year term.
Reuters was unable to contact Maung Maung Kyaw directly, and requests for comment through the military received no response.
Since the coup on Feb. 1 last year in which an elected government was overthrown, and during the protests that followed the coup, the air force has been used to ferry troops around Myanmar to quell opposition.
Witnesses say the air force has also been used for bombing raids that have killed civilians. The junta has not commented on the allegations. It says it does not target civilians, only "terrorists".
The junta, which has jailed ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi and most of her allies, calls the opposition forces loyal to her deposed government "terrorists".
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a human rights group, says more than 1,400 people have been killed in violence since the coup, including those killed in bombing raids. The junta disputes the reported number of casualties.
Maung Maung Kyaw was the subject of a Reuters investigation last year that revealed his family members, including his son and nephew, were part of a young generation of military families with business interests including supplying the armed forces.
Photos and postings on social media – showing parties at expensive venues in Singapore and trips to Bangkok, London and Santorini – showed his family members enjoying a lifestyle far out of reach for the vast majority of Burmese.
Maung Maung Kyaw, who has had sanctions imposed on him by the United States over his role in the coup, did not respond to questions Reuters sent to the military before publication of its investigation.
In recent weeks, aerial bombardment of the town of Loikaw in eastern Kayah state, bordering Thailand, where ethnic armed groups have joined forces with newly formed anti-coup armed organizations, has forced thousands of people to flee.
Opponents of the junta say Myanmar's military has sustained heavy losses during the fighting. The junta has not commented on the reports that it has suffered heavy losses..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History
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Sub-title:
“အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်သည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်”
Description:
"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းတို့အတွင်းရှိ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာ မြို့နယ်၊ ကျေးရွာ များကို ပစ်မှတ်ထား၍ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ယင်းသို့ လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှု ကင်းမဲ့သော ဆိုးဝါးပြင်းထန်လှသည့် လေကြောင်းဖြင့် အင်အားသုံး တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာသော ဒေသခံတိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများ၏ အသက် အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ် များကို ကြီးမားစွာ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးစေခဲ့ပါသည်။
၂။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် အင်အားသုံးတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် ဒေသခံတိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ နယ်မြေဒေသများကို စွန့်ခွာပြီး ဘေးလွတ်ရာဒေသများသို့ ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင် နေကြရသဖြင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူဦးရေမှာလဲ တိုးသထက်တိုးလာနေသလို ဒေသခံတိုင်းရင်းသား တို့၏ လယ်မြေများ၊ တောင်ယာများ၊ စိုက်ပျိုးသီးနှံများ ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးကြရပြီး နေအိမ်များ၊ သာသနိကအဆောက်အဦ များ၊ ဆေးရုံ ဆေးခန်းများ၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများ၊ ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ၊ ရောဂါ ဝေဒနာခံစားနေရသူများ၊ ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ၏ လူမှုဘဝလုံခြုံမှု ကင်းမဲ့ နေကြရပြီး ဘေးလွတ်ရာဒေသများသို့ ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင်နေကြရသည့် အတွက် ၎င်းတို့၏ စားဝတ်နေရေး နှင့် ကျန်းမာရေး၊ ပညာရေးကိစ္စများ အပါအဝင် အခက်အခဲပေါင်း များစွာနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေကြရပါသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ၎င်းတို့ အာဏာတည်မြဲရေး တစ်ခုတည်းကိုသာ ရှေးရှုလျက် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်ရာ နယ်မြေဒေသများအပေါ် မြို့လုံးကျွတ်၊ ရွာလုံးကျွတ်နီးပါး ထိခိုက် ပျက်စီးစေသည်အထိ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများနှင့် လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် ပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဆိုးဝါးပြင်းထန်စွာ အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ကျူးလွန်တိုက်ခိုက်နေသည့် လုပ်ရပ်များသည် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ပေးရန် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာ စံနှုန်းများ၊ ကျင့်ဝတ်များ၊ ဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်ချိုးဖောက်နေခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝန်းလုံးရှိ နယ်မြေဒေသ အသီးသီးတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရက်ရက်စက်စက် ရမ်းကားတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် စစ်ဘေးဒုက္ခများနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့ နေရသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအပေါ် လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားသည့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့မှုများ၊ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံးရရှိစေရေးနှင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများကို မူလနေထိုင်ရာဒေသများသို့ ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ကင်းစွာ ပြန်လည်အခြေချနေထိုင် နိုင်ရေးတို့အတွက် နည်းလမ်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ ထို့အတူ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ နှင့် အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်လည်း ညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေးလျက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်ရှိဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျပ်အတည်းကို ဝိုင်းဝန်းပူးပေါင်းဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ရေး အစွန်းကုန် ကြိုးပမ်း ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
၅။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များ၊ အပြစ်မဲ့ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအပေါ် ညှာတာမှုကင်းမဲ့စွာ အင်အားသုံးတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ၊ လေကြောင်းဖြင့် ဗုံးကြဲ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ၊ လက်နက်ကြီးများဖြင့် အဆက်မပြတ် ပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှု များကို ထိရောက်စွာ တုန့်ပြန်အရေးယူ ဟန့်တားနိုင်ရေးအတွက် တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံး နှင့်အတူတကွ လက်တွဲပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ လူမဆန်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများကိုချိုးဖေါက်မှုများ၊ ကြီးလေးသည့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု ကျူးလွန်မှုများအပေါ် စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ်စောင့်ကြည့်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာ ဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ အမြန်ဆုံး ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အာဆီယံ အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းနှင့် လက်တွဲကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-13
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-13
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Without access to electricity or water and with military attacking Loikaw from the ground and air, half of the township’s population flees
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"The military carried out an airstrike on Loikaw, Karenni (Kayah) State on Tuesday, dropping seven bombs from two fighter jets on the capital’s Maing Lone ward in just over 15 minutes before 6pm, locals said. All of the explosives detonated.
Located 120 miles from the junta capital of Naypyitaw, Loikaw Township has been the site of intensifying fighting between resistance forces and the Myanmar army since January 7.
On January 6, the military council cut off access to electricity in several wards, including Maing Lone; the entire township has been without power since January 9. Without electricity, the water supply and wifi services had also stopped, locals said.
“The primary problem that we have right now is the scarcity of the water supply. We no longer get water from the city development committee and the water purification factories have stopped operating, so we don’t have much drinking water left either,” a local man told Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity.
He added that the only way to access the internet in Loikaw was through mobile data from military-operated telecommunications providers MPT and Mytel.
“The downtown area still has telephone and mobile internet services but there have been several glitches,” he explained.
Locals from Maing Lone, Pan Kan and Ywar Tan Shey wards started fleeing on January 8 as the military shelled the township from the ground and air amid the utilities shutdown.
Karenni media reports estimated on Tuesday that around 30,000 people—half of Loikaw’s population—had fled their homes. At the time of reporting, locals told Myanmar Now that the number who had left may have been as high as 90 percent of the town’s residents.
“Most of the people who remain in the township are those who stayed behind to protect their homes against thieves, those who are stranded in monasteries, those who could not afford to travel, and those who couldn’t find transportation,” the local man said.
Several empty homes Maing Lone ward had been broken into and looted, with thieves reportedly seen carrying stolen items away on 12-wheeled trucks.
“They even stole entire cars, motorcycles and electricity generators and refrigerators. We didn’t dare to go take pictures of them, so we have no photos,” an eyewitness told Myanmar Now.
The anti-junta People’s Defence Force chapter in Loikaw issued a statement on Tuesday warning that serious action would be taken against the thieves.
An officer from the second battalion of the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) said that the most recent clashes have been concentrated in Maing Lone and Daw Au Khu wards.
Battles have also continued to break out in the nearby townships of Demoso and Shadaw this week, with the military deploying both jets and heavy artillery.According to a KNDF report, around 40 junta soldiers, three members of the allied resistance forces, and six civilians had been killed in the battles in Loikaw and Demoso on January 7 and 10.
The number of people killed on Tuesday could not be confirmed at the time of reporting.
Those who remain in Loikaw are concerned that in the coming days, basic necessities like rice and oil will no longer be available.
“We can see that the flow of commodities has been cut off and that the basic commodities have become very scarce,” the first local said.
It could not be confirmed whether junta restrictions had officially been implemented on the importing of goods into the township, but few trucks dare to deliver supplies amid the ongoing fighting.
“The shop owners closed all of their shops and fled. There are only two to three shops that remain open now. Even so, I think they, too, are going to flee after they’re all sold out. Because all the shops are closed, commodity trucks don’t come into the town anymore,” another local woman said.
She added that displaced persons in neighbouring townships also rely on these shops to meet their basic needs, and the shortages would be felt by communities fleeing the fighting throughout the region..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Karenni State, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Political History
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"Local news website editor Pu Tuidim became the third journalist to be killed in Myanmar in just over three weeks when he was abducted and murdered by government soldiers in the northwest of the country last weekend. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) condemns this barbaric murder of a reporter who tried to inform his fellow citizens about the fighting between armed rebels and the military junta.
Pu Tuidim’s body was found in Matupi township, in Chin State, a mountainous region bordering on India, on the morning of 9 January, two days after he and nine other civilians were abducted by members of the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces, as he was covering the clashes between the Tatmadaw and local armed rebels. The soldiers shot him after using him as a human shield.
He was the founder and editor of the Khonumthung Media Group, a local news outlet named after Chin State’s highest mountain. Tragically, the website had just published an article about the Tatmadaw’s use of civilians as human shields.
On the evening of 9 January, Pu Tuidim's colleagues posted a statement condemning this practice and deploring their editor’s death “caused by the military council’s atrocities.” The message was circulated throughout the region under the hashtag of #အထူးဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲခြင်း, a Burmese expression meaning “Special Mourning.”
Escalating terror
“Cruelty, cynicism, barbarity – these words seem inadequate to describe Pu Tuidim’s shocking murder,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “He is the third journalist to be killed in Myanmar in less than a month, in a sign of the absolutely unacceptable practices increasingly employed by the junta. We appeal to the international community to toughen the sanctions imposed on the junta’s members in order to end this headlong escalation in terror.”
The most recent previous media fatality was Federal News Journal editor Sai Win Aung, who was killed by gunfire near the Thai border in the southeastern state of Kayin during a Tatmadaw artillery attack on 25 December. He was also covering fighting between the Tatmadaw and the People’s Defence Force (PDF), the armed resistance to the junta.
Freelance photographer Soe Naing was the first journalist to die at the junta’s hands. He died under torture on 14 December, four days after soldiers arrested him while he was covering a silent street protest in Yangon.
The number of journalists imprisoned in Myanmar has meanwhile risen to at least 59, according to RSF’s press freedom violations barometer, which is constantly updated.
They include two journalists who worked for the Zayar Times, a newspaper that was closed when the military staged their coup last February. The two journalists, deputy editor Pyae Phyo Aung and reporter Myint Myat Aung (also known as D. Myat Nyein), were each sentenced to two years in prison for “inciting crime” in a trial last week inside the prison where they are being held in the central city of Shwebo. The did not have access to a lawyer.
Myanmar is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in RSF's 2021 World Press Freedom Index..."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders (Paris)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
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"Myanmar’s air force chief General Maung Maung Kyaw, who oversaw airstrikes that killed dozens of civilians while businesses owned by his family enriched themselves, has been forced to retire.
The military regime did not give a reason for its unexpected decision to replace him with Chief of Staff (Air Force) Lieutenant General Tun Aung. General Maung Maung Kyaw, who was once regarded as being close to coup leader Senior General Ming Aung Hlaing, is 58 and still two years short of the official retirement age in Myanmar.
But junta sources said that the decision was in accordance with military retirement policy because General Maung Maung Kyaw had already served as head of the air force for four years.
Striking military captain Nyi Thuta said: “There have been previous cases in which the military extended the retirement age for people it wanted to keep. Perhaps the coup leader thinks the general does not listen to him, and therefore he doesn’t want to keep him.”
But General Maung Maung Kyaw will remain a member of the State Administration Council (SAC), the military regime’s governing body.
The general was sanctioned by the United States in February 2021, for being a senior member of the military and the SAC responsible for lethal crackdowns on peaceful anti-coup protestors.
General Maung Maung Kyaw is the youngest son of General Thura Kyaw Htin, who served as the air force chief during the military dictatorship of the 1980s. The general was rapidly promoted through the ranks before becoming head of the air force in January 2018.
At that time, General Maung Maung Kyaw was seen as close to Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and was widely tipped by Myanmar defense analysts as likely to move into a more senior role eventually.
His promotion to air force chief saw his relatives establishing companies which were later involved in deals to supply the armed forces and the country’s aviation sector, according to an investigation by Reuters last year.
The junta has also recently forced Lieutenant General Aung Lin Dwe to step down as Judge Advocate General and transferred him to the reserve force. He did, however, retain his position as the SAC’s secretary.
Since last year’s coup, Myanmar’s air force has launched airstrikes against resistance groups and ethnic armed groups fighting the military regime. Dozens of civilians were killed and thousands displaced by junta airstrikes in 2021.
The Karen National Union said that at least 31 civilians were killed by airstrikes in its territory in Karen State last year, while more than 50,000 people were displaced by the fighting. Many more are feared to have been affected in Sagaing Region and, most recently, thousands of civilians were displaced by airstrikes in Loikaw, the Kayah State capital.
Myanmar’s military has stepped up its use of aerial attacks, despite demands from ethnic armed groups that it ceases using them because they do more harm to the civilian population than resistance fighters..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-12
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"The People’s Defense Force (PDF) raided a labor camp in Sagaing Region’s Tamu Township on Monday, killing the prison governor, his wife and 11 police officers, commanding officer Bo Ba Hman of Tamu PDF Battalion 1 told The Irrawaddy.
Two PDF fighters died and four others were also injured in the early Monday morning raid, which ended in a shootout, he added.
“We raided the camp and had gained the upper hand. Some of [the prison guards had been incapacitated]. But then, the prison governor ordered [the guards] not to surrender even if he died. He switched off the electricity, which led to confusion. Then [prison guards] from the guard tower opened fire with a machine gun and both sides were hit in the hail of machine gun fire,” said Bo Ba Hman.
One of the four injured PDF fighters suffered serious injuries, but was not in critical condition, and only one of the bodies of the killed PDF fighters could be retrieved, he said.
“We didn’t have a plan to go this far. We only intended to take control of them and seize their weapons. But things happened unexpectedly and resulted in casualties,” he said.
The labor camp is located some 3.2 km to the east of Wut Shu Village in Tamu. It was established in 1991, and was the first labor camp to be built in Kabaw Valley.
The camp housed a number of political prisoners detained by the military regime after last year’s coup. The attack on a labor camp is believed to be the first of its kind since the coup in Myanmar, though other junta targets are often attacked by resistance groups.
Tamu, a town on the Myanmar-India border, was one of the first towns to take up arms against the military regime. The Tamu PDF Battalion 1 said it would also attack government departments operating under the junta’s administration.
“We will have no more mercy for departmental employees working for the regime as well as military informants and Pyu Saw Htee [militia groups trained and armed by the regime],” said Bo Ba Hman.
“We had invited them to join the civil disobedience movement. But they didn’t join no matter how much we requested, and they have gotten worse. If we still treat them with consideration, our revolution will never reach its goal.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-12
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Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Political History
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"၁။ ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့သည် တအာင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများက စစ်အာဏာ ရှင်စနစ်ဆိုးကို လက်နက်စွဲကိုင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည့် (၅၉) နှစ်မြောက် တအာင်းအမျိုးသားတော်လှန်ရေး နေ့ထူးနေ့မြတ်ဖြစ်သဖြင့် ဤနေ့မှစကာ တအာင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများ နှင့်တကွ ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ် လုံး၏ အန္တိမပန်းတိုင်ဖြစ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော်ကြီးကို အမြန်ဆုံးရရှိနိုင်ကြပါစေကြောင်း ဆုမွန်ကောင်းတောင်းအပ်ပါသည်။
၂။ တအာင်းအမျိုးသားတစ်ရပ်လုံး အဖိနှိပ်ခံဘဝမှ လွတ်မြောက်ရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို အာမခံသည့် တအာင်းပြည်နယ်တည်ဆောက်ရေး၊ အမျိုးသားကိုယ်ပိုင်ပြဌာန်းခွင့် ကို အာမခံသည့် စစ်မှန်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စုနိုင်ငံ တည်ဆောက်ရေးတို့အတွက် ၁၉၆၃ ခုနှစ် မှစတင်ကာ ယနေ့အချိန်ထိ အသက်၊ သွေး၊ ချွေးတို့ကို အရင်းတည်၍ လျှောက်လှမ်းလျက်ရှိသော တော်လှန်ရေးခရီးကြမ်းတွင် တအာင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားအပေါင်းတို့၏ ညီညွတ်မှုအင်အားနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေး စိတ်ဓာတ်သည် အလွန်လေးစားဖွယ်ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ဦးစွာ ချီးကျူးဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
၃။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကို တစ်ခုတည်းသော အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာပိုင်စိုးသည့် အုပ်ချုပ်မှုစနစ်ပုံစံရရှိရေး ပုံဖော်လာခဲ့ကြသည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ အနိုင်ကျင့်ဖိနှိပ်ခဲ့မှုများ၊ တရားမျှတမှု မရှိသည့် နိုင်ငံရေး မူဝါဒများကြောင့် တအာင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားများသည် စစ်ဘေးစစ်ဒဏ်ကို နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ ခံစားလာခဲ့ ကြရသော်လည်း လူထု၏ ထောက်ခံမှု၊ တအာင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ပေးဆပ်မှု၊ စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှု အင်အားတို့ကို အရင်းခံလျက် ယခုအချိန်ထိ တအာင်းတော်လှန်ရေးအလံသည် တပ်ဦးတွင် လွှင့်ထူနိုင် ဆဲဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ COVID-19 ကပ်ရောဂါ ကျရောက်နေသည့် ယခုလိုကာလမျိုး၌ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ များကို မငဲ့ဘဲ ကိုယ်ကျိုးသပ်သပ်အတွက် နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို မတရား လုယူသွားကာ လူထုကို ဥပဒေမဲ့ အကြမ်းဖက်ဖမ်းဆီးသတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအား လက်နက်ကိုင်၍ တော် လှန်ကြသည့် မြန်မာ့နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် တအာင်းတိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးမှုများနှင့် ပါဝင် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများသည် အလွန်ပင်တန်ဖိုးကြီးမားသည့် အင်အားစုဖြစ်သည်ကို တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူ အားလုံးကိုယ်စား လေးစားစွာ မှတ်တမ်းတင်ဂုဏ်ပြုအပ်ပါသည်။
၅။ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေးအဖွဲ့များ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် ပြည်သူ များအားလုံးတို့၏ ညီညွတ်လှစွာသော စုပေါင်းအင်အားကို အခြေတည်လျက် မြန်မာ့နွေဦး တော်လှန် ရေး၏ ဘုံရည်မှန်းချက်ဖြစ်သည့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ဆိုး အကြွင်းမဲ့ ပျက်သုဉ်းရေးနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများအားလုံး ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာအတူယှဉ်တွဲနေထိုင်သွားနိုင်မည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော် တည်ဆောက်ရေးတို့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား အားလုံးနှင့်အတူ ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း ကတိပြုလျက် ဤ တအာင်းအမျိုးသားတော်လှန်ရေး (၅၉) နှစ်ပြည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ အား ပေးပို့အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of publication:
2022-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-12
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Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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"Yesterday, a special court set up by the Myanmar State Administrative Council in Naypyitaw sentenced detained State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to an additional four years’ imprisonment.
The EU’s position, as expressed in its Declaration of 6 December 2021 remains that the trial was politically motivated. It represents another step towards the dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar and yet another major setback for democracy in Myanmar since the military coup on 1 February 2021.
These proceedings are a clear attempt to exclude democratically elected leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, from the inclusive dialogue process called for by ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus.
We reiterate our urgent call for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners as well as all those arbitrarily detained since the coup..."
Source/publisher:
European External Action Service
Date of publication:
2022-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
Grouping:
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Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်တွင်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description:
"၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၇) ရက်နေ့မှစတင်ပြီး ယမန်နေ့အထိ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ လွိုင်ကော်မြို့ကိုလေကြောင်းမှလည်းကောင်း၊ မြို့တွင်း၌တင့်ကားများအသုံးပြု၍လည်း ကောင်း သာလွန်အင်အားများဖြင့်ပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းသို့ ပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်ခြင်းကြောင့် အရပ်သား ပြည်သူများကိုထိမှန်ခြင်း၊ အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများ၏နေအိမ်များ မီးလောင်ကျွမ်းခြင်းအပါအဝင် ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးမှု များစွာဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သည့်ပြင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများထောင်နှင့်ချီ၍ ဘေးလွတ်ရာ အရပ်ဒေသများ သို့ တိမ်းရှောင် ထွက်ပြေးနေကြရလျက်ရှိသည်။
၂။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့သည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၉) ရက်နေ့ညနေပိုင်းတွင် ပြည်ထောင်စု ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဦးဆောင်၍ ကရင်နီပြည်အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီမှ တာဝန်ရှိခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် အရေးပေါ် တွေ့ဆုံပြီး လက်ရှိ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်တွင်ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏အကြမ်းဖက် လုပ်ရပ်များနှင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့်အခက်အခဲများကို အတူတကွဖြေရှင်း ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် နှစ်ဖက်ရင်းနှီးပွင့်လင်းစွာဆွေးနွေးညှိနှိုင်းခဲ့ကြသည်။
၃။ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ လွိုင်ကော်မြို့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့များမှ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများအပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြား၌ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကပြုမူလျက် ရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများအတွက် ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချကြောင်းနှင့် စစ်ကောင်စီကြောင့်ဒုက္ခဆင်းရဲမှု မျိုးစုံကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအား မိမိတို့အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူအတွက် ပြည်သူက ရပ်တည်ကြမည်ဟူသောဆောင်ပုဒ်နှင့်အညီ တတ်နိုင်သမျှ ကူညီထောက်ပံ့မှုများ ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီးနှင့် အာဆီယံတို့အပါအဝင် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုနှင့် လူသားဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို အလေးအမြတ်ပြုတန်ဖိုးထားကြသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို မျက်ခြေမပြတ်စောင့်ကြည့်သိရှိပြီး၊ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့် မကွေးတိုင်းတို့အပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီကြောင့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ ဒုက္ခမျိုးစုံရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့ခံစားနေရမှုကို အမြန်ဆုံး ရပ်တန့်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ထိရောက် သောအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မှုများအလျင်အမြန်ပြုလုပ်နိုင်ရန် အလေးအနက် ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းပန်ကြားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Military History
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Many had already fled the area after 11 people were massacred and burned in the village last month
Description:
"More than 7,000 people have fled their homes in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin and Salingyi townships since Saturday in fear of attacks from junta soldiers, a local relief group has told Myanmar Now.
Residents of about 10 villages along the road connecting the regional capital Monywa to Pathein in southern Myanmar are now sheltering in schools and monasteries in other villages or in surrounding forests, said a member of the Pyithu Hma Pyithu group.
They have fled villages including Aung Moe, Mya Pin Si, Mya Shwe Si, Bein Nwe Chaung, and Done Taw, where 11 unarmed men and boys were apparently burned to death by junta soldiers last month.
Many villagers from around Done Taw had already fled their homes following last month’s massacre, local aid groups said.
The presence of soldiers in the area, as well as recent clashes with resistance fighters in nearby Pale township, led villagers to fear further attacks over the weekend and flee their homes.
A day after residents fled Kyay Sar Kya, junta soldiers attacked the village with artillery and looted and burned houses, a local who fled told Myanmar Now.
“Around five houses were torched, the roofs of some houses were destroyed during the shelling,” the villager said. “The houses on the side of the road had their furniture stolen as well. They lost so much valuable furniture and appliances including televisions, refrigerators and rice cookers.”
There were no casualties as the village had been abandoned the day before, he said.
Pyithu Hma Pyithu, or From the People to the People, has sent food supplies to the displaced villagers.
“Some are facing a lot of hardship as they have to stay in the forests,” said the member of the group. “It can’t be good for their health if they have to stay there for a long time.”
Several Kyay Sar Kya locals said that on Monday morning they saw three helicopters above the area where they were sheltering and the aircraft hovered around for several hours..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History
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"As trade in Myanmar teak continues amidst sanctions, a ban on all Myanmar timber imports is necessary.
Since the illegal attempted military coup in February 2021, the United States has imported 1,565 metric tonnes of teak from Myanmar, even though sanctions began soon after.
Following the attempted coup, the Myanmar military has carried out acts of terrorism against Myanmar people, murdering over 1,400 civilians and imprisoning 11,000 more, indiscriminately bombing and shelling communities and committing mass killings with total impunity.
In response, the United States has imposed multiple targeted sanctions, including on the state-owned Myanma Timber Enterprise (MTE).
MTE has sole responsibility for the sale of timber in Myanmar, auctioning logs for export. The forestry industry in Myanmar is effectively controlled by MTE.
According to MTE’s website, its Export Marketing and Milling Department has competencies that “cover the timber supply chain from the moment of truck, barge and train load arrive at timber depots until the transfer of the ownership of the cargoes to the customer at ports and terminals”. MTE operates teak sawmills that produce scantling for export and the enterprise regulates the private sector trade.
Since the military’s attempted coup, MTE has come under the control of the Myanmar military junta. Through MTE, the junta takes a percentage of export revenue, and this helps finance their atrocities.
The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) imposed sanctions on MTE, with the justification that the timber industry is a key economic resource for the Myanmar military junta.
Yet, from February to the end of November, US businesses continued to import teak from Myanmar, according to data from the global trade database, Panjiva.
The 82 shipments largely consisted of teak board and scantling that are used for shipbuilding, outdoor decking, and furniture.
The first shipment of teak after the attempted coup arrived on February 18 and the most recent shipment arrived in December.
In fact, there was a sharp increase in teak exports to the US a few months after the sanctions were imposed, which may coincide with the timing of teak auctions held by the MTE.
When looking at the total number of shipments from February to November 2021 compared with the same time period in previous years, it is evident that the flow of teak from Myanmar to the United States has been quite consistent.
But how are these exports possible when the US has sanctions in place?
See a list of businesses and individuals involved in the Myanmar teak trade with the US: Download Excel File (25 kb)
Evading weak sanctions by trading via intermediaries
The answer is that importers in the US are purchasing timber from private companies that are acting as brokers in Myanmar; they are evading sanctions by not buying directly from MTE.
These private companies include major teak traders, some of which have reportedly placed winning bids at MTE auctions since the attempted coup.
The private companies that act as brokers buy the timber from MTE in Myanmar, then export it, sometimes through foreign freight companies.
While the data analysed for this feature only captured teak exports directly from Myanmar to the United States, it is likely that even more teak is being exported to the US via third countries such as China. So, the overall amount of teak exported since the attempted coup is expected to be significantly more.
This indirect trade between companies in the US and MTE may not have attracted penalties from OFAC at this stage, but it still appears to contravene US sanctions.
Sanctions imposed by the United States on MTE prohibit “the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person”.
Considering that timber exported from Myanmar is originally auctioned by MTE, the military junta still receives funds from the various charges applied, no matter who officially exports the timber.
A report from Myanmar’s Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative shows that the state received almost USD$100 million in revenue from taxes and royalties applied to timber trade in the 2017-2018 financial year, the last year for which data is available.
The country’s total revenue from the forestry industry that year was USD$322 million, so the taxes and royalties now flowing to the military junta from the post-attempted coup timber trade are significant.
Considering the scope of the problem and potential for the illegal military junta to gain vast sums of money to fund their atrocity crimes, it is clear that further action is essential.
Lack of transparency makes trade after sanctions difficult to trace
Before the coup attempt, MTE used to announce details of its upcoming timber auctions in advance and disclose some of the auction outcomes.
The last auction in which winning bidders were disclosed was held on January 28, 2021. As full payments were due within 75 days, the funds were likely received by the illegal military junta.
After the attempted coup, MTE's official disclosure of successful auction bidders is no longer publicly available on its website. It is likely that only businesses and timber companies close to the military junta will have access to this information, which is concerning because this information is critical to taking action against companies circumventing sanctions.
Yet, according to information published in state-run newspapers controlled by the military and other media reports, at least nine open timber auctions have been held since the coup that included teak.
The Lacey Act must be enforced
Since 2008, amendments to the Lacey Act in the United States have prohibited the importation of illegally sourced timber.
It requires companies to take due care to ensure that timber they purchase – including from overseas sources – has been harvested legally and to declare its country of origin.
While this law addresses illegal logging – and does not include purchasing from an illegal military junta in its scope – it does require some transparency about the timber supply chain.
It’s very difficult to get information about how timber is harvested in Myanmar, however, when a company exercises due care in tracing the origin of its timber, it should easily uncover MTE in the supply chain.
In Myanmar, all legally harvested timber for export passes through MTE. So, compliance with the Lacey Act should – even inadvertently – lead companies to MTE.
And this should lead to the conclusion that timber should not be lawfully imported to the United States due to the current sanctions against MTE.
But despite the efforts of organisations such as Environmental Investigation Agency, the Act is still not strongly enforced on timber imports from Myanmar.
Effective enforcement of the Lacey Act could potentially lead more companies to think twice before importing timber from Myanmar.
International banks also implicated
According to the MTE website, all of its sales are made in USD dollars and payments can be made via several banks.
These include Singaporean banks United Overseas Bank (UOB), Oversea-Chinese Banking Corporation (OCBC) and DBS Bank.
These banks are playing an enabling role for the military junta and international action is needed. They may also be breaching US sanctions by accepting US dollar transactions in which MTE is the beneficiary.
How US industries are responding to the timber sanctions
Timber sellers, shipbuilders, furniture makers and others who produce teak products in the United States are responding in various ways to the sanctions.
While some are using indirect pathways to continue importing, others are seeking alternative products.
Shipbuilders in particular have long used Myanmar teak for its high silicone and resin content that makes it more durable in wet environments.
But given the situation in Myanmar, some recognise the imminent need to shift to other materials, and are trialling products such as iroko, other timbers and even synthetic teak.
Meanwhile, one small company called Techtona, a social enterprise that exported recycled teak from old buildings in Myanmar to the US, has closed down.
The business was hit hard by the COVID19 pandemic and a representative told Justice For Myanmar that trading any timber in Myanmar now risks supporting the military junta: “We cannot any longer import anything from Burma to USA because everything that gets exported has to pay some permit fee – and that could go to the wrong people. So this kind of business – and actually all business in Burma – is now impossible.”
What the companies still importing Myanmar teak say
Justice For Myanmar asked the US companies that have imported since the attempted coup about their purchases and whether they intend to keep importing teak from Myanmar.
World Panel Products, a US-based timber supplier to the marine industry, responded: “Don't agree with the Coup. We ensure that whoever we purchase from directly in Myanmar are not associated with any of the Army Generals or their family.”
World Panel Products also said they had not participated in any MTE timber auctions this year. Yet, transactions involving the company appear in the Panjiva trade database after the coup, with post-coup exports likely enriching the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar wrote to teak importers J. Gibson McIlvain, East Teak, Lumberbest, Kingsley Bate, but we have not received a response.
We also wrote to logistics companies Clare Express, DB, Apex Shipping (a subsidiary of Kerry Logistics) and UCM Cargo, which have transported Myanmar teak trade to the US since the attempted coup, asking about their human rights due diligence and US sanctions. None of the companies responded.
Europe also still importing Myanmar teak post-coup
The European Union also sanctioned MTE in June this year. Yet, European companies have continued importing teak.
A report by the Environmental Investigation Agency found that Italy alone has imported teak worth over €2 million from Myanmar since the attempted coup.
The problem with teak trade to Europe is similar to the United States: companies have been able to circumvent sanctions. In Europe this has involved trading via Italy and other countries where sanctions are not well enforced.
Companies in Europe are also required to conduct due diligence in timber trade under the European Union Timber Regulation, which prohibits the sale of illegally harvested timber in Europe.
This due diligence effort for any trade in teak from Myanmar would uncover MTE in the supply chain, and therefore a company should not proceed with such imports.
The Environmental Investigation Agency is calling for the companies violating EU sanctions through trade in illegal teak from Myanmar to be investigated and prosecuted. Justice For Myanmar echoes that call.
Ban Myanmar timber imports!
The evidence shows that the sanctions have not stopped the flow of teak to the US, and therefore have not stopped the flow of funds from the timber trade to the illegal military junta.
The need for international action to stop the Myanmar miilitary's international crimes is becoming increasingly urgent. After the Myanmar military's killing of at least 35 people on Christmas Eve in Karenni State, the UN Security Council issued a statement demanding an immediate cessation of violence and accountability, yet the junta's campign of terror continues with total impunity.
The companies who are aiding the Myanmar military and trading with the entities it controls, are complicit in the crimes committed by the Myanmar military.
If the US and other international governments are serious about their roles in stopping the military junta's campaign of terror and supporting the people of Myanmar, further action is urgently needed.
Justice For Myanmar calls on the United States and other international governments to:
urgently investigate the teak and timber trade with Myanmar. The OFAC should investigate whether any of these transactions have violated the current sanctions against MTE. If these imports were lawful, then it shows that current sanctions have not effectively stopped the trade in Myanmar teak to the US, therefore further measures are needed.
promptly investigate all banks and financial institutions processing teak payments.
ensure that current sanctions involving trade with Myanmar are vigorously enforced.
ensure that the Lacey Act is enforced with regard to timber imports from Myanmar.
impose new targeted sanctions on all companies and individual directors involved in exports of products from industries controlled by the military junta, including timber.
impose new targeted sanctions on all other military-related businesses and associations.
ban all Myanmar timber imports to prevent further revenue from reaching the illegal military junta.
Companies still trading Myanmar teak amidst US sanctions
In the section below, we provide details of the companies involved in the teak trade from Myanmar to the United States since the attempted coup in February 2021.
Largest US importer: East Teak Fine Hardwoods
Up to 49 per cent of the imports since the coup were made by the largest importer of Myanmar teak in the United States: East Teak Fine Hardwoods (ETFH). This company alone has bought over 765 tonnes of teak boards and scantling which arrived in 44 shipments.
The Myanmar timber companies that exported these shipments include: Thein Than Htun Manufacturing Company Limited, National Wood Industry Ltd, Maha Nadi Maritime Services Company, Unilite Industries & General Serve, Jewellery Teak Timber Company, Pa Pa Wadi Company, Yadanar Tin Company, Lin Win Company, Royal River Trading Company and KMI Company.
Among the local companies that exported to ETFH, Thein Than Htun Manufacturing Company Limited is the largest supplier. Since the attempted coup, the company has been confirmed as placing winning bids on teak at MTE auctions and has sent 22 shipments to the United States.
Questionable ties within the industry
The Thein Than Htun Manufacturing Company Limited has also sold teak to Kingsley Bate Warehouse, a leading US manufacturer of teak outdoor furniture.
Thein Than Htun’s director, Kyaw Kyaw, is also the director and shareholder of United Wood Industries Company, another company that placed winning bids on teak at MTE auctions.
Since the coup, United Wood Industries Company has shipped teak via the logistics company Apex Maritime and to the wholesaler Lumberbest, which specialises in selling “genuine Myanmar natural teak.”
One of United Wood’s directors and shareholders is Bjorn Burchard, a Norwegian citizen with longstanding ties to MTE. Under the previous military junta, Bjorn was managing director of Scantrade, a business that jointly operated a furniture factory with MTE and was sanctioned by the European Union. Norwegian authorities should investigate and prosecute Bjorn Burchard for his role in the teak trade.
Similarly, multiple companies involved in the post-attempted coup teak trade have close and questionable ties to the MTE and the export-promoting industry association, the Myanmar Timber Merchants Association (MTMA).
The MTMA plays a key role in facilitating trade relationships among the Myanmar timber industry, foreign buyers and the MTE. It operates under the guidance of UMFCCI (a federation of the country’s chambers of commerce and industry), which is closely linked to the military junta.
For example, KMI Company and National Wood Industry Limited are companies that have also exported teak to the United States since the coup attempt. These companies have two directors in common: Kyaw Win and Ye Htet Win. Kyaw Win is also the Honorary Auditor of the MTMA and Ye Htet Win is a member of the Central Executive Committee of the MTMA.
KMI Company’s other director, Min Thaw Kong, is also a director of Win Enterprise Limited, another timber company that exported teak to the United States since the attempted coup. Win Enterprise Limited is a subsidiary of Forest Products Joint Venture Corporation. Min Thaw Kong is a Secretary General (2) of MTMA and also a director of Forest Products Joint Venture Corporation. Forest Products Joint Venture Corporation is a joint venture between MTE, Myanmar’s Forest Department and private enterprises, which processes teak and has been sanctioned by the European Union.
Other large US importers
The second and third largest US teak importers since the coup attempt are J. Gibson McIlvain Company, a timber wholesaler well-known in the shipbuilding industry, and World Panel Products, the leading marine panel distributor in the United States.
Both of these companies bought teak from Win Enterprise Ltd and Myat Noe Thu Company. J. Gibson McIlvain Company also bought teak from Golden Pollen Manufacturing Company, Water Solutions Company, Tharaphu Decor Company, and World Panel Products also bought from KMI Company. Notably, Water Solutions Company and Tharaphu Decor Company have a common director, Min Min Shein.
Freight companies exporting Myanmar timber to US amid sanctions
Multiple freight companies operating in the United States and Myanmar are also implicated in the teak trade.
Largest transporter to US: Clare Group
Among these, the Clare Group alone has transported almost 1,000 tonnes in 54 shipments, which is equal to 64 per cent of the total teak imports after the coup.
The Clare Group is a multinational logistics company with subsidiaries in multiple countries, headquartered in Taiwan.
Other large transporters
Another freight company involved in these shipments is the Italian D.B. Group, an international transport and logistics company. Its Myanmar subsidiary, D.B Group Myanmar Company, has shipped teak to D.B. Group’s US-based subsidiary, D.B. Group America.
Great Foremost Logistics Company Ltd and the British Virgin Islands' logistics and supply chain management company IFB Myanmar Ltd, part of IFB Group, have also transported Myanmar teak to the US since the attempted coup. IFB Myanmar is run by two German citizens.
The involvement of these Italian and German linked companies in teak exports could violate the European Union's sanctions against MTE. This is because the EU sanctions apply to all companies that have a presence in an EU Member State, even when they are operating elsewhere.
Kerry Logistics, a Hong Kong based company engaged in logistics, freight services and warehouse operations, has additionally been involved in transporting teak to the United States through its subsidiary Kerry Freight Myanmar Ltd and its US subsidiary, Apex Maritime.
Freight companies in the United States, Aries Global Logistics Inc., Mcl Multi Container Line Inc. and United Cargo Management Inc., were listed as ‘consignees’ in teak shipments..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"January 11, 2022, Myanmar: Companies in the United States have imported nearly 1,600 tonnes of teak from Myanmar since the military’s attempted coup in February 2021.
Following the coup attempt, the US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) imposed multiple targeted sanctions with the aim to block trade with Myanmar that benefits the illegal military junta.
Sanctions were placed on the state-owned Myanma Timber Enterprise (MTE), which solely manages the sale of timber in Myanmar, auctioning logs to private companies for export.
Through MTE, the junta takes a large percentage of all export revenue through various taxes and charges, and this contributes to financing their campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
Since February 1, Myanmar’s military has killed over 1,400 unarmed civilians and imprisoned 11,000 more.
Despite sanctions, from February to the end of November last year, US businesses continued to import timber from Myanmar, according to data from the global trade database, Panjiva.
The timber arrived in 82 different shipments between February 1 and November 30, 2021, largely consisting of teak board and scantling that are used for shipbuilding, outdoor decking, and furniture.
Multiple US timber wholesalers and manufacturers are involved, including East Teak Fine Hardwoods, J. Gibson McIlvain, Kingsley Bate Warehouse, Lumberbest, World Panel Products and others.
The data indicates that companies are circumventing sanctions by trading via intermediaries, keeping the link to MTE indirect.
It appears that only the intermediaries’ details are included on the documentation required for US imports, allowing potentially illegal imports to pass under the radar of US authorities.
Sanctions imposed by the United States on MTE prohibit “the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person”.
Considering that sanctions aim to block trade with MTE, and the timber exported from Myanmar is originally auctioned by MTE, the military junta still receives funds from the trade no matter who officially exports the timber.
This indirect trade between companies in the US and MTE may not have attracted penalties from OFAC at this stage, but action is now urgently needed.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Sanctions must be enforced in order to be effective. We urge OFAC to investigate US imports of timber from Myanmar since sanctions were imposed on MTE.”
“We call on the US Government to ban all Myanmar timber imports to prevent further revenue from reaching the illegal military junta.
“Continuing trade in timber from Myanmar supports the illegal military junta that is committing atrocity crimes with total impunity, including the indiscriminate murder of children.
“Through such targeted sanctions on imports from military-controlled industries in Myanmar, the US and other countries have the power to cut the financial flow to the illegal junta and support the Myanmar people’s struggle to end this tyranny and establish federal democracy.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions - general, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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