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Title: Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN)
Description/subject: ABOUT KESAN: "KESAN is a community based organisation with a central office in Chiang Mai, Thailand. We implement project activities on the Thai Burma border and in Karen and Kachin states in Burma. For the past eight years we have been working towards improving rural livelihood security using an approach that empowers and educates communities and institutions to sustain existing indigenous knowledge and practices to use and manage forest resources for the long term benefit of the community. KESAN also plays a leading role in addressing environmental and development concerns in environmental law and policy formulation in preparation for the post transition period in Burma. KESAN networks with local, regional and international organisations towards increased recognition of local and indigenous peoples rights to use and manage their natural resources for sustainable development. Vision Karen indigenous people in Burma live peacefully in a healthy environment and actively participate in maintaining ecological balance and livelihood security. Mission KESAN is a local organization working alongside local communities in Karen State and Kachin State, Burma to build up capacities in natural resource management, raise public environmental awareness, support community-based development initiatives; and collaborate with organizations at all levels to advocate for environment policies and development priorities that ensure sustainable ecological, social, cultural and economic benefits and gender equity . Objectives 1. To enhance capacities of local communities and community-based organizations to enable activities for environmental protection and social development 2. To develop indigenous environmental education and materials to increase children and youth awareness and participation in environmental protection 3. To support community-based development initiatives to preserve our environment, cultures and traditional livelihoods 4. To advocate for environment policies and practices and development priorities that are environmentally friendly, socially equitable, culturally beneficial and economically viable 5. To systematize and scale up ongoing efforts to mainstream a gender perspective in all aspects of KESANs program of work."
Source/publisher: Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN)
Date of entry/update: 2009-11-19
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Karen
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Title: MIMU maps of Burma/Myanmar and lists of NGOs/agencies
Description/subject: These maps, profiles and lists cover the area affected by Cyclone Nargis as well as other parts of the country. The categories are: Affected Area Maps; Assessment Area Maps; Hazard Area Maps; Organizations Maps; Population Area Maps; Planning Maps; Snapshots Maps; Township Profiles Maps; Who, What, Where Maps & Reports.
Source/publisher: Myanmar Information Management Unit (MIMU)
Date of publication: 2009-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2009-11-16
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Title: PERCEPTIONS OF BORDERS AND HUMAN MIGRATION: THE HUMAN (IN)SECURITY OF SHAN MIGRANT WORKERS IN THAILAND
Description/subject: "...While there are many prior studies to date on the internal conflicts in Burma, these are mostly focused on the human rights situation within the country. In addition, many previous marked studies, such as works from Thai academics, International Organizations or the World Health Organization, have highlighted the human securities of migrant workers in the destination country whereby the process of migration has already taken place. However, none of them have focused on the phenomenon of migration in relation to perceptions of borders and human security. The lack of study addressing the influence of borders and human securities as the key indicators to people's migration behaviour supports the significance and relevance of this research...This research aims to understand the differences in the perceptions of borders between the Thai government, Shan migrant workers, Thai employers, and informal brokers, which perpetuate the flow of illegal migration. Due to the increasing number of illegal Shan migrant workers who are living, producing and consuming products and services in Thailand, or in other words, being absorbed into and continuing to contribute to the Thai economy, it is necessary to map out a framework of borders, human migration and human security for policy-makers to approach and use in addressing the migration issue as a basis for future theoretical development. A focus on the different perceptions of borders in the migration phenomenon may lead toward a more comprehensive view of the international migration process, particularly for ASEAN to have more realistic border and migration policies. Based on the purpose of the research mentioned above, my hypothesis is as follows: "The flow of illegal migrant workers is continuing and increasing due to the differences in the perceptions and functions of borders between the Thai government, Shan migrant workers, Thai employers and informal brokers". The actual primary data is derived from fieldwork conducted both in Thailand and Burma. In addition, secondary data collected from available literature was processed and reviewed in order to support the borders approach in addressing human security and migration. Finally, a comparative case study of Cambodian migrant workers is examined based on fieldwork made in the Rayong province of Thailand..."
Ropharat Aphijanyatham
Source/publisher: IRASEC - I'Institut de Recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est Contemporaine (Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia): Carnet de l'Irasec / Occasional Paper Serie Observatoire / Observatory Series no. 01
Date of publication: 2009-09-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-11-04
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Protracted Displacement and Militarization in Eastern Burma- 2009 Survey -TBBC (English, Burmese, Thai)
Description/subject: "The main threats to human security in eastern Burma are related to militarisation. Military patrols and landmines are the most significant and fastest growing threat to civilian safety and security, while forced labour and restrictions on movement are the most pervasive threats to livelihoods. Trend analysis suggests that the threats to both security and livelihoods have increased during the past five years. Over 3,500 villages and hiding sites in eastern Burma have been destroyed or forcibly relocated since 1996, including 120 communities between August 2008 and July 2009. The scale of displaced villages is comparable to the situation in Darfur and has been recognised as the strongest single indicator of crimes against humanity in eastern Burma. At least 75,000 people were forced to leave their homes during this past year, and more than half a million people remain internally displaced. The highest rates of recent displacement were reported in northern Karen areas and southern Shan State. Almost 60,000 Karen villagers are hiding in the mountains of Kyaukgyi, Thandaung and Papun Townships, and a third of these civilians fled from artillery attacks or the threat of Burmese Army patrols during the past year. Similarly, nearly 20,000 civilians from 30 Shan villages were forcibly relocated by the Burmese Army in retaliation for Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) operations in Laikha, Mong Kung and Keh Si Townships. Thailand?s National Security Council recently acknowledged it was preparing for another mass influx of refugees due to conflict in Burma?s border areas leading up to the proposed elections in 2010. Conflict has already intensified in Karen State with over 4,000 Karen refugees fleeing into Thailand during June. The increased instability is related to demands that ethnic ceasefire groups transform into Border Guard Forces under Burmese Army command. Such pressure has already resulted in the resumption of hostilities in the Kokang region which caused 37,000 civilians to flee into China..."
Source/publisher: Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC)
Date of publication: 2009-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2009-11-02
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 5.64 MB
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Title: Exploitation and recruitment under the DKBA in Pa-an District
Description/subject: "While recent media attention has focused on the joint SPDC/DKBA attacks on the KNLA in Pa?an District and the dramatic exodus of at least 3,000 refugees from the area of Ler Per Her IDP camp into Thailand, the daily grind of exploitative treatment by DKBA forces continues to occur across the region. This report presents a breakdown of DKBA Brigade #999 battalions, some recent cases of exploitative abuse by this unit in Pa?an District and a brief overview of the group?s transformation into a Border Guard Force as part of the SPDC?s planned 2010-election process, in which the DKBA has sought to significantly expand its numbers. Amongst those forcibly recruited for this transformation process was a 17-year-old child soldier injured in the fighting at Ler Per Her, whose testimony is included here..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group Field Reports (KHRG #2009-F11)
Date of publication: 2009-06-29
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-30
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: U.S. Policy Toward Burma (video)
Description/subject: Witnesses Panel: The Honorable Kurt M. Campbell Assistant Secretary Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs U.S. Department of State... Mr. Tom Malinowski Advocacy Director Human Rights Watch... Chris Beyrer, M.D., MPH Professor of Epidemiology, International Health, and Health, Behavior, and Society Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health... Mr. Aung Din Executive Director U.S. Campaign for Burma
Source/publisher: U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs
Date of publication: 2009-10-21
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-28
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: International Religious Freedom Report 2009 - Burma
Description/subject: "Highly repressive, authoritarian military regimes have ruled the country since 1962. In May 2008 the Government announced voters had approved a new draft Constitution in a nationwide referendum. Democracy activists and the international community widely criticized the referendum as seriously flawed. The new Constitution provides for freedom of religion; however, it also grants broad exceptions that allow the regime to restrict those rights at will. Although authorities generally permitted most adherents of registered religious groups to worship as they choose, the Government imposed restrictions on certain religious activities and frequently abused the right to freedom of religion..."
Source/publisher: (US) Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Date of publication: 2009-10-26
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-27
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Search results for "Burma" in archive.org (Texts)
Description/subject: 387 texts, some very substantial (October 2009)...656 (March 2012...847 (December 2013)
Source/publisher: archive.org
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-23
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Title: INTERNATIONAL TRADE: U.S. Agencies Have Taken Some Steps, but Serious Impediments Remain to Restricting Trade in Burmese Rubies and Jadeite September 2009 GAO-09-
Description/subject: "The Burmese jadeite and ruby trades are very different from one another and significantly involve China and Thailand. Burmese-origin jadeite is primarily purchased, processed, and consumed by China. Burmese-origin rubies are reportedly largely smuggled into Thailand, yielding little revenue to the Burmese regime, and are significantly processed there. U.S. agencies have taken some steps but have not shown that they are effectively restricting imports of Burmese-origin rubies, jadeite, and related jewelry while allowing imports of non-Burmese-origin goods. Some U.S. jewelry representatives said import restrictions constrain legitimate ruby imports. Agencies published an interim final rule, but DHS has not developed specific audit guidance or conducted any postentry reviews of importers? records. In addition, there is little guidance to importers on what constitutes verifiable evidence of non-Burmese-origin. Although agencies have begun to collect data on ruby and jadeite imports, further efforts could contribute to an understanding of whether restrictions are effectively targeting Burmese-origin imports..."
Source/publisher: CommitteesUnited States Government Accountability Office
Date of publication: 2009-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-15
Type: Individual Documents
Category: Sanctions
Language: English
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Title: GA 2009 (64th Session): Report by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (Russian)
Description/subject: Резюме: Настоящий доклад представляется во исполнение резолюции 63/245 Гене- ральной Ассамблеи и резолюции 10/27 Совета по правам человека. Его следует рассматривать совместно с докладом Специального докладчика Совету по пра- вам человека на его десятой сессии (A/HRC/10/19), поскольку основное внима- ние в нем уделяется событиям в области прав человека, которые имели место в Мьянме после представления этого доклада. Самым значительным событием рассматриваемого периода стал судебный процесс по делу Аунг Сан Су Чжи. Назначенные ей дополнительно 18 месяцев домашнего ареста лишают ее возможности активно участвовать в выборах 2010 года. Специальный докладчик считает, что продление ее домашнего ареста наносит удар по осуществлению семиэтапного правительственного плана демо- кратизации, и выражает сожаление в связи с тем, что правительство Мьянмы упустило еще одну возможность доказать свою приверженность проведению всеохватных, свободных и справедливых выборов. В центре внимания настоящего доклада находится вопрос защиты прав че- ловека. В частности, в нем идет речь о положении узников совести, их праве на справедливое судебное разбирательство и на должную правовую процедуру; а также о свободе выражения мнений, собраний и ассоциаций в связи с пред- стоящими в 2010 году выборами. Далее в нем рассматриваются вопросы, ка- сающиеся внутренних конфликтов, защиты мирного населения, дискриминации и необходимости гуманитарной помощи. Специальный докладчик вновь подтверждает свою рекомендацию относи- тельно четырех основных элементов, касающихся реализации прав человека: пересмотр национального законодательства с учетом положений новой консти- туции и в соответствии с международными обязательствами; постепенное осво- бождение узников совести; реформа вооруженных сил с целью обеспечить со- блюдение международных норм в области прав человека и международного гу- манитарного права, включая подготовку кадров; и создание независимой и бес- пристрастной судебной системы. Поскольку Мьянма является участницей толь- ко Конвенции о правах ребенка и Конвенции о ликвидации всех форм дискри- минации в отношении женщин, Специальный докладчик настоятельно рекомен- дует ей присоединиться к другим основным международным договорам в об- ласти прав человека.
Source/publisher: United Nations (A/64/318)
Date of publication: 2009-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-10
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Russian
Format : pdf
Size: 377.32 KB
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Title: GA 2009 (64th Session): Report by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (Chinese)
Description/subject: 摘要 本报告是根据大会第63/245 号决议和人权理事会第10/27 号决议提交的。 阅读本报告时应参阅特别报告员给人权理事会第十届会议的报告(A/HRC/ 10/19)，因为本报告的重点主要是那份报告以来缅甸的人权事态发展。 对昂山素季的审判是本报告所述期间最重大的事件。对她增加18 个月的软 禁使她不能积极参加2010 年的选举。特别报告员认为，继续软禁她是对缅甸政 府促进民主的七点路线图的打击，他感到遗憾的是，缅甸政府又失去了一次证明 自己致力于包容各方、自由和公正选举的机会。 本报告着重说明人权保护问题。它特别强调政治犯的状况、他们接受公正审 判的权利、适当法律程序和他们的拘留条件；以及在即将到来的2010 年选举背 景下的言论、集会和结社自由。报告接着审查了该国的内部冲突、平民保护、歧 视和人道主义援助需要等问题。 特别报告员重申其四项核心人权要素的建议：根据新《宪法》和国际义务审 查国家立法；逐步释放政治犯；改造武装部队，包括培训，以确保尊重国际人权 和人道主义法；以及建立独立和公正的司法机构。由于缅甸仅仅是《儿童权利公 约》和《消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约》的缔约国，特别报告员大力建议缅甸加 入其他核心国际人权文书。
Source/publisher: United Nations (A/64/318)
Date of publication: 2009-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-10
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Chinese
Format : pdf
Size: 304.02 KB
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Title: GA 2009 (64th Session): Report by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (Arabic)
Description/subject: موجز ٢٤٥ وقرار مجلس حقوق الإنسان / يقدّم هذا التقرير عملا بقرار الجمعية العامة ٦٣ ٢٧ . وينبغي قراءته بالاقتران مع التقرير المقدّم من المقرر الخاص إلى مجلس حقوق /١٠ حيث أنه ير ّ كز بشكل رئيسي عل ى التطورات ،(A/HRC/10/ الإنسان في دورته العاشرة ( 19 التي استجدّت في مجال حقوق الإنسان في ميانمار منذ تقديم ذلك التقرير. وكانت محاكمة أونغ سان سو كيي أهم أحداث الفترة المشمولة بالاستعراض . فالحكم عليها ب ١٨ شهرا إضافية من الإقامة الجبرية يعني منعها من المشاركة النشطة في انتخابات عام ٢٠١٠ . ويرى المقرر الخاص أن استمرار فرض الإقامة الجبرية عليها يشكل ضربة لخارطة الطريق إلى الديمقراطية ذات الخطوات السبع التي وضعتها الحكومة، وهو يأسف لأن حكومة ميانمار قد أهدرت فرصة أخرى لإثبات التزامها بإجراء انتخابات حرة ونزيهة وشاملة للجميع. ويركّز التقرير على قضا يا حماية حقوق الإنسان . وهو يسّلط الضوء، على وجه الخصوص، على حالة سجناء الرأي، وعلى حقهم في المحاكمة العادلة وفي مراعاة الأصول القانونية الواجبة، وعلى ظروف احتجازهم؛ ويسّلط الضوء كذلك على حرية التعبير والتجمّع وتكوين الجمعيات في سياق الانتخابات التي ستجرى في عام ٢٠١٠ . ويتضمن التقرير بالإضافة إلى ذلك استعراضا للنزاعات الداخلية ومسائل حماية المدنيين والتمييز والحاجة إلى المساعدة الإنسانية. ويكرّر المقرر الخاص توصيته بتنفيذ أربعة عناصر رئيسية لحقوق الإنسان، ألا وهي : إجراء استعراض للتشريعات الوطنية وفقا للدستور الجديد والالتزامات الدولية؛ والإفراج تدريجيا عن سجناء الرأي؛ وإصلاح القوات المسلحة لضمان احترام القانون الدولي لحقوق الإنسان والقانون الإنساني الدولي، بما يشمل التدريب؛ وإنشاء سلطة قضائية مستقلة ومحايدة. وبما أن ميانمار ليست طرفا إلا في اتفاقية حقوق الط فل واتفاقية القضاء على جميع أشكال التمييز ضد المرأة، فإن المقرّر الخاص يوصي بقوة بأن تنضم ميانمار إلى سائر صكوك حقوق الإنسان الدولية الرئيسية.
Source/publisher: United Nations (A/64/318)
Date of publication: 2009-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-10
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Arabic
Format : pdf
Size: 269.43 KB
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Title: AG 2009 (64me session): Informe del Relator Especial sobre la situaci?n de los derechos humanos en Myanmar (Espanol)
Description/subject: Resumen: "El presente informe se presenta en cumplimiento de la resoluci?n 63/245 de la Asamblea General y la resoluci?n 10/27 del Consejo de Derechos Humanos, y debe leerse junto con el informe del Relator Especial al Consejo de Derechos Humanos en su d?cimo per?odo de sesiones (A/HRC/10/19), ya que se centra principalmente en los acontecimientos en materia de derechos humanos ocurridos en Myanmar despu?s de la presentaci?n de ese informe. En el per?odo bajo examen el juicio de Aung San Suu Kyi fue el acontecimiento m?s importante. Los 18 meses adicionales de arresto domiciliario le impiden participar activamente en las elecciones de 2010. El Relator Especial considera que la continuaci?n de su arresto domiciliario es un golpe a la hoja de ruta en siete etapas para la transici?n a la democracia del Gobierno y lamenta que el Gobierno de Myanmar haya perdido otra oportunidad de demostrar su compromiso con la celebraci?n de unas elecciones no excluyentes, libres e imparciales. El informe se concentra en las cuestiones de la protecci?n de los derechos humanos. En particular, destaca la situaci?n de los presos de conciencia, su derecho a un juicio imparcial y a las garant?as procesales, y en las condiciones de su detenci?n, as? como en la libertad de expresi?n, reuni?n y asociaci?n en el contexto de las pr?ximas elecciones de 2010. A continuaci?n se examinan los conflictos internos, la protecci?n de la poblaci?n civil, la discriminaci?n y la necesidad de asistencia humanitaria. El Relator Especial reitera su recomendaci?n sobre los cuatro componentes b?sicos de los derechos humanos: una revisi?n de la legislaci?n nacional en consonancia con la nueva Constituci?n y las obligaciones internacionales; la progresiva puesta en libertad de los presos de conciencia; la reforma de las fuerzas armadas para garantizar el respeto de los derechos humanos y del derecho humanitario internacionales, incluida la capacitaci?n; y el establecimiento de un poder judicial independiente e imparcial. Dado que Myanmar es parte solamente en la Convenci?n sobre los Derechos del Ni?o y la Convenci?n sobre la eliminaci?n de todas las formas de discriminaci?n contra la mujer, el Relator Especial recomienda en?rgicamente que se adhiera a los dem?s principales instrumentos internacionales de derechos humanos."
Source/publisher: Naciones Unidas (A/64/318)
Date of publication: 2009-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-10
Type: Individual Documents
Category:
Language: Espanol, Spanish
Format : pdf
Size: 120.68 KB
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Title: GA 2009 (64th Session): Report by the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar (English)
Description/subject: Summary: "The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 63/245 and Human Rights Council resolution 10/27. It should be read in conjunction with the report of the Special Rapporteur to the Human Rights Council at its tenth session (A/HRC/10/19), since it focuses mainly on the human rights developments in Myanmar since that report. The trial of Aung San Suu Kyi was the most significant event of the period under review. The additional 18-month house arrest bars her from actively participating in the 2010 elections. The Special Rapporteur considers that the continuation of her house arrest is a blow to the Government?s seven-step road map to democracy and regrets that the Government of Myanmar missed another opportunity to prove its commitment to hold inclusive, free and fair elections. The report concentrates on human rights protection issues. In particular, it highlights the situation of prisoners of conscience, their right to a fair trial and due process of law and conditions of their detention; as well as freedom of expression, assembly and association in the context of the upcoming elections in 2010. It continues with a review of internal conflicts, the protection of civilians, discrimination and the need for humanitarian assistance. The Special Rapporteur reiterates his recommendation of four core human rights elements: a review of national legislation in accordance with the new Constitution and international obligations; the progressive release of prisoners of conscience; the reform of the armed forces to ensure respect for international human rights and humanitarian law, including training; and the establishment of an independent and impartial judiciary. Since Myanmar is party only to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Special Rapporteur strongly recommends that it accede to the other core international human rights instruments."
Source/publisher: United Nations (A/64/318)
Date of publication: 2009-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-10
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 108.15 KB
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Title: GUILTY AS PLANNED
Description/subject: The SPDC?s sentence that extended Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s house arrest for another 18 months further demonstrates the military regime's ambitions to silence Burma?s greatest hope for peace and national reconciliation. The sentencing of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a vicious part of the SPDC?s ?roadmap” to ensure that the most viable pro-democracy candidates will be unable to run in the 2010 elections..... ?Guilty as planned” covers the trial and sentencing of Daw Aung Suu Kyi, the recent SPDC crackdown on pro-democracy advocates, as well as the broad condemnation of the SPDC?s actions from the international community."• On 11 August 2009, following an 86-day sham trial, the military regime sentences Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to three years in prison with hard labor for allegedly violating the conditions of her house arrest. Shortly after the verdict?s announcement, SPDC Chairman Sr Gen Than Shwe commutes the sentence to 18 months to be served under house arrest. • On 2 October, the regime denies Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s appeal on her conviction, which effectively bars her from participating in the SPDC?s planned 2010 elections. • The sentencing of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a vicious part of the SPDC?s ?roadmap” to ensure that the most viable pro-democracy candidates will be unable to run in the elections. • UN Special Rapporteur on human right in Burma Tomás Ojea Quintana says that the continuation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s house arrest was a ?blow” to the SPDC?s roadmap. • In September, the number of political prisoners reaches a record high 2,211. Over the past 12 months, Burma?s military regime has sentenced 351 dissidents to prison terms, including 86 NLD members, 50 members of the 88 Generation Students group, and 25 Buddhist monks. • With a few exceptions, the the international community broadly condemns the trial and conviction of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.".... 1 DAW SUU CONVICTED; 2 Baseless trial, scripted verdict; 3 SPDC divided under pressure; 4 Climate of fear; 4 Roadmap to prison... 5 INT?L REACTIONS: 5 ASEAN; 6 Thailand; 6 Indonesia; 6 Malaysia; 6 Philippines; 7 Singapore; 7 Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam; 7 China; 7 India; 8 UN; 8 US; 9 EU... 9 THE LADY SPEAKS: 9 Dialogue; 10 Constructive engagement; 11 Sanctions, investment, tourism; 11 Humanitarian aid; 11 Role of the military... 12 TRIAL TIMELINE... 17 INT?L REACTIONS... 22 LEGISLATORS.
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma
Date of publication: 2009-10-07
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-07
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Title: Roots and Resilience - Tasang dam threatens war-torn Shan communities
Description/subject: ?The report ?Roots and Resilience” by the Shan Sapawa Environment Organization focuses on the ecologically unique area of Keng Kham, a community of 15,000 that was forcibly relocated over ten years ago; the majority have fled to Thailand. Today the estimated 3,000 that remain are managing to maintain their livelihoods and culture despite the constant threats of the Burma Army and the impending Tasang dam. Indigenous Shan cultural practices, river-fed farms, sacred cave temples and pristine waterfalls are depicted in photos from this isolated war-zone, together with updated information about the dam project, which has been shrouded in secrecy. The 7,110 MW Tasang Dam is the biggest of five dams planned on the Salween River; the majority of the power from the dam will be sold to Thailand. Project investors include the Thai MDX Company and China?s Gezhouba Group Company. Thailand?s support for the controversial dam was recently reiterated when the project was included in its national Power Development Plan. Military tension has escalated in recent months in Shan State as the Burmese regime has been putting pressure on the United Wa State Army to transform into a ?Border Guard Force.” Abuses linked to anti-insurgency campaigns are also on the rise.?
Source/publisher: Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization
Date of publication: 2009-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-05
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Thai
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.79 MB 4.67 MB
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Title: Criminal appeal cases No 173/2009 and No 174/2009 rejected and judgment and decree of Yangon North District Court confirmed
Description/subject: "YANGON, 2 Oct —Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Daw Khin Khin Win and Ma Win Ma Ma (a) Ange Lay filed appeals against the judgments at Yangon Division Court as they were dissatisfied with the judgments of the Criminal Regular Trial 47/2009. These were the criminal appeal cases No 173/2009 and No 174/2009. Regarding their appeals, Yangon Division Court heard the final arguments on 18 September..."
Source/publisher: "The New Light of Myanmar"
Date of publication: 2009-10-03
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-03
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 22.68 KB
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Title: Thailand: New Problems Challenge Old Solutions
Description/subject: "Burmese refugees have been living in Thailand for more than two decades. The situation is fluid: resettlement programs have provided tens of thousands of people with new lives, while a new wave of conflict in Burma is changing the political landscape and forcing thousands of new refugees to flee into Thailand. While the Royal Thai Government should be commended for its willingness to host new arrivals, it must also respond to the fact that ongoing conflict in neighboring Burma will prevent refugees from going home anytime soon. To address the regional challenges of the conflict in Burma, the Thai government needs to implement a more progressive refugee policy and the U.S. and other donor governments must provide flexible funding for Burmese humanitarian assistance."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
Date of publication: 2009-09-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-10-01
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Activism in Burma
Description/subject: "Since the Burmese army?s brutal military crackdown on Buddhist monks and other peaceful protestors in September 2007, a constant refrain has been, ?What happened to the monks?” ...This report attempts to answer that question. It tells the story of many among hundreds of monks who were arrested and beaten, and the more than 250 monks and nuns who remain in prison today, often with decades remaining on their sentences. It tells the story of large numbers of monks who left their monasteries, returning to their villages or seeking refuge in other countries. And it tells the story of monks who remained, many of whom live under constant surveillance...".....TABLE OF CONTENTS: * The Resistance of the Monks * Map of Burma * I. Summary * II. Burma: A Long Tradition of Buddhist Activism * III. The Role of the Sangha in the 1988 Uprising and After the 1990 Election * IV. Aung San Suu Kyi and Buddhism * V. The SPDC and Buddhism * VI. The Reemergence of Buddhist Political Activism in Burma * VII. The September 2007 Crackdown * VIII. Cyclone Nargis and Its Aftermath * IX. International Networks * X. Conclusion * XI. Recommendations * Acknowledgments * Appendix I: Terminology and Abbreviations * Appendix II: Letter to the Penang Sayadaw U Bhaddantapannyavamsa from the Burmese Foreign Ministry, October 27, 2007[195] * Appendix III: Statement by Sasana Moli, the International Burmese Monks Organization, May 2008
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
Date of publication: 2009-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-22
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: BURMA?S FORGOTTEN PRISONERS
Description/subject: A campaigning report with photos and profiles of some of the 2100 political prisoners (2009)...KEY FACTS ABOUT BURMA?S POLITICAL PRISONERS: • Activists and anyone outspoken against military rule have been routinely locked up in Burma?s prisons for years. • There are 43 prisons holding political activists in Burma, and over 50 labor camps where prisoners are forced into hard labor projects. • Beginning in late 2008, closed courts and courts inside prisons sentenced more than 300 activists including political figures, human rights defenders, labor activists, artists, journalists, internet bloggers, and Buddhist monks and nuns to lengthy prison terms. Some prison terms handed down were in excess of one hundred years. • The activists were mainly charged under provisions from Burma?s archaic Penal Code that criminalizes free expression, peaceful demonstrations, and forming organizations. • The sentencing was the second phase of a larger crackdown that began with the brutal suppression of peaceful protests in August and September 2007. The authorities arrested many of the activists during and in the immediate aftermath of the 2007 protests or in raids that swept Rangoon and other cities in Burma in late 2007 and 2008. • More than 20 prominent activists and journalists, including Burma?s most famous comedian, Zargana, were arrested for having spoken out about obstacles to humanitarian relief following Cyclone Nargis, which struck Burma in May 2008. • There are now more than 2,100 political prisoners in Burma—more than double the number in early 2007.
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
Date of publication: 2009-09-16
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-18
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English; French (extracts)
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Title: Thailand: Directive on birth registration of 17 February 2009 (Burmese)
Description/subject: This document updates the MOI Directive of 23 August 2008
Source/publisher: Thai Ministry of the Interior (MOI)
Date of publication: 2009-01-17
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-18
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese
Format : pdf
Size: 117.92 KB
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Title: On the Edge of Survival: The Continuing Rat Infestation and Food Crisis in Chin State, Burma
Description/subject: Executive Summary" "Since late 2007, the people of Chin State have been struggling with massive food shortages and hunger after the vast bamboo forests that cover the mountainous landscape of Chin State began to flower and die- a process that occurs twice every century. Already struggling for their survival due to decades of severe economic repression and human rights abuses, this natural disaster has left the Chin people on the edge of survival. This report is a follow-up to CHRO?s July 2008 report, ?Critical Point: Food Scarcity and Hunger in Burma?s Chin State,? which first brought worldwide attention to the dire humanitarian conditions facing the Chin people. This report provides an update on the current conditions in Chin State, the effects of the food crisis, and responses taken to assist people in the affected areas of Chin State. The bamboo of Chin State began to flower in late 2006. Attracted to the fruit produced by the bamboo, the flowering process triggered an explosion in the rat population. After exhausting the fruit supply, the rats turned on people?s crops and food supplies, causing massive food shortages for local villagers dependent on farming for their livelihood and subsistence. In 2008, CHRO estimated that as many as 200 villages were affected by severe food shortages associated with the bamboo flowering, and no less than 100,000 people, or 20 percent of the entire population of Chin State, were in need of immediate food aid. CHRO now believes those figures are much higher. Since CHRO first reported on the crisis, food shortages spread to seven townships in Chin State as well as parts of Sagaing Division. Up to 82 percent of the farmland has been destroyed in certain affected regions of Chin State. In several villages, each and every household is in need of immediate food aid. The consequences of the food crisis are also more apparent now. Over 54 people are known to have died due to the effects of extreme malnourishment and famine-related disease; children comprise the majority of recorded deaths. As access to affected regions is limited, this number is likely to be an underestimate. Disease and malnourishment is widespread, particularly among women, children, and the elderly. Children with little ability to concentrate on studies due to hunger have been forced to drop out of school in order to help their families forage for food: school enrollment rates are down 50 to 60 percent from last year. Several thousand Chin have fled their villages to search for food elsewhere. More than 4,000 have already arrived to the India and Thailand border. Villagers are now struggling with hunger and severe malnutrition due to food shortages in Chin State. Children are particularly at risk of malnourishment. (? CHRO, 2007) Up to 82 percent of the farmland has been destroyed in certain affected regions of Chin State. (? CHRO, 2009) The situation has been made more acute by the ruling military regime?s utter neglect of the suffering, compounded by policies and practices of abuse and repression against Chin civilians. As thousands struggle with hunger, starvation, and disease, the SPDC continues practices of forced labor, extorting excessive amounts of money from villagers, confiscating people?s land and property, in addition to other severe human rights abuses. Such actions have strained the Chin people?s ability to cope with the impacts of the natural disaster. Since the food shortages were first reported by CHRO, efforts have been made to respond to the food crisis. After initially dismissing the situation in Chin State, the WFP conducted a follow-up investigation and eventually acknowledged the existence of food shortages in Chin State. During a recent mission to the area, WFP reported ?food consumption *to be+…worse than any other region visited by the Mission.? WFP and their coordinating partners initiated relief programs in early 2009 that continue to be implemented in various affected areas of Chin State. Chin community-based groups in India have also organized relief teams to deliver food aid to remote villages in Chin State. These teams are responsible for delivering over 30,000 kilograms of rice to 54 villages in six townships from May to July 2009 alone. Despite concerted efforts from multiply fronts to assist the affected population, Burma?s military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), continues to do nothing to respond to the food crisis in Chin State. Rather, the SPDC has exacerbated the crisis through sustained human rights abuses and economic repression, further undermining the livelihoods and food security of the Chin people. Forced labor, extortion, and confiscations of land and property continue unabated within the affected areas. SPDC has denied repeated requests for food aid, even as it reports a rice surplus. Local authorities have banned villagers from receiving foreign aid, threatening reprisals against anyone who accepts foreign aid. Government neglect and continued abuse; inadequately supported relief efforts; and pervasive hunger and food shortages have the potential for catastrophic humanitarian consequences. The effects of the bamboo flowering and rat infestation are expected to last three to five years. During the last bamboo cycle, half a century ago, 10,000 to 15,000 people reportedly died due to the associated effects of hunger and disease in neighboring Mizoram State. The people of Chin State today struggling with the same natural disaster have the added burden of military repression, abuse, and neglect. They are on the edge of survival now; but their struggle is far from over."
Source/publisher: Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO)
Date of publication: 2009-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-18
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.38 MB
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Title: CHINA'S MYANMAR DILEMMA
Description/subject: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY" "Each time global attention is focused on events in Myanmar, concerned stakeholders turn to China to influence the military government to undertake reforms. Yet simply calling on Beijing to apply more pressure is unlikely to result in change. While China has substantial political, economic and strategic stakes in Myanmar, its influence is overstated. The insular and nationalistic leaders in the military government do not take orders from anyone, including Beijing. China also diverges from the West in the goals for which it is prepared to use its influence. By continuing to simply expect China to take the lead in solving the problem, a workable international approach will remain elusive as Myanmar continues to play China and the West against each other. After two decades of failed international approaches to Myanmar, Western countries and Beijing must find better ways to work together to pursue a wide array of issues that reflect the concerns of both sides. The relationship between China and Myanmar is best characterised as a marriage of convenience rather than a love match. The dependence is asymmetric -- Myanmar has more to lose should the relationship sour: a protector in the Security Council, support from a large neighbour amid international isolation, a key economic partner and a source of investment. While China sees major problems with the status quo, particularly with regards to Myanmar's economic policy and ethnic relations, its preferred solution is gradual adjustment of policy by a strong central government, not federalism or liberal democracy and certainly not regime change. In this way, it can continue to protect its economic and strategic interests in the country. In addition to energy and other investments, Myanmar's strategic location allows China access to the Indian Ocean and South East Asia. But Beijing's policy might ultimately have an adverse effect on Myanmar's stability and on China's ability to leverage the advantages it holds. Political instability and uncertainty have resulted in a lack of confidence in Myanmar's investment environment, and weak governance and widespread corruption have made it difficult for even strong Chinese companies to operate there. Myanmar's borders continue to leak all sorts of problems -- not just insurgency, but also drugs, HIV/AIDS and, recently, tens of thousands of refugees. Chinese companies have been cited for environmental and ecological destruction as well as forced relocation and human rights abuses carried out by the Myanmar military. These problems are aggravated by differences in approach between Beijing and the provincial government in Yunnan's capital Kunming, which implements policies towards the ethnic ceasefire groups. At the same time, resentment towards China, rooted in past invasions and prior Chinese support to the Communist Party of Burma, is growing. Myanmar's leaders fear domination by their larger neighbour, and have traditionally pursued policies of non-alignment and multilateralism to balance Chinese influence. Increasing competition among regional actors for access to resources and economic relationships has allowed Myanmar to counterbalance China by strengthening cooperation with other countries such as India, Russia, Thailand, Singapore, North Korea and Malaysia. The military government is intensely nationalistic, unpredictable and resistant to external criticism, making it often impervious to outside influence. While China shares the aspiration for a stable and prosperous Myanmar, it differs from the West on how to achieve such goals. China will not engage with Myanmar on terms dictated by the West. To bring Beijing on board, the wider international community will need to pursue a plausible strategy that takes advantage of areas of common interest. This strategy must be based on a realistic assessment of China's engagement with Myanmar, its actual influence, and its economic and strategic interests. The West could better engage China to encourage Myanmar's government to commit to a truly inclusive dialogue with the opposition and ethnic groups. In addition to talks on national reconciliation, dialogue should also address the economic and humanitarian crisis that hampers reconciliation at all levels of society. At the same time, China should act both directly and in close cooperation with ASEAN member countries to continue support for the good offices of the United Nations as well as to persuade the military to open up."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Report No. 177)
Date of publication: 2009-09-14
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-16
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Chinese
Format : pdf
Size: 1.17 MB
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Title: Total Impact: The Human Rights, Environmental, and Financial Impacts of Total and Chevron
Description/subject: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "Two western oil companies are currently partnered with the Burmese military regime in a remote corner of southern Burma (Myanmar) on one of the world?s most controversial development projects: The Yadana Gas Project by the France-based Total and the US-based Chevron. "Yadana", which means "treasure" in Burmese, is a large-scale project that transports natural gas from the Andaman Sea across Burma?s Tenasserim region to Thailand, where it generates electricity for the Bangkok metropolitan area. The gas is transported through an overland pipeline that passes through the dense jungle and rugged terrain of a secluded and environmentally sensitive ethnic area in southeast Burma. From the project?s beginning, the Burma Army has been tasked with providing security for the companies and the pipeline and has committed widespread and systematic human rights abuses against local people. EarthRights International (ERI) has been documenting human rights abuses related to the Yadana Project since 1994, and new evidence collected through 2009 attests to the on-going violent abuses committed by the Burma Army providing security for the companies and the project. Abuses include extrajudicial killings, torture, and other forms of ill-treatment; widespread and systematic forced labor; and violations of the rights to freedom of movement and property. Based on new and original evidence, this report further documents the Burma Army?s role in the construction phase of the Yadana Project as well as its continuing connection to the companies and the pipeline. Rather than acknowledge its inherent and close relationship with Burma?s armed forces, Total has traditionally denied the connections between its company and the Burma Army in its project area, raising important ethical questions about the company?s willingness to misrepresent its material risks to investors and shareholders. In addition to the localized human rights impacts in the pipeline region, the Yadana Project has been a significant factor in keeping the Burmese military regime financially solvent. This report documents for the first time the aggregate revenue generated by the Yadana Project for the ruling SPDC, from 2000 to 2008. Rather than contribute to Burma?s economic development, the billion dollar revenues from the project have instead contributed to high-level corruption: the revenue is not accounted for in Burma?s national budget and according to reliable sources it is stored in two offshore banks in Singapore. Moreover, there are apparent correlations between the SPDC?s increasing financial wherewithal and its overall authoritarian behavior. While the severity and seriousness of the human rights and financial impacts of the Yadana Project are logical focal points of concern, the environmental impacts of the project cannot be discounted. This report presents information that details serious problems with Total?s Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), a document which ERI obtained through US courts and which is now part of the public record; details of which are published here for the first time. Villagers in the pipeline corridor also report ongoing adverse impacts associated with an ill-conceived environmental protection group established and supported by Total in the pipeline corridor. Rather than acknowledge or attempt to mitigate these and other known impacts of the Yadana Project, Total CEO Christophe de Margerie has publicly told critics to "go to hell" and instead focused resources on public relations, including claims that the Yadana gas has made neighboring Bangkok a cleaner city. Total has also systematically whitewashed their complicity in abuses and authoritarianism in Burma in three key ways: first, and most directly, Total has commissioned a number of impact assessments by the US-based CDA Collaborative Learning Projects (CDA), which the corporations tout as evidence that the Yadana Project hurts no one and benefits many. These impact assessments and their fundamental flaws are the subject of the ERI report "Getting it Wrong" (2009). Second, the companies repeatedly misuse both these impact assessments and third-party reports and statements, asserting that others support their claims that there are no abuses in the pipeline area. Third, the companies promote their local "socio-economic" program and declare that it provides economic, educational, and health benefits to every person in the pipeline corridor. While many of the companies? socio-economic efforts might be desirable in theory, local villagers argue that these programs have not worked the way the companies claim they do, if at all. Moreover, ERI has found that the true effectiveness of these local projects have never been independently or fully examined and verified; and regardless of the effectiveness of these programs, they do not exonerate the companies from accountability for complicity in human rights violations and they do not erase the deeper national impacts connected to the revenue stream from the Yadana Project to the SPDC. Total and Chevron?s impacts in Burma are profound. ERI makes several specific demands of the companies and calls on the corporate and investment community and policymakers to seriously consider the ethics of Total and Chevron?s operations in Burma, and to heed the recommendations included at the end of this report."
Source/publisher: EarthRights International
Date of publication: 2009-09-10
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-11
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Getting it Wrong: Flawed "Corporate Social Responsibility" and Misrepresentations Surrounding Total and Chevron?s Yadana Gas Pipeline in Military-Ruled Burma (Myanmar)
Description/subject: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "Since the early 1990s, two western oil companies have partnered with the Burmese military regime in a remote corner of southern Burma (Myanmar) on one of the world?s most controversial development projects: The Yadana Gas Project by France-based Total and US-based Chevron. "Yadana", which means "treasure" in Burmese, is a large-scale project that transports natural gas from Burma?s Andaman Sea to Thailand through an overland pipeline that passes through a secluded and environmentally sensitive region in southeast Burma. From the project?s beginning, the Burma Army has been tasked with providing security for the companies and the pipeline and has committed widespread and systematic human rights abuses against local people. Well-documented allegations of violent and systematic abuses include extrajudicial killings, rape, torture, forced labor, land confiscation, and forced relocation. Many of these abuses and others are ongoing and are documented in the ERI report "Total Impact"(2009). Total and Chevron have repeatedly denied complicity in abuses committed by the Burma Army against people living in the pipeline area. The truth has been laid bare, however, through multiple lawsuits brought by Burmese villagers in U.S. and European courts, in out-of-court settlements between the companies and victims of abuses, as well as in detailed and firsthand documentation by EarthRights International and others, published in numerous advocacy reports since 1996. Rather than accept responsibility to mitigate harms caused by their operation, to this day Total and Chevron continue to misrepresent their impacts in Burma, to the detriment of the people directly affected by the project and the people of Burma as a whole. This report documents in detail how impact assessments commissioned by Total were flawed in methodology and factually inaccurate and incomplete, particularly those undertaken by the Corporate Engagement Project (CEP) of US-based CDA Collaborative Learning Projects (CDA). It also documents and analyzes brazen misrepresentations of the project by the oil companies, who continue to claim that there are no abuses in the pipeline area and that their project in Burma is wholly positive. CDA describes its Corporate Engagement Project, under the rubric of which it has conducted field assessments for Total in Burma, as an initiative that aims to help companies ensure that their operations? impacts on local communities are positive rather than negative. Branded as "independent experts" by Total, CDA has visited Burma five times since 2002 and published five reports based on a mere 20 days in the pipeline region. The reports promote an overall favorable view of Total and Chevron?s impacts and presence in Burma. This is in stark contrast to the enormous body of evidence and testimony of villagers in the Yadana region collected by ERI and other organizations since the mid-1990s. This report and its companion, "Total Impact", are intended to provide an accurate and current picture of the Yadana Project. Part I of this report details CDA?s myriad flaws in Burma in no less than 10 areas pertaining to its methodology for assessing Total?s impacts in Burma, and ranging from its naive and misguided attempts to conduct "open" interviews with villagers in Burma?s repressive and closed society, to their failure to adequately assess impacts in villages just outside the narrowly-defined pipeline corridor. Among other oversights, CDA interviewed villagers within earshot and eyesight of military intelligence, soldiers, Total staff, and through interpreters provided by Total. Information obtained in such compromised settings is questionable in any human rights investigation or impact assessment, but especially in Burma where retaliation against critics of the regime and its business partners is well-documented. The fact that CDA failed to take proper security precautions for those it interviewed, who in advance of CDA?s visits were warned by the Burma Army about criticizing the companies, further casts doubt on CDA?s findings. Even if the conclusions of the CDA reports were not compromised by these and other methodological flaws described in Part I of this report, the reports have been repeatedly distorted and publicly misrepresented by Total and Chevron. Part II of this report catalogues the companies? perversions of their presence in Burma as well as the companies? public misuse of the CDA reports. For example, Total has repeatedly made false, bold and unsubstantiated claims to have eradicated forced labor in the pipeline corridor, and has claimed further that both CDA and the ILO have found there is no forced labor in the pipeline corridor, which is untrue: This report documents that neither CDA or the ILO have ever stated that forced labor has been eradicated in the pipeline corridor. On the contrary, forced labor is prevalent and ongoing in the pipeline corridor; even more so in the entire pipeline area. EarthRights International?s documentation indicates that human rights abuses connected to the Yadana Project are ongoing and systematic, that the companies are responsible for these crimes, and that Total and Chevron have misrepresented their impacts in Burma. There is a great deal the companies could do to improve their presence in Burma. "Getting it Wrong" concludes that the Yadana Project is far from a model of responsible investment under difficult conditions, and CDA?s assessments of the project should no longer be relied upon as accurate or credible."
Source/publisher: EarthRights International
Date of publication: 2009-09-10
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-11
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States (Part I, Vol. II)
Scott, James George, Sir; Hardiman, J. P. (John Percy)
Source/publisher: Government of Burma
Date of publication: 1899-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-10
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 11.57 MB
Local URL: PDF icon Scott_1-2-red.pdf
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Title: Substance Abuse, Drugs and Addictions: Guidebook
Description/subject: "Substance abuse refers to the harmful or hazardous use of psychoactive substances, including alcohol and illicit drugs. It can also be simply defined as a pattern of harmful use of any substance for mood-altering purposes. Generally, when most people talk about substance abuse, they are referring to the use of illegal drugs. But illegal drugs are not the only substances that can be abused. Alcohol, prescribed medications, inhalants and even coffee and cigarettes, can be used to harmful excess. Substance abuse can lead to dependence syndrome - a cluster of behavioural, cognitive, and physiological phenomena that develop after repeated use including a strong desire to take the drug, persisting in its use despite harmful consequences, increased tolerance, and a physical withdrawal state. In this guidebook, based upon the situation in our community, we present the most common substances that are often abused, how they are used, their street names, and their intoxicating and health effects.".....CONTENTS:- Part I: Alcohol... Amphetamine, Yaba, Ecstasy... Benzodiazepines... Betel Nut and Betal Leaf (Kwan-ya)... Cannabis... Cocaine - (Crack)... Codeine... Heroin... Volatile Substance or Inhalants ... Methadone... Opium... Tobacco..... PART II:- General Views of Substance Abuse... Chronic Effects of Alcoholism... Management in Substance Abuse Overdose... Psycho-Counselling for Substance Abuse.
Source/publisher: Aide Médicale Internationale, UNHCR
Date of publication: 2009-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-09
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 14.52 MB 12.65 MB
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Title: Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States (Part II, Vol III)
Description/subject: KEY WORDS AND PHRASES: Myingyan, Sagaing district, Myitkyina district, Shwegu, Sawbwa, Keng Tung, Myelat, Irrawaddy river, Chin Hills, Palaung, Yamethin, Amarapura, Pyinmana, Wuntho, Meiktila, Tang Yan, Chindwin river, Magwe, square miles, Northern subdivision
James George Scott, John Percy Hardiman
Source/publisher: Government of Burma
Date of publication: 1900-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-09
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 9.25 MB
Local URL: PDF icon Scott_2-3-red.pdf
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Title: Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States (Part II, Vol. I)
Description/subject: KEY WORDS AND PHRASES: kengtung, paddy cultivation, hkam, revenue paid, shwebo, eight annas, myingyan, land revenue, chindwin, east longitude, bhamo, fifteen houses, hsen, revenue amounted, daung, mawk mai, hsam tao, hsop nam, francis gamier, ken pwi
Scott, James George, Sir; Hardiman, J. P. (John Percy)
Source/publisher: Government of Burma
Date of publication: 1900-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-09
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Title: Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States (Part II, Vol. II)
Description/subject: KEY WORDS AND PHRASES: Key words and phrases kengtung, paddy cultivation, myingyan, revenue paid, hkam, eight annas, shwebo, east longitude, mogaung, fifteen houses, palaung, population numbered, hsen, upper burma, chindwin, deputy commissioner, irrawaddy flotilla, arakan yoma, mount victoria, hok lap
Scott, James George, Sir; Hardiman, J. P. (John Percy)
Source/publisher: Government of Burma
Date of publication: 1900-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-09
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Local URL:
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Title: Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States (Part I, Vol. 1)
Description/subject: KEYWORDS: hkam, upper burma, mogaung, lower burma, kachins, police posts, thibaw, military police, shans, hill tribes, hsen, six villages, bhamo, men five, shwebo, deputy commissioner, mindon min, ney elias, kanaung mintha, marco polo
Scott, James George, Sir; Hardiman, J. P. (John Percy)
Source/publisher: Government of Burma
Date of publication: 1899-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-09
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 15.13 MB
Local URL: PDF icon Scott_1-1-red.pdf
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Title: Corridor of Power - China?s Trans-Burma Oil and Gas pipelines
Description/subject: Introduction: "On June 16, 2009 China?s Vice-President Xi Jinping and Burma?s Vice-Senior General Maung Aye signed a memorandum of understanding relating to the development, operation and management of the "Myanmar-China Crude Oil Pipeline Projects." After years of brokering deals and planning, China has cemented its place not only as the sole buyer of Burma?s massive Shwe Gas reserves, but also the creator of a new trans-Burma corridor to secure shipment of its oil imports from the Middle East and Africa. China?s largest oil and gas producer -the China National Petroleum Corporation or CNPC - will build nearly 4,000 kilometers of dual oil and gas pipelines across the heartland of Burma beginning in September 2009. CNPC will also purchase offshore natural gas reserves, handing the military junta ruling Burma a conservative estimate of one billion US dollars a year over the next 30 years. Burma ranks tenth in the world in terms of natural gas reserves yet the per capita electricity consumption is less than 5% that of neighbouring Thailand and China. Burma already receives US$ 2.4 billion per year - nearly 50 percent of revenues from exports - from natural gas sales but spends a pittance on health and education; one reason it was ranked as the second-most corrupt country in the world in 2008. Entrenched corruption combined with energy shortages have led to social unrest in the conflict-ridden country; unprecedented demonstrations in 2007 were sparked by a spike in fuel prices. An estimated 13,200 soldiers are currently positioned along the pipeline route. Past experience has shown that pipeline construction and maintenance in Burma involves forced labour, forced relocation, land confiscation, and a host of abuses by soldiers deployed to the project area. A lack of transparency or assessment mechanisms leaves critical ecosystems under threat as well. Yet it is not only the people of Burma who are facing grave risks from these projects. The corporations, governments, and financiers involved also face serious financial and security risks. A re-ignition of fighting between the regime and ceasefire armies stationed along the pipeline route; an unpredictable business environment that could arbitrarily seize property or assets; and public relations disasters as a result of complicity in human rights abuses and environmental destruction all threaten investments. The Shwe Gas Movement is therefore calling companies and governments to suspend the Shwe Gas and Trans-Burma Corridor projects; shareholders, institutional investors and pension funds to divest their holdings in these companies; and banks to refrain from financing these projects unless affected peoples are protected."
Source/publisher: Shwe Gas Movement
Date of publication: 2009-09-07
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-07
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese (press releases in also in Chinese and Thai)
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 7.74 MB 2.33 MB
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Title: Burma Election 2010
Description/subject: Political Parties Registration Law (2/2010) ...Pyithu Hluttaw Electoral Law ...Technical Regulations for Political Party Registration (Order 1/2010) ...Union Election Commission Law..... More Articles... 1990 Election Results Annulled; NLD Offices Reopen Election Law Meets Widespread Indifference, Opposition Ethnic Leaders To Boycott Election USDA Political Party-spinoff Expected Soon
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Date of entry/update: 2009-09-04
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Title: NOWHERE ELSE TO GO: An examination of sexual trafficking and related human rights abuses in Southern Burma
Description/subject: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "This report documents sexual trafficking and human rights abuses committed against Burmese women and children from 19 Townships in Mon State, Karen State, Tenasserim Division, Pegu Division, Rangoon Division and Mandalay Division. From 2004 to July 2009 the (Mon) Woman and Child Rights Project (WCRP)—Southern Burma documentation program compiled 40 separate incidents totaling 71 victims. This number represents only a small percentage of the instances of sexual trafficking from Burma to Thailand and other bordering nations, though the case studies of this report provide an important lens through which to view the present-day situation. Sexual trafficking and related human rights abuses are pervasive and arguably growing problems systematized by a harsh economic reality under the military rule of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Whereas the illegitimate junta has become a signatory of anti-trafficking protocols from the United Nations and founded internal regulatory committees to deal with such issues, the last decade has seen flagrant corruption along the border of Burma and Thailand. Government-organized NGOs dedicated to defending the ‘rights? of its people serve more as roadblocks than as catalysts for social advancement and equitable access to state resources. Facing a broken educational system most likely to betray them, women and girls inside Burma are left with few employable skills and must seek money in any way they can. A reeling marketplace stunted by the government?s economic mismanagement, increased militarization in rural and especially border areas, and the ear-ringing echoes of Cyclone Nargis and price fluctuations from a global economic downturn leave the women of the mainly-agrarian regions of Southern Burma with a glaring ultimatum: migrate or starve. The draw of being able to send money back to their home country in the form of remittances often cannot be tempered even by stories of corrupt traffickers, arrests, or dangerous and abusive living conditions upon arrival. Most of the incidents detailed in this report point to violent sexual abuses that took place during the trafficking process or upon arrival in Thailand, Malaysia, and other destinations. The interview subjects often narrate the types of factory and domestic jobs they were promised to contrast the illegal sex work and other exploitive labor they were forced to perform."
Source/publisher: Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP); Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
Date of publication: 2009-07-31
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-31
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.44 MB
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Title: Evolving conceptions of group rights in international law
Description/subject: "...For more than two centuries, European law and philosophy have been preoccupied with liberating individuals from groups, whether it be the family, church, class, or state. Thus while the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in 1948 acknowledged the psychological significance of social life, refering vaguely to the individual?s "duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible," it made no distinction between "community" and "state," and made no provision for the protection of groups other than the state itself. Its vision was restricted to the autonomy of individuals, and for the better part of forty years, every mention of group rights (or individual responsibilities) has invited charges of recidivism and statism. All around us, current events are challenging the usefulness of this traditional view. Linguistic, religious, national and ethnic factors are implicated in the great majority of civil disorders and "bush wars," aggravated by disparities in economic power that often seem as great within states as between North and South. The collective identity and rights of intermediate sized groups — religious congregations, ethnic communities, families — is no longer merely an academic proposition. On the contrary, there is growing awareness that according such groups collective legal identity and rights may be absolutely essential for resolving many of the tensions in today?s world without violence. My thesis is simple: recognizing the rights of groups other than States is a basic tool of peace..."
Russel Lawrence Barsh
Source/publisher: "Transnational Perspectives", Volume 13, Number 1, 1987
Date of publication: 1986-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-30
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 106.56 KB
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Title: Housing, Land and Property Rights in Burma: Towards New Strategies
Description/subject: "...Burma's citizens and their international friends need to move beyond the advocacy efforts relied upon during the past decades and identify new and refreshing ways of promoting positive change that starts with the people in Burma. An increasing reliance on HLP rights as a foundation for change, grounded deeply in the daily experience of their denial by the vast majority of those living in the country, and the clear range of concrete actions that can be carried out beginning today to improve the HLP situation in the country, could provide a whole new way of transforming the landscape of the country. A novel vision of Burma is required; a vision where all are adequately housed, where all have secure tenure to their land, where displacement as a policy tool is relegated to history, where basic services are enjoyed by all and where Burma's towns and cities become the bustling, modern, vibrant pride and joy of all the peoples within Burma as they go about living lives of dignity, prosperity, equality and security. HLP strategies could provide the basis for transforming this vision into reality, and the time to commence this work is now"
Scott Leckie
Source/publisher: Burma Lawyers' Council, ("Lawkapala" No. 32) via Displacement Solutions
Date of publication: 2009-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-29
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: MYANMAR: TOWARDS THE ELECTIONS
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "The bizarre prosecution and conviction of opposition leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for violating her house arrest has returned attention to repression in Myanmar, as preparations were underway for the first national elections in twenty years, now scheduled for 2010. This further undermined what little credibility the exercise may have had, especially when based on a constitution that institutionalises the militaryâ�" a number of prominent regime opponents have been arrested and sentenced to prison terms over the last year â�" the constitution and elections together will fundamentally change the political landscape in a way the government may not be able to control. Senior Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye may soon step down or move to ceremonial roles, making way for a younger military generation. All stakeholders should be alert to opportunities that may arise to push the new government toward reform and reconciliation. At first glance, the obstacles to change seem over­whelming. The 2008 constitution entrenches military power by reserving substantial blocs of seats in the national and local legislatures for the army, creating a strong new national defence and security council and vesting extraordinary powers in the commander-in-chief. It prevents Aung San Suu Kyi from standing for president, even if she were not imprisoned. It is extremely difficult to amend. And while not all regulations relating to the administration of the elections have been an­nounced, they are unlikely to offer much room for manoevre to opposition parties. But the elections are significant because the controversial constitution on which they are based involves a complete reconfiguration of the political structure â�" establishing a presidential system of government with a bicameral legislature as well as fourteen regional governments and assemblies â�" the most wide-ranging shake-up in a generation. The change will not inevitably be for the better, but it offers an opportunity to influence the future direction of the country. Ultimately, even assuming that the intention of the regime is to consolidate military rule rather than begin a transition away from it, such processes often lead in unexpected directions. This report looks at the elections in the context of Myan­marâ�™s constitutional history. It examines key provisions of the 2008 constitution and shows how many of the controversial articles were simply taken from its 1947 or 1974 predecessors. Noteworthy new provisions include strict requirements on presidential candidates, the establishment of state/regional legislatures and governments, the reservation of legislative seats for the military, military control of key security ministries, the authority granted to the military to administer its own affairs (in particular military justice) and the creation of a constitutional tribunal. Criticism of the constitution from groups within Myan­mar has focused on military control, ethnic autonomy, qualifications for political office, and the very difficult amendment procedures. The main reaction of the populace to it and the forthcoming elections is indifference, rooted in a belief that nothing much will change. Some of the so-called ceasefire groups â�" ethnic minorities that have ended their conflicts with the government â�" are endorsing ethnic political parties that will take part in the polls. These groups take a negative view of the constitution but feel that there may be some limited opening of political space, particularly at the regional level, and that they should position themselves to take advantage of this. There are increased tensions, however, as the regime is pushing these groups to transform into border guard forces partially under the command of the national army. The National League for Democracy (NLD), winner of the 1990 elections, has said it will only take part if the constitution is changed, and it is given the freedom to organise. Assuming this will not happen, it is not yet clear if it will call for a complete boycott in an attempt to deny the elections legitimacy or urge its supporters to vote for other candidates. A boycott could play into the hands of the military government, since it would not prevent the election from going ahead and would mainly deprive non-government candidates of votes, potentially narrowing the range of voices in future legislatures. The Myanmar authorities must make the electoral process more credible. Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners must be released now and allowed to participate fully in the electoral process; politically-motivated arrests must cease. It also critical that key electoral legislation be promulgated as soon as possible, in a way that allows parties to register without undue restriction, gives space for canvassing activities and ensures transparent counting of votes. The international community, including Myanmarâ�™s ASEAN neighbours, must continue to press for these measures while looking for opportunities that the elections may bring. This will require a pragmatic and nuanced strategy towards the new government at the very time, following a deeply flawed electoral process, when pressure will be greatest for a tough stance. The new Myanmar government, whatever its policies, will not be capable of reversing overnight a culture of impunity and decades of abuses and political restrictions. But following the elections, the international community must be ready to respond to any incremental positive steps in a calibrated and timely fashion. To have any hope of inducing a reform course, it is critical to find ways to communicate unambiguously that a renormalisation of external relations is possible..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Report N°174)
Date of publication: 2009-08-20
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-24
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.49 MB
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Title: PEKING AND THE BURMESE COMMUNISTS: THE PERILS AND PROFITS OF INSURGENCY - MEMORANDUM FOR RECIPIENTS
Description/subject: "This study documents a case where Peking's policy towards a client Communist movement has been guided throughout by primary regard for China's national interest.This is illustrated in the study's examination of Peking's facility in conducting a two-level policy, state-to-state and support of 'insurrection of Peking's readiness to subordinate Burmese Communist interests to those of China where necessary; of China's present direction of a "Burmese Communist" insurgency whose basis is for the most part neither Burman nor Communist; and of the apparent insistence of Peking that resolution of continuing state-to-state differences shall occur only on its own terms . The study also illustrates that Chinese material support of Communist insurrection was in fact significantly less than seemed to be the case prior to the rupture of Sino-Burmese relations in 1967, and has been significantly greater since that time than has come to light...".....The CAESAR, POLO, and ESAU Papers -- Cold War Era Hard Target Analysis of Soviet and Chinese Policy and Decision Making, 1953-1973 -- were made public in May 2007 under the US Freedom of Information Act
Source/publisher: UN Govt. (The CAESAR, POLO and ESAU Papers)
Date of publication: 1971-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-17
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: A law in force and its effects
Description/subject: Commentary on the status of laws enacted under the 1974 Constitution
A Lawyer
Source/publisher: "The New Light of Myanmar"
Date of publication: 2009-08-15
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-15
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 18.97 KB
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Title: A Struggle between Truth and Injustice - A Comprehensive Report on The Unfair Trial of Democracy Leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (2nd Edition)
Description/subject: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY" "Due to intrusion of an American citizen into her residence compound in May 2009, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was taken into custody by the State Peace and Development Council. She, not her guards, was accused of violating terms of her house arrest, a sentence she began serving approximately six years ago. The trial of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is politically motivated and is a way for the SPDC to continue her custody from Insein prison. Since the beginning of her house arrest in 2003, the SPDC declared Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's detainment was a temporary 'protective custody.' The sixth year of her detention was extended last year, although current laws in Burma suggest an extension was illegal. This year, the SPDC is attempting to extend her detention under the pretext of a show trial in order to prevent her participation in the current political process and 2010 parliamentary election. This unfair verdict, as we the NLD-LA expected at the outset, has now demonstrated that the SPDC bluntly ignored the international community's calls for her release and opening a door for the national reconciliation that Burma needs badly. The military regime is indeed attempting to permanently purge Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from Burma's political scene. The National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) compiled data and information regarding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi' trial. This report demonstrates this trial is politicallymotivated; procedures and sentencing do not follow existing Burmese law, highlights the weaknesses and injustices in the legal process of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's trial, and shows how flawed the legal system in Burma is under the SPDC military rule. It also points out the 'crisis of Constitution', the term Daw Aung San Suu Kyi used to symbolize the trial. This comprehensive report includes transcripts of the trial of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her two colleagues that reside in her residence. This report includes information from sources inside Burma and refers to articles printed in the state-run news paper 'New Light of Myanmar'..."
Source/publisher: National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) Research and Documentation Unit
Date of publication: 2009-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-15
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 846.38 KB
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