Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports

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Title: Myanmar Surgeon Arrested by Junta Dies After Contracting COVID-19 in Prison
Description: "A 45-year-old surgical lecturer from Mandalay arrested by the military regime in June died of COVID-19 at a local hospital on Sunday after becoming infected with the coronavirus in prison. Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun, a lecturer at the Department of Surgery in Mandalay University of Medicine, and his wife Dr. Swe Zin Oo, a specialist at Mandalay Hospital, were arrested by the junta on June 13 in Maha Aungmyay Township. Dr. Swe Zin Oo has reportedly also been infected with the coronavirus in prison. The striking couple were charged with incitement under Section 505-A of the Penal Code for refusing to work under the military regime. The regime amended Section 505-A in mid-February and many pro-democracy supporters have been charged under that section. Anyone found guilty of the charge could be sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. The military regime also accused the two of having ties to the National Unity Government (NUG), a shadow government designated by the junta as a terrorist group, and its parliamentary committee, and charged them under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act and Section 124 of the Penal Code for high treason. In its reports of the arrest, the military described the couple as fugitives. Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun’s mother confirmed that he died early Sunday morning after suffering a serious case of COVID-19. The lecturer did not receive timely treatment after he was infected with the coronavirus in Mandalay’s Obo Prison, but was sent to Mandalay Hospital after his situation got worse, said sources close to him. Dr. Zaw Wai Soe from the NUG wrote on social media that the military regime was responsible for all the tragedies happening in Myanmar including the death of Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun. The regime would be brought to trial for its crimes against humanity, he said. Health professionals from Mandalay released a statement of condolence for Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun, saying he would be remembered as a martyr for his bravery and sacrifices in the face of military rule. They also vowed to continue to fight until a new federal democratic country emerges. The military regime has drawn criticism for arresting volunteers and doctors who are helping COVID-19 patients independently of its anti-coronavirus efforts, while urging them to join hands with it to curb the pandemic. In July, five volunteer doctors were arrested while working for a community-based COVID-19 prevention and charity group in Yangon’s North Dagon Township, after they were lured to a house by a fake COVID-19 emergency. The junta has arrested at least 157 health workers including Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the former national immunization director at the now junta-controlled Ministry of Health and Sports, and charged them with incitement. The regime has accused Dr. Htar Htar Lin of misappropriating COVID-19 vaccination funds..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-09
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 7 August 2021)
Description: "As of 7 August, (960) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (12) fallen heroes today. These (12) fallen heroes from Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 7, a total of (5512) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Khun Nyein Chan, Khun Bay and Khun Phoe O, living in Kayan Tharyar Village in Kayah State’ Loikaw Township, were arrested by the terrorist military at the Kayan Tharyar checkpoint in Loikaw on August 6. They were arrested on suspicion of an alleged connection to the PDF after inspecting their phones. Wai Yan Tun a.k.a Myo Myo, a dance teacher, who was arrested on June 24 for allegedly being a protest leader in Mohnyin Town, Kachin State, was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on July 31. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”...."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-07
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Size: 1.34 MB 5.33 MB 1.78 MB
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Title: Six Months After Coup, the World has Failed the People of Myanmar
Sub-title: Brave activists in Myanmar are still resisting the coup -- at great cost. An international campaign to ban arms sales and target gas sales could help.
Description: "Six months after the Myanmar military’s February 1 coup, some things are now clear. Most apparent is that there is no limit on the violence and repression the military under the commander-in-chief, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, is willing to use to hold onto power and destroy its opponents. This, of course, is nothing new for an institution that ran one of the world’s most brutal dictatorships for 50 years, that in 2017 committed what a United Nations-backed international fact-finding mission called genocide against the ethnic Rohingya, that carried out rampant war crimes for decades against other ethnic groups, and that has never taken responsibility for the corruption and poverty that makes Myanmar one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia. When the junta arrested political leaders such as State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and members of parliament, it also effectively nullified the results of the November 2020 elections and implicitly acknowledged that its experiment with “managed democracy” had failed. The military then resorted to what it knows best: the use of force. Yet it appears to have misjudged the public response. People quickly poured onto the streets in a massive display of resistance that swiftly coalesced into what is called the “Civil Disobedience Movement.” Faced with the threat of people power, security forces have killed over 900 demonstrators and bystanders, including an estimated 75 children, and injured thousands more. The junta has arbitrarily detained thousands of protesters, activists, journalists, lawyers, doctors and nurses. Many have been tortured, while all risk falling ill with COVID-19 in the country’s squalid and already overcrowded prisons. The junta has shut down hospitals and targeted medical professionals, leading to a collapse of the health system as COVID-19 surges across the country. They have arrested journalists reporting on the crackdown, closed independent media, and effectively shut down the internet and phone service after almost daily images appeared showing soldiers and police firing into peaceful crowds. What is also abundantly clear is that the Myanmar people have no plans to back down. As a friend told me from hiding: “We have experienced dictatorships for 50 years, coups, annulling the 1990 election, massacres of student protesters, killing of Buddhist monks and nuns in the [2007] Saffron Revolution. Millions of people have marched in spite of soldiers who we know will shoot us. Civil servants have stopped working in protest. People have refused to have anything to do with the state. Many have stopped paying income and sales tax, utility bills, and fees since February 1. We are scared but we are not going to give in to these thugs and let them take away our future.” Another thing that is very clear is that while some international organizations and governments have talked a good game, the response has gone from inadequate to dismal. While some leaders have issued strong statements denouncing the coup and announced targeted sanctions against junta officials, they also have cynically decided to hide behind the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a club dominated by dictators whose chief principle is “non-interference in the internal affairs” of other members. True to form, when ASEAN held a special meeting on Myanmar in April it couldn’t even agree to call for the release of all political prisoners. The main outcome was a plan to appoint a special envoy, but more than three months later none has been appointed. Knowing that there was no chance that ASEAN would come together to exert significant pressure on one of its own members, the U.S., U.K., E.U., Japan, and Australia nevertheless issued statements suggesting that ASEAN should take the lead in resolving the crisis. The reality is that ASEAN is serving as the perfect foil for the junta, trying to run the clock out in hopes the world loses interest or another crisis explodes elsewhere. The world needs to end this diplomatic charade. While the U.K., the lead country on Myanmar issues at the UN Security Council, is concerned that China and Russia would use their veto, it should follow the lead of the General Assembly and circulate a binding resolution to ban arms sales. It should also call for the sanctioning of entities that provide the funds that keep the junta afloat. The U.K., U.S., France, and other Security Council members should make it clear that, if Beijing and Moscow do use their veto, they will submit the same resolution over and over again until they relent. Until then, they should announce a coalition of states that will engage in “maximum, coordinated sanctions” that would block payments to the junta and state-owned enterprises from foreign-financed oil and gas projects, such as those operated by Thailand’s PTT, France’s Total, and the U.S. behemoth Chevron. Gas revenues are the military’s largest source of foreign currency income, adding up to an estimated $1 billion annually in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, tariffs, and other profits. This is the lifeblood of the junta, without which it cannot survive..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-07
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 6 August 2021)
Description: "As of 6 August, (948) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 6, a total of (5502) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Peter Aung, Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Hpei Hkon Township, Shan State and also NLD member Maung Lwat, Zin Thaw Hein, Sai Lu, Maung Thet, were arrested by the junta at a checkpoint in Shan State’s Nant Hsan Township on July 30. Nan Sandar Win and Nan Hsu Paing Phue, 4 th year students of Mawlamyine University, living in Sin village in Mon State’s Paung Township, were arrested by the terrorist junta on August 3, and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code then sent to Mon State’s Kyeikmaraw Prison on August 4. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-06
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Size: 1.33 MB 5.21 MB 1.79 MB
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Title: Bi-weekly situation update by the Karenni Civil Society Network, July 19-Aug 1, 2021: Summary of SAC violations in Karenni State and Pekhon Township - ကရင်နီလူမှုအသင်းအဖွဲ့များကွန်ယက်၏ နှစ်ပတ်တကြိမ် အခြေအနေ တင်ပြချက် ဇူလိုင် ၁၉ ရက် – သြဂုတ် ၁ ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် – ကရင်နီပြည်နယ်နှင့် ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ် အတွင်း စစ်ကော်စီ၏ ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ အကျဉ်း
Description: " People arrested In Karenni State the total number of people arrested since the coup has increased from 132 to 135 during the past two weeks. The three arrested, including a young woman, were aid volunteers, who were on the way to provide assistance to one of the IDP camps on July 30, 2021.  Ongoing military aggression The SAC troops have been continuing clearance operations in the areas where KNDF and IDPs are staying, so on July 23 the KNDF issued a statement that fighting could occur at any time. On July 19, SAC troops who had set up a camp near Kalilyah village, Nan Peh village tract, in Bawlake township fired artillery into the village. On the same day, SAC troops based in Bawlake town also shelled artillery into Nan Peh village, about 10 kilometers away After the shelling, SAC troops in civilian clothes patrolled around the villages of Taw Khu, Kalilyah, Nan Peh and Tah Leh. Most of the villagers of Kalilyah and Nan Peh have now fled to hide in the jungle. On July 20, 2021, the SAC shelled into Pruso town for no apparent reason. Residents of Pruso suddenly heard loud explosions of shells, but luckily no one was injured or killed. On July 22, 2021, at 4 pm, KNPP troops and KNDF troops ambushed a convoy of SAC trucks transporting rations and troops near Kayan Thayar village and Kyauk Kone village in Loikaw township. On July 31, 2021, at 11:45 am, KNPP troops and KNDF troops clashed with SAC troops near Pah Tima village and Daw Muklah village in Loikaw township. The SAC troops, from LIB 261 and LIB 250, were heading to IDP camps in Kayan Thayar village tract and Pakyeh village tract in Loikaw township, on the instructions of the Eastern Regional Command and Loikaw-based military command.  Situation of IDPs and humanitarian aid The new displacement of 812 villagers from Kalilyah and Nan Peh villages in Bawlake township, due to ongoing SAC artillery attacks on civilians, has raised the total numbers displaced to almost 120,000 in all townships of Karenni State and Pekhon township. This has increased the need for food, medicine and shelter for the IDPs. Some villagers have risked returning to their original villages to try and farm their lands, but dare not bring their children with them in case fighting breaks out again. They therefore leave their children in the IDP camps, where makeshift schools have been set up..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Civil Society Network
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 5 August 2021)
Description: "As of 5 August, (948) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Ye Township in Mon State and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 5, a total of (5497) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Pyay Thein, who was arrested while protesting in Ye Township, Mon State on March 22 and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained at Kyeikmaraw Prison, died on August 4 in prison. Even though police said he died from diabetes, Pyay Thein had never suffered from diabetes according to his family’s friend. Myo Chit, a member of Minkin PDF of Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township, who was trapped and arrested along with over 50 members of Minkin PDF on July 28 at Taung Phyu Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township, was killed on August 3 in an interrogation center in Kalay Town. Thet Htar Hnaung, MP for Kachin State Hluttaw of No (1) Constituency of Mohnyin Township, Kachin State and also NLD member, was arrested and beaten around 2am of August 4 by junta soldiers and those wearing plain clothes. Approximately six people were arrested along with her at the home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] “Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
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Size: 1.32 MB 5.57 MB 1.8 MB
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Title: Civilian Dies in Myanmar Junta Custody
Description: "A civilian detained by the junta for his alleged involvement in bomb attacks has died in military custody, according to relatives of the victim. The August 1 issue of regime-controlled newspapers claimed that the 23-year-old victim Ko Htet Ko Oo was arrested with two other people and a homemade gun and explosives at a warehouse in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan Township on July 20. Ko Htet Ko Oo’s family said that he left his hometown of Pyapon in Ayeyarwady Region on May 15 along with friends to work in Yangon. They learned of his arrest only after it was reported in newspapers. “Those who arrested him have told us nothing. But we have been told by a reliable source that he is dead. We can confirm that he is dead,” a family member told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. The regime had accused Ko Htet Ko Oo of having undergone military and explosives training in Karen State in territory controlled by the Karen National Liberation Army’s (KNLA) Brigade 5. The KNLA is the armed wing of the powerful ethnic organization, the Karen National Union. Relatives said that they want justice for Ko Htet Ko Oo. The military regime’s spokesperson has not yet responded to The Irrawaddy’s question about his death. Dozens of people, including members of the National League for Democracy, are feared to have died in military custody since the junta’s Feb. 1 coup. Among the dead are Ko Soe Moe Hlaing, a veteran pro-democracy activist and the younger brother of Lieutenant General Than Hlaing, the junta’s deputy home affairs minister and police chief. As of Tuesday, 946 people, including children, have been killed by junta forces since the coup. 5,478 people have been detained and arrest warrants issued for another 1,964 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 4 August 2021)
Description: "As of 4 August, (946) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 4, a total of (5495) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Khin Mar Lin, a chair of Myittar Lay Nyin Social Association of Nan Mar Town in Kachin State’s Mohnyin Township, was arrested at 1am on August 4 by the terrorist junta. Other people were arrested along with her. In addition to this, Min Min Tun, a political activist from Pyay Town and NLD member of Pyay Township in Bago Region, was arrested on the morning of August 3 by the terrorist junta when his father’s funeral ceremony was being held. Nan Sandar Win and Nan Su Paing Phue, 4th year students of Mawlamyine University, living in Sin Village in Mon State’s Paung Township, were arrested at their homes by the terrorist junta in the evening of August 3. Moreover, Thinzar Tun, third year student of University of Nursing, living in King Ma Village in Magway Region’s Pauk Township, was arrested on the way from King Ma Village to Kan Ma Village on August 2. Three youths from King Ma Village were also arrested with Thinzar Tun. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.32 MB 5.47 MB 1.77 MB
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Title: Myanmar military leader declares self PM, pushes back elections | DW News
Description: "Southeast Asia's top diplomats are meeting to discuss the ongoing violence in Myanmar. The foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are also hoping to finalize an emergency plan to help control the pandemic there. On Sunday Myanmar's military leader declared himself prime minister and extended military rule until August 2023. As we report, some protesters are determined to keep fighting back despite the risks. A warning to our viewers - you may find some of the footage in this report disturbing. Big protests have become too risky. In their place, flash mobs - often lasting only a few minutes - have been breaking out in Yangon and other cities. They yell "Down with the dictatorship, we must overcome" - a brief battle cry before they disappear into the back streets. Six months after the coup, Myanmar has become a full-fledged military state. Its leader and self-declared Prime Minister, Min Aung Hlaing has extended the state of emergency, and pushed back long-promised elections until August 2023. Likely to be missing from the list of candidates: Aung San Suu Kyi. The deposed leader is facing a slew of charges in what many observers are calling a sham trial. Adding to the political and economic turmoil, the country is seeing a sharp spike in COVID-19 cases - pushing the health care system closer to the brink of collapse, as people wait in line to get oxygen. With many medics part of the civil disobedience movement, they've become a target of violent abuse by the military. Human rights organizations are calling on the international community to act. Activists say they will never be able to trust the military. That's a sentiment echoed by many around the country. Six months after the coup, Myanmar increasingly looks like a tinderbox waiting to explode..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
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Title: Two New Deaths in Custody Bring Total to 32 Since Myanmar Coup
Sub-title: Police once again blame COVID-19, despite the bodies exhibiting signs of severe trauma.
Description: "Two more people have died under suspicious circumstances while undergoing interrogation by security forces in Myanmar, bringing to 32 the total number of such deaths since the military seized power in a coup d’état six months ago. In nearly all the cases, authorities have blamed the deaths on COVID-19, despite markings on the bodies of decedents that are consistent with torture. Family members have also been given limited access to view the remains of their loved ones before they are cremated or buried. The latest to die in police custody was Htet Ko Oo, who was arrested on July 19 in connection with the bombing of the Shwe Nandaw (Golden Palace) jewelry shop in Myanmar’s largest city Yangon. The July 8 incident was the second in less than a month targeting a business owned by Thet Thet Khine, the junta’s minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement. According to Burma VJ, a website formed by a group of citizen journalists that documents human rights abuses by Myanmar’s military, Htet Ko Oo died on July 31 after being severely beaten during an interrogation session. The website said that authorities never informed his family members of his death and that they only learned of it after seeing a report on social media. RFA was unable to contact Htet Ko Oo’s family for comment on Tuesday. Lan Ko Thang, a resident of Sagaing region’s Kalay township, was arrested along with a friend on July 29 while returning home from the Chinese border, where he had labored as a migrant worker for nearly a year. Police had set up a checkpoint to control the spread of the coronavirus following a surge in cases in China and claimed to have “found weapons” on him after stopping the bus he was riding on for an inspection. Lan Ko Thang died a day after his arrest at an area interrogation center and his family was informed that the cause of death was COVID-19, even though his body exhibited signs of heavy trauma, a relative told RFA’s Myanmar Service, speaking on condition of anonymity citing fear of reprisal. “When we asked how he died, the military said he died of COVID, but our brother had a lot of injuries all over his body,” said the relative. “There was a big wound on his head and one of his legs and one of his arms were broken. There were beating marks on his back and leg. There were also marks on his neck, as if he had been strangled. We are furious.” RFA was unable to verify police reports that Lan Ko Thang was armed, but a resident of Kalay called him “calm and quiet,” adding that it was “totally impossible” that he would have had any weapons on him. Lan Ko Thang is the fifth person to die from suspected torture while in custody in Kalay since the military ousted Myanmar’s National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a Feb. 1 coup. Government troops have engaged in a major offensive in the region with members of the People’s Defense Force (PDF) militia, formed to protect the public from the military. A resident of Kalay, who declined to be named, said the rise in arrests and deaths from torture during interrogation has made residents “very insecure.” “These days, many houses are being raided and people are being arrested. It’s not safe even on the streets in the afternoon. People are always scared,” they said. “I don't know where [the troops] are getting all their information. They search any house they want without a warrant. Most of those arrested were kept in detention without any reason. Troops have been stationed at the city gates for some time. People have been arrested there too.” Veteran lawyer Kyee Myint told RFA that any death that occurs during an interrogation should be considered wrongful and families of victims are entitled to file a lawsuit seeking compensation. Family members have said they were unaware of how to file a complaint against the military and questioned what kind of justice they could expect if they did. Seeking accountability On Feb. 1, the military overthrew Myanmar’s democratically elected government, claiming voter fraud had led to a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party in the country’s November 2020 election. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule, killing 946 people over the past six months. Last month, the family members of those killed or maimed by junta soldiers urged the Netherlands-based International Criminal Court (ICC) to prosecute those responsible for the death or dismemberment of their loved ones. They say the military’s leadership must be held to account for its actions, which they believe fall under the court’s jurisdiction according to its founding treaty, the Rome Statute. Under the statute, the ICC can accept cases related to four main crimes—genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. The actions by the junta would most likely fall under crimes against humanity—which include murder, rape, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, and torture as part of a large-scale attack against any civilian population. Aung Myo Min, human rights minister for the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), recently told RFA that torturing someone to death and not providing the actual cause of death is “a grave violation” of a person’s right to life. He said the NUG is systematically collecting data on extrajudicial killings and plans to bring the perpetrators to justice at the ICC. Before the ICC will investigate a case, the Office of the Prosecutor must determine whether there is sufficient evidence of crimes of sufficient gravity falling within the ICC’s jurisdiction, whether there are genuine national proceedings, and whether opening an investigation would serve the interests of justice and of the victims. After gathering evidence and identifying a suspect, the prosecution requests that the ICC judges issue an arrest warrant or summons against a suspect and—based on summations presented by the prosecution, the Defense, and the Legal representative of victims—the judges decide if there is enough evidence for the case to go to trial. Attempts by RFA to contact junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Tuesday..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 3 August 2021)
Description: "Updated 3 August 2021: As of 3 August, (946) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 3, a total of (5478) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Moe Zaw, who was arrested with four other villagers from Sone Ywar Kone Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Township on July 6, died on July 31 at Myingyan Hospital and found with injuries consistent with torture from interrogation. Injuries on his dead body included knife cuts, cigarette burns on his back and his ribs and abdomen were bruised with gunstock. Policeman Phyo Zaw Hein from Yesagyo Town in Magway Region, who is involved in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was assaulted and arrested on August 1 by police wearing plain clothes. In addition to this, three youths named Soe Thura Moe, Aung Myo Chit and Zaw Khet, who were involved in the Motorbike Strike Column in Pyinmana, Nay Pyi Taw, were arrested at their homes on the night of August 1. Moreover, Aung Sein, Pyithu Hluttaw MP from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, was arrested at his home in Dawei on the night of July 30. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.32 MB 5.17 MB 1.73 MB
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Title: Myanmar Coup Chief Amends Counterterrorism Law
Description: "Myanmar’s coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing signed an amendment to the Counterterrorism Law on Monday, introducing harsher penalties for supporting anti-regime activities. Under the amendment, the jail term is increased from three to seven years for “acts of exhortation, persuasion, propaganda and recruitment of any person to participate in any terrorist group or activities of terrorism”. Legal analysts said the amendment is a threat to media reports in support of the National Unity Government (NUG) and the People’s Defense Force (PDF) because it allows the military junta to prosecute outlets under the false pretext of propaganda. They also said the different nature of the Counterterrorism Law makes it harder for the accused to prove innocence. In other criminal cases, the prosecution is responsible to prove the defendant guilty. But under the Counterterrorism Law, the accused has to prove their innocence. In May, the military regime branded the NUG, its parliamentary committee and their offshoot civilian defense forces as “terrorist groups” for alleged acts of incitement against the junta. The NUG designated the military and its affiliated organizations as terrorist groups on June 7 for perpetrating acts of terrorism towards innocent civilians, creating public fear for political motives to control the country. A total of 945 people, including children, were killed between February and August 2 by the regime with 5,474 people under detention and arrest warrants issued for 1,964 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
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Title: Myanmar’s Junta Releases Jailed Anti-Coup Activists And Government Employees
Sub-title: But critics see a stunt to gain international recognition for the self-styled 'caretaker government.'
Description: "Myanmar’s junta on Monday released jailed political activists and government employees who took part in anti-coup protests, a day after announcing that it would extend its hold on power, in what observers say was a move meant to appease international critics of its rule. Monday’s amnesty comes a day after military chief Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing declared himself prime minister in a newly formed “caretaker government” that will rule through 2023. He said he would release all political detainees who had not played a leading role in anti-junta Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Political analysts said the use of the term “caretaker” is an attempt by the junta that overthrew Myanmar’s elected government to get recognition as a civilian government at the United Nations General Assembly in September. Among those released Monday were prominent critics of the junta, including the abbot of Myawaddy Mingyi Monastery, Ven. Ariyabiwuntha; Dr. Pyae Pyo Naing, from the Mezaligone Sub-district Hospital of Ayeyarwady region’s Ingapu township; and Dr. Than Min Htut, the Chief of the Pathein District Hospital in Ayeyarwady. The junta’s Ministry of Home Affairs said 27 state employees who were imprisoned for joining the CDM would be released in Ayeyarwady region on Monday, while an official from the Yangon Region Prisons Department said that around 20 prisoners would be freed. The names and exact number of those permitted to leave detention were not provided. Ven. Ariyabiwuntha, who was arrested on the day of the military’s coup d’état for criticizing its interference in Myanmar’s political system, was released from Mandalay’s Oboe Prison, his lawyer Zey Lin Maung told RFA’s Myanmar Service. “He was arrested on Feb. 1 and disrobed that very day. The following day, he was charged under Section 500 of the Penal Code for ‘defamation of the military’ and taken to court for a trial that lasted the next several months,” he said. “Finally, on June 15, he was found guilty … and sentenced to six months in prison with labor. It seems he was freed because he had completed his term [on Aug. 2].” Dr. Pyae Pyo Naing, who was arrested on Feb. 11, had been charged under Section 188 of the Penal Code, which prohibits civil servants from refusing to follow orders, and Section 25 of the Disaster Management Law, his lawyer, Hla Tin, told RFA. Hla Tin said it was not immediately clear why Dr. Pyae Phyo Naing’s case was closed or why he was released from Hinthada Prison, where he had been held for the past six months. “[The guards] said his brother came to pick him up. As far as I know, he was arrested for joining the CDM,” he added, referring to the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement against junta rule. Dr. Than Min Htut, who was arrested on March 12 and charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code for “state defamation,” was released from Pathein Prison Monday morning, according to a statement on his social media page. ‘Nothing surprising about this’ In a state television statement and a speech by Min Aung Hlaing in civilian attire, the military regime on Sunday extended army control over the country of 54 million people to two-and-a-half years, more than double the one-year emergency the junta announced days after it ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government on Feb. 1. Sunday’s announcement came exactly six months after the army seized power, alleging that Aung San Suu Kyi’s landslide re-election victory in the country’s November 2020 election was the result of extensive voter fraud. The junta, which has yet to produce evidence of its claims, has violently responded to widespread protests, killing 945 people and arresting 5,474, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). On July 26, the junta annulled the results of the 2020 election, drawing condemnation from political parties who condemned the move as illegal and said they will not honor it. An official from the AAPP told RFA on condition of anonymity that Monday’s amnesty was simply a bid by the military to dampen international criticism of its rule. “This is their usual practice,” he said. “There is nothing surprising about this, nor is there any reason to be thankful. These people shouldn’t have been arrested in the first place and they shouldn’t have been in prison at all.” The official suggested additional amnesties will occur as pressure continues to build on the regime. Monday’s release comes nearly five weeks after the junta freed 2,296 inmates from various prisons across the country in a move that was greeted with skepticism by critics who called it a stunt to gain international recognition. Despite the two amnesties, the AAPP estimates that more than 5,400 people remain in custody on politically motivated charges—including deposed State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, the chief ministers of various regions and prominent political activists, as well as CDM employees and other civilians. Bid to prolong power On Monday, political analysts mostly dismissed Min Aung Hlaing’s announcement that he was reorganizing the junta’s management committee into a caretaker government with himself as prime minister, calling it part of a bid to prolong his grasp on power. Kyaw Thiha, an NLD candidate who won a seat in parliament in the 2020 elections, results of which the junta annulled last week, said Min Aung Hlaing had planned to rule Myanmar ever since he became commander in chief of the country’s defense forces and that the move was made to secure his role at the top. “He wanted to be No. 1, no matter how deep in poverty it put the country or how many people died as a result. He cannot think of anything else,” he told RFA. Dr. Sai Kyi Zin Soe, a human rights researcher, said Min Aung Hlaing had formed a caretaker government with himself in the role of a “caretaker prime minister” in civilian clothes “to gain international recognition more easily.” “It isn’t as easy for him as a military leader,” he said. Despite the transformation, some observers predicted that the junta will not easily survive without popular support, noting the brutality it has demonstrated during the past six months. Thar Tun Hla, chairman of the Rakhine National Party (RNP), said he fears such a lack of support could lead Min Aung Hlaing to extend his control of the country again before the two years of state emergency are up. “We are worried he might come up with additional delays in the long term,” he said. Defending the junta, Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the military-aligned Thayninga Strategic Studies Institute, told RFA the junta had been transformed to “govern more effectively.” “Its legitimacy will follow automatically after it has taken control of the country and made progress,” he said. Third wave worsens Amid the political machinations, the coronavirus continues to set records in Myanmar, where the healthcare system is now at the brink of collapse due to a poorly managed third wave of outbreaks. The country’s public hospitals are operating at maximum capacity and have been turning away all but the most seriously ill, while others were forced to settle for treatment at home amid shortages of basic medical necessities, including oxygen supplies critical to mitigating hypoxia. The number of COVID-19 infections rose Monday to a total of 306,354 with at least 10,061 deaths, according to the junta’s Ministry of Health and Sports, although the actual number is believed to be substantially higher, based on reports by charity groups that provide free burial services. More than 60 percent of reported deaths have occurred in the past month alone, with the number of confirmed cases doubling in the last two months. On Monday, 16 international aid agencies warned of a humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar, citing soaring rates of infections in communities in Kayah state and the eastern Bago region, which have witnessed mass displacement in recent months due to fighting between the military and People’s Defense Force (PDF) militias formed to protect the public in the wake of the coup. Healthcare facilities remain shuttered throughout the country as healthcare workers who have joined the CDM face violence and threats, while more than 400 doctors and 180 nurses have been given arrest warrants since the takeover, the agencies said in a joint statement. Meanwhile, lockdown measures, travel restrictions, bureaucratic impediments and insecurity are hampering humanitarian service delivery, they said, adding that cases of food insecurity and indebtedness are expected to climb significantly in the coming months, due to rising food prices, job losses and currency depreciation. “As aid agencies operating in Myanmar, we call on political leaders to do everything possible to assist the people of Myanmar in their hour of need,” the statement said. “Their actions should include the immediate … scale up [of] aid and vaccination for all across Myanmar,” the groups said, adding that the military must end its attacks on healthcare workers and provide urgent access to assistance for those who require it..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 2 August 2021)
Description: "Updated 2 August 2021: As of 2 August, (945) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Mandalay in Mandaly Region, Kalay Township and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of August 2, a total of (5474) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Sai Ye Yint a.k.a Myo Chit Thu, who was shot in the groin and detained when the terrorist junta raided a home where youth protesters were staying in Patheingyi Township, Mandalay Region in the morning of July 31, died that same morning. The body was not returned to his family. Moreover, the condition of Khaing Tun who was shot in the leg and detained remains unknown, as with Sai Ye Yint a.k.a Myo Chit Thu initially. Lam Khant Htan and Lar Kein from Thar Yar Kone Village in Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township were arrested on July 30 on suspicion over weapons allegedly found in a private car they were passengers in when they arrived at the entrance of Kalay Town returning home from work in China. His family was informed on July 31 that Lam Khant Htan died due to COVID-19. However, it is reported his leg and hand were broken, with many injuries to the head, back, leg and neck. Lar Kein who was detained along with Lam Khant Htan is still being detained. 12 men who were arrested by terrorist junta’s troops on July 26 and July 27 in Sagaing Region’s Kani Township, were later found killed with injuries consistent with torture. These men included three brothers named Aung Myint Thu, Chin Twin Maung, and Phyo Kyaw Aung from Kani Town, seven men including a 14 year-old child from Thayet Taw Village, and two men from Kho Twin Village. Their bodies were found in the forest near East Taung Pauk Village in Kani Township on July 31. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-02
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Title: Military kills another protester in Mandalay and refuses to return the body to his family
Sub-title: Ye Yint, 22, died after he was shot in the pelvis and captured by junta forces on Saturday
Description: "A 22-year-old anti-coup protester who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid in Mandalay on Saturday morning has died in military custody, two protest organisers have told Myanmar Now. Ye Yint was among nine protesters who were detained when about 30 soldiers and police raided a house they were staying in in Patheingyi Township’s Nan Oo Lwin neighbourhood. He was shot in the pelvis while another young protester, 22-year-old Khaing Tun, was shot in the leg during the raid. “Two kids tried to run in panic and one was shot in his leg,” said one of the protest organisers. “The other one got shot in the back and the bullet went cleanly through his pelvis.” The detainees were brought to Mandalay Palace, which houses the military’s Central Command headquarters, and Ye Yint’s family was told at around 4pm that he had died, the second organiser said: “His wife told us.” As of 8pm, the family still had not been able to retrieve his body, the organiser added. Myanmar Now was unable to reach his relatives for comment. Three other protesters were detained in Mandalay on the morning that Ye Yint and Khaing Tun were shot. They were captured in Mahar Aung Myay Township after a military-owned vehicle rammed into their motorcycles as they rode back from a march led by Mandalar University students. One of those detained, Zin Myo Khant, is 17 years old. Late last month Thu Thu Zin, 25, was shot in the head and killed at a protest near the Mahamuni pagoda in Mandalay. Her family had to hold her funeral without her body because the military would not let them retrieve it..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-02
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Title: Myanmar: Coup Leads to Crimes Against Humanity
Sub-title: 6 Months After Takeover, Urgent Need for Targeted Sanctions, Arms Ban
Description: "Myanmar’s military junta has committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the February 1, 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said today. Since the military takeover, millions of people have taken to the streets across the country and peacefully protested for a return to a democratically elected civilian government. As part of a widespread and systematic attack on the population, security forces have repeatedly fired on and otherwise used excessive force to disperse and harm protesters. Police and soldiers have killed over 900 protesters and bystanders, including about 75 children, forcibly disappeared over 100 persons, and tortured and raped an unknown number in custody. Several thousand people have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. “Myanmar’s junta has responded to massive popular opposition to the coup with killings, torture, and arbitrary detention of people who merely want last year’s election results to be respected and a government that reflects the popular will,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “These attacks on the population amount to crimes against humanity for which those responsible should be brought to account.” The concept of crimes against humanity dates to at least 1915 and was part of the 1945 Charter of the International Military Tribunal that created the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), crimes against humanity are a series of offenses that are knowingly committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population. The offenses of Myanmar’s junta against those opposed to the military coup have been both a widespread and systematic attack against the population, Human Rights Watch said. The nature of the response, broad-based and frequently consistent, reflects government policy rather than the actions of individual security personnel. Apparent crimes against humanity committed since February 1 include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering. Human Rights Watch previously found that Myanmar’s military had committed crimes against humanity against the ethnic Rohingya population in 2012-2013 and again in 2017 as part of campaigns of ethnic cleansing. The authorities are committing crimes against humanity of apartheid, persecution, and severe deprivation of liberty against Rohingya currently living in Rakhine State. The UN-backed Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) is “closely following” events and is collecting evidence of possible crimes committed following the coup. The IIMM is also mandated to build case files to support efforts to hold individuals responsible for such crimes in criminal proceedings. The United Nations, regional bodies, and governments, including the European Union, United States, and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), should respond to the continuing crimes against humanity in Myanmar by supplementing, strengthening, and coordinating international sanctions against the military and the State Administration Council (SAC) junta leadership under Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. Actions should include targeted sanctions on individuals, a global arms embargo, and financial restrictions that would reduce the junta’s revenues from extractive industries. Governments should act to reduce the junta’s gas revenues, which are the military’s largest source of foreign currency income, adding up to about US$1 billion annually in duties, taxes, royalties, fees, tariffs, and other profits. The US, EU, UK, and others should block payments to the junta and state-owned enterprises from foreign-financed oil and gas projects, such as those operated by PTT, Total, and Chevron. Such measures can be designed to target the junta’s access to foreign accounts while allowing for the continued production of gas and electricity in the country. Since the coup, concerns about vetoes by China and Russia have deterred the United Nations Security Council from adopting resolutions to address the human rights crisis in Myanmar. The Security Council should urgently take measures against the junta, including by referring the situation in the country to the International Criminal Court (ICC), Human Rights Watch said. The court’s prosecutor is currently investigating the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution following the 2017 ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, as those crimes were completed in Bangladesh, an ICC member. The council should follow the June resolution of the UN General Assembly with its own resolution to impose a legally binding arms embargo and targeted sanctions on junta officials and key military leaders. The Security Council and UN member countries should end the pretense that ASEAN will place sufficient pressure on the junta to restore a democratically elected civilian government, release political prisoners, and hold those responsible for abuses to account, Human Rights Watch said. Since its summit meeting on April 24, ASEAN has failed to appoint a promised special envoy and has taken no meaningful steps to press the junta to address grave human rights concerns in Myanmar. “The international response to the Myanmar junta’s crimes against humanity has been stymied by fears of Security Council vetoes, ASEAN’s feckless leadership, and the EU’s hesitance to target foreign gas companies,” Adams said. “The Security Council and influential countries, notably the US, EU, Australia, Japan, India, and Thailand, should apply coordinated sanctions to pressure the junta to end its brutal repression.” Alleged Crimes Against Humanity Since the February 1 Coup The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court defines crimes against humanity as one of several offenses “committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.” “Widespread” refers to the scale of the acts or number of victims. A “systematic” attack indicates a pattern or methodical plan. Crimes against humanity can be committed during peacetime as well as during armed conflict. The statute defines “attack” as a “course of action involving the multiple commission of acts … pursuant to or in furtherance of a State or organizational policy.” The “attack” does not need to be a military attack as defined under international humanitarian law. Furthermore, “the term ‘population’ does not require that crimes against humanity be directed against the entire population of a geographical territory or area.” The ICC statute’s Explanatory Memorandum states that crimes against humanity “are particularly odious offenses in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of one or more human beings. They are not isolated or sporadic events but are part either of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority.” Myanmar is not a party to the ICC, but the UN Security Council could refer the situation in the country to the ICC. The Myanmar military’s killing of numerous protesters, enforced disappearance of opposition supporters taken into custody, torture and rape of many of those detained, and mass political detentions throughout Myanmar since the coup indicate that these abuses are widespread. The authorities have made statements that suggest that the response to the protests has also been systematic. On February 21, the State Administration Council stated in the government’s Global New Light of Myanmar: “Protesters are now inciting the people, especially emotional teenagers and youth, to a confrontation path where they will suffer the loss of life.” On March 26, the state MRTV news channel announced that demonstrators “should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back” and warned that “parents should also talk their children out of it [joining protests], let’s not waste lives for nothing.” This language was widely interpreted to signal that the security forces were planning to respond with force to planned protests the next day, Armed Forces Day. In a May 8 statement, the junta formally designated the opposition National Unity Government (NUG), its parliamentary committee, and their offshoot militias as “terrorist groups” for alleged acts of incitement against the junta, seemingly to justify a broad suppression campaign. The junta said that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) – composed of members of the majority party from the 2020 elections of the national parliament – and the NUG “constantly incited Civil Disobedience Movement participants to commit violent acts.” The following alleged crimes against humanity should be independently and impartially investigated: Murder Since the February 1 coup, the State Administration Council junta has responded to massive protests with excessive and lethal force. The police and military have killed over 900 people, most of whom were protesters and bystanders in many cities and towns across Myanmar, including Yangon (Hlaing Thayar, North Okkapala, and other townships), Mandalay, Bago, Monywa, and other townships in Sagaing region, Mindat township in Chin state, and other locations. International human rights standards permit law enforcement officials to use lethal force only as a last resort when there is an imminent threat to life. But in numerous cases reported in the media, and by the UN, Human Rights Watch, and other human rights organizations, the security forces fired on demonstrators who were unarmed and posed no apparent threat. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on April 13 denounced “yet another weekend of coordinated bloodshed in many parts of the country.” She said that “[t]he military seems intent on intensifying its pitiless policy of violence against the people of Myanmar, using military-grade and indiscriminate weaponry.” The UN Human Rights Committee, in its General Comment No. 37 on the right of peaceful assembly, has stated that “[f]irearms are not an appropriate tool for the policing of assemblies, and must never be used simply to disperse an assembly.… [A]ny use of firearms by law enforcement officials in the context of assemblies must be limited to targeted individuals in circumstances in which it is strictly necessary to confront an imminent threat of death or serious injury.” The crime against humanity of murder has been defined by ad hoc international tribunals as “the death of the victim which results from an act or omission by the accused, committed with the intent either to kill or to cause serious bodily harm with the reasonable knowledge that it would likely lead to death.” There have been a number of reports of large-scale shooting of protesters by the security forces. The UN reported that security forces killed 18 people on February 28. On March 3, security forces across the country fired live rounds at protesters, killing at least 38 and wounding more than 100, the UN reported. Killings were also reported in one day in Monywa, Sagaing region; Myingyan and Mandalay, Mandalay region; Salin, Magway region; and Mawlamyine, Mon state, according to media reports and local analysts. Human Rights Watch investigated incidents in which security personnel appeared to deliberately kill individuals. On March 3 in Yangon, at least 10 security force personnel were captured on video pushing a man ahead of a group of detainees and then fatally shooting him in the back at close range. Medical doctors told Human Rights Watch that security forces prevented them from reaching wounded protesters, some of whom died from blood loss. Doctors working in mobile clinics during protests said security forces used live rounds interspersed with rubber bullets and that many of the fatal injuries were from bullet wounds to the upper body. On March 13, the authorities killed at least nine protesters, including five in the Sein Pan area of Mandalay, when security forces reportedly shot into a crowd. On March 14 in Hlaing Thayar township, Yangon, security forces killed an estimated 58 people. On March 17, police pursuing protesters forced their way into Sandar Linn Shein’s family home in Bayintnaung, Mayangone township. She said they accused the family of sheltering protesters and began shooting indiscriminately, killing her older sister instantly and wounding her older brother in the chest and then arresting him. On March 27, Armed Forces Day, the day after the MRTV news channel announced that demonstrators “should learn from the tragedy of earlier ugly deaths that you can be in danger of getting shot to the head and back,” security forces carried out violent crackdowns on protesters in at least 40 towns and cities, killing dozens, Fortify Rights reported: “Eyewitness photographs and videos filmed [on March 27] show dead bodies, including children, and soldiers firing weapons street-level, dragging lifeless victims away, and brutally beating people.” In one case, security forces shot and wounded Aye Ko during a night raid in Mandalay. Local media reported that security forces dragged him away and then set him on fire. Residents said soldiers threatened to shoot anyone who tried to help him. In a another widely publicized incident on March 27, a video shows soldiers shooting and killing Kyaw Min Latt at close range as he drove by them on a motorcycle. On April 9, military personnel killed an estimated 82 people in Bago in a dawn assault on protesters’ barricades and encampments, according to media reports. On May 26, the Associated Press, in conjunction with the Human Rights Center Investigations Lab at the University of California, Berkeley, published an extensive and detailed report documenting killings. The AP and Human Rights Center alleged that the junta was using the killings, including by dragging bodies through the streets and returning mutilated corpses to families, to terrorize the population into ending the protests. They identified more than 130 instances in which “security forces appeared to be using corpses and the bodies of the wounded to create anxiety, uncertainty, and strike fear in the civilian population.” Enforced Disappearances Since the coup, Myanmar authorities have taken into custody and forcibly disappeared more than 100 politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, and protesters, and refused to confirm their location in violation of international law. Enforced disappearances are defined in the ICC statute as the arrest or detention of someone by the state or their agents followed by a refusal to acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate or whereabouts of the person, with the intention of “removing them from the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time.” Family members and friends of arrested anti-junta protesters told Human Rights Watch that not knowing where the person was being held heightened concerns about their safety and well-being. In many cases, families only received information informally about the location of their family member, such as when newly released detainees notified others that they had seen another person who had been detained. Some families believe that because a prison accepts a package for their family member, it is most likely the place where their relative is being held. However, there is no factual basis for this conclusion, and it does not relieve the authorities of their obligation to provide information on a detainee’s whereabouts, produce a detainee in court within 48 hours as provided by Myanmar law, and promptly allow access to counsel and family members. Torture Many of those detained for taking part in pro-democracy demonstrations said after their release that that security personnel tortured and otherwise ill-treated them and others in custody. Methods of torture reported include beatings, mock executions with guns, burning with cigarettes, and rape and threatened rape. While torture by police in criminal cases has long been a problem in Myanmar, coup opponents taken into custody have been at risk of routine beatings, torture, and gender-based violence, indicating that the mistreatment has been part of junta efforts to suppress the political opposition. One 19-year-old man told the media that on April 9 he was taken to a military compound on the outskirts of Bago after a deadly day of protests. He said the security forces used cables, the butts of guns, and bottles to beat him on his hands. “The commander tied my hands from the back and used small scissors to cut my ears, the tip of my nose, my neck and my throat,” he said. “[He] hit my head with a glass bottle, beat me up, pointed at me with guns but the bullets did not come out.” Protesters in Myeik, Tanintharyi region, said after their release that on March 9, security force members beat about 70 protesters detained during demonstrations with belts, rifles butts, pipes, wooden sticks, and chains. On April 19, the junta created a public outcry when it aired on MRTV the images of six young detainees who bore marks of torture suffered while they were detained. A 17-year-old boy told Human Rights Watch that he had been beaten for days while blindfolded, then forced into a pit and buried up to his neck in a mock burial. He said he and others arrested with him were denied food and water for four days and drank toilet water to survive. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said that since the coup, at least 22 people have been tortured to death during custody. Human Rights Watch investigated the case of Khin Maung Latt, 58, a ward chairman in Pabedan township in downtown Yangon. On the evening of March 6, witnesses saw soldiers and police forcibly enter Khin Maung Latt’s home, beat and kick him in front of his family, and then take him away at gunpoint. The next morning, after notification by the authorities, Khin Maung Latt’s family recovered his body from a hospital. The body had severe wounds to the hands and back and was covered in a bloody shroud, a witness said. Rape and Other Sexual Violence The UN special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence, Pramila Patten, condemned alleged sexual violence by the Myanmar authorities. She called for an end to the abuses and for unimpeded access for an independent investigation. In a June 25 statement she said: Night raids, arbitrary arrests, sieges of townships and neighborhoods, torture and deaths in detention, attacks on locations and sites where civilians are gathered or have fled, and reports of sexual violence in detention sites, particularly sexual assault, torture, physical and verbal abuse, and intimidation, have become an alarming feature of daily life. Mary Lawlor, the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, noted in a July 19 statement on Myanmar that “[w]omen human rights defenders are particularly at risk in remote rural areas and are often beaten and kicked before being sent to prison where they can face torture and sexual violence with no medical care provided.” The opposition National Unity Government reported that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people have been particularly vulnerable to sexual violence in custody. One transgender woman recounted after her release that she was raped in custody with an object, tortured, and severely beaten. Human Rights Watch investigated the case of a woman whom the police arrested on April 17 and accused of involvement in a series of bomb attacks against security forces in Yangon. Local media reported that police in Yankin township severely beat the woman, including on her genitals, causing vaginal bleeding, during interrogation at the police station. They beat her again at an interrogation center in Shwe Pyi Thar township, making it difficult for her to eat or urinate. Her cellmate said she herself was molested, threatened with a gun, and slapped during interrogation at another police precinct in Sanchaung township. On March 3 in Yangon, the authorities arrested two journalists, Han Thar Nyein and Nathan Maung, during a raid of their Kamayut Media office. Nathan Maung, who has been released, said the police beat them for days at an interrogation center and that Han Thar Nyein, who is now in Insein prison, was also burned with cigarettes and threatened with rape. Imprisonment or Other Severe Deprivation of Liberty in Violation of International Law On February 1, the military arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and several dozen other senior officials in early morning raids in the capital, Naypyidaw. They remain in detention. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has reported that since the coup, security forces have arrested 6,990 people, of whom 5,442 remain detained. In some instances, security forces have arrested and detained family members and friends of activists, protesters, and opposition members as a form of collective punishment. The AAPP said that at least 119 people, including an infant, have been arrested during raids when security forces were unable to find the person they sought to arrest. At least 83 of them remain in detention and some family members have been sentenced to prison terms. The junta has particularly targeted members of the media for arrest. Since February 1, the authorities have arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the AAPP. Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a criminal offense punishable by up to three years in prison to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread vaguely defined “false news.” Other Inhumane Acts Causing Great Suffering or Serious Injury The junta has harassed, arbitrarily arrested, and attacked medical professionals, sometimes as they treated injured protesters. Many healthcare workers were early leaders of the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement and refused to work in government hospitals as a form of protest. Since the coup at least 260 healthcare workers have been attacked while trying to administer medical aid, and 18 killed. The AAPP said 76 remain in detention and up to 600 medical professionals have outstanding arrest warrants against them. Many have been forced to work underground in makeshift mobile clinics or have gone into hiding to evade arrest. The UN Country Team in Myanmar has said that the attacks on medical workers have jeopardized the Covid-19 response. CCTV footage released online shows at least six police officers removing three workers from an ambulance of the Mon Myat Seik Htar (MMSH) volunteer rescue team, then beating the workers with their guns and batons and kicking them. The MMSH volunteers were subsequently arrested and released on March 24, Myanmar Now reported..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-31
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Title: Britain warns COVID-19 could infect half Myanmar in next two weeks
Description: "Britain's U.N. ambassador warned on Thursday that half of Myanmar's 54 million people could be infected with COVID-19 in the next two weeks as Myanmar's envoy called for U.N. monitors to ensure an effective delivery of vaccines. Myanmar has been in chaos since the military ousted an elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi on Feb. 1, with protests and fighting between the army and newly formed militias. The United States, Britain and others have imposed sanctions on the military rulers over the coup and repression of pro-democracy protests in which hundreds have been killed. "The coup has resulted in a near total collapse of the healthcare system, and health care workers are being attacked and arrested," British U.N. Ambassador Barbara Woodward told an informal Security Council discussion on Myanmar. "The virus is spreading through the population, very fast indeed. By some estimates, in the next two weeks, half of the population of Myanmar could be infected with COVID," she said. Myanmar state media reported on Wednesday that the military ruler is looking for greater cooperation with other countries to contain the coronavirus. Infections in the Southeast Asian country have surged since June, with 4,980 cases and 365 deaths reported on Wednesday, according to health ministry data cited in media. Medics and funeral services put the toll much higher. read more "In order to have smooth and effective COVID vaccination and providing humanitarian assistance, close-monitoring by the international community is essential," Myanmar's U.N. Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, who speaks for the elected civilian government, told the Security Council discussion. "As such, we would like to request the U.N. in particular the Security Council to urgently establish a U.N.-led monitoring mechanism for effective COVID vaccination and smooth delivery of humanitarian assistance," he said. Myanmar recently received two million more Chinese vaccines, but it was believed to have only vaccinated about 3.2% of its population, according to a Reuters tracker..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-30
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Title: Residents: Myanmar leaders use pandemic as political weapon
Description: "With coronavirus deaths rising in Myanmar, allegations are growing from residents and human rights activists that the military government, which seized control in February, is using the pandemic to consolidate power and crush opposition. In the last week, the per capita death rate in Myanmar surpassed those of Indonesia and Malaysia to become the worst in Southeast Asia. The country’s crippled health care system has rapidly become overwhelmed with new patients sick with COVID-19. Supplies of medical oxygen are running low, and the government has restricted its private sale in many places, saying it is trying to prevent hoarding. But that has led to widespread allegations that the stocks are being directed to government supporters and military-run hospitals. At the same time, medical workers have been targeted after spearheading a civil disobedience movement that urged professionals and civil servants not to cooperate with the government, known as the State Administrative Council. “They have stopped distributing personal protection equipment and masks, and they will not let civilians who they suspect are supporting the democracy movement be treated in hospitals, and they’re arresting doctors who support the civil disobedience movement,” said Yanghee Lee, the U.N.’s former Myanmar human rights expert and a founding member of the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar. “With the oxygen, they have banned sales to civilians or people who are not supported by the SAC, so they’re using something that can save the people against the people,” she said. “The military is weaponizing COVID.” Myanmar’s Deputy Information Minister Zaw Min Tun did not respond to questions about the allegations, but with growing internal and external pressure to get the pandemic under control, the leadership has been on a public relations offensive. MORE ON THE PANDEMIC – Ravages of COVID surge evident inside Missouri hospital – Do I need to get tested for COVID-19 if I'm vaccinated? – EXPLAINER: Detailing Japan's new COVID state of emergency In the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper this week, several articles highlighted the government’s efforts, including what it called a push to resume vaccinations and increase oxygen supplies. Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the military commander who heads the SAC, was cited as saying that efforts were also being made to seek support from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and unspecified “friendly countries.” “Efforts must be made for ensuring better health of the State and the people,” he was quoted as saying. Myanmar reported another 342 deaths Thursday, and 5,234 new infections. Its 7-day rolling average of deaths per 1 million people rose to 6.29 — more than double the rate of 3.04 in India at the peak of its crisis in May. The figures in Myanmar are thought to be a drastic undercount due to lack of testing and reporting. “There is a big difference between the actual death toll from COVID-19 of the Military Council and reality,” a physician from the Mawlamyine General Hospital in Myanmar’s fourth-largest city told The Associated Press, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of government reprisal. “There are a lot of people in the community who have died of the disease and cannot be counted.” Videos proliferate on social media showing apparent virus victims dead in their homes for lack of treatment and long lines of people waiting for what oxygen supplies are still available. The government denies reports that cemeteries in Yangon have been overwhelmed but announced Tuesday they were building new facilities that could cremate up to 3,000 bodies per day. “By letting COVID-19 run out of control, the military junta is failing the Burmese people as well as the wider region and world, which can be threatened by new variants fueled by unchecked spread of the disease in places like Myanmar,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director of Human Rights Watch. “The problem is the junta cares more about holding on to power than stopping the pandemic.” Myanmar is one of the region’s poorest countries and already was in a vulnerable position when the military seized power, triggering a violent political struggle. Under the civilian former leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar had weathered a coronavirus surge last year by severely restricting travel and sealing off Yangon. Vaccines were secured from India and China, but Suu Kyi’s government was ousted less than a week after the first shots were given. As civil disobedience grew after Suu Kyi’s removal, public hospitals were basically closed as doctors and other staff refused to work under the new administration, instead running makeshift clinics for which they faced arrest, if caught. Some have returned to public hospitals, but the Mawlamyine doctor interviewed by AP said it was too dangerous. “I could be arrested by the junta anytime if I returned to the hospital,” added the doctor, who was part of the disobedience movement and has been treating patients with supplies he has scrounged. According to Tom Andrews, the U.N. Human Rights Council’s independent expert on human rights in Myanmar, government forces have engaged in at least 260 attacks on medical personnel and facilities, killing 18. At least 67 health care professionals had been detained and another 600 are being sought. Military hospitals kept operating after Suu Kyi’s ouster but were shunned by many people and the vaccination program slowed to a crawl before apparently fizzling out completely until this week. There are no solid figures on vaccinations, but it’s believed that about 3% of the population could have received two shots. The rapid rise in COVID -19 illnesses is “extremely concerning, particularly with limited availability of health services and oxygen supplies,” said Joy Singhal, head of the Red Cross’ Myanmar delegation. “There is an urgent need for greater testing, contact tracing and COVID-19 vaccinations to help curb the pandemic,” he told AP. “This latest surge is a bitter blow to millions of people in Myanmar already coping with worsening economic and social hardships.” Earlier this week, Andrews urged the U.N. Security Council and member states to push for a “COVID cease-fire.” “The United Nations cannot afford to be complacent while the junta ruthlessly attacks medical personnel as COVID-19 spreads unchecked,” he said. “They must act to end this violence so that doctors and nurses can provide lifesaving care and international organizations can help deliver vaccinations and related medical care.” After a long lull in humanitarian aid, China recently began delivering vaccines. It sent 736,000 doses to Yangon this month, the first of 2 million being donated, and reportedly more than 10,000 to the Kachin Independence Army, which has waged a decades-long insurgency in a northern border area where the virus has spilled over into China. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian declined to comment directly earlier this week on the report of the delivery to the KIA, noting instead “the epidemic is a common enemy to all mankind.” The Global New Light reported Myanmar received another 1 million doses purchased from China. COVID-19 outbreaks have been reported as widespread in Myanmar’s prisons. On Wednesday, state-run MRTV television showed what it said were 610 prisoners from Yangon’s Insein Prison being vaccinated. The report was met with skepticism and derision on social media. Lee said if the government is trying to use vaccines and other aid to its advantage by positioning itself as the solution to the pandemic, it’s too late. “The people know now and it’s been too long,” she said. “COVID was not manmade but it got out of proportion because of complicity and deliberate blockage of services — there’s no going back.”..."
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-30
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Title: The Tatmadaw's Attempts to Legalize Its Human Rights Violations : The Karen Human Rights Group's position on the legality of a selection of the State Administration Council's amendments under international human rights law
Description: "The Tatmadaw, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, initiated the military coup on February 1, 2021 which forcibly seized power from the democratically elected National League for Democracy and pushed Myanmar into the current state of nationwide political instability marked by ongoing impunity for human rights violations and an exacerbating humanitarian crisis. Since then, security forces have been employing extremely violent tactics against the general populace in major cities –– tactics which have been regularly used to persecute ethnic minorities even before the coup, especially in the peripheries of the country. From the outset, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar warned that the atrocities committed by the junta since the coup could amount to crimes against humanity.[1] Some of these atrocities entail the disproportionate use of force against demonstrators and strikers;[2] killings of at least 884 people;[3] arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances of thousands of people including journalists, activists and others opposed to the coup;[4] raids of homes without warrants to arrest and detain those suspected of being in opposition to the coup;[5] and torture of detainees.[6] In conjunction with these acts of violence against civilians is the Tatmadaw’s unlawful use of article 419 of the 2008 Constitution to form the State Administration Council (“SAC”) [7] through which it then enacted several amendments to Myanmar’s domestic laws which have encroached upon the fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar. Specifically, article 419 permits the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services (“Chief of Defence Services”) to form a body to exercise powers of the executive, legislature, and judiciary after the President declares a “state of emergency” (article 417) and transfers all branches of the government to the Chief of Defence Services (article 418).[8] Experts on Myanmar’s Constitution have pointed out, however, that the Tatmadaw’s February 1 declaration of a “state of emergency” under article 417[9] is absent of any legal basis, as it is impossible for allegations of voter fraud during the November 2020 elections ­to amount to a “state of emergency”. According to experts, article 417 relates to a situation in which the sovereignty of the country is threatened through “violent and wrongful forcible means” which involves the use of force.[10] Further, the Tatmadaw’s declaration of a “state of emergency” is unconstitutional as the Constitution only gives the President, who was arrested and detained by the Tatmadaw since February 1, the power to declare a state of emergency.[11] It is manifest that the SAC is an illegal entity and that any powers it exercises (executive, legislative, and judiciary) including the amendments it enacts are invalid under the Constitution. 2. PURPOSE AND SCOPE The amendments the SAC enacted in the weeks following February 1 also bear adverse consequences for the protection of the fundamental rights of the people of Myanmar under international human rights law. Therefore, this brief examines the legality of some of the amendments in accordance with some of Myanmar’s legal obligations under international human rights law. Taking note that Myanmar is not a state party to some international human rights treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”),[12] this brief also identifies relevant non-binding principles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”) and ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (“AHRD”). At the same time, this brief demonstrates the SAC’s attempts to legitimize its human rights violations by using its illegitimate authority to enact invalid amendments to Myanmar’s domestic law to institute a climate of impunity for its human rights violations. Finally, it includes some recommendations on actions that ASEAN, the National Unity Government, and states can take to protect and promote the fundamental rights of the people of Myanmar. The analysis of this brief is limited in scope. The four amendments examined in this brief, outlined in Section 3 (Overview of Selected Amendments), were selected based on their prominence in the news at the time that the concept of this brief was conceived in early March 2021. Similarly, the scope of analysis in Section 4 (Applicable International Law) and Section 5 (Analysis) is a non-exhaustive account of the relevant international human rights standards applicable to Myanmar. The examined human rights laws and principles focus on night raids, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and restrictions of social media platforms and internet shutdowns as these featured most prominently in the news within the period of February to April 2021 during which the concept of this brief was under discussion. In recent months, more of the SAC’s atrocities have come to light particularly its perpetration of sexual and gender-based violence against girls, women, and members of the LGBTIQ community.[13] In this regard, further research could focus on a gender-analysis of the coup which could, for instance, include some of Myanmar’s relevant human rights treaty obligations such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. Ultimately, we hope that this brief would serve as a resource for civil society and community-based organizations to conduct further advocacy and research aimed to raise awareness on the SAC’s use of its illegitimate authority to enact “laws”[14] to encroach on the human rights of the people of Myanmar. 3. OVERVIEW OF SELECTED AMENDMENTS AC Law No. 3/2021 enacted the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law. In particular, the amendment to section 17 requires any person living in a ward or village-tract to inform the ward or village-tract administrator of the arrival and departure of any overnight guests not listed in the family unit and not residing in the same ward or village-tract.[15] Violation of section 17 leads to a “fine not exceeding ten thousand kyat”, or a prison term not exceeding seven days if the person defaults on the fine.[16] SAC Law No. 4/2021 enacted the Amendment of Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens. The SAC suspended rights protected in sections 5, 7, and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens.[17] By suspending these provisions, authorities are permitted to enter into homes and private properties without a warrant for purposes of search, seizures, and arrests (section 5); to detain a person without a warrant for more than 24 hours (section 7); to intercept all forms of communications without a warrant (section 8); and to collect and seize all information and data gathered from intercepts (section 8). SAC Law No. 5/2021 enacted the Law Amending the Penal Code. Amongst other changes to the Penal Code is the amendment of section 505 (a). Section 505 (a) has been broadened to allow authorities to prosecute individuals, inter alia, for causing or intending to cause “fear to a group of citizens or to the public”; for spreading “false news”; or for “affect[ing], hinder[ing], damag[ing] the motivation, discipline [or] health” of a civil servant.[18] SAC Law No. 7/2021 enacted the Law Amending the Electronic Transactions Law. Relevant to this brief is the inclusion of section 38 in the amendment to the 2004 Electronic Transactions Law (“ETL”).[19] Section 38 (b) imposes criminal sanctions on a broad range of conduct regarding the handling of digital information. Specifically, a person (A) could be sanctioned for obtaining, disclosing, using, destroying, modifying, or disseminating any personal data of another person (B) without B’s approval. Section 38 (c) imposes criminal sanctions on anyone who creates “misinformation and disinformation” in the digital space with the intent of “causing public panic, loss of trust, or social division.” Section 38 (d) imposes criminal sanctions on a broad range of cybercrimes perpetrated with the intent to threaten national sovereignty, national security, and the rule of law, notions which are undefined in the provision. Some of these cybercrimes include preventing unauthorized access into one’s own digital platforms such as networks, computers or digital data (supposedly if a person takes measures to prevent authorities from conducting unlawful surveillance); and attempts to hack into digital platforms. Section 38 (e) imposes criminal sanctions on a range of cybercrimes committed with the intent to “deteriorate” Myanmar’s foreign relations with other states. These cybercrimes include vague and unclear language such as “attempts of unauthorized access and hacking cyber sources”. 4. APPLICABLE INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Prohibition Against Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home or Correspondence Myanmar ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (“CRC”) in 1991. Article 16 (1) of the CRC imposes a legal obligation on Myanmar to ensure that “no child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation.”[20] Further, article 16 (2) also requires Myanmar to enact laws to protect the child from the prohibitions set out in article 16 (1).[21] Finally, Myanmar has a non-derogable obligation to “respect and ensure”[22] these rights under article 16 by making the best interest of the child a primary consideration,[23] through undertaking all appropriate measures including legislative and administrative.[24] Myanmar is also a signatory to the UDHR. Specifically, article 12 provides that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with [their] privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honor and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.”[25] In a similar vein, article 21 of the AHRD holds a similar provision to article 12 of the UDHR, even going a step further to explicitly protect personal data from arbitrary interference.[26] B. Prohibition Against Arbitrary Deprivation of Liberty Legally binding on Myanmar is customary international law’s absolute prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of liberty, wherein no derogation is permitted under any circumstances.[27] According to the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, the content of the prohibition under customary international law includes arbitrary arrest and detention of a person which include measures such as house arrest and secret and/or incommunicado detention.[28] Further, an arrest and detention can be considered “arbitrary” even if authorized and enforced by law if “premised upon an arbitrary piece of legislation or is inherently unjust.”[29] C. The Right to the Freedom of Expression Under article 19 of the UDHR, the right to the freedom of expression constitutes the freedom to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”[30] A similar provision can be found in article 23 of the AHRD.[31] While Myanmar is not a party to the ICCPR, the scope of the freedom of expression under the UDHR may be understood through the Human Rights Committee’s[32] (“HRC”) interpretation of article 19 of the ICCPR, as the ICCPR is a codification of the same protections provided for in the UDHR. The HRC noted that the freedom of expression includes the right to express and receive communications of every form that is capable of transmission.[33] As regards to legitimate restrictions to the right, it may only be restricted for the protection of the rights or reputations of others, of national security or public order, or of public health or morals.[34] Further, restrictions must fulfill three cumulative requirements to be legitimate (also referred to as the three-part test): 1) They must be “provided by law” meaning they have to be formulated with sufficient precision so as to allow individuals to regulate their conduct;[35] 2) be “necessary” for a legitimate purpose;[36] and 3) be “proportionate” to the interest they serve to protect.[37] 5. ANALYSIS A. The Facilitation of Impunity for Arbitrary Raids, Arrests and Detentions Part of the SAC’s tactic to stifle dissent in efforts to assert total control over the country has been to arbitrarily arrest and detain people suspected of being in opposition to its rule by encroaching on privacy. Security forces have been arbitrarily arresting and detaining people after finding any shred of evidence considered to be offensive to the junta through arbitrary inspections of mobile phones. Further, security forces without warrants have been entering into homes and offices to arrest and detain people aligned with the anti-coup movement such as protestors, members of the opposition party, healthcare workers, and lawyers.[38] The SAC has even gone so far as to arbitrarily arrest and detain children. As of March 22, Save The Children alone reported that it had responded to a total of 146 cases of child arrests and detentions, of which 17 are still in detention.[39] Meanwhile, UNICEF reported on March 4 that its partners estimated that since the coup more than “500 children have been arbitrarily detained. Many of those arrested or detained are being held incommunicado.”[40] To evade arrest and detention by security forces, those aligned with the anti-coup movement including protestors, activists, and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement, have sought refuge in the homes of relatives, friends, and other local residents.[41] Security forces, however, have issued threats against residents warning that they too would be arrested if found harboring those they deem as fugitives.[42] Recent reports indicate that security forces have resorted to arresting and detaining family members and friends of those they sought to arrest but were unable to locate during raids, effectively taking hostages.[43] Former detainees have reported being tortured by security forces. Accounts of torture include beatings, being placed in stress positions, and even mock burials.[44] Some detainees were even tortured to death.[45] Further, reports indicate that security forces use sexual and gender-based violence as a form of torture.[46] In one account, security forces stripped naked a transgender woman and raped her by penetrating her with a bottle.[47] These acts of torture, raids, and arbitrary arrests and detentions are accompanied by the SAC’s enactments of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village Tract Administration Law and the Amendment of Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens. The contents in the provisions suggest that the SAC issued the amendments to enable its security forces to conduct raids as well as to arbitrarily arrest and detain anyone with impunity, as illegitimate as these “laws” may be. At the same time, these amendments contravene Myanmar’s international legal obligations under treaty law protecting children against the arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence; and under customary international law protecting against arbitrary arrest and detention. These amendments are also incompatible with the same principles in the AHRD and UDHR. i. Section 17 of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law violates Myanmar’s obligations under the CRC and are incompatible with the UDHR and AHRD The SAC’s amendment of section 17 of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law requiring the registration of overnight guests, violates Myanmar’s obligations under article 16 of the CRC. The enforcement of the amended section 17 against children constitutes an “arbitrary interference” of their privacy, family or home under article 16 (1) of the CRC.[48] The Human Rights Committee’s interpretation of the meaning of “arbitrary interference” in article 17 (1) of the ICCPR is relevant to Myanmar’s violation of article 16 since article 16 (1) of the CRC protects the same rights as that of article 17 (1) of the ICCPR,[49] ­ the difference being that article 16 (1) focuses specifically on children. In particular, it states that the meaning of “arbitrary interference” includes laws that counter “the provisions, aims and objectives” of the protections afforded to a person’s privacy, family or home.[50] It follows then that the amended section 17 amounts to an “arbitrary interference” within the meaning of article 16 (1). Further, amended section 17 –– permitting such sweeping and arbitrary encroachment on the prohibition against arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence –– contradicts article 16 (2) which guarantees that children have “the right to the protection of the law against such interference.”[51] Moreover, the amendments are incompatible with the principles enshrined in article 12 of the UDHR, as well as article 21 of the AHRD. Containing a similar provision to article 12 of the UDHR,[52] article 21 of the AHRD states “every person has the right to be free from arbitrary interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence.”[53] ii. Suspension of sections 5 and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens contravenes prohibition against arbitrary interference with the right to privacy, family, home or correspondence The SAC’s suspension of sections 5 and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens[54] contravenes Myanmar’s non-derogable obligations[55] under the CRC to “respect and ensure” rights,[56] including article 16, are applied to every child within its jurisdiction by adopting all appropriate measures; and by placing the best interest of the child as a primary consideration in all matters.[57] Further, the amendments violate article 16 (1)’s prohibition of arbitrary interference with the child’s “privacy, family, home or correspondence, [and] to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation”,[58] as it permits authorities to interfere, without a warrant, in virtually all aspects of the private lives of any citizen. At the same time, it is incompatible with article 16 (2) as it denies children within its jurisdiction of their right to protection from arbitrary interference with, or attacks on their rights enshrined in article 16 (1).[59] In a similar vein, the suspension of sections 5 and 8 are inconsistent with the principles in article 12 of the UDHR and article 21 of the AHRD, which declared that every person within its jurisdiction has the right to be free from arbitrary interference with their privacy, home, or correspondence,[60] including personal data.[61] iii. Suspension of section 7 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens contravenes the prohibition against the arbitrary deprivation of liberty under customary international law The SAC’s suspension of section 7 enables security forces to arbitrarily arrest and indefinitely detain[62] individuals it considers as threats to its rule, including opposition political leaders, anti-coup protestors, and human rights defenders. It breaches Myanmar’s obligations under customary international law prohibiting the arbitrary arrest and detention of any individual and under any circumstances,[63] which includes laws that authorize “automatic and indefinite detention without any standards or review.”[64] B. The Infringement on the Enjoyment of the Right to the Freedom of Expression The digital space has been a platform for the people of Myanmar ­­to organize themselves domestically and to mobilize international support against the coup. Equally, it serves as a medium for journalists, citizen journalists, and other activists to criticize the SAC, as well as to document and expose human rights violations perpetrated by security forces. The SAC’s response, particularly in the early months of the coup, was to restrict access to social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, as well as to enforce regular nationwide internet blackouts.[65] Part of its strategy to stifle dissent has also been through the amendment to section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, as well as the amendment to the ETL. The amended provisions curtail the enjoyment of the right to free expression by criminalizing an array of conduct under, inter alia, dubious pretexts of national security and public order which are incompatible with the standards required to constitute permissible restrictions to the freedom of expression under international human rights standards. i. Section 505 (a) fails the “necessity” test making it an illegitimate form of restriction to the freedom of expression Section 505 (a): Imposes a prison term of a maximum of 3 years, or a fine, or both on any person that: (i) causes or intends to cause “a member of the Defence Service or any civil servant” to disobey or to be disloyal to the government by hindering or damaging their motivation, discipline or health; or (ii) causes or intends to cause “fear to a group of citizens or to the public”; or (iii) intends to spread or spreads “fake news when knowing or believing that the news is false”; or (iv) commits or intends to commit a criminal offence against a member of the civil service.”[66] The SAC’s use of section 505 (a) to prosecute individuals and to sue news agencies who have reported on the coup and exposed human rights violations[67] is incompatible with legitimate restrictions to the freedom of expression. Under international human rights law, restrictions to free expression must be “necessary” for the protection of the “rights and reputation of others”, or protection of “national security or of public order, or of public health or morals.”[68] Contrary to this standard, the SAC has been regularly prosecuting journalists for reporting on the facts of the coup.[69] Additionally, it has also charged and prosecuted ordinary citizens voicing their opposition to the coup on social media, celebrities supporting anti-coup protests, as well as youths involved with the anti-coup movement.[70] ii. The ETL amendments fail the “provided by law” and “proportionality” tests to constitute permissible restrictions Section 38 (b): “Any person, if convicted of obtaining, disclosing, using, destroying, modifying, disseminating or sending personal data of a person to another without approval, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 1 to 3 years […].”[71] Even supposing that the purpose of section 38 (b) is for the protection of privacy, the language is overbroad such that it is incompatible with the principle of proportionality which requires that restrictions be the least intrusive of measures to prevent jeopardizing the exercise of the right to the freedom of expression.[72] Under the amendments, “personal data” is defined as any information associated with a person.[73] In turn, the formulation of the amendment could impose criminal sanctions on anyone who, for instance, discloses or sends information on individuals responsible for human rights violations to international criminal or human rights investigative organizations. Under human rights standards, restrictions to free expression “may never be invoked as a justification for the muzzling of any advocacy of multi-party democracy, democratic tenets and human rights.”[74] Section 38 (c): “Any person who is convicted of creating misinformation and disinformation with the intent of causing public panic, loss of trust or social division on cyberspace shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 1 to 3 years […].”[75] The vague and undefined terms, “misinformation and disinformation” and “public panic, loss of trust or social division”, are incompatible with the meaning of “law” under human rights standards. Restrictions must be formulated with sufficient precision such that individuals are able to regulate the content that they produce and publish in the digital space.[76] The current formulation would allow authorities “unfettered discretion”[77] in using the law to retaliate against journalists, activists and academics who expose the SAC’s human rights violations.[78] Section 38 (d): “Any person who is convicted of [cybercrimes] such as preventing or making it difficult to access a cyber resource; or attempting to hack into a cyber source without permission; or using more than permitted; and inserting or installing dangerous malware with the intent to hurt someone; [or] with an intent to threaten or disturb national sovereignty, security, peace and stability, rule of law, and national solidarity, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 2 to 5 years […].”[79] Section 38 (e): “Any person who commits acts of cyber-attack on cyber resources which have been kept confidential for reasons of national or international security, such as attempting to access without authorization into or hacking into such cyber resources, with the intent to deteriorate the relationship between the country and other foreign countries, or on behalf of the interest of a foreign country, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 3 to 7 years […].”[80] The provisions in section 38 (d) and section 38 (e) criminalize a wide range of conduct in the digital space by employing justifications of “national sovereignty, security, peace and stability, rule of law, national solidarity”, as well as the protection and preservation of Myanmar’s foreign relations.[81] Chiefly, these imprecise and overbroad exceptions under the pretext of national security are in non-conformity with human rights standards requiring that restrictions be “provided by law”[82] and be “proportionate”.[83] In turn, these “amorphous” notions of national security serve as a weapon for the SAC to curtail the enjoyment of legitimate free expression.[84] For instance, it is unclear what types of conduct section 38 (d) covers when it criminalizes “preventing or making it difficult to access a cyber resource […] or using more than permitted”[85] under the pretext of national security. Free Expression Myanmar has suggested that the provision could be used to prosecute journalists and activists for using a VPN to bypass the SAC’s internet restrictions or for using encryption when working to expose and report on the SAC’s human rights violations.[86] 6. RECOMMENDATIONS The grim reality is that unless the SAC steps down from power it will continue to perpetrate atrocities against the people of Myanmar and oppress the country with these illegitimate “laws”. This reality signifies the need for relevant actors to stand with the people of Myanmar in their resistance to the SAC. To this end, we have identified measures that ASEAN, the National Unity Government, and states can take to validate the human rights of the people of Myanmar through the international human rights protection regime. Recommendation to ASEAN: In addition to pursuing the Five-Point Consensus,[87] member states in their engagements with the SAC must make the promotion and protection of human rights provided for in the AHRD a central part of their diplomatic efforts. Notwithstanding the non-binding nature of the AHRD, the enshrined principles including those identified here are minimum human rights standards afforded to the people of Myanmar that member states have a stake in promoting and protecting should the AHRD be recognized as a credible regional human rights instrument. Recommendations to the National Unity Government: Declare that the SAC’s amendments following the events of February 1 are null and void as a matter of domestic law. As an illegal entity under Myanmar’s constitution, the SAC is unauthorized to amend or enact laws. At the same time, the SAC’s “laws” contravene Myanmar’s human rights obligations under treaty law and customary international law. Commit to ratifying the outstanding international human rights treaties beginning with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Commit to ratifying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court as a first step to pursuing accountability for past and present alleged international crimes including crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes. Recommendation to states: Adhere to the principle of non-refoulement under international law. Meaning that anyone who faces a real risk of being arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered by the SAC should not be involuntarily returned, expelled, or extradited to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-30
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Title: Dozens of Myanmar Resistance Fighters Seized in Sagaing Region
Summary: "Almost 60 civilian resistance People Defense Force (PDF) fighters in Mingin were detained while they tried to attack a Sagaing Region village on Wednesday. At about 5am on Wednesday, civilian...
Description: "Almost 60 civilian resistance People Defense Force (PDF) fighters in Mingin were detained while they tried to attack a Sagaing Region village on Wednesday. At about 5am on Wednesday, civilian resistance fighters attacked Pan Set and Taungbyu villages, which are strongholds of Pyu-Saw-Htee military allies who are armed with automatic rifles by the junta, according to the PDF. According to residents, junta troops and Pyu-Saw-Htee raided have villages and attacked the resistance in the township over the past month. A resistance fighter in Mingin told The Irrawaddy on Thursday they attacked villages on Wednesday to prevent junta attacks with the Phyu-Saw-Htee on villages in the south of the township. During the firefight at Taungbyu village, the 57 resistance members were seized by the Pyu-Saw-Htee, according to the PDF. “Our fighters were detained by a trap after entering the village as the Pyu-Saw-Htee said they would surrender,” said a member of the PDF. Another 12 resistance fighters outside the village escaped. The resistance fighters trying to save the detainees were forced to retreat by junta reinforcements. After the firefight, the military regime used a helicopter to supply ammunition, residents said. “We have learned our members were detained at the Taungbyu village and some of them were slain,” said the PDF member. The Irrawaddy was unable to independently confirm the killing of PDF detainees. U Maung Myint, a former lawmaker for Mingin Township who is a central executive committee member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), posted on Facebook on Wednesday that the PDF members were captured because of military tactics. The former military officer said one villager was killed and three injured during fighting in Pan Set village. During the firefight, five resistance fighters were injured, according to the PDF. Also on Thursday, troops and Pyu-Saw-Htee members raided Konyin village and tortured villagers, a PDF member said. Residents of three villages nearby have fled their homes to avoid junta raids. Clashes between the resistance and junta in Mingin Township began in June. More than 10,000 residents from Twin, Linponeyi and Zee Pin Twin villages in Kani Township, Sagaing Region, have fled their homes due to junta raids. The bodies of 12 villagers buried by junta troops on Monday were found near Zee Pin Twin on Tuesday, according to residents..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-29
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Title: Bitter reversal: Myanmar military coup wipes out press freedom gains
Sub-title: Myanmar’s junta has effectively criminalized independent journalism, arresting and charging journalists, closing news outlets, restricting access for international reporters, and driving journalists underground or into exile. Within a few months of the February military coup, the country has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists. A CPJ special report by Shawn W. Crispin
Description: "When Myanmar security officials arrested journalist Kyaw Myat Hlaing for his news coverage of anti-military protests in his hometown of Myeik, they shot their firearms into his house before launching their raid. Video footage of the attack has been viewed over 2.5 million times on Facebook, where Kyaw Myat Hlaing, a video reporter with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), livestreamed the late-night assault that resulted in his March 1 arrest. His arrest is emblematic of the crackdown on the press since Myanmar’s military deposed de facto democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a February 1 coup and rounded up dozens of members of the media. Myanmar has quickly gone from imprisoning a single reporter to ranking as one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists, the Committee to Protect Journalists found in a special mid-year survey. At least 32 journalists were imprisoned in Myanmar because of their work as of July 1. That total is down from at least 45 journalists jailed on June 27; on the last day of June, authorities released more than 2,000 detainees, including 13 journalists, according to news reports and the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP), a local rights group. It wasn’t immediately clear if any of those released still faced charges. On December 1, 2020, when CPJ conducted its annual global census of imprisoned journalists worldwide, Myanmar reported only one journalist in prison. China (48), Turkey (47), Saudi Arabia (26) and Egypt (26) were the worst jailers worldwide at that time. Meanwhile, Kyaw Myat Hlaing has been sentenced to three years in prison under Article 505(a) of Myanmar’s penal code, a broad and vaguely worded provision leveled against many of the reporters languishing behind bars. At least three reporters have been sentenced to prison terms under Article 505(a) since the coup; the rest were awaiting trial or being held on unclear charges. Myanmar held over 5,100 political prisoners as of July 1, according to the AAPP. Penal code amendments implemented two weeks after the coup made it easier to prosecute and jail journalists through the broadening of Article 505(a) to include penalties for spreading “false news.” The provision now criminalizes “any attempt to cause fear, spread false news or agitate directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a government employee” or that “causes their hatred, disobedience, or disloyalty toward the military and the government.” The amendments also increased maximum prison sentences under the law from two to three years. The breadth of the new wording prompted CPJ to classify Article 505(a) as both an anti-state charge and a “false news” charge — two types of legal accusations tracked since CPJ first collected global prison data in 1992. The number of journalists worldwide jailed on false news charges has steadily increased in recent years, and CPJ has documented the proliferation of new laws that criminalize it. In Myanmar, the use of 505(a) since the coup has effectively made independent journalism a crime under the junta’s emergency rule, which military authorities have said will remain in place for at least one year while authorities conduct investigations into Suu Kyi and her ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government’s alleged electoral fraud. Journalists and editors familiar with recent trial proceedings told CPJ that prosecutors and judges are under military pressure to rule against journalists on security rather than media laws, including the 2014 News Media Law, which protects press freedoms and bars custodial penalties for media-related offenses. “We don’t accept the detention and sentencing of any of our DVB reporters or any other journalists being detained or sentenced in Burma (Myanmar),” said Aye Chan Naing, editor-in-chief of the Democratic Voice of Burma, an independent local media outlet. “Their cases are being decided by kangaroo courts,” he said. Two DVB journalists have been sentenced to prison terms while another is in detention awaiting trial..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-28
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Title: Myanmar: Expert calls for “COVID ceasefire”; urges new UN resolution
Description: "The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar called on the United Nations Security Council and Member States to push for an emergency "COVID ceasefire" today in light of an explosion of COVID-19 infections and deaths in Myanmar even as the State Administrative Council (SAC) escalates its attacks against health care workers. UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews stressed the urgent need for Member States to use all the tools of the UN, including passage of resolutions demanding that the SAC immediately cease all attacks, especially against health care professionals who are desperately needed to fight the COVID-19 pandemic that continues to devastate Myanmar. "Too many in Myanmar have needlessly perished and too many more will die without action by the United Nations," Andrews warned. "The UN must act immediately to halt the military junta's attacks, harassment, and detentions in the midst of a COVID-19 crisis. "Member States of the United Nations cannot afford to be complacent while the junta ruthlessly attacks medical personnel as COVID-19 spreads unchecked. They must act to end this violence so that doctors and nurses can provide life-saving care and international organisations can help deliver vaccinations and related medical care," Andrews said. "Member States with influence on Myanmar's State Administrative Council must follow passage of a UN resolution by urging an immediate cessation of attacks." The junta has murdered at least 931 people and is holding at least 5,630 in arbitrary detention where they are in danger of being infected with the virus. Another 255 people have been sentenced for trumped up crimes, with 26 of them - two of whom are minors - sentenced to death. According to the UNHCR, there are 570,320 internally displaced persons currently living in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Shan, Kayin, Mon, and Bago states. Junta forces have engaged in at least 260 attacks against medical personnel and facilities, claiming the lives of at least 18 people. Over 600 health care professionals are currently eluding outstanding arrest warrants and at least 67 are being held by junta forces. In February, the UN Security Council passed a strong resolution demanding ceasefires in all States experiencing conflict. Resolution 2565 demanded "all parties to armed conflicts engage immediately in a durable, extensive, and sustained humanitarian pause to facilitate the equitable, safe and unhindered delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccinations in areas of armed conflict". The Council further called for "full, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access, without delay, for humanitarian personnel and medical personnel, their equipment, transport and supplies, in order to facilitate, inter alia, COVID-19 vaccinations, as appropriate". It also demanded the "protection, safety, and security of such humanitarian and medical personnel…" "This resolution represented a principled framework to address the outbreak of COVID-19 in States experiencing unrestrained violence. Given this escalating crisis, these demands must now be focused specifically on Myanmar. Doing so will save untold numbers of lives." Andrews concluded: "Of course the best outcome would be for the junta to stand down so that a legitimate civilian government can lead a coordinated response to the COVID-19 crisis. But in the immediate term, the junta's relentless attacks and detentions must end. For this to be possible, the people of Myanmar need the UN and its Member States to step up with strong, principled action."..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-28
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Title: Myanmar: Junta Escalates Media Crackdown
Sub-title: Release Journalists Wrongfully Detained, Sentenced
Description: " Myanmar’s military junta should stop prosecuting journalists and end its assault on independent media, Human Rights Watch said today, releasing a video about the media crackdown. Since the February 1, 2021 coup, Myanmar’s junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” “Fake news” appears to be any news that the authorities do not want to reach the public. “Myanmar’s junta has made the mass arrest of journalists and control over the media a key component of its seizure of power from a democratically elected government,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director. “The junta’s intensifying surveillance, harassment and detention of journalists is rapidly turning Myanmar into one of the region’s most dangerous places to be a journalist.” On June 30 the Ministry of Information issued a warning to journalists to stop describing the military-appointed State Administration Council as a “junta” or face prosecution. It also warned foreign news agencies to cease using the terms “military council” or “military junta,” and to stop “disseminating false news to global people.” The order threatened that “action will be taken against them under the existing laws if they apply wrong usages, quote and exaggerate fake news, and disseminate false information.” Those sentenced under section 505A are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison. Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years. Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years. Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years. Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years. Another DVB reporter, May Thwe Aung, was sentenced to one month in prison under penal code section 188 for disobeying a public servant. She had learned on March 16 that the authorities had arrested her husband, Min Min Aung, who is a reporter for The Voice Daily. When she arrived at the police station in Oakkan township in Yangon region to try to find him, the police detained her, ultimately leading to her being charged and prosecuted. The crackdown on journalists is part of the junta’s larger effort to suppress independent media coverage of the situation in Myanmar, and to deny the serious rights violations the military is committing across the country, Human Rights Watch said. “If the situation becomes worse, then it becomes not a safe place for us and the only choice would be to leave the country,” one local reporter told Human Rights Watch. On May 4 the authorities arrested the US journalist Danny Fenster, the managing editor of Frontier Myanmar, at the Yangon International Airport as he prepared to leave the country. On June 18 the authorities charged Fenster under penal code section 505A in a closed hearing inside Insein prison. The basis for the charge against him is not clear. On March 9 the police arrested the Kamayut Media founders Nathan Maung and Han Thar Nyein at their office in Kamayut township in Yangon. Nathan Maung, who has since been released and left the country, said both endured days of torture including routine beatings and sleep deprivation. Han Thar Nyein remains in detention. “Although I am free, my aim now is to make sure Han Thar and the others are also released,” he said. “They are journalists, not criminals.” The many arrests and prosecutions of journalists have had a severe chilling effect on independent journalism in Myanmar. On March 8 the junta stripped media licenses of five local outlets: DVB, Khit Thit Media, Mizzima, Myanmar Now, and 7Day. On May 4, the authorities banned 2 other outlets, the Kachin-based 74 Media and the Shan-based Tachilek News Agency. They also banned satellite television on May 4, extending strict censorship restrictions. Mobile internet restrictions imposed on March 15 remain in place. International human rights law prohibits arbitrary restrictions on the rights to freedom of speech and expression, including by detaining journalists and banning media outlets. “The military’s sustained crackdown on independent media and the arrests of journalists, combined with tightening censorship, threatens to isolate Myanmar’s people with only junta propaganda,” Robertson said. “The junta should immediately and unconditionally drop all politically motivated charges against journalists, reinstate the licenses of banned media outlets, and revoke abusive laws used against members of the media.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-27
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 24 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 24 July 2021: As of 24 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 24, a total of (5360) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 17 in Magway Region’s Pwintbyu Township, Min Wai from Pay Taw Village, Soe Naing from Kywel Di Village, Tin Htay Aung from Thamin Chan Village and Myint Myint Htwe from Kan Pyae Village were arrested by many terrorist junta troops, due to informers alleging they were in possession of weapons. Myint Myint Htwe is pregnant and was arrested as a hostage when the junta did not find her husband Nyunt Win, in Kan Pyae Village. On the night of July 23, Kyaw Moe, who has COVID-19, was arrested while he was banging pots against dictatorship in North Dagon Township, Yangon Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-24
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Title: The deeply disturbing situation in Insein Prison once again shows the brutality and cruelty of the genocidal military junta’s regime in Myanmar - အင်းစိန်ဗဟိုအကျဉ်းထောင်မှ လွန်စွာစိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့်ဖွယ်ရာကောင်းသော အခြေအနေများသည်၊ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိစစ်အာဏာရှင်၏အကြင်နာမဲ့ ရက်စက်မှုများကို တဖန်ပြန်လည် ပြသနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
Description: "The deeply disturbing situation in Insein Prison once again shows the brutality and cruelty of the genocidal military junta’s regime in Myanmar. While the whole world is fighting to protect humanity from Covid-19, which has no respect for international borders, political affiliations, colour nor culture, race nor religion, yet instead the military junta in Myanmar, led by failed coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, are doing just the opposite. Before it becomes too late to stop the spreading across international borders, and onto the whole world, the International Community must come together and unite to fight this uncontrolled third wave of the Covid-19 Delta Variant which is surging across the prisons - the concentration camps run by the military junta in Myanmar - and across the Nation.....အင်းစိန်ဗဟိုအကျဉ်းထောင်မှ လွန်စွာစိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့်ဖွယ်ရာကောင်းသော အခြေအနေများသည်၊ လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်နေသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိစစ်အာဏာရှင်၏အကြင်နာမဲ့ ရက်စက်မှုများကို တဖန်ပြန်လည် ပြသနေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ကမ္ဘာတဝှမ်းလုံးသည် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အား၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ နယ်နိမိတ် စည်းများအပေါ် လေးစားမှုမရှိသော၊ နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့်ပတ်သက် ဆက်နွယ်မှုလည်းမရှိသော၊ အသားအရောင်၊ ဓလေ့ထုံးစံ၊ လူမျိုးရေး၊ဘာသာရေး စသည်တို့ကို သိရှိနားလည်ခြင်းနှင့် လေးစားမှု အလျင်းမရှိသည့် Covid-19 ရောဂါမှ ကာကွယ်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် အပြင်းအထန်တိုက်ခိုက် နေရချိန်တွင်၊ ရှုံးနိမ့်နေပြီဖြစ်သော အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်တပ်သည် ကမ္ဘာတဝှမ်းလုံး၏ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်စွာပြုမူ လျက်ရှိသည်။ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ နယ်နိမိတ် များမှတဆင့်၊ ကမ္ဘာတဝှမ်းသို့ ရောဂါကူးစက်ပြန့်နှံ့ မှုများမဖြစ်ပွားမီ ဆောလျင်စွာ အချိန်မလင့်နောက်မကျခင် တားဆီးထိန်းချုပ်ရန်လိုအပ်ပါသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်၏ အုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက် ကျရောက်နေသော မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နိုင်ငံရေး အကျဉ်းသား များထားရာ အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် ကူးစက်မှုနှုန်းမြင့်တက်လျက်ရှိပြီး ကမ္ဘာတဝှမ်းလုံး အရှိန်အဟုန်နှင့် ကူးစက်ပြန့်ပွားနေသော မထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်သေးသည့် Covid-19 Delta မျိုးကွဲ တတိယလှိုင်းကို အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းများ အနေဖြင့် အတူတကွပူးပေါင်း၍ ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ် တိုက်ထုတ်ကြရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-24
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Title: International Committee of the Red Cross Statement
Description: "The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is closely following information that has been released recently, on the current situation at various prisons in Myanmar. We are deeply concerned about the increasing impact of COVID-19 in Myanmar, including in detention centers. The ICRC is continuing its dialogue with prison authorities to resume its purely humanitarian visits and activities in places of detention, including Insein Prison, which have been on hold since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. We reiterate our offer to support to address Covid-19 and health care in general in places of detention. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is an impartial, neutral and independent organization whose exclusively humanitarian mission is to protect the lives and dignity of victims of armed conflict and other situations of violence and to provide them with assistance. The ICRC also endeavours to prevent suffering by promoting and strengthening international humanitarian law (IHL) and universal humanitarian principles..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-24
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Title: COVID-19, COUP AND MEDICS
Description: "The people of Burma, already suffering under the hands of an oppressive military dictatorship, are now facing a third wave of COVID-19. Prior to the coup, during the first and second waves of the pandemic, volunteers, medical staff, and civilians organized under the civilian government were coordinating an effective response. Burma was one of the first countries in Southeast Asia to receive the vaccine, gaining international recognition for its pandemic prevention. On 1 February, a junta seized power, and since then, the country’s key sectors in economy, education, and health have all been deteriorating. The people of Burma face a pandemic but without adequate healthcare services. Across the country, testing facilities have been eradicated, the true number of civilians infected is impossible to calculate. Basic medicine is now in short supply, prices are soaring. The military has imposed severe restrictions on the importation of essential medicines and medical supplies. In addition, the junta has been closing hospitals and clinics, and stopping civilians from being able to purchase lifesaving oxygen. This terrorism has resulted in escalating death tolls throughout the country. Much of this is going undocumented. The junta are withholding facts and figures, covering up cases and presenting only an insignificant number of cases. From the very start of the coup, and throughout this third wave of the pandemic, the junta has been arresting, issuing arrest warrants, and conducting raids on the homes of doctors, nurses, and other medical professionals, who have been helping treat civilians affected by the junta’s violence. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), (67) medical professional are currently detained, and nearly (600) are evading arrest warrants. In addition, 221 medical students have been arrested this coup, including 9 currently detained. A total 7 medics have been killed by the junta since the coup. This is just the number confirmed by AAPP. Some medical professionals could not be contacted by AAPP, and their condition remains unknown. Below are some cases of medical professionals who have been affected by the junta’s terrorism: On the night of July 13, junta troops raided the home of Dr. Kyaw Kyaw Thet. He was beaten and arrested by the so-called police and junta soldiers. He is currently detained in the Mandalay Palace military base interrogation center, where he has been facing torture in interrogation for some time. Kyaw Kyaw Thet is also a close friend with Dr. Thiha Tin Tun, was shot dead by the junta on March 27. He also volunteered at a charity clinic and taught medical students. On July 16, Dr. Thet Htay, a well-known surgeon in Mandalay who worked at a charity clinic and in a hospital was detained, and beaten, when he was on his way back from treating a patient. Dr. Thet Htay is a doctor who has been active in treating civilians injured in the junta’s brutal crackdowns. The junta has also been taking hostage family members and friends of medical experts. On 10 June, Director of the National Immunization Program, Dr. Htar Htar Lin, was arrested together with her husband, son, her friend, and her friend’s daughter. Htar Htar Lin played a key role in the NLD government’s civilian COVID-19 vaccination program. During detention, she has become infected with COVID-19. On July 19, Martyrs’ Day, in North Dagon Township, Rangoon Division, junta forces pretending to be patients suffering with COVID-19 called up doctors known to be treating those affected by the pandemic. They then arrested these doctors and raided their clinics. The terrorist group arrested a total of 5 medical professional, they were 2 doctors giving medical advice to patients online, and 3 volunteer doctors who were going into communities to treat civilians. In addition to this, during the raid on the doctor’s offices, five 40-liter oxygen tanks, which had been donated by civilians, along with eighteen 15-liter oxygen tanks, 1 sets of oxygen equipment, medicine, and all the doctors’ PPE equipment, were stolen by the junta who claimed it was illegitimate material. Regardless of the country, civilians should be able to have access to urgent healthcare. The junta is using the COVID-19 pandemic as a weapon to further torture the people and put civilian’s lives at risk. The unlawful arrest, prosecution and torture of medical professionals are clear genocide and crimes against humanity. Targeting doctors, nurses, and medical students is a grave violation of international law. The international community has a specific responsibility to protect healthcare workers, who are being systematically detained, abducted and murdered by a terrorist group. 2016 UN Security Council passed Resolution 2286 in 2016 resolutely condemning attacks on medical personnel, hospitals, and medical supplies, maintaining “states to ensure that those responsible do not operate with impunity, and that they are brought to justice”. But international inaction, and a lack of accountability in Burma has allowed these brutal crimes to continue with impunity. Article 24 of the 1949 Geneva Convention, the pinnacle of international law states medical personnel, particularly those involved in the “transport or treatment of the wounded or sick, or in the prevention of disease… shall be respected and protected in all circumstances”. The UN General Secretary also released a statement at the outbreak of COVID-19, “it is time to put armed conflict on lockdown and focus together on the true fight of our lives”. Instead of initiating a ceasefire, the junta is methodologically using covid as a tool to inflict further violence upon civilians. The global community must adhere to these commitments made to protect the healthcare providers in Burma and no longer neglect these blatant crimes against humanity. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-23
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 23 July 2021)
Description: "As of 23 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 23, a total of (5358) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 17, four youths named Ye Myint, Htet Wai Min, photography enthusiast Kyaw Zin Win and another youth (name still unconfirmed), who all are from Lashio Town in Shan State, were arrested at their homes by junta police and soldiers for being accused of associating with the PDF. In the evening of July 21, workshop owner Soe Aung who was filling oxygen at Myingyan Industrial Zone in Mandalay Region and his 26 years old son, two others from the workshop, and a person who arrived to fill oxygen were arrested by the terrorist junta wearing plain clothes with five private cars. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-23
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: The issue of providing immediate assistance to political prisoners - နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား အမြန်ဆုံး အကူအညီပေးရန် ကိစ္စ။
Description: "ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၃ ရက် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်။ ================= သို့ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကြက်ခြေနီကော်မတီ(မြန်မာ) အကြောင်းအရာ။ ။နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများအား အမြန်ဆုံး အကူအညီပေးရန် ကိစ္စ။ ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာ ကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် မတရားသောနည်းဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်သိမ်းယူခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၂။ နိုင်ငံတော်၏ခေါင်းဆောင်များဖြစ်သည့်နို်ငငံတော်သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်၊နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည် တို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအကြီးအကဲများ ၊ စာပေအနုပညာရှင်များ ၊ တက်ကြွ လှုပ်ရှားသူများ နှင့် ရဟန်သံဃာတော်များကိုလည်း နေအိမ်အကျယ်ချုပ်ထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်း ၊ စစ်ကြောရေး စခန်းများ ၊ လုံခြုံရေးကန့်သတ်ထားသည့်နေရာများနှင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်များတွင် မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီး ချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်းခံရပါသည်။ ၃။ နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို တရားမဲ့ရယူသည်ကို မကျေနပ်သဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒဖေါ်ထုတ်ခဲ့ကြ သည့် ပြည်သူလူထု (၅၀၀၀) ကျော်ကိုလည်း မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားခြင်း ခံရဆဲဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ထိုသို့ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ထားခြင်းခံရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများအား အကျဉ်းထောင် ၊ အချုပ်ခန်း ၊ စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းနှင့် စစ်ဆေးရုံများတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထားရှိရာတွင် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကျင့်ဝတ်နှင့် လျော်ညီစွာထားရှိမှုမရှိပဲ သန့်ရှင်းသော သောက်သုံးရေ၊ အစားအသောက်၊ နေရာထိုင်ခင်းနှင့် ဆေးဝါးကုသခံရမှုတို့ ချို့ယွင်းလိုအပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ကြားသိရပါသည်။ ၅။ အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရသူများ၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာမိသားစုများကို ထောင်ဝင်စာပေးခွင့်မပြုခြင်း၊ မိသားစုနှင့်အဆက်အသွယ်မရရှိခြင်း နှင့် တရားဥပဒေနှင့်အညီခုခံချေပခွင့် မရရှိခြင်းစသည်တို့ နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးလျက်ရှိနေပါသည်။ ၆။ ကိုဗစ်တတိယလှိုင်းကို ကောင်းမွန်စွာ ထိန်းချုပ်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိခြင်းကြောင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်များ အတွင်းတွင်လည်း ကူးစက်မှုများ များစွာဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် လိုအပ်သောကာကွယ်ကုသရေး များကိုလုံလောက်စွာ ပေးအပ်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိကြောင်းတွေ့မြင်ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။ ၇။ ယခုအခါတွင် ကိုဗစ်ရောဂါပိုးကူးစက်မှုကြောင့် အကျဉ်းသားသေဆုံးမှုများနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေး ချို့တဲ့သောအကျဉ်းသားများ ရောဂါပြင်းထန်ခံစားနေရမှုများကို နေ့စဉ်ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။ ၈။ အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်းတွင်လည်း လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့် မညီသော ဆက်ဆံခံရမှုများကြောင့် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာနှင့်အညီ ဆက်ဆံခံရရေးအတွက် တိုက်ပွဲဝင်တောင်းဆိုမှုများကိုလည်း ကြားသိနေရပါသည်။ ၇။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာကြက်ခြေနီကော်မတီ(မြန်မာ) အနေဖြင့် ယုံကြည်ချက် ကြောင့် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးလိုအပ်ချက်များကို ကော်မတီ၏တာဝန်ဖြစ်သည့် နိုင်ငံတကာကျင့်ဝတ်များနှင့်အညီ အမြန်ဆုံးကူညီပေးနိုင်ပါရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ဒေါ်ဖြူဖြူသင်း မင်္ဂလာတောင်ညွန့်မဲဆန္ဒနယ်၊ပြည်သူ့လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ် အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့ဝင်၊ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-23
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar's Jailed Senior NLD Members Moved to Hospital, One Infected With COVID-19
Description: "Two senior detained members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) have been moved from Insein Prison to Yangon General Hospital, according to their lawyers. NLD legal adviser U Kyaw Ho was taken to hospital on Wednesday with difficulty breathing. He tested negative for coronavirus and is likely to be tested again next week, said U Kyaw Ho’s lawyer. “He had heart surgery and needed hospital treatment and is still on oxygen support as he is out of breath,” said his lawyer. U Kyaw Ho has been detained since early February by Myanmar’s regime. U Han Thar Myint, another NLD central executive committee member, was infected with coronavirus in Insein Prison and taken to hospital last week. “His oxygen level keeps falling. His oxygen saturation drops to 80 once oxygen is disconnected. He needs oxygen support at all times. His condition is poor,” said U Han Thar Myint’s lawyer. The military regime has detained senior NLD leaders, including older members. While most of them are on medication for health problems, they were denied bail and forced to remain in crowded prisons as the country is gripped by a fresh wave of COVID-19. NLD’s CEC member and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s long-time personal lawyer U Nyan Win died of COVID-19 on Tuesday, while detained. The 79-year-old was arrested on the morning of the Feb.1 coup and held in Insein Prison, where he caught coronavirus. NLD government’s Yangon Region chief minister U Phyo Min Thein and his wife have also been reportedly been infected with coronavirus while being detained at a military interrogation center in Mingaladon Township, Yangon. He was taken to a military hospital after he lost consciousness on July 17. There were also reports that the NLD’s Yangon region minister U Naing Ngan Lin and Dr. Htar Htar Lin, who pushed for Myanmar to receive COVID-19 vaccines under the NLD government, have also caught the virus in Insein Prison. The Correctional Department has denied the two were infected. While COVID-19 deaths are increasing across the country, many political prisoners are sick and displaying COVID-19 and flu symptoms, said lawyers and recently released inmates. On Friday morning, inmates staged a protest inside Insein Prison, complaining about overcrowding, COVID-19 infections and a lack of proper protection and treatment of the virus. Inmates at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region have also protested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The Australian, Canadian, European Union, French, German, US and nine other embassies issued a joint statement urging the junta to respect the basic right to proper healthcare for all prisoners. The shadow National Unity Government (NUG) formed to rival the military regime accused the junta of using COVID-19 as a weapon to persecute political prisoners. The military regime will be held responsible for COVID-19 deaths in prisons, warned the NUG. The military regime, however, is keeping political prisoners locked up and has released numerous criminals jailed for drug dealing, theft and illegal logging..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-23
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Title: Urgent Diplomatic Release on Insein Prison Strike
Description: "At around 8 am this morning, anti-dictatorship chants were heard from inside Insein Prison, Yangon Region. The protest began in the women’s detention block annexe to Insein Prison. This block detains female prisoners arrested for pro-democracy protests and the CDM movement. The protest has now spread across the prison and some staff have joined. Currently, junta forces are storming the prison compound and confiscating all of the prison staffs’ weapons. Some of these staff have confirmed to us military vehicles have entered the prison compound. The situation COVID-19 situation has been deteriorating in the two female detention blocks, but the prison authority has only given treatment to those in special cells and prison hospital. The protest reportedly began because prisoners have not been provided with medical care, and neither have prison staff been given protection from COVID-19. These events follow an announcement by the director of Yangon Imprisonment Department they plan to release more than 1000 inmates from Insein Prison on 22 July who were incarcerated for narcotics and theft. In September 1990 dozens of political prisoners in this same Insein Prison as today staged a hunger strike to demand the military transfer power to the democratically elected National League for Democracy. In the brutal crackdown that followed, over 40 prisoners required hospitalization and six were reportedly beaten to death. Prison guards had played songs over loudspeakers from security towers to drown out the sound inside and outside the compound’s walls, of the prisoners screams, the guard’s verbal assaults, and sound of beating bodies. In response, the SLORC said “internationally-recognized batons” had been used and that only three prisoners had been “slightly injured”. AAPP has great concern the protests in Insein Prison will be viciously suppressed and there will be a massacre and rampant use of torture. Like-minded governments must apply pressure on junta officials to protect the lives of these pro-democracy supporters and secure their release from arbitrary detention. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-23
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 22 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 22 July 2021: As of 22 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 22, a total of (5333) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 21, terrorist junta’s troops raided Kun Seik Village in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township and shot dead local villager Thein Tint a.k.a Jit Leik, when he was running away in fear. Khin Mar Yi a.k.a Phwar Cho, former chairman of Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township Development Committee, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code since March for involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and protesting, suffers from chronic diabetes. She died on July 21 in a Minkin detention cell due to diabetes and heart failure as she was not allowed to receive medical treatment at hospital while detained. On the night of July 20, Mya Wunn Yan, chief editor of Than Lwin Thway Chinn News Agency based in Shan State’s Taunggyi City, and her two daughters, Nan Khin Hphone Thwe and Su Myat Noe, who are also reporters, were arrested at home in Taunggyi by the terrorist junta. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-22
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Junta Tribunals Impose 65 Death Sentences
Sub-title: Secretive Military Trials Violate Fair Trial Standards
Description: "The Myanmar junta’s military tribunals have sentenced 65 people to death following unjust trials since the military coup on February 1, 2021, Human Rights Watch said today. State media and local groups have reported that 26 of those sentenced are currently detained, while 39 were convicted in absentia. Military tribunals handed down the death sentences in areas of Yangon where the junta declared martial law in March. In imposing martial law, the junta transferred all executive and judicial power to the head of the relevant regional military command and instituted the death penalty as a possible sentence for 23 crimes. “The Myanmar junta has added to its mass shootings of protesters on the streets by having military tribunals hand down several dozen death sentences after egregiously unfair trials,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Apparently aimed to chill the anti-coup protest movement, these death sentences should serve as a stark warning to foreign governments that urgent action is needed to show the junta that there will be a reckoning for its crimes.” On March 14 and 15, the State Administration Council (SAC) junta declared martial law in 11 townships in Yangon and Mandalay, following a weekend in which security forces killed an estimated 120 people during anti-coup protests. The Yangon commander, Maj. Gen. Nyunt Win Swe, was granted oversight of all administrative and judicial powers in the designated Yangon townships. The martial law orders lay out 23 categories of crimes to be charged in military tribunals in the designated townships, all of them carrying a potential sentence of capital punishment. The designated offenses include several put in place by the junta since the coup. The majority are not capital crimes in civilian courts. The 65 death sentences have been imposed for murder charges under penal code sections 302, 396, and 397. The martial law regulations require the SAC chair, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, to approve all execution orders. They also state there is “no appeal for decisions or convictions handed down” by a military tribunal. The only option for defendants sentenced to death is to apply to the SAC chair within 15 days of the conviction to reverse the decision. Min Aung Hlaing has the authority to overturn the decision, change the sentence to a lesser penalty, or approve the decision. The applications can only be filed through prison officials, not lawyers, Radio Free Asia reported. The execution orders were issued in six batches between April and June. The rushed and concealed legal proceedings, carried out against civilians by military courts not properly convened according to law, have gravely deprived detainees and those convicted in absentia of their basic fair trial rights. Military tribunals in Myanmar have long been conducted behind closed doors inside Yangon’s Insein Prison, where the rules of evidence and procedure applicable in civilian courts do not apply. Those on trial before military tribunals face almost certain conviction regardless of the validity of the charges against them, while the trials are held outside the scrutiny of the public or the international community. In the first death penalty case brought by the junta, state media reported that 18 men and a woman were sentenced to death on April 8 for allegedly attacking two military officers riding a motorbike, one of whom later died, in North Okkalapa township in Yangon on March 27. The 19 people were sentenced under penal code sections 396 and 397 for murder and robbery. Another man was sentenced to death on April 28 for the same incident. Three of those sentenced are in custody; the remainder were convicted in absentia. A Yangon military tribunal sentenced two women and five men to death on April 12 under penal code section 302(1)(b) for their alleged involvement in the murder of a woman in Hlaing Tharyar township who had reportedly supported the military. Four are detained; three others were convicted in absentia. On May 24, Insein prison’s military tribunal sentenced 18 people – 15 men, a woman, and 2 teenage boys – to death under penal code section 302(1)(c) on charges of allegedly killing a supporter of the military on March 29 in South Dagon. Seven are in hiding; eleven have been detained. The two teenagers, ages 17 and 15, were detained on April 17. State media reported that they were transferred to a juvenile court. Four of the detained men are brothers. Five men were sentenced to death on May 27, four of them in absentia, under penal code section 302(1)(b) for the alleged fatal attack of a man living in Shwe Pyi Thar township. In the latest reported convictions, a military tribunal sentenced 15 people – 13 men and 2 women – to death on June 21, charged under penal code section 302(1)(b) for allegedly killing an informant and two of his sons on March 15 in Shwe Pauk Kan Myothit, North Okkalapa township. Seven are detained; eight were sentenced in absentia. Since February, the junta and security forces have responded with increasing violence and repression to the nationwide anti-coup movement. State security forces have killed over 900 people and detained an estimated 5,300 activists, journalists, civil servants, and politicians. The martial law orders also allow for death penalty sentencing for treason and related offenses, several of which were put in place or expanded by the SAC to broadly criminalize protest activity and the Civil Disobedience Movement. Under the expanded treason provisions, it is unlawful to “excite disaffection against” the defense forces, effectively making any criticism of the military treasonous. The military courts have also been assigned to hear charges used to stifle dissent, including Penal Code section 505A, a new provision put in place by the junta that makes a criminal offense comments that “cause fear,” spread “false news” or “agitate directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a government employee.” Some detainees on death row reported being beaten by police in prison. Myanmar security forces have subjected many detainees arrested since the coup to torture and other ill-treatment, including routine beatings. Detainees are frequently kept incommunicado, unable to contact relatives or legal counsel. The victims, among them a 17-year-old boy who spoke to Human Rights Watch, described beatings, burnings from lit cigarettes, prolonged stress positions, and gender-based violence. Other sources interviewed said security forces often transported detainees to police precincts or military interrogation facilities, where they would be beaten and forced to stand, kneel, or lie in stress positions for hours. Myanmar has not carried out judicial executions of prisoners since 1988, although Myanmar law still retains the death penalty, and courts have continued to sentence people to death. Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty under all circumstances because of its inherent cruelty and irreversibility, and has long called on Myanmar to ban all capital punishment. “These bogus military tribunals are handing down unfair and unappealable death sentences under direction from a commander sanctioned by the European Union, United States, and others for committing the worst crimes under international law,” Bauchner said. “The United Nations, EU, US, and other governments should be demanding the release of all those wrongfully imprisoned and ramping up pressure so the junta knows that what they do – even behind prison doors – is being watched.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-22
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Title: U.N. Member States: Form Emergency Coalition to Respond to COVID Outbreak and Coup d’état in Myanmar
Sub-title: Deadly third wave of COVID-19 is sweeping the nation
Description: "United Nations member states should immediately form an Emergency Coalition to provide humanitarian aid and coordinate a mass-vaccination campaign in Myanmar to contain the spread of COVID-19, said Fortify Rights today. Donor governments and international agencies should ensure the localization of aid to relevant humanitarian actors and avoid legitimizing the military junta. “COVID is killing untold numbers of people throughout the country,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The junta is responsible for this crisis, which poses serious threats to the entire region and beyond. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing must step down and return the country to civilian rule before more lives are lost.” Since the military seized power in an attempted coup d’état on February 1, its forces have arbitrarily arrested, beat, and killed medical professionals and destroyed medical supplies and facilities, leaving Myanmar’s healthcare system in disarray as COVID-19 spreads throughout the country. Oxygen and medical supplies in Myanmar are scarce, hospitals and medical facilities are unable to treat a rising volume of patients, and bodies of those who have succumbed to the COVID-19 virus are reportedly piling up at morgues and crematoriums. Fortify Rights documented the looting and destruction of medical supplies and equipment by junta security forces. For instance, a medical doctor described how Myanmar Army soldiers and police destroyed medical equipment at a clinic in Mandalay on two consecutive days in March: “They destroyed the blood pressure manometer, the sphygmomanometer, some of the oxygen measurement SpO2, and some medication they threw and some they took with them,” he said. “They robbed some of the medication.” The World Health Organization (WHO) reports more than 260 attacks “on health care” in Myanmar since the coup, including attacks impacting medical facilities, patients, transport vehicles, medical personnel, and medical supplies. These attacks have severely limited COVID-19 testing, treatment, and vaccination. Doctors and medical professionals in Myanmar founded the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) on February 2, refusing to work under the military junta, making them a target of the junta and forcing many into hiding. “The military is arresting every government service employee, especially the doctors,” an emergency physician who is now in hiding told Fortify Rights. “I did the CDM. So, they want me.” According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), junta forces have arrested more than 5,315 men, women, and children, including 66 medical personnel since February 1. Another 571 medical professionals including doctors, nurses, and medics are reportedly evading arrest warrants and are in hiding, according to AAPP Political prisoners are also among those dying from COVID-19. On July 20, veteran politician and spokesperson for the National League for Democracy Party, Nyan Win, 79, died from the virus, according to media reports citing his lawyer. Other political prisoners in Myanmar are also reportedly showing symptoms of COVID-19, including Myanmar nationals as well as Australian economist Sean Turnell and American journalist Danny Fenster, both of whom face trumped-up charges related to the coup. Political prisoners nationwide in Myanmar are at grave risk due to COVID-19 and other ill-treatment by the junta, and they should be released immediately, Fortify Rights said. According to the WHO, Myanmar has 240,570 confirmed cases of COVID-19 and 5,567 recorded deaths from the virus as of July 20. Fortify Rights believes the actual number of new infections and deaths from the disease are much higher than reported, based on communications with medical professionals and others in Myanmar. The Acting WHO Representative to Myanmar told Fortify Rights that COVID-19 cases might be underreported due to limited testing capabilities, adding that efforts were underway to “re-operationalize testing and surveillance activities.” “The test-positivity rate reported is as high as 35 percent as of July 12, 2021,” the Acting WHO Representative to Myanmar told Fortify Rights. “Because the data is limited, we cannot confirm how these figures reflect the real situation, but it reflects a rapidly increasing number of infections in the country.” A test-positivity rate of five percent is considered dangerous and “too high,” according to faculty at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. The WHO representative stressed that an effective response to the pandemic must include ensuring severe patients can “easily access COVID-19 treatment centers and hospitals.” It must also guarantee no limitation of lifesaving materials in treatment centers and hospitals and an adequate healthcare workforce capable of providing care and expert clinical management. Due to a lack of healthcare workers, lifesaving materials, and safe access to hospitals and healthcare facilities, many COVID-19 patients in Myanmar are self-treating themselves at home. “Although I am infected with COVID and feel some tightness of chest, [I] don’t have time to rest,” a Myanmar doctor-in-hiding and founding member of the CDM told Fortify Rights on July 19. He explained how he is treating home-based COVID patients by phone. “The situation is very bad here.” On July 12, the junta’s Deputy Minister of Information, Major General Zaw Min Tun, admitted to placing restrictions on civilian access to much-needed oxygen supplies, telling journalists in Naypyidaw: “The reason we put these restrictions in place is, firstly, because we discovered scams on the internet. Some people are committing fraud, pretending to provide services refilling oxygen supplies, and we received complaint letters.” Myanmar’s population exceeds 54 million. According to the junta-led Global New Light of Myanmar, an estimated 1.6 million people have been vaccinated to date. A medical professional in Myanmar, unnamed here for security purposes, told Fortify Rights that some in the country, including himself, received a first vaccination shot before the coup. Due mainly to the junta’s ongoing attack against the people, he and others have not received a second shot, leaving them less protected from infection, to say nothing of the unvaccinated masses. On July 20, the junta-led Global New Light of Myanmar reported that the Ministry of Health and Sports would vaccinate 50 percent of Myanmar’s population against COVID-19 this year. On July 7, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, called for the formation of an “Emergency Coalition for the People of Myanmar” to stop what he described as the military junta’s “reign of terror” in the country. On July 14, Andrews reiterated his call for the formation of the coalition to coordinate urgent international help to address the “perfect storm” of factors fueling the COVID-19 crisis. On July 18, the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar—comprising elected members of parliament, leaders of anti-coup protests, and ethnic nationalities—requested the U.N. Secretary-General and the international community to urgently provide “humanitarian assistance and emergency support to the people of Myanmar” as the country grapples with a deadly third wave of COVID-19. Under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Myanmar is a State Party, the right to health requires States to ensure the “prevention, treatment and control of epidemic, endemic, occupational and other diseases” and to ensure “medical service and medical attention in the event of sickness.” The right to health also requires that health services, facilities, and goods are adequately available and accessible on a non-discriminatory basis. Furthermore, the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights clarified on November 27, 2020, that “States have a duty of international cooperation and assistance to ensure universal equitable access to [COVID-19] vaccines wherever needed.” Under the ICESCR, “States must strengthen their international cooperation to guarantee, as soon as possible, universal and equitable access to vaccines for COVD-19 globally, including for the populations of the least developed countries.” “The junta has thwarted all basic factors necessary for an effective response to the COVID crisis, including access to hospitals, lifesaving materials, and sufficient healthcare staff to attend to patients,” said Matthew Smith. “The world is failing the people of Myanmar, and more lives will be lost if governments do not coordinate urgently.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-22
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 21 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 21 July 2021: As of 21 July, (929) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Momauk Township in Kachin State, Htandabin Township in Bago Region and Kalay Township in Sagaing Region were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 21, a total of (5323) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 20, Su Su Htay, a 2nd-year university student Kaung Myat Naing, and an 8th-grade student May Htoo Naing. The wife, son and daughter of Kyaw Soe Naing, MP for Nganzun Township of Mandalay Region, were arrested at Shwe-Kyar-Inn Monastery in Myittha Township when the terrorist junta could not find Kyaw Soe Naing there. Moreover, San San Maw, who is involved in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), and lived with the family, was also arrested. In addition to this, Chit Naing, a 1st-year distance education student majoring in Geography at Dawei University, was followed and arrested by the terrorist junta wearing plain clothes in Dawei City, Tanintharyi Region on July 20. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-21
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Title: PROTESTS PERSIST ACROSS MYANMAR DESPITE ONGOING ARRESTS, TORTURE AND KILLINGS BY JUNTA
Description: "Protests have continued in Myanmar, more than five months after the Myanmar military junta seized power in a coup on 1st February 2021 and arrested the civilian leaders of the national and state governments. According to the latest data from human rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 20th July 2021, 922 individuals have been confirmed killed by the military and a total of 5,315 people are currently in detention. The military junta has also continued its attacks against ethic armed organisations and the People’s Defence Forces (PDF) in various regions including in Kayah and Mon states, Kachin and Shan, Chin and Rakhine states, leaving at least 230,000 civilians displaced as of 24th June 2021. The People's Defence Forces formed by the underground National Unity Government and aimed to protect civilians from security forces has been mobilised against the junta. On 19th June 2021, the UN General Assembly issued a resolution condemning the coup and demanding that the military “immediately stop all violence against peaceful demonstrators”. However, it stopped short of calling for a global arms embargo against Myanmar’s military, even as it took the rare step of urging member states to “prevent the flow of arms” into the country. It was approved by 119 countries, with 36 abstaining including China, Myanmar’s main ally. Only one country, Belarus, voted against it. It was sponsored by some 60 countries. Human rights groups have continued to call on the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo. On 26th June 2021, Pramila Patten, the U.N. special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence in conflict, described an “extremely concerning” pattern of sexual violence by Myanmar’s military. Patten focused particularly on reports of sexual violence against women in detention centres. On 7th July 2021, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, called for the urgent formation of an “Emergency Coalition for the People of Myanmar” to stop what he described as the military junta’s “reign of terror” in the country. He added: “It could reduce the junta’s ability to attack its citizens, save the lives of those in acute crisis, and gain political leverage so that the crisis in Myanmar might come to a just and permanent conclusion”. Andrews highlighted the extreme human rights abuses committed by the junta, which he described as crimes against humanity. Various countries have continued to impose sanctions on the military junta. On 21st June 2021, the EU implemented new sanctions on top officials in Myanmar's ruling military junta, including travel bans and asset freezes on eight officials, and also targeted four "economic entities" tied to the Myanmar military. The UK also added three Myanmar economic entities to its sanctions list including a state-owned pearl firm and a timber company. The United States also imposed fresh sanctions on 3rd July 2021, on 22 individuals including four Myanmar government ministers. The sanctions target Myanmar’s minister of information Chit Naing, minister for investment Aung Naing Oo, labour and immigration minister Myint Kyaing, and Thet Thet Khine, the minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement. Three members of the powerful State Administrative Council were also hit with sanctions, as were 15 spouses and adult children of officials. On 8th June 2021, Japan's lower house adopted a resolution condemning the coup and urging the country to return to democracy. The resolution, adopted in a House of Representatives plenary session, described the military coup as an "act to trample on efforts and expectations for democratisation" and called on the Japanese government to "make full use of all diplomatic resources and every effort to realize" the restoration of democracy in Myanmar. However, the country has yet to impose sanctions. Human rights groups have continued to criticise ASEAN for its failure to address the human rights violations in Myanmar and for shielding the Myanmar military from international pressure and accountability. On 4th June 2021, a high-level delegation comprised of ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Pehin Yusof, the second minister for foreign affairs for Brunei, the current chair of ASEAN, met with coup leader and head of the Myanmar military authorities but reported little tangible progress. ASEAN members also tried to block a UN General Assembly draft resolution calling for a global arms embargo on the junta. In a positive development, the Human Rights Council (HRC) postponed the adoption of the outcomes of Myanmar’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR). This came after 414 Myanmar and international civil society organisations urged the HRC to postpone the session and reject the Myanmar military junta representatives at the UN Offices in Geneva and recognise the National Unity Government (NUG). Over the last month, the junta has targeted artists, medical workers, lawyers, LGBTIQ activists and their families, youths and others. Some have been sentenced for ‘incitement’ (Section 505a) and ‘unlawful assembly’ (Section 145) while others have been tortured or killed by the junta with impunity. Nearly half of the 87 journalists arrested by Myanmar’s junta in the five months since it staged a coup remain in detention. An investigation by the rights group Global Witness found that Facebook is promoting content that incites violence against Myanmar’s coup protesters and amplifies junta misinformation..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-21
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 20 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 20 July 2021: As of 20 July, (922) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Sanchaung Township and Hlaing Tharyar Township in Yangon Region and Kyaukdaga Township in Bago Region were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 20, a total of (5315) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Nyan Win, NLD Secretary, who contracted COVID-19 while he was detained in Insein Prison, and only then transferred to Yangon General Hospital due to his severe condition because he did not receive adequate medical treatment in prison, died on July 20 in hospital. Likewise, Win Kyaing, NLD executive member of Western Hlaing Tharyar Township of Yangon Region, died on July 20 due to COVID-19 having been detained in Insein Prison. Aye Hla, Vice Chairman of NLD of Kyaukdaga Township of Bago Region, died on July 19 at Daik-u (Kyaik Za Kaw) Prison due to injuries consistent with torture during interrogation. He was arrested on June 16 having been accused of providing training to PDFs and allegedly in possession of weapons, when the junta did not find his son Linn Linn Kyaw, MP for Kyaukdaga Township of Bago Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-20
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Title: IFEX calls on Myanmar junta to drop all charges under new censorship legislation, free all protestors and journalists, and restore media licenses
Description: "IFEX is calling for the restoration of media licenses to IFEX member Mizzima News and other media outlets who have played an essential role in shedding light on the violence inflicted by the junta against their own people. 897 people have been killed and over 6500 arrested, charged or sentenced since the coup in February. IFEX, the global network of over 100 organisations dedicated to promoting and defending the right to freedom of expression and information, is calling on Myanmar’s military junta to drop all charges under its repressive censorship legislation, Penal Code section 505A, and to immediately release all protestors and journalists detained under section 505A and other laws. IFEX is also calling for the restoration of media licenses to IFEX member Mizzima News and other media outlets who have played an essential role in shedding light on the violence inflicted by the junta against their own people. 897 people have been killed and over 6500 arrested, charged or sentenced since the coup in February. Shortly after seizing power, the junta amended section 505A to criminalize comments that supposedly “cause fear,” spread misinformation, or incite crimes against government employees. Offences under section 505A are non-bailable and subject to arrest without a warrant, with a guilty charge punishable by up to 3 years in prison. Legal experts have highlighted how the legislation has been used widely against opponents of military rule. “This legislation is typical of how repressive regimes the world over seek to silence critics, limit civic space and threaten the safety and freedom of expression of journalists and media outlets,” stated IFEX Executive Director Annie Game. “With the junta continuing to perpetrate violence against their own people, access to reliable information has never been so important. All charges under section 505A should be dropped, all protestors and journalists freed, and media licenses restored so that our colleagues at Mizzima News and other outlets can operate freely.” Addressing a recent session of the UN Human Rights Council, Thomas H. Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, described how the military junta continues to stifle freedom of expression, including by “using criminal defamation charges to target journalists, human rights defenders, and civil society leaders.” Speaking at the same session, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet labelled the situation in Myanmar as a, “multi-dimensional human rights catastrophe,” that requires immediate action. She pointed to the silencing of civil voices, the arrests of journalists, and the shuttering of media outlets, and highlighted “multiple reports of enforced disappearances; brutal torture and deaths in custody; and the arrest of relatives or children in lieu of the person being sought.” Mizzima News has been one of the many targets of these attacks. Since the coup, Mizzima has been outlawed and their offices raided. Despite these threats, the organisation has continued to operate, oppose the coup, and call for the restoration of democracy. In response the military junta has charged 18 Mizzima staff members and journalists under section 505A, including Ko Zaw Zaw, Mizzima’s Myeik-based freelance reporter who was sentenced to two years in prison. Women human rights defenders and journalists have been at particular risk of arrest under the legislation. On April 8, Thin Thin Aung, co-founder of Mizzima, was arrested in Yangon along with James Pu Thoure, a Mizzima staff member. Her house was ransacked, her computer seized and the entirety of her and her news outlet’s funds taken away. Both of them were taken to Mingalardon interrogation center (Yay Kyi Aing) for two weeks, before being transferred to Yangon’s Insein prison on April 21. Thin Thin Aung remains in prison to this day, charged under section 505A. Her next court hearing is scheduled for July 28. There have been numerous calls for her release, including from a group of Nobel Peace Prize Laureates, with concerns being expressed over her health and high risk of torture. IFEX member organisations across the Asia-Pacific region and the globe have expressed their strong condemnation of the coup and support for those struggling for their rights. Updates from the developing situation in Myanmar are available on the websites of IFEX and Mizzima..."
Source/publisher: International Freedom of Expression Exchange
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-20
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Title: Around 5,000 Sagaing Villagers Flee Myanmar Junta Raid
Description: "Over 5,000 residents from three villages in Shwebo Township, Sagaing Region, fled their homes after junta raids on Sunday. Shootouts occurred outside Pa Lai village on Sunday evening when resistance fighters used homemade rifles against large numbers of advancing junta troops. “They came with informants. At first, there was only a truck of them but more troops followed in smaller vehicles. We were outnumbered and they fired artillery at the village. All the villagers have fled into the forest,” said a Pa Lai villager. Junta troops set a National League for Democracy ((NLD) supporter’s house in Pa Lai on fire. The two-story building, along with four silos and harvesters, was destroyed. The financial loss was estimated at more than 100 million kyats (US$61,000), said another resident. About 16km from Shwebo, Pa Lai is a large village with a population of more than 3,000. Nearby villages Kantha and Gontan have a combined population of over 2,000. “All the villagers fled. We can’t yet return because they are stationed at a monastery in the village. Some houses were damaged by shelling. I don’t know yet if anyone was injured,” said a resident. Junta troops also reportedly ransacked the house of a former NLD chairman in Kantha village and detained three villagers. Personnel have also reportedly raided villages adjacent to Kantha and Gontha. “We are still in the forest and having troubles. Some of us are elderly and children. They are raiding one village after another. I heard a woman was shot by a sniper. I don’t know if she died. Many of us ran as soon as they entered the village. All the villagers followed after they started firing artillery,” said a villager. Four residents were killed in a shootout between a neighborhood watch group and junta troops in Seik Khun village on Saturday..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-19
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 19 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 19 July 2021: As of 19 July, (919) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Bago Township in Bago Region and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 19, a total of (5293) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. The family was informed that political activist Naing Linn Soe a.k.a. Ye Gyi from Bago Township in Bago Region, who was detained and interrogated by Infantry Division No.77 in Bago since June, was sent to hospital on July 17 due to COVID-19, and died on July 18. He was arrested after his wife was detained as a hostage on June 14, and forced to show his hiding place to the terrorist junta. On the night of July 17, junta troops raided Seik Khun village in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township and shot four youths to death unprovoked while they were guarding the village. These youths are Thet Soe, Htay Hlaing Win, Aung Paing Htwe and Aung Hein Kyaw. Activist Tin Htut Paing and Aung Min Oo were arrested at an apartment in Yangon Region’s Hlaing Township by junta forces on the night of July 18. In addition to this, on the night of July 18, Lin Htin Soe, Mandalay Region’s Chairman of the Takhon Farmer Federation for Burma, living in Pyin Oo Lwin Township in Mandalay Region, was arrested at his home by the junta, the junta forces also confiscated some money and a car from his home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-19
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Title: Myanmar: ‘Brute force terror campaign’ targeting rights defenders, UN experts say
Sub-title: Human rights defenders in Myanmar are being targeted under a “brute force terror campaign” by the military junta, United Nations independent experts said on Monday, calling again for a stronger international response to the coup.
Description: "In a statement, Tom Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, and Mary Lawlor, Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders highlighted credible reports of activists forced into hiding after having arrests warrants issued against them, under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code. Their homes were raided, possessions seized, and family members threatened and harassed, they said, noting that many others who where unable to flee, have been arbitrarily arrested. Lawyers representing those detained after the coup have themselves been detained, as have journalists covering the protests, the statement added.....Citizens ‘held hostage’: Special Rapporteur Andrews said that the people of Myanmar appreciate the expressions of concern from the international community, “but what they desperately need, is action”. “It is critical that nations stand with and for the besieged people of Myanmar who are being held hostage by an illegal military junta. It is time for strong, focused and coordinate action that includes economic sanctions and an arms embargo.” “A more determined, unified international solidarity with human rights defenders in Myanmar is required to avoid further attacks”, Mr. Andrews added, reiterating his call for an Emergency Coalition for the People of Myanmar to stop what he described as the junta’s “reign of terror” in the country. More than 892 men, women and children have been killed and countless more wounded by security forces in a brutal crackdown since the 1 February coup. According to humanitarians, thousands of people across Myanmar have also been displaced due to clashes between the military and regional armed groups, and the situation is further complicated by the worsening COVID-19 situation, which risks overwhelming health and medical services across the country. ‘Astonishing’ bravery Mary Lawlor, Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, applauded the bravery of rights defenders, in the face of massive risks for their own safety. “Women human rights defenders are particularly at risk in remote rural areas and are often beaten and kicked before being sent to prison where they can face torture and sexual violence with no medical care provided”, Ms. Lawlor said. “We have heard from women human rights defenders from different ethnic groups in various areas of the country. Their bravery in continuing to speak out against the human rights violations being perpetrated by the military against the country’s population, coming as it does in the face of threats of gender-based violence and massive risks for their safety, is astonishing.” The Special Rapporteurs and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. The experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: UN News
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-19
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Title: Father of NLD MP shot dead by junta soldiers in Sinbaungwe, Magwe Region
Sub-title: Villagers say the 60-year-old farmer was killed while tending to his sesame field
Description: "The father of a National League for Democracy (NLD) regional parliamentarian was shot dead in Sinbaungwe Township, Magwe Region by the junta’s soldiers on Friday morning. Two locals confirmed to Myanmar Now that the troops shot and killed Tin Ohn, a 60-year-old farmer, in his field at 10am. He was the father of elected regional MP Yan Aung Myo. A villager from Tha Ngar village, where Tin Ohn lived, said he was working in a sesame field when he was killed. “According to the sound of the gunfire, they shot about 20 rounds,” the villager said. “The soldiers knew where [Yan Aung Myo’s] family members were because of information given to them by military informants.” He added that some villagers reportedly saw Tin Ohn's body being taken away by the army on a three-wheeled motorcycle. Villagers have been unable to contact Tin Ohn’s other family members since his death, the villager said. “We can’t call them. They have not picked up the calls,” he said. Myanmar Now is continuing to gather information surrounding Tin Ohn’s killing. A Sinbaungwe resident said that at around 2pm on Friday, the junta announced that Tin Ohn’s body could be retrieved from the township hospital. A village administrator and clerk were reportedly going to claim it. Villagers from Tha Ngar made a grave to bury Tin Ohn on Saturday. Parliamentarian Yan Aung Myo, Tin Ohn’s son, lived in Aye Ka Rit village near Tha Ngar, but he had been on the run since April, the Sinbaungwe resident said. Yan Aung Myo contested and won the 2020 general election as an NLD candidate in Magwe’s regional parliament for Sinbaungwe’s Constituency 1..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-17
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Title: Myanmar: Acts of torture while in custody against Man Zar Myay Mon
Description: "The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), has received new information and requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Myanmar. New information: The Observatory has been informed about the acts of torture while in custody and the ongoing judicial harassment against Man Zar Myay Mon, an environmental and land rights defender, member of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA) [1] and of the Subnational Coordination Unit (SCU) of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) [2] in Sagaing Region. According to a family member, Man Zar Myay Mon had his fingers broken during interrogation at the headquarters of the Tatmadaw’s Northwestern Command in Monywa, Sagaing Region, where he was detained following his arrest on June 8, 2021. At the time of publication of this Urgent Appeal, Man Zar Myay Mon was detained in Monywa prison, Sagaing Region. On July 7, 2021, Man Zar Myay Mon appeared for his third hearing in the Monywa prison court. During this hearing, he was able to meet with his lawyers in person for the first time since his arrest. Man Zar Myay Mon is facing five charges of “incitement” under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code. Among those charges, it is unclear to which alleged actions by Man Zar Myay Mon the charges are related. The Observatory recalls that Man Zar Myay Mon has worked for many years to promote accountability of the extractive industries for the benefit of local communities. He led a regional mining investigation and helped inform the development of mining legislation in Sagaing Region. Throughout this process he helped uncover many instances of corruption among government officials. He was also active as one of the community leaders in the Letpadaung mine protests in Sagaing Region [3]. Since February 2021, he led non-violent anti-coup protests in Chaung-U Township, Sagaing Region. Since his arrest, the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights Defenders and the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar expressed deep concern about Man Zar Myay Mon’s arrest. The Observatory expresses its utmost concern regarding the torture to which Man Zar Myay Mon has been subjected during his detention and alerts on the high risk of further acts of ill-treatment and torture he is facing while in military custody. The Observatory urges the military junta to immediately release Man Zar Myay Mon, put an end to all acts of harassment - including at the judicial level - against him, and guarantee in all circumstances his physical integrity and psychological well-being..."
Source/publisher: International Federation for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-17
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 16 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 16 July 2021: As of 16 July, (912) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 16, a total of (5277) people are currently under detention. (254) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 15, Sai Bo Bo Aung, Chairman of Tai-Leng (Red Shan) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), was arrested at his home by junta soldiers and police in Khanti Town, Sagaing Region. Two children named Aung Swan Pyae, the 12-year-old son of a tea shop owner, and a 15-year-old waiter, who were arrested when the terrorist junta raided a tea shop in Ohn Pin Chan village, Sintgine Township, Mandalay Region on July 6, are being charged under Section 5 and 6 of the Explosive Substances Act and currently detained in the Sintgine Police Station jail cells. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-16
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Title: Emergency Release: COVID-19 in Burma’s Prison
Description: "Across Burma COVID-19 is devastating communities, in this way the junta is benefiting from the spread of the deadly disease, they don’t have to use weapons, the virus is killing people. Thousands are dying from lack of oxygen whilst the junta claims people are hoarding supplies, in fact the junta has ordered oxygen factories to refuse refilling cylinder from individuals. Charity groups are struggling to save the lives of COVID-19 patients, but the junta shoots at crowds of people trying to fill up containers of oxygen for their loved ones. In prisons the situation is getting worse, the junta has restricted visits to lawyers and family, even prison staff cannot make contact with outside. It is becoming even more difficult to obtain information. However, AAPP knows there have been outbreaks in Insein, Hpa-an Taung Galay, Taunggyi and Taungoo prisons, but we do not know how many have been affected, or even how many have been killed. NLD legal advisor U Nyan Win has contracted COVID-19, but he is in a prominent position and receiving medical treatment at Yangon General Hospital. The situation for the other individuals still detained will be much worse. AAPP’s 2018 report on Prison Overcrowding and the Urgent Need for Reform analysed an investigation conducted by the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission in 2017 revealed rampant overcrowding. Of the 30 prisons investigated by MNHRC, there was a total capacity of 31,500 but the prisons were found to hold over 50,000 prisoners, 19,000 over capacity. The problem has not improved since the report’s publication. From AAPP’s previous visits to prisons we understand that medical care is not nearly sufficient, Burma’s prisons are in control of an institution which does not care if people die. The success of the civilian government to procure vaccines and administer them has been dismantled by the military coup. At the outbreak of COVID-19 last year, AAPP visited 33 prisons and labour camps from May to November 2020 to distribute masks, and sanitiser, probing officials on statistics and practices from the arcane military-controlled prison department. We did this because the military-controlled prison department could not be trusted to reveal the truth. Just as the junta is now torturing people to death and saying COVID-19 is the cause. It is clear COVID-19 is being used as a weapon of war by the junta, the terrorists in the so-called State Administrative Council understood an outbreak would happen. They occupied hospitals to launch night-time raids to detain medical students, tortured healthcare workers, and indiscriminately shot at protests led by doctors and nurses. Prisoners in Burma remain especially at risk to the spread of disease because of chronic overcrowding and systemic violations to their rights. Prison staff are also poorly trained, and in Insein and Taunggyi where there are rumours of infection, ratio of prisoners to one staff was 14.6, and 16.0 respectively. Not nearly enough for officials to monitor the physical and mental health of prisoners, or isolate prisoners displaying symptoms or with positive infection. This is why thousands of pro-democracy supporters are at risk, especially in Yangon. Legal advisor U Khin Maung Myint told The Irrawaddy on 7 July that there are around 13,000 prisoners inside Insein Prison which has a capacity of 5000. This would mean according to U Khin Maung Myint, that Insein is now operating 260% over-capacity. Reports of an outbreak in Taunggyi Prison are also a significant threat, the prison was operating at 251.3% overcapacity even before the coup, 754 prisoners to its 300 intended capacity. But there are systematic issues beyond overcrowding, HIV is highly prevalent in prisons, and the junta’s letter to MSF to stop work in in Dawei treating HIV patients is indicative of their approach to the human life. According to a reliable source, there has been a recent outbreak of COVID-19 in Taung Galay Prison, Hpa-An. A woman died on suspicion of COVID-19 last week in a custody cell, but the news was not disclosed by the prison. Prisoner patients who lost the sense of smell are being kept together with other inmates and denied necessary medical treatment, their access to medical supplies is also being restricted due to the prohibition of family visits and communication. It is clear what the junta thinks of fundamental rights, the vaccination program must not be administered by the junta. The people do not want this, and they will not trust the process. AAPP has great concern for everyone in Burma and its ramifications for the entire region. In order to help our people, we need a trusted leadership, chosen by the people with free civil and political civic space inside the country. We therefore urge the international community including the US, EU, ASEAN, China, UN and donor organizations to put pressure on the junta to restore civilian government and open civil political and civic space. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-16
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Title: Nearly 50 Held in Myanmar’s Insein Prison Now Infected With COVID-19
Sub-title: International experts accuse Myanmar's military rulers of 'weaponizing' the virus by blocking aid from civil society and humanitarian groups.
Description: "Nearly 50 prisoners held in Myanmar’s notorious Insein prison are infected with COVID-19 but are being denied effective medical treatment by the country’s military, which overthrew the country’s democratically elected government in a Feb. 1 coup, lawyers for some inmates said on Friday. Among the 48 now infected are political leaders from the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD), doctors connected to the country’s Civil Disobedience Movement, and American journalist Danny Fenster, editor of the online Frontier Myanmar magazine. Top NLD leader Nyan Win, 78, and Yangon Region Social Affairs Minister Naing Lin, both now diagnosed with COVID-19, were arrested on Feb. 1. Nyan Win has been charged under Section 505(b) of Myanmar’s Penal Code for calling the military coup unlawful and its instructions invalid. Naing Lin was charged under Section 409 and under Section 55 of Myanmar’s Anti-Corruption Law. Nyan Win, already suffering from prostate and gastrointestinal problems, was admitted to Yangon General Hospital on July 11 after testing positive for the disease, NLD lawyer San Malar Nyuint told RFA on July 16. “He is a little weak, but his oxygen level is good and he has no fever,” the lawyer said. “He was transferred here from the prison hospital. He is also taking medications for his prostate and gastric problems,” he added. Ko Naing Lin, who was charged under Section 409 of the Penal Code and Section 55 of Myanmar’s Anti-Corruption Law, was not taken to the hospital, though, and is getting treatment in his cell, he said. Dr. Maw Maw Oo, a key figure in controlling the COVID-19 outbreak during NLD rule, was diagnosed with COVID-19 on July 5 and was admitted to Yangon General Hospital along with Nyan Win. Arrested on April 12, she has been charged under Section 505 (a) for joining Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) opposing military rule. U.S. journalist Fenster, charged under Section 505 (a) after being arrested at Yangon International Airport on May 24, was infected with COVID-19 in Insein Prison but has received no medical treatment at all, defense lawyer Than Zaw Aung said. “I saw him yesterday by appointment on a video call. I could only see him on the phone. When I asked him how he was doing, he said that he had been infected with COVID-19. I asked him if he was receiving any treatment, and he said no.” “I told the warden to tell this to the hospital,” Than Zaw Aung said, adding that his client is frustrated that court hearings are not being held more quickly. Also speaking to RFA, family members of other prisoners held at Insein expressed concern over the presence of infected persons in the prison, which reported its first case of coronavirus on May 25. Kay Thwe Moe, wife of detained NLD Central Committee member Monywa Aung Shin, said she fears for the health of her husband, who has asthma and suffers from breathing problems in the cold. “Now that there are COVID-19 cases in the prison, I’m very worried about him” she said. “There’s a lot of rain now in Yangon, and in this kind of weather his asthma gives him problems,” she said.....Prison under lockdown: Thousands of prisoners are being tried in six military tribunals and 38 special courts set up in Insein Prison, and lawyers believe the virus may have spread to other inmates as around 300 people, including lawyers, enter the prison compound every day. Due to the spread of infection, Insein Prison is now under lockdown until July 21, though, and the special courts are currently closed. Most of the prisoners now infected with COVID-19 at Insein Prison were arrested for taking part in anti-coup protests and are not receiving adequate medical care, an official with the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said. “Even under normal circumstances, the health care in prisons is terrible, but this is now a very serious situation,” the AAPP official said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “We don’t know how many people in the country have been infected with the COVID-19 virus, and for people in prison, things are even more worrying.” “People on the outside may be able to help each other, but it’s harder for people to help each other behind prison walls,” he said. Zaw Zaw, director of the Yangon Region Prisons Department, said that no infections are present in the main prison building itself, but only among inmates held in special wards and those transported to the prison by police, and that adequate medical treatment is available. “There is no COVID-19 virus in Insein Prison itself,” he said. “But there is a test center outside the prison walls where we screen the newcomers, and infected people are kept at this center and not brought inside,” Zaw Zaw said, adding, “Testing began during the second wave of infections. Now, in this third wave, we have found around 50 positive cases.” “[Prisoners] have special court appointments, and the virus could be transmitted from there,” he said. “When they leave their cells for their hearings they come into contact with outsiders. That’s why we have closed the prison courts and imposed a semi-lockdown.” Around 20 health workers, including doctors, are now giving necessary medical treatment to infected prisoners in a separate ward inside the prison, prison officials said. Red Cross provides assistance Writing to RFA in an email, Jacqueline Fernandez—International Red Cross Information Officer for Myanmar—said that Red Cross workers have been unable to visit prisons in the country since March 2020 due to the pandemic, but have been able to provide some assistance to prisoners by distributing face masks and disinfecting places of detention. “[We have also] offered COVID-19 prevention information, financial assistance and hygiene items to people as part of our ‘Safe Return Home’ program after they leave detention, and in some cases have provided material support to detainees in quarantine sites,” she said. In a July 16 statement, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, a group of independent international experts, accused Myanmar’s military rulers of “weaponizing” the COVID-19 crisis by blocking civil society organizations and humanitarian groups from providing aid “for millions of people as a massive third wave of COVID-19 sweeps the country.” “The junta is weaponizing COVID-19 for its own political gain by suffocating the democracy movement and seeking to gain the legitimacy and control it craves—and has so far been denied—by deliberately fueling a humanitarian disaster and then co-opting the international response,” Council member Yanghee Lee said. “The generals are not partners for the delivery of aid. They are murderers who will be held to account for their crimes,” Lee said. The bodies of COVID-19 victims continue to pile up in Yangon each day, with corpses stacked for transport to a crematorium at the city’s Kyizu Cemetery, a citizen journalist said in a video recorded by mobile phone on Friday. As many as 200 bodies were cremated at Kyiza and other cemeteries around the city on Friday, an official from Myitta Thingaha Volunteer Funeral Services in Yangon’s South Dagon township said..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-16
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 15 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 15 July 2021: As of 15 July, (912) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Pyi Gyi Dagun Township in Mandalay Region was killed on the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 15, a total of (5269) people are currently under detention. (254) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Sithu, 16 years old, was shot dead as the terrorist junta opened fire into the crowd arguing among each other in Pyi Gyi Dagun Township, Mandalay Region on July 14. Htwe Htwe Myint, NLD member of Aye Thar Yar Town in Shan State’s Taunggyi Township, was arrested at home under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on July 12 by the terrorist junta for allegedly writing on Facebook criticizing the junta. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-15
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Title: Military blames Covid-19 for deaths of detainees during interrogations
Sub-title: Junta authorities have attributed multiple detainees’ deaths to Covid-19, a designation that loved ones say is a final attempt to cover up the abuse they endured in military custody
Description: "Protesters Soe San and Zaw Lin were not home when some 30 junta troops raided their homes in Te Su village, in Mandalay Region’s Wundwin Township, at midnight on June 28. Unable to locate the men, the soldiers initially arrested Zaw Lin’s wife, then released her. Maintaining their innocence and fearing the further terrorisation of their families, Soe San and Zaw Lin went to the hospital in the Wundwin Township village of Pindale the following afternoon to meet with the regime authorities stationed there. “They didn’t do anything wrong, so they decided to meet with them to clear the air so that they would leave their families alone,” a local man from Te Su who was familiar with the arrest told Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity. After spending less than one day in the junta’s custody, 44-year-old Soe San, who was also the chair of the National League for Democracy party's office in Te Su, was declared dead. “I think they went too far with the interrogation and killed him,” another resident of Te Su village said. Strangely, the local said, Soe San’s body was presented to his family sealed in plastic—the standard practice for a patient infected with Covid-19, but not a man who had died in police custody. Soe San’s face was reportedly the only part of his body exposed at the funeral. He was one of multiple people who have died in military custody since the February 1 coup and whose bodies were later concealed from their families under the junta’s claim that they had Covid-19 and were still contagious. If they could examine the victims, family members of the deceased say they believe their bodies would exhibit clear signs of torture. “I think they went too far with the interrogation and killed him." According to data released by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) on Wednesday, there have been at least 911 civilians who have died at the hands of the military council since the coup. Of these, at least 30 died in detention. The military council has repeatedly dismissed the AAPP’s figures as being exaggerated. No Covid-19 tests are known to have been carried out in the junta’s interrogation centers, which are frequently outside of prisons. Those who have been imprisoned and released since the coup have reported that Covid-19 tests were not carried out in the prisons, either.....Interrogation at the hospital, police station: Soe San and Zaw Lin’s families were only notified that the men had been sent to Pindale police station at around midnight, after they had been interrogated at the hospital all afternoon and evening. Soe San was reportedly sent back to the hospital after passing out at the police station. The following morning, June 30, Soe San’s family was notified at 11am that he had died. Their attempts to claim his body were in vain, the first Te Su villager said. While the military council allowed them to hold a funeral for Soe San at the Wundwin cemetery on the afternoon of July 1, they forbade the family from taking photos of the body or posting about the ceremony on social media. “They wrapped his body in plastic with just the face exposed. They didn’t directly tell the family that he died of Covid-19, but word got out,” the villager said. Only 10 family members were allowed to attend the funeral, accompanied by around 30 heavily armed troops, including soldiers from the air force and military engineers. Zaw Lin, who turned himself in along with Soe San, was released on bail on July 3. Residents of Wundwin said he was severely injured to the point that he was not able to dress himself. Myanmar Now tried to contact the Pindale police station for comment on the arrests, death and allegations of torture, but the calls went unanswered.....A pattern of deaths: The military’s handling of Soe San’s death was reminiscent of that of 19-year-old Mai Nuam Za Thiang, in Kalay, Sagaing Region on June 23. She was shot by troops while riding on the back of a motorcycle and died shortly after arriving at the hospital. “Their post-mortem report said that the girl died of excessive bleeding. However, the body was sealed and returned to us with the claim that she had Covid-19,” a family member of Mai Nuam Za Thiang told Myanmar Now in June. Again, citing a Covid-19 infection, the military forced her family to cremate her immediately. “I think they wanted to hide something, so they used that label [of Covid-19]. We could see only the report they gave us, and her face, so we were forced to accept what they said,” her relative said at the time. “Their post-mortem report said that the girl died of excessive bleeding. However, the body was sealed and returned to us with the claim that she had Covid-19." Just two days later on June 26, 26-year-old farmer Salai Van Tha Cung, also known as Zaw Htet, was arrested for unknown reasons at the hostel where he was staying. He died within 24 hours in detention. Salai Van Tha Cung was cremated immediately, again due to the claim that he was positive for Covid-19, despite showing no symptoms of the virus before his arrest, according to a close relative. The relative added that the victim had not been involved in the anti-coup movement. Chin State-based media reported that on May 9, a 59-year-old farmer from Haka Township, Pu Tale Lein, was arrested by the military and died after two days in detention. Although a local church asked that his body be returned for burial, the junta authorities told them that he had already been cremated because he had been infected with Covid-19. One of the earliest known examples of the junta blaming Covid-19 for the death of a detainee was in the case of 26-year-old Yar Zar Aung, who was shot in a crackdown on a protest in Mandalay and then taken into military custody on February 20. Four days later, his family was informed that he had died in detention, allegedly from Covid-19. Only four of his family members were allowed to attend his cremation, and from afar. His wife, Phyu Phyu Win, told Myanmar Now on the day of the funeral that she did not believe Yar Zar Aung’s cause of death was the coronavirus, and felt that he had died as a result of injuries inflicted by the junta. “We were only able to look at him from a distance, as they said he had died of Covid-19. When we attempted to take his body [from the hospital], they wouldn’t let us,” she said. “I’m upset. I’m not going to let this go.”..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-15
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Title: Situation Update on 30 June Prison Releases
Description: "On 30 June, the junta prison department announced the release of over 2000 protestors arbitrarily detained since the coup. AAPP began to diligently monitor and record these releases amid that disorder. However, in the 2 weeks since 30 June only around 400 of the releases have been identified. These supposed releases were immediately hampered by the hostility of the junta. There were not as many releases across the prisons on 30 June, and in the days since many of the supposed released remain in a torturous prison system. The junta only announced how many prisoners were released by region or state but not how many were released from each prison, making it difficult to trace the exact number of prisoners released. The process was also beyond transparent, the junta deliberately spread misinformation about which day the prisoners would be released. It is because of the deliberate attempt to complicate oversight that there is discrepancy in the figure of recent releases. Misleading information is a practice of this junta, in their submission to ASEAN leaders on 24 April in Jakarta, the terrorist-like SAC group alleged “A total of 9,948 persons detained from February 1 to April 15… As of now, we have 4,511 released, 5070 charged, and further 367 charged in near future”. This was below AAPP’s identified figure as of 15 April that 4483 had been arrested since the coup and 3459 were actively under detention. Yet, AAPP has consistently identified our data as ‘at least’, detained or killed, and that our figures “will be likely be much higher” because of the conditions which led to so many of arrests across the country. The documentation process is currently tough because of the situation on the ground, impact of COVID-19 is also deteriorating with limited access to information. The military cancelled prison visits and special court hearings by reason of COVID-19, including lawyers visits to their clients, making it difficult for them to understand conditions inside prison. The junta has also banned media and civil society organization including our organization AAPP. This intends to restrict access to accurate information simultaneously as the junta is spreading misinformation about our organization. AAPP’s documentation includes precise names and other relevant data, as such our release lists can only be updated if the specific data is obtained. Those who were released on 30 June were primarily youths, civilians and journalists, AAPP maintains that those who remain behind imprisoned will be tortured even more severely. The organization believes with evidence of past experience that those released have been tortured and intimidated from engaging with independent media and civil society. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-15
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 14 July 2021)
Description: "As of 14 July, (911) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Seikphyu Township in Magwe Region, Minkin and Kani Townships in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 14, a total of (5257) people are currently under detention. (254) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 12, Lun Maung, a local palm farmer from Thayet Pin Village in Seikphyu Township in Magwe Region, was shot dead unprovoked by local junta police. Locals from nearby villages including Zin Kalal village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township are fleeing the terrorist junta raids on villages. San Win from Zin Kalel Village, one of the villagers fleeing, was killed by the terrorist junta while he was returning to the village to bring rice on July 11. According to a local, his hands were placed behind his back and there were injuries on his face and heads from beatings consistent with torture. In addition to this, Myint Swe from Than Pauk Village in Minkin Township was killed by the terrorist junta on July 13. On July 12, three teachers from Thar Ya Mae Village in Tanintharyi Region’s Myeik Township, who are involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), were arrested on the night of July 12 by the terrorist junta wearing plain clothes. These three teachers are primary school teacher Nyo Mar Lwin from Pa Htet Kyun Su High School, primary school teachers Zin Mar Lwin and Than Ei Ei Nyein from Sub Shwe Du Middle School. In addition to this, Naing Linn, a hundred households administrator from Thar Ya Mae Village, was arrested on the same night. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-14
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.26 MB 4.93 MB 1.5 MB 1.74 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 13 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 13 July 2021: As of 13 July, (906) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Sub-MyoThit Township in Tamu District in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 13, a total of (5239) people are currently under detention. (252) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Two teenagers were shot dead on spot, three arrested and one managed to escape when the terrorist junta opened fire on the six teenagers from Naungket village in Sub-MyoThit Township, Tamu District, Sagaing Region who were returning home from visiting a nearby village at 10pm on July 10. One of the three arrested teenagers was shot in the stomach and released on July 12. The two others were tortured to death in detention, it is not yet confirmed if they were the teenagers under-18. The four fallen teenagers were Ngam Chin Pso, 23 years old, Dou Kho Lel, 16 years old, Mang Gou, 17 years old, and Pao Gin Mang, 18 years old. The bodies were not returned to the families. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-13
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.25 MB 4.98 MB 1.52 MB 1.75 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 12 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 12 July 2021: As of 12 July, (902) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Chan Aye Tharzan Township in Mandalay Region, Kani Township in Sagaing Region and Thongwa Township in Yangon Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 12, a total of (5203) people are currently under detention. (249) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Hla Po, Yin Village in Sagaing Region’s Kani Township, who was arrested by the terrorist junta on July 8, died on July 9 due to torture in detention. According to locals, there were bruises from beatings on the whole body of Hla Po. Khant Ko Ko Maung, a CDM policeman from the traffic police force in Chan Aye Tharzan Township in Mandalay Region, who was evading arrest in Kyi Kone village, Patheingyi Township, was shot dead from the back in the evening of July 10 when the terrorist junta opened fire while arresting him soon after a woman active in helping the CDM movement was detained. Phoe Sal died due to with beatings consitent with torture on July 10 after his arrest by the junta on July 10 while he was searching for oxygen to help treat COVID-19 at Thongwa Township, Yangon Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-12
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.24 MB 5.04 MB 1.74 MB 1.52 MB
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Title: Imprisoned NLD exec Nyan Win transferred to hospital with Covid-19
Sub-title: He is the first detained senior member of the former ruling party known to have contracted the disease so far
Description: "Nyan Win, a central executive committee member of the National League for Democracy (NLD), has been transferred to a hospital from Insein Prison to receive emergency Covid-19 treatment, prison authorities have confirmed. Nyan Win, 78, was taken to Yangon General Hospital late Sunday after testing positive for the disease, a senior prison official told Myanmar Now. “Doctors were treating him for aching muscles. They became suspicious, so they decided to check his blood and found that his oxygen saturation levels were low,” said the prison’s deputy director, San Aye Kyaw. “Not only is he a bit old, but he also has underlying health issues. And he tested positive on his Covid-19 test,” he added. Nyan Win is the only senior NLD member detained at Insein Prison since the February 1 coup to have been diagnosed with Covid-19, according to San Aye Kyaw. However, he added, only those with symptoms of the disease have been tested. One other high-profile prisoner, Dr. Maw Maw Oo, a medical officer from the Yangon General Hospital emergency ward, has also been hospitalized with Covid-19, he said. Dr. Maw Maw Oo was transferred to North Okkalapa Hospital on July 6 and is still receiving treatment in an intensive care unit (ICU) there. Nyan Win, who is also in an ICU, was in stable condition as of Monday morning, according to San Aye Kyaw. Before last year’s election, he received treatment for gastrointestinal bleeding. He was taken into custody on February 21 and held in an interrogation centre for more than a month before being transferred to Insein Prison to face charges of incitement under Section 505b of the Penal Code, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The charges against Dr. Maw Maw Oo, who was on the frontlines of the ousted civilian government’s Covid-19 efforts until the coup, have not been disclosed. There has been no public acknowledgment of rising Covid-19 cases in Myanmar’s prisons, but San Aye Kyaw said that a two-week partial lockdown has been in place at Insein Prison since July 8. Volunteer groups told Myanmar Now on Sunday that there were at least 105 deaths from the disease in Yangon in the first 10 days of the month. The groups have also accused the junta of withholding oxygen supplies from the general public, at a time when few are able to access hospitals due to a breakdown of public services since the coup..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-12
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Oral Statement for the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Sub-title: Item 4: Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Description: "Madam President, Mister Special Rapporteur, FIDH and its member organizations ALTSEAN-Burma and Women Peace Network welcome this oral progress report. We are troubled by ongoing reports of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, torture, and prosecutions of human rights defenders, National League for Democracy members, and junta critics and opponents. It is even more troubling that women and children have continued to be deliberately targeted by the junta’s security forces. Last week’s release of more than 2,000 prisoners charged under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code is welcome, but they shouldn’t have been detained in the first place. This cynical tactic to avoid criticism ahead of high-profile international meetings like this one does not negate the fact that scores of people have been charged with the capital offence of treason and 65 have been already sentenced to death. Several thousands more political prisoners remain behind bars and must be immediately released. We welcome the National Unity Government’s public commitment to uphold human rights and establish accountability for abuses, including those committed against Rohingya and other ethnic groups. In light of this, we urge the NUG (National Unity Government) to review the recommendations made by UN member states during the Universal Periodic Review of Myanmar in January 2021 and to submit its response to these recommendations ahead of the next Human Rights Council’s session. Thank you..."
Source/publisher: International Federation for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-11
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 10 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 10 July 2021: As of 10 July, (899) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 10, a total of (5173) people are currently under detention. (249) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. 68 year old Saw Kyi and 13 year old Zay Myo Satt, the mother and nephew of protester Kan Win from Pyin Gyi Village in Tanintharyi Region’s Launglon Township were arrested in the evening of July 6 as Kan Win is evading arrest despite terrorist junta searched his home frequently for staging protests. Political activist Win Tun Naing from Pathein Township, who was evading arrest as a warrant was issued against him for his leading role in the anti-dictatorship protests in Pathein, Ayeyarwady Region, was arrested at a house in Shwepyitha Township, Yangon Region on June 28. He was interrogated at interrogation center 2 of Insein Prison for one week and then transferred on July 6 and now currently detained at Pathein Myoma Police Station. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-10
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.23 MB 1.51 MB 4.77 MB 1.79 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 9 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 9 July 2021: As of 9 July, (899) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 9, a total of (5141) people are currently under detention. (249) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Phyo Hlaing Win from Sarkhar Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Township, was shot dead unprovoked while he was passing in front of the old industrial hall where the terrorist junta’s troops had camped on the night of July 8 at Myingyan City. In the early morning of July 6, the terrorist junta’s forces raided a tea shop which is located in Ohn Pin Chan Village in Mandalay Region’s Sintgaing Township and arrested tea shop owner Min Thu Tun, his 12 year old son Aung Swan Pyae, wife Tin Nwel Hlaing, the younger brother of Tin Newl Hlaing, and three waiters. Marn Zar Myay Mon, a protest leader of Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region, who was charged with five charges of Section 505(a) of a Penal Code, was tortured and his fingers were broken during interrogation. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-09
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.23 MB 4.71 MB 1.51 MB 1.75 MB
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Title: Five-Year-Old Forced to Endure Stress Positions During Two-Week Detention by Myanmar’s Junta
Sub-title: Su Htet Waing was arrested with her mother and sister when authorities failed to detain her activist father.
Description: "A five-year-old girl whose father helped organize protests against Myanmar’s junta was forced to endure stress positions during more than two weeks in detention, according to her father, making her what observers say was the country’s youngest known political prisoner under the military regime that seized power in February. On June 13, security forces in Mandalay region raided the home of Soe Htay, a local activist who had led demonstrations in Mogok city against the junta following its Feb. 1 takeover of Myanmar’s democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government. Soe Htay had already gone into hiding with his two sons, and when authorities failed to locate him, they arrested his wife Nan Kyi Kyi Khine and their daughters Theint Sandi Soe, a 17-year-old third-year law student, and Su Htet Waing, a five-year-old girl. Arresting relatives of wanted protesters has been a common practice. The protests Soe Htay had organized in Mogok were part of a nationwide backlash against the military following its coup, which it said was necessary because the NLD’s landslide victory in the country’s November 2020 elections was the result of widespread voter fraud. Regime leaders have yet to produce any evidence of their claims, while soldiers have violently cracked down on the demonstrations. According to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), the military has killed 898 people and arrested 5,127 in connection with the anti-junta protests. Of those, 2,269—including Su Htet Waing—were freed from prisons across the country as part of a general amnesty on June 30, although observers say the release was little more than a stunt by the military to gain international recognition. Soe Htay, who was reunited with Su Htet Waing and remains in hiding, recently told RFA’s Myanmar Service that his daughter was left “traumatized” because of the poor treatment she was subjected to during her 18 days in detention. He said Su Htet Waing told him that she and others were regularly forced to assume the “ponzan” posture—a half-sitting, half-standing stress position—during roll call, and that she “hated the people” who ordered her to do it. Su Htet Waing “knows nothing about politics” and had only called for the release of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was detained along with several other party officials shortly after the military takeover, Soe Htay said. “She doesn’t understand the politics we were discussing,” the NLD member and leader of the Mogok Township Peace and Open Society told RFA. Soe Htay said he recently learned from staff at the Mogok Prison that his older daughter is enduring “serious health problems” while she remains in detention. He said that he has had no direct contact with his family members since the day of their arrest. “My eldest daughter was on medication, suffering from rheumatism when she was arrested. On the day of her arrest, she was taken away with the only clothing she had on, and she didn’t have any of her medicine,” he said. “She had to kneel down, handcuffed, on the concrete floor for two or three hours during questioning … and now she is in critical condition, according to what a friend in the prison told me.” Attempts by RFA to contact junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun for comment on the arrest of Soe Htay’s family members went unanswered Friday. ‘Illegal’ detention Speaking to RFA this week, lawyer Khin Maung Zaw said arresting a five-year-old is “illegal.” “Even if children under the age of 18 commit crimes, they are not allowed to go to jail. They are not allowed to be held behind bars,” he said. “Arresting a five-year-old is totally unlawful. It’s a violation of human rights, too. There is nothing this military regime wouldn’t hesitate to do if their hold on power was threatened. Not even children will be spared.” Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, Minister for Women, Youth and Children for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), said Su Htet Waing will be recorded as the youngest political prisoner under the military regime. “Such arrests constitute war crimes and those responsible must be held accountable,” she said. “This arrest and detention are a violation of childrens’ rights and the law. The child is too young and can be left deeply traumatized. We are working with professional counselors.” Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe also condemned what she called “hostage-taking” by the junta, adding that by NUG’s count there are around 80 minors currently in detention. Soe Htay told RFA he is determined to fight to the end against the military, even though his family has been arrested. “I am determined to root out this dictatorship,” he said. “I see the suffering of my daughters and wife as a sacrifice to this revolution. It is from these feelings that I get the strength to fight for a speedy end to the revolution.”..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-09
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Title: Junta troops detain yet another child after shootout near Mandalay airport
Sub-title: Aung Swan Pyae, 12, was detained with his father and five others at a tea shop on Tuesday
Description: "Junta soldiers detained a 12-year-old boy on Tuesday along with six others, including his family members, after resistance fighters clashed with the military near Mandalay International Airport. Aung Swan Pyae was taken from the Shwe Kyal Zin tea shop as troops raided his village of Ohnbin Chan in Sintgaing Township. Thirty-two-year-old Min Thu Tun, who is the boy’s father and owns the teashop, was also arrested. The other detainees were Min Thu Tun’s wife, Tin Nwe Hlaing, his brother-in-law, and three of his employees, a local resident said. Early on Tuesday morning, junta soldiers exchanged fire with fighters from the Sintgaing People's Defense Force (PDF) near the airport in Tada-U, a second resident said on condition of anonymity. During the shootout, a junta soldier was killed and a PDF fighter was arrested, he said, adding that the soldiers then went to nearby Ohnbin Chan and raided a hut where someone lived. “Within half an hour of the shootout, they raided the house and a nearby tea shop. I feel sorry for those arrested, including the kid. They were not involved in the shooting,” he said. Junta forces reportedly found handmade explosives at the hut and searched the tea shop because they suspected Min Thu Tun had helped the person who lived in the hut, the first resident told Myanmar Now. The seven are being kept at a detention centre in Sintgaing and some are still being interrogated, said a lawyer representing them. Aung Swan Pyae will have a court hearing on Monday, while the trial against the adults will begin on July 16. “It is not yet known which charges they will have to face,” the lawyer said. The Sintgaing police station could not be reached for comment. The junta has repeatedly arrested young children as part of its crackdown against both peaceful and armed resistance to its rule. Last month regime forces detained a four-year-old girl along with her mother and 17-year old sister when they were unable to find the girl’s activist father in Mogok. She was released after spending her fifth birthday in detention. Dr Htar Htar Lin, the former head of Myanmar’s Covid-19 vaccine rollout, was arrested early last month along with her husband, her seven-year-old son, and the family dog. Their whereabouts are still unknown..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-09
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 8 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 8 July 2021: As of 8 July, (898) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Waimaw Township in Kachin State was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 8, a total of (5127) people are currently under detention. (247) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. Mee from Makhawyan Village in Mainer Village Tract in Kachin State’s Waimaw Township was shot to death while she was selling fruit, when junta troops op ened fire on a car which did not stop on the evening of July 7 at Waimaw Township. On the night of July 6, Aye Min Thein, who is the father of Aung Khant Hphone, Hlegu Township student union member, was arrested when the terrorist junta did not find Aung Khant Hphone at his home in Yangon Region’s Hlegu Township. Maung Maung and Kyi Thar Maung Maung, the father and younger brother of Khin Marlar Maung Maung, Constituency 2 Regional MP of Hlegu Township in Yangon Region, were arrested by the terrorist junta on the night of July 6. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.23 MB 4.65 MB 1.73 MB 1.5 MB
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Title: Myanmar: Dismantling Dissent Crackdowns on Internet Freedoms
Description: "Acknowledgements: Internet freedoms are increasingly under threat, constituting part of the continuous regression in freedom of expression in Southeast Asia. Nowhere has this concerning trend been more apparent than in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, since 1 February 2021 coup d'état. Threatened by the modern and dynamic capacity of the internet to facilitate democracy, the internet was the first target of the Tatmadaw's new tenure of brutal control and censorship. In conceptualising this report and placing a spotlight on these developments, Asia Centre would like to extend a sincere thank you to the Burmese nationals currently residing in Myanmar, as well as members of the Burmese diaspora who have aided us with valuable inputs for this report. These individuals wish to remain anonymous due to security concerns. We are also grateful for the speakers and participants who contributed generously through their insights during consultations as well as a webinar, “Law and Lawlessness: Myanmar Coup and Human Rights”, on 11 March 2021, in the run-up to the drafting of the report. We are thankful and grateful to our partners, The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL) and the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) for reviewing the draft of this report and providing constructive feedback. This report was led from the front, with research, drafting and editing by Asia Centre’s Executive Director Dr. Robin Ramcharan and Programme Coordinator Yawee Butrkrawee. Asia Centre’s Research Interns - Rory McAfee, Roshni Sharma and Ayman Ragab also supported the research. A special mention and thank you goes to Asia Centre’s Associate, Dr Balázs Szántó, for his help in reviewing the report. We would also like to recognise Communications Assistant Srettapong Srimekarat for designing the cover, infographics and layout of the report. For the cover page, “wire fence background” is supplied by j88DESIGN via Getty Images. We would also like to thank Centre Manager Patcharee Rattanarong for her administration of the project. Myanmar: Dismantling Dissent: Crackdown on Internet Freedoms is dedicated to the people of Myanmar, especially those leading the protests. Democracy exacts a huge price; we remember in this report those who have perished during the ongoing struggle for democracy in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Asia Centre , The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-08
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: The police defecting as a new civil war looms in Myanmar
Description: "As Myanmar heads towards a new civil war, the police are coming under intense pressure to decide which side they are on. Since the military coup on 1 February, police have been used to brutally suppress mass protests. Some protesters have taken up arms to fight back, forming civilian militias called the People’s Defence Force. The BBC has been given rare access to the first group of police officers who defected and joined the people’s side. Some of those officers now say they’re prepared to use their weapons against their former colleagues..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-08
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 7 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 7 July 2021: AAPP will not be publishing a briefing, detention, or fatality lists on Sunday’s moving forward. As of 7 July, (897) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Kale Township in Sagaing Region was killed today and (2) from Hopin Town in Kachin State and Kawlin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 7, a total of (5120) people are currently under detention. (246) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. In the morning of July 7, Aye Min, from Pauk Khone village, Kale Township in Sagaing Region, was shot dead in the head by terrorist junta’s troops who came into Hto Mar Village near Kale Town where Aye Min worked in a rice mill as a carpenter. On the night of July 6, Ba Gyan, a civilian who was returning home from a farm by driving an Ox cart in Ywar Thit Gyi village in Hopin Town, Kachin State, was shot dead in the back after being accused of not stopping his cart. In the morning of July 5, Thay Thay, a civilian, was shot in the stomach by junta troops and died on spot when she was on the bike with her son at Kawlin Township in Sagaing Region. Chit Min Hlaing, a citizen journalist based in Pakokku City, Sagaing Region, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code in April, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on July 6. In addition to this, Poet Thway Nay a.k.a Nay Linn Htet from Tada-U Town in Mandalay Region, was sentenced to three years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Poet Thway Nay was shot and arrested when he drove protesters with his motorbike when the terrorist junta cracked down on a protest in Mandalay on March 27. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-07
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Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.23 MB 5.64 MB 2.11 MB 1.57 MB
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Title: 'My Sons Were Not Among These Who Committed That Murder': Mother of Four Youths on Death Row
Sub-title: With all of her sons whom she relied on imprisoned, San Say Aye is struggling for her own survival.
Description: "San San Aye of Dagon township in Myanmar’s Yangon region has four sons on death row in Insein prison. They were among 18 people convicted by court-martial for the alleged killing on March 29 of Zaw Min, a pro-military resident. Junta-controlled media said Zaw Min was killed by knives and machetes by a group of 40 people from the same ward, and his body was thrown into a fire pit on the street on March 29. San San Aye insists her sons are innocent. With all of her sons whom she relied on imprisoned, she is struggling for her own survival and to visit her sons regularly in prison. She described to RFA’s Myanmar Service an ordeal shared by an increasing number of mothers in the Southeast Asian country since the Feb. 1 military coup: Three cars arrived at our home on the first day after Burmese New Year. They asked for my kids. They asked if Khine Myae is home. Their father said he is. Then they entered the home. At that time, my younger son (Khine Myae) was combing his hair. They yelled, ‘Khine Myae. Come down here.’ My son said, ‘My name is not Khine Myae. It is Gold Fish.’ They said ‘Come down here. Gold Fish.’ My two other sons were asleep as they were assigned as night guards in the neighborhood. They asked them to come out. So two of them came out. They asked his name. My son said his name is Aung Myo Linn. They said, ‘Raise your arms.’ Another one said, ‘Sir. Aung Myo Linn is not included.’ They said, ‘Raise your hands anyway. I know there is another one inside. Come out, or I'll gun you down!’ Another son also came out. They asked, ‘What is your name.’ My son said his name is Soe Pyae Aung. They asked him to raise the hands the same way. They asked him to be still. I was folding clothes at that time. I was terrified by them. They entered into my home. They asked, ‘Who is it?’ I said this is my oldest son. He is not very healthy. They asked his name. He said Htet Naung Linn. They said, ‘Come down. Htet Naung Linn.’ Then, my son said, ‘I am Khine Myae who you are looking for.’ They said, ‘Come down.’ I thought they only wanted Khine Myae for interrogation. But they took all four sons in their car in handcuffs. I asked why they arrested my sons. They said they have to interrogate them. I expected they would be released after interrogation. But that didn’t happen. On May 24th, the military court at Insein prison gave them the death sentence. In the morning, the next day, I wondered why they gave them the death penalty. Article 505 does not carry a death sentence. I tried to inquire. The next day, I learned from the news that they had been charged with Article 302 for murder. They were given this sentence for a murder that occurred at Ward 56. They didn’t get a chance to defend or explain. On the day when they said the murder occurred, all of my four sons were right in front of this home on security guard duty for the neighborhood. I remember it was the day we made chicken and gourd fruit curry for my sons. When I heard about the murder in the street, I told all of my sons not to go there. The authorities had been shooting residents in the neighborhood. When everything calmed down at night, my sons went there to take a look. As a parent, I am absolutely confident in saying that my sons were not among these who committed that murder. My sons said that they will be home soon because they are not the ones who did the killing. They are not among the murderers. They did go there to see what happened. They were involved in the protests. So I said they could be charged with Article 505(A) for their activities and they will be released soon. They told me, ‘Don’t worry, Mom. We will be back.’ This death sentence is totally unexpected. My sons didn’t murder anyone. I never heard of something like that. The first time I heard of someone getting a death sentence was when my own sons got it. I don’t know what to say. This is totally unacceptable. This is not the way it’s supposed to be. My sons didn’t commit any murder. I want to appeal to the authorities that this sentence is not fair. My sons have their entire future ahead of them. My sons are young adults with a promising future. But I can’t imagine what their future will be like after they are ruined by this death sentence..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-07
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 5 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 5 July 2021: AAPP will not be publishing a briefing, detention, or fatality lists on Sunday’s moving forward. As of 5 July, (892) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Monywa Township and Kanbalu Township in Sagaing Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 5, a total of (5၀85) people are currently under detention. (240) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On July 4 in Mandalay, four people including Myat Thu, a protest leader of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), were arrested by the terrorist junta’s troops while they were at home. Myo Min Soe a.k.a Poe Hat, a village administrator of Pein Ne Kwin Village Tract of Ayeyarwady Region’s Kyangin Township, was arrested by junta on July 1. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-06
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 6 July 2021)
Description: "Updated 6 July 2021: AAPP will not be publishing a briefing, detention, or fatality lists on Sunday’s moving forward. As of 6 July, (894) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from South Dagon Township and Hlaingthaya Township in Yangon Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 6, a total of (5၀94) people are currently under detention. (241) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On the night of July 5, Khin Kyaw a.k.a Mae Gyi from South Dagon Township in Yangon Region, who is a member of the National League for Democracy (NLD), was shot dead by a pro-junta group called “Pyu Saw Htee”. Khin Kyaw’s dead body was then collected by the terrorist junta from his home. On July 4, Aung Gyi, a reporter at Myaelatt Athan News Agency, and his 80 years old father San Maung, executive member of NLD of Paungde Township, Bago Region, were arrested on July 4 in relation to the murder of a pro- junta informer in Paungde Town. Theint Sandi Soe, a third year university student majoring in Law, who was arrested as a hostage when the terrorist junta did not find his father, protest leader of Mogoke Town Soe Htay. Theint Sandi Soe suffers from rheumatoid arthritis and is not being allowed to receive medical treatment for this serious health condition. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-06
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: While criminals enjoy privileges, political prisoners suffer oppression, say released detainees
Sub-title: Myanmar’s junta reserves its worst treatment for prisoners who challenge its right to rule, according to those recently freed
Description: "Imprisoned activists opposed to the February 1 military takeover are being treated worse than convicted criminals, according to detainees who were released last week. Myanmar’s prison population has swollen since the coup due to the regime’s efforts to crush resistance to its rule. While hundreds rounded up over the past five months were freed last Wednesday, thousands more remain behind bars. Among them are many activists, university students, and members of the National League of Democracy (NLD) charged with incitement under Section 505a of the Penal Code. While they continue to endure harsh conditions in prison, well-connected criminals are treated very differently, former detainees told Myanmar Now. Nanda Marlar, a notorious fraudster convicted of cheating dozens of people out of millions of dollars, is the most striking example of a prisoner with special privileges, they say. Unlike most others being held in Yangon’s dreaded Insein Prison, Nanda Marlar has an 8’x12’ room of her own, complete with a bed and mattress, an air-conditioner, a TV and a radio, said one ex-prisoner. As a VIP prisoner, she also enjoys real power within the prison’s walls, according to those familiar with her circumstances. “She’s not afraid of anyone. Basically, she bullies everyone else in there,” said a recently released detainee who asked not to be identified. Meanwhile, prominent prisoners who have made a name for themselves by contributing to society are deprived of even basic necessities. Than Myint Aung, an author and cofounder of the Free Funeral Service Society, one of Myanmar’s most respected charities, was arrested on the day of the coup and still languishes in Insein Prison today. According to her daughter, who spoke to the BBC on June 30, she spent more than a month in an interrogation centre at the start of her incarceration. Now in her late sixties, she has a number of health issues, including cataracts in her left eye and deafness in her right ear. Despite this, however, the authorities have yet to respond to a request to allow her to receive healthcare. Myanmar Now attempted to contact the Department of Prisons for comment on Than Myint Aung’s situation, and about prison conditions in general, but did not receive a reply. Political prisoners in other parts of the country are not treated any better. Win Mya Mya, a veteran politician who was elected to the Pyitthu Hluttaw last year as the NLD’s candidate for Sintgaing Township in Mandalay Region, is currently being held in Mandalay’s Obo Prison. While she is confined to a small cell with a few other political prisoners, no such restrictions are placed on common criminals, said one woman who was a prisoner there until last week. “We who were detained under Section 505a face brutal oppression, but convicted criminals are free to come and go [around the prison] as they please,” the woman said. “They are allowed to keep personal possessions and have better privileges than any of us. They can move around whenever they want, while we were always locked up,” she added. What really disappointed her, she said, was the fact that some of the criminals she met in prison had committed very serious offenses, such as human trafficking and drug smuggling. Their relatively lenient treatment, when even political prisoners quite advanced in age were routinely subjected to torture, made a mockery of rule of law in the country, she said. Officials at Obo Prison declined to respond to requests for comment. While a number of journalists were among those released on Wednesday, most well-known activists and political figures are still being held pending trial. Of the hundreds of detained student council members, only one—Bhone Htet Naung, an education officer with the Yangon University Student Council—was released. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), the junta is still holding more than 5,000 people in custody for resisting the return to military rule. As of Monday, a total of 892 Myanmar citizens have been murdered by the junta since the military seized power, according to AAPP figures..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-06
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Title: MYANMAR : SERIOUS CONCERNS ABOUT THE HUMANITARIAN SITUATION AFTER THE COUP D'ÉTAT
Sub-title: Since the 1st of February, Myanmar has entered a phase of political crisis with a dramatic collapse of all services, including access to health care services and basic support for the most vulnerable within the population.
Description: "The strong rejection of the military regime by a large majority of the population has led to disproportionate use of force and the escalation of violence against the civilians. It caused a number of deaths, up to 842 until June 3rd, 5 609 persons arrested, among them 4 468 are still detained, and 250 000 people displaced since the military coup. Médecins du Monde (MdM) is increasingly concerned about the rising tolls and barriers to access health care services as the majority of public health facilities remain closed. Médecins du Monde has implemented, since 1994, programs in direction of marginalized and vulnerable groups with a continuity of services during all those years. Today, our clinic in Yangon is closed, as it has been for the past 2 months, as the safety and security of our staffs and patients, our first concern, cannot be assured. Services to our patients are largely affected, after already almost a year of challenging times due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Today, the population no longer has access to basic survival means, including food, being unable to have money in hands, and of course access to health care, which creates a situation where most of the basic needs are not fulfilled anymore. THE BURMESE BETWEEN FEAR AND VIOLATED RIGHTS People from Myanmar are suffering and will suffer for an undetermined period of time from a regime of terror and abusive detentions. Humanitarian actors already present in the country need to be able to reach the population without barriers: this is a question of ensuring respect for fundamental human rights. People need to have unhindered access to basic health services, and humanitarian organizations that are well established in Myanmar. MdM strongly condemns all forms of violence against healthcare workers as they endanger the health and human rights of the people of Myanmar. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) global surveillance system in their three-month post-coup review, there have been 158 reported attacks on health care workers, resulting in 11 deaths and 51 injuries and more than 100 doctors have been arrested since the beginning of February. PROTECTING CIVILIANS IN MYANMAR We urge the military regime to cease all violent and repressive actions taken against the population. We also call on the international community to take unified action to protect the people of Myanmar in the best way possible, increasing humanitarian aid through international NGOs and local civil society organizations on the ground, preparing for the internal displacements and refugee crisis which will be inevitable if things continue this way..."
Source/publisher: Médecins du Monde
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-05
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Title: Myanmar Activist Says His Daughter is Dying in Prison
Description: "Ma Theint Sandi Soe, a student who was detained instead of her father who is on the regime’s wanted list in Mogoke, is said to be in deteriorating health while her family is denied visits. The third-year law student was detained with her mother, Daw Kyi Kyi Khaing, and younger sister, Su Htet Wyne, on June 13 after the security forces failed to find her father, Ko Soe Htay, a leader of anti-regime protests in the Mandalay Region town. A warrant was issued for Ko Soe Htay on an incitement charge for organizing protests. He and his two sons were not at home as they had gone into hiding. Ko Soe Htay said Ma Theint Sandi Soe has rheumatoid arthritis and thus has sensitivity to cold temperatures and needs regular medical care and medicines. “I heard she was handcuffed and forced to kneel on a concrete floor for hours during interrogation,” he said. “I don’t know the details but heard that my daughter’s health condition is becoming life-threatening.” The three were not allowed to take anything with them into custody and her relatives have not been allowed to send food, clothes and medicines. “As a father, I am worried for my daughter. But several families are suffering like us and some have suffered more. To end all of this suffering, we must topple this dictatorship,” Ko Soe Htay told The Irrawaddy. The regime is increasingly detaining the relatives and friends of those in hiding. Ko Soe Htay’s wife and daughters are among around 100 people who have been detained after the security forces failed to find their target. Protesters, student union members, National League for Democracy members, journalists and striking civil servants all face arrest warrants, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Even babies have not been spared. Ko Soe Htay’s youngest daughter, Su Htet Wyne, had her fifth birthday in custody and was released on June 30, when the regime freed around 2,000 detainees. Ko Soe Htay said his daughter is traumatized by her arrest. They moved into a new hiding place the next day to avoid the junta forces. “She told me she was hungry in custody and had to bathe in toilet water. And she hates those who ordered them to sit in the prison position,” he said. Since the Feb. 1 coup, at least 890 civilians have been killed by the regime’s forces and more than 6,400 people have been detained, according to the AAPP..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-05
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Title: Released Myanmar Journalists Tell of Junta Torture and Human Rights Violations
Description: "On June 30, the military regime released over 2,000 people who had been detained over the past five months for their involvement in the anti-junta movement. Most of those freed were civilians detained in anti-regime protests, as well as 12 journalists. The Irrawaddy has interviewed some of the freed journalists about how they were arrested and their experiences in prison.....Ko Aung Mya Than Reporter, Ayeyarwaddy Times: Eight junta vehicles surrounded my house and I was taken away for interrogation. I was beaten. They punched me in my ribs, face and mouth and slapped my face. Around eight drunken soldiers interrogated me, while accusing journalists of making false reports. I challenged [the military] in a Facebook live on the day of the coup [on Feb. 1]. So they had a grudge against me and beat me while interrogating me for challenging them. At first, I was questioned at Maubin Police Station [in Maubin Township, Ayeyarwady Region]. My face got swollen and my mouth was terribly bruised [from the beatings]. I was not allowed to sleep that night and the whole of the next day. In fact, it was a beating rather than an interrogation as I had challenged them [on Facebook live]. Seven [soldiers] beat me and they didn’t even give me water. Two days after my arrest, I was taken to Light Infantry Battalion 27 and interrogated again. I was not beaten there. After questioning, I was placed in solitary confinement at Maubin Prison until I was released. I was detained for one month and 19 days and I was kept in solitary confinement throughout my detention, except for three days in a prison cell with others. It appears that I have suffered some internal injuries. I am afraid that I will suffer from the effects of the torture later in my life. For now, I am fine except for frequent dizziness. In prison, detainees charged under 505(a) [incitement charge] were not tortured. It was only during interrogations that detainees were tortured. Even the police could not interfere. They [soldiers] were pretending to be police. Among them [those who interrogated me] were people from the special branch [of police], the military security affairs office and soldiers. Most of them were soldiers. They did the interrogations. Police could not interfere and had to do what they were told by the soldiers. They [the military] are overstepping their authority.....Ko Zin Thaw Naing Editor, Democracy Vision: I was arrested by police from Botahtaung Police Station in Yangon and was taken to the police station. I was put into a cell and then a military officer questioned me. I was beaten and punched that night while I was being interrogated. I was remanded in custody the following day and the police took me to the prison for fear that something might happen to me at the police station. I was not sent to an interrogation center. They had already filed a lawsuit against me for swearing at the coup leader before I got arrested. They got nothing from my phone when I was arrested. So they were not able to file a new charge and only charged me for swearing. Frankly speaking, as they have our personal information, they can arrest us any time they want. We were freed, but it is like moving from a small prison to a bigger one. They can arrest us at any time for any excuse.....Ko Banyar Oo Freelance Journalist: I was sent straight to prison. I was questioned by the police at the prison. I was not beaten during the interrogation. Normally, people who were interrogated [at a police station or interrogation center] before being sent to prison were beaten. The food they gave us inside the prison was not OK. It was lousy and could hardly be called rice and curry. They gave us lectures to suppress our morale and, as we refused to obey prison rules, they put us in solitary confinement. Altogether seven journalists were placed in solitary confinement and sent to the main jail. There is a room in which prisoners are forced to squat in the stress position. We were taken to that room and asked to squat in the stress position. We had an argument as we told them not to treat political prisoners that way. Then, the other political prisoners who were already squatting there joined the argument, which lead to a clash. We were then sent to a criminal prisoners’ wing as a punishment for instigating the argument. We spent 18 days there. Although we were not beaten, we were threatened with solitary confinement if we talked to each other. It was a violation of our human rights. They didn’t set conditions for our release. But we have concerns that they may arrest us if there are bomb explosions or arson attacks near our homes. So I feel unsafe.....Ko Soe Yarzar Tun Freelance Journalist: At Insein Prison the correctional department staff sat on chairs as they interrogated us, while we were told to sit on the floor. They attempted to suppress the political prisoners by doing that. There were 80 people in my cell and, around two days later, they selected four including me and put us in solitary confinement. I think I was in solidarity confinement for one day and one night. At first, I could make phone calls through the police. Then, I could not contact my family for the next two months. Later, at the trial, I could contact them by using my lawyer’s phone. We were not tortured like political prisoners were tortured in the past, but they punished us for not obeying prison rules. We didn’t have to negotiate with prison authorities to get released. The police only swore at me a little when I got arrested and did nothing to me. The following day, I was sent to an interrogation center. I was not beaten there either. The prison was too overcrowded. As more detainees came, there were more than 80 people per cell and we had to sleep on our sides as there was no room to lie flat. There were no significant human rights violations against those charged under Article 505(a). But around half of the detainees on each wing were sick. On June 28, some 15 people arrived in the prison after being interrogated. Three of them were very sick and suspected of having COVID-19. The three were placed in solitary confinement and the others were placed in a separate cell. There is a clinic inside the prison which gave out medicine. I am concerned that I might be arrested again for no reason. I have to be more careful as I was arrested even though I didn’t do anything wrong.....Ko Ye Myo Khant Photojournalist (Myanmar Pressphoto Agency): I was not beaten when I was arrested. But I was threatened and pressured to confess that I had violated journalist ethics by protesting against the coup and also that I had incited people to protest. I was sent straight to prison and was not taken to an interrogation center. There were human rights violations against political prisoners while we were in prison. [Prison staff] treated political prisoners more harshly than those who committed other crimes. Those under pretrial detention didn’t have to do labor. But those who were convicted under Article 505(a) had to do some labor at the main jail. I was not beaten in prison. Young people under 18 years were detained for a long time in prison. So were sick and elderly persons. I saw at least three people who died in prison after falling sick..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-05
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 3 July 2021)
Description: "From tomorrow onwards, AAPP will not publish a briefing, detention, and fatality lists on Sunday’s. As of 3 July, (890) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 3, a total of (5၀86) people are currently under detention. (233) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. On the night of July 2 at Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region, Moe Hein, a high school teacher at a private school, and his wife Su Su Hlaing, both were former executive members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Myingyan Township, were shot to death by a pro-junta group called “Pyu Saw Htee” Pwint Wai, a nurse, from Shan Inn Village in Sagaing Region’s Kalaywa Township, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested by junta police in the evening of July 2. Nyein Chan Wai from Bago Weekly Journal, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was also charged under Section 124(a) of the Penal Code. He was arrested at his home in Bago Region’s Letpadan Township on the night of May 14. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-03
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 2 July 2021)
Description: "As of 2 July, (888) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. oup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Monywa Township in Sagaing Region, Pyay Township and Shwedaung Township in Bago Region were killed on the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 2, a total of (5173) people are currently under detention. (233) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. Total 65 sentenced to death in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees. A youth named Thiha Zaw a.k.a. Nge Lay, who helped people injured during a bomb blast at a factory in Monywa Industry Zone, Sagaing Region, was arrested on the afternoon of July 1. Thiha Zaw’s body was returned on the evening of July 1. The family was informed on July 1 that a civilian named Soe Min from Bago Region’s Pyay Township, who was arrested on the night of June 29 due to a junta informer who alleged Soe Min destroyed Mya Village School. The body of Soe Min was found with injuries consistent with torture, including bruises over his thigh and body, and electric shock wounds. In addition to this, Aung Aung Lwin, a 19-year-old, arrested on the night of June 28 due to a junta informer in Shwedaung Township, Bago Region, was tortured to death in interrogation. His body was cremated by the junta on July 1 without being allowed to be seen by the family. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-02
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar: Security Forces Arrest Defense Lawyers
Sub-title: Wrongful Prosecutions Violate Rights to Counsel, Fair Trial of Accused
Description: " Myanmar’s security forces have recently arbitrarily arrested at least six lawyers defending political prisoners, violating both the lawyers’ rights and those of their clients, Human Rights Watch said today. The arrests deprive defendants of their counsel of choice and the right to a fair trial and undermine the principle of the independence of the legal profession. “The Myanmar junta’s wrongful arrest and prosecution of lawyers sends a chilling message that defending those arrested since the February 1 coup may lead to criminal prosecution,” said Linda Lakhdhir, Asia legal advisor. “Lawyers should be permitted to do their jobs without fear of arrest and intimidation.” At least three of the lawyers have been arrested while attending court: On May 24, 2021, security forces arrested Thein Hlaing Tun, a lawyer defending the deposed Naypyitaw council head Dr. Myo Aung, after a court hearing in the case in Naypyitaw. On May 27, security forces arrested Ayar Linn Htut while she was defending a political prisoner at Hinthada District Court, in Ayeyarwady Region. On June 2, security forces arrested Thet Tun Oo as he tried to attend a trial for one of his clients in Myitkyina. Thet Tun Oo is defending more than 120 political prisoners in Kachin State. The authorities have arrested other lawyers at home, on the street, or as they sought to leave the country. Security forces beat and arrested May Zun Ko, a lawyer providing pro bono legal services for detainees, as she walked down the street in Mandalay on May 1. On June 10, security forces arrested Nilar and Hpone Myat Thu, part of the defense team for the deposed Kayin state chief minister, as they tried to leave the country after learning of outstanding warrants for their arrest. Some of the lawyers have been charged with violating section 505A of the Penal Code, a new provision put in place by the junta that makes it a criminal offense to make comments that “cause fear,” spread “false news, [or] agitates directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a Government employee.” Violation of the section is punishable by up to three years in prison. Targeting lawyers for their work defending political prisoners contravenes the United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, Human Rights Watch said. Under the Basic Principles, lawyers must be permitted to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment, or improper interference, and should not be subject to civil or criminal penalties for good faith statements made in defense of their clients. The clients of the arbitrarily arrested lawyers who themselves are in custody are being denied their right to be represented by counsel of their choice and to have a fair trial, Human Rights Watch said. “Arresting defense lawyers makes it abundantly clear that Myanmar’s junta has no interest in providing a fair trial for pro-democracy activists and that justice under military rule is an illusion,” Lakhdhir said. “The United Nations and concerned governments should demand the immediate release of the six lawyers, along with all of those arbitrarily detained since the coup.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-02
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Title: Seven-Year-Old Son of Detained Myanmar Health Official Still in Prison
Description: "Myanmar’s junta continues to detain the 7-year-old son of the former head of the country’s COVID-19 vaccination program, despite recently releasing more than 2,200 political detainees including 5-year-old Ma Su Thet Wyne, the country’s youngest detainee at the time of her release. Maung Aung Thukhamein Lin, 7, was arrested by junta forces along with his mother, Daw Htar Htar Lin, the national immunization director at the Ministry of Health and Sports, and father, U Nyi Nyi Aung, at their home in Yangon on June 10. During the arrest, Dr. Aye Aye Nyein, who is a friend of the national immunization director, and her daughter were also taken into custody. On June 12, junta-controlled media said Dr. Htar Htar Lin formed the Civil Disobedience Movement’s (CDM) core group and assisted the National Unity Government (NUG), which has been designated a terrorist group by the junta. The junta also said the doctor would be prosecuted under Article 17 of the Unlawful Association Act and Article 505(a) of the Penal Code for communicating with the “terrorist organization” and working with Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who is in hiding and serves as the acting health minister in the NUG. The military regime on Wednesday released more than 2,200 political detainees including Ma Su Thet Wyne, who was detained with her mother and sister as hostages after junta forces failed to find her father, Ko Soe Htay, a leader of anti-regime protests in Mandalay Region’s Mogoke town. However, the whereabouts of Dr. Htar Htar Lin’s family and her friend’s family are still unknown. The 7-year-old son of the doctor has not been released yet. A doctor who is close with Dr. Htar Htar Lin said, “The boy is very clever. His pet dog is also detained with him. This is unacceptable, as it has been 21 days. I pray for the urgent release of the boy.” Another friend of Dr. Htar Htar Lin said, “Detaining the innocent boy means that the military regime is committing a worse crime. Please, speak out for the immediate release of the boy.” The friend added, “He has been in custody for three weeks. How many of this child’s rights have been violated? We don’t dare imagine the boy’s trauma.” Meanwhile, the youngest detainee, Ma Su Htet Wyne, who was released on Wednesday, has been traumatized by her arrest, her father Ko Soe Htay said on his Facebook account on Thursday. On Thursday, the girl and her father had to move to another location as the junta’s forces are hunting them. Ko Soe Htay said, “She told me she had not had enough meals in custody and that she had to bathe in toilet water.” The 5-year-old girl was detained for more than two weeks with her mother and sister. Junta forces abducted them as hostages after failing to find Ko Soe Htay at their home. The father is on a list of those for whom arrest warrants have been issued by the junta on incitement charges for organizing anti-regime demonstrations..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-02
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Threats and Intimidation Towards Lawyers
Description: "Since the coup in Burma, even lawyers struggle to access justice. Despite being the representatives of the law, they continue to fall victim to unlawful threats and intimidation. Thousands of civilians, including monks, children, and women have been arbitrarily arrested, detained, tortured, and killed by the brutal junta on a daily basis since the coup, when power was seized from the people for a third time. Lawyers are also faced with military atrocities. Lawyers standing up for justice are suffering from unlawful threats and arrests as a consequence of the coup. According to data from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 17 lawyers have been detained since the coup. They have been arrested and taken to prison for participating in anti-military protests, during home raids, and while assisting detainees who have faced arbitrary arrest and unfair trials. Lawyers have also been taken as hostages by the junta. Daw Ayeyar Lin Htut, an attorney representing political prisoners from Hinthada District, Ayeyarwady Region, was arrested by so-called police on the evening of May 27 during a court hearing at Hinthada District Court. She was taken to Hinthada Prison and charged under Penal Code Section 505(a). Recently, lawyer and mother Daw Wai Wai Khine, along with eight family members were abducted by the military junta as hostages in North Okkalapa Township, Yangon Division after her son, a judge involved in the CDM movement, was not found during a search. U Thein Hlaing Tun, a lawyer defending Chairman U Myo Aung from Naypyidaw Council, was arrested by the junta on May 24 after the trial when he was The junta has continued to enforce a series of arbitrary arrests and unlawful prosecutions against civilians across the country. They then threaten lawyers who have then been assisting these innocent detainees. The intensity of arrests carried out by this terrorist junta is so high that lawyers have been unable, in some areas, to represent detainees at all. Lawyers who have been defending the cases of political prisoners have been burdened with long waits to receive court hearing dates, without the precise time being given alongside them. The creation of special courts in prison has further decreased the ability to receive justice, as these courts are not public hearings. These courts also limit the ability to interact with the client and have restricted the questioning of clients. Additionally, some clients have been beaten, tortured, and forced to make confessions before the hearing, making it near impossible for lawyers to obtain a fair trial. The ability to conduct a fair trial is a huge challenge for lawyers, as these courts are kept under constant watch by the junta judiciary and so-called police. There has been a lack of coherent collaboration between the so-called police, who should be partly responsible for the rule of law, judges and prison staff. In addition to this, lawyers face clear biases against their clients, with case statements being only partially, or incorrectly presented. More importantly, the detainees’ human rights and defendants’ rights are being challenged, without any legal protection to defend themselves.In some cases, lawyers have been threatened with arrest, detention and prosecution under Penal Code Section 505(a). Many individuals who have been detained have completely lost contact with their families since the military seized power. Lawyers are vital for access to justice and in many cases are the only way the voices of those detained in horrific conditions in prisons can be heard. Even lawyers are being abducted and facing violence when trying to give essential legal services, a clear and damming violation to the rule of law. A proper trial and defence are enshrined in the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Geneva Convention. The pinnacle of international law. Then there is the ‘Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers’ passed by the UN Congress in 1990, which explicitly lays out the right of detainees to access lawyers and legal services. A right systematically denied by the junta. Lawyers are unable to see their clients, charges filed, evidence before court, or set dates for trial. One of the few international instruments which cover the legal profession, it is an adopted norm which entails obligations for a state. The junta has abrogated responsibility as a member of the international community. The Spring Revolution is supported by the entire population, and everyday civilians are being terrorized. But a methodological suppression of lawyers, teachers, and doctors, students must be understood. Lawyers fulfil an essential function in any society. AAPP believes this junta is trying to detain, torture, and kill critical thought, just as other genocidal dictatorships have done. A junta engaged in these crimes cannot be considered for a seat at the UN General Assembly in the coming session..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-02
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 1 July 2021)
Description: "As of 1 July, (885) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. oup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Wundwin Township in Mandalay Region was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of July 1, a total of (5195) people are currently under detention; of them (233) are sentenced. 1965 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. The names of released detainees have not been immediately available to compile, we will continue to add the released names when confirmed. Soe San, NLD member in Talsu Village of Wundwin Township, Mandalay Region, who was arrested on June 29, died on June 30. It was informed that he died from COVID-19, however, Soe San had been beaten by the soldiers stationed at the Pintale Hospital. Assistant surgeon Wutt Yi Aung from Pyay Township, Bago Region, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested in the morning of July 1. Ko Htike a.k.a Kyaw Linn Htike, who is a member of the Thukha Kar Yi Charity Association and a township Red Cross member in Bago Region’s Nattalin Township, was arrested on the night of June 29 after returning from sending back the patient. In addition to this, Maung Sein, Township NLD Information Committee Member of Taungtha Township in Mandalay Region, who was evading arrest, was arrested on the night of June 29 in Taungtha Township. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-01
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.21 MB 4.8 MB 1.14 MB
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Title: Myanmar’s LGBTIQ Community Faces Death and Torture From Junta
Description: "At least 12 LGBTIQ community members have been killed by regime forces and another 73 arrested or charged since the junta’s coup for fighting against dictatorship and striving for equality, according to a report from the National Unity Government (NUG). On Wednesday, the NUG’s Ministry of Human Rights and Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs released the situation report of the LGBTIQs after the military coup in Myanmar, in celebration of Pride Month which recognizes the valuable contributions made by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) people. LGBTIQ groups in Myanmar have actively participated in anti-regime protests since the start of the pro-democracy movement in February. The most visible sign of their participation are the rainbow flags that have been waved among the crowds at anti-coup demonstrations nationwide. As crackdowns, violence and torture against pro-democracy activists and civilians has intensified in the past few months, many LGBTIQ people across Myanmar have faced severe human rights violations, with some killed, tortured or detained by the military regime. Between Feb. 1 and June 20, at least 12 LGBTIQ people from Myitkyina, Myingyan, Monywa, Mawlamyine, Yangon, Kyaukpadaung, and Mandalay were shot dead by junta forces while participating in peaceful protests and defending protesters from military violence, the report stated. Three gay men and one transgender woman from Myingyan and Bago were also seriously injured by junta forces, according to the report. Of the 73 LGBTIQ people arrested, 65 are still being detained. Another 28 are in hiding to avoid arrest, the report stated. The NUG report noted that transgender people who have been arrested have experienced different forms of sexual harassment while in police custody, or being held in detention by regime forces, because of their visible identity as LGBTIQ people. It quoted a 50-year transgender woman in Yangon who was arrested and severely tortured by junta forces. The woman was beaten on their back, shoulders and head, stripped naked and forced to kneel down all the time. Their nipples were also burned with the tips of burning cigarettes and had paper clips attached to them, while a bottle was inserted into their anus. “After they were happy with burning my nipples and inserting a bottle in my anus, and when they were about to sleep, they made me leapfrog. The compound is very wide and I could do that and they made me hold my two hands between my thighs and made me twist around and I was kept the whole day with dust and mud on me,” the woman was quoted as saying. Those injuries took a month to heal, the transgender woman said. In addition, many of the gay and transgender detainees who are being treated for HIV with antiretroviral therapy are unable to access their medication as they are scared about revealing their health status to the officials detaining them, the report said. Civil society organizations representing LGBTIQ groups stressed that members of the LGBTIQ community actively participating in the anti-regime movement faced harsh retaliation and transphobic attacks from junta forces. However, the groups vowed that they will never give up contributing to the revolution in acquiring equality for all. The NUG has called on the international community to put pressure on the Myanmar military to immediately end the violence against all civilians, including LGBTIQ people, as well as calling for the release of all detainees and for the provision of the necessary psycho-social support upon their release. It also urged the international community to support and engage with their work on the protection and promotion of human rights for all people, including the LGBTIQ community..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-01
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Type: Individual Documents
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Title: Position on International Humanitarian Assistance in Myanmar/Burma
Description: "Urgent call for responsible and ethical humanitarian assistance The NUG calls for rapid and expanded humanitarian assistance to save the lives of all people in Myanmar. The recent military coup and ongoing atrocity crimes committed by the junta have yet again plunged our people into a complex political and humanitarian emergency. The NUG’s humanitarian policy is led by the needs of our people on the ground. These needs are acute, and are the direct result of the unlawful actions of the military. Since 1 February 2021, the military has killed more than 900 individuals, including many children; it has unlawfully detained thousands, subjecting many to torture; and it has precipitated a banking crisis and rising food insecurity, with the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the military’s decades of misrule and criminal behavior, which are the reason why Myanmar has required such high levels of international assistance. More than half a million people are now internally displaced. People across Myanmar require urgent assistance. The military is ill-equipped to manage the economy and meet the needs of our people. This same military is impeding access and recourse for life-saving humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar. The military continues to target the general public as well as healthcare and humanitarian workers. Humanitarian assistance should prioritize the immediate needs currently called for by communities. There are serious needs across all sectors. We echo calls for an emphasis on basic needs: food, water, medicine, and shelter, and/or direct financial support. The NUG respects and supports the basic values of humanity and impartiality in humanitarian aid, which seek to protect life and health, and ensure respect for human beings on the basis of need alone. The NUG and the people of Myanmar are struggling to free our country from military dictatorship and establish a peaceful federal democratic union. As such, we expect humanitarian agencies to respect the fundamental rights of Myanmar's citizens to determine their own political future, and to recognize and support us as we do so. The NUG also calls for all international humanitarian actors to agree to certain guiding principles to ensure that their activities do as much good as possible and avoid the risk of benefiting the military in its campaign to control the country through mass violence.....Goal: The NUG calls on all international humanitarian aid to be provided in a way that meets the needs of people most in need and is rooted in a localization approach that respects the people's democratic right to organize the delivery of their own relief.....Guiding Principles: 1. International humanitarian assistance should be provided to all those in need, without discrimination and be designed to reach the specific needs of the most vulnerable. 2. International assistance must reflect the needs and will of the local public. 3. International humanitarian assistance programs must be designed and implemented to ensure they are not used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta. 4. International humanitarian assistance should be coordinated with and empower existing governance structures supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, including NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas, for a localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground. Principles for international humanitarian assistance in Myanmar/Burma: Strong principles and conditions are required to ensure that humanitarian work does not in practice serve the harmful interests of the military. Assistance must reach those most in need and must not in any way legitimize the junta that is the cause of the people’s suffering. We urge international humanitarian actors to collectively agree to the following principles when considering the provision of assistance to areas controlled by the junta: 1 . Avoid substitution policies or undermining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) The people of Myanmar are using their agency to peacefully oppose the unjust military coup. This involves making difficult sacrifices, including not participating in the military administration. The people do not want international actors to undermine this peaceful resistance strategy. Respect their decisions. It would be unethical to substitute international provision of services, such as healthcare, education, or others, where the CDM is actively choosing to not provide these services through the military administration. Instead, resources should be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively provide these services in ways that do not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta. By resourcing established civil society organizations and ethnic administrations, depending on the location and including to provide services through CDM professionals, international assistance can help ensure that needs are met without causing greater harm..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-01
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 30 June 2021)
Description: "As of 30 June, (884) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 30, a total of (5210) people are currently under detention; of them (222) are sentenced. 1965 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. The terrorist junta announced that on June 30, they will release over 2000 students and civilians who were arbitrarily detained and charged in prisons across the country after the coup. The names of today’s released detainees have not been immediately available to compile, we will continue to add the released names when confirmed. In the morning of June 28, a civilian named Wai Phyo Aung was shot dead on spot by the terrorist junta when he went to look at a dispute over land in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. His body was taken by the junta and his family was only shown a photo. On the morning of June 29 in Yangon Region’s North Okkalapa Township, eight family members including lawyer Wai Wai Khaing were arrested when the terrorists did not find his son, a judge who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), when they came and searched to arrest him at home. Police Sub-Lieutenant Jorny a.k.a Thura from Chanayethazan Township Police Station in Mandalay Region, who was arrested for his involvement in CDM, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on June 7. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-30
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 4.66 MB 1.08 MB
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Title: H.E. Dr. Sasa Addressed to the Foreign Affairs Committee of Defenses and Armed Force of the Senate, the Parliament of France
Description: "Bonjour! Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Dear respected members of the Foreign Affairs Committee of Defenses and Armed Forces of the Senate, the Parliament of France, I cannot thank you enough for giving me this great opportunity again to represent my people and country of Myanmar before the French Parliamentarians. I am so moved by seeing and hearing the strong support from the People, Parliament and Government of France for the liberation and freedom of the people of Myanmar from the hands of the military junta and for the building of an inclusive Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar for All of the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religion, gender, culture, background and ethnicities. The brave people of Myanmar and the National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People, Parliament and Government of the French Republic for your solidarity with us at this darkest of hours in the history of our country. I once again would like to reiterate our sincere gratitude for your leadership in the EU, UN and at G7 on behalf of the people of Myanmar. Thank you for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as representing the voices of the people of Myanmar and thank you for joining countries that have imposed an arms embargo in solidarity against the ruthless military junta in Myanmar. While the future of Myanmar is in the hands of the brave people of Myanmar, we need the strong and continued support, friendship and recognition from the people, Parliamentarians, and Government of France and its international alliance. Your support and recognition are absolutely crucial in stopping the crimes against humanity in Myanmar and ending the military General’s reign of terror against the innocent people of Myanmar who’s only 'crime' is expressing their fundamental rights as human beings. The defense and armed forces are established in the countries around the world to protect their people and to defend freedom and democracy, but the defense and armed forces in Myanmar are doing the opposite. They are using their battlefield weapons to destroy our freedom and democracy by killing the innocent people of Myanmar and bringing destruction to civilian homes, villages, towns and cities across the Nation of Myanmar. Under the hands of terrorist-turned-armed forces leader, Min Aung Hlaing and his military junta gang, the innocent people of Myanmar have been facing the crises of crimes against humanity, Covid-19 and a great humanitarian catastrophe. Under the brutality of the military junta in Myanmar, Covid-19 cases are rising rapidly and out of control - the country is quickly becoming a failed state; the economy is collapsing along with the healthcare system, education system, and all basic services in the country are failing quickly. Food insecurity is rising sharply, violence and killing continues day and night. The 54 million people of Myanmar are facing the darkness of crimes against humanity, death and destruction which are becoming both systematic and widespread. Since the failed coup was instigated on the 1st of February 2021 in Myanmar, the military junta forces have murdered over 915 people, including 72 children, unlawfully arrested and detained more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people including our elected leaders, our State Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr. President U Win Myint and dozens of brave journalists, hunting down more than 2,000 innocent civilians and forcing them to flee from illegal arrest warrants. All these charges are a farce which has nothing to do with rule of law but has everything to do with the destruction of our freedom, democracy and prolonging of the military junta reign of terror in Myanmar. On the 16th of June 2021, the military junta committed another crime against humanity by burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes) and burning elderly people to death who were trapped inside their homes. This is not a first, however, as this military junta is guilty of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohinga our brothers and sisters, the people of Karen, Kachin, Kayah, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin States which account for over 40% of the population of Myanmar. We have made our policy and position strong and clear to bring justice for our Rohingya brothers and sisters and to hold the military generals accountable for the crimes against humanity that they have committed against the people of Myanmar. There shall never again be impunity for these criminals. According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta’s reign of terror. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is predicting that over half of the population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million people in Myanmar are going to face starvation by the end of October 2021. We cannot allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar people being violently forced to flee from their homes because of a military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation; we cannot allow the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty because of the greed of military Generals in Myanmar. The brutal military junta forces are attacking civilian homes, properties, villages, towns and cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied churches, schools, community halls and hospitals to use as barracks and supply depots. These junta forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with the terror of fear, violence, guns and bullets; replacing Bibles and hymnals with intimidation, oppression, mortars and bombs; and replacing life-saving hospital equipment with weapons of torture, destruction and death. It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities, pastors, monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our hospitals, schools, colleges, universities, banks, and economy is crashing due to this military reign of terror..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-30
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Title: Press Statement on Prison Releases
Description: "This morning, the junta prison department reportedly announced the release of 2342 prisoners across the country. The junta detained innocents. Torture is used as policy by this military, detainees will suffer long-term physical and mental illness. There was no recognition of the injustice and suffering caused today, and no mention of the right to compensation. Today’s events intend to make it seem there has been a relaxation in the junta’s repression. This is not the case. In fact, the junta is planning to detain and torture even more civilians. The people who remain in prison will be tortured more severely than those released. It is a continuation of the campaign of fear relentlessly waged against Burma’s people by the terrorist so-called State Administrative Council. At least 883 peaceful protestors have been murdered, and 6421 detained since the coup. “Democracy will not be reached until all political prisoners are released, with justice and national reconciliation achieved. This illegitimate junta is not making positive changes, they are only trying to make the case to be given credentials at the UN in September”, said AAPP Secretary U Tate. “They are arresting people who should never have been detained in the first place, those released will be threatened and suffer from trauma. They will need rehabilitation and understanding of the injustice they experienced”, said AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi, “any release must aim at real reform, including the release of Daw Aung Suu Kyi. Violence must end, and those who committed torture and murder brought to justice. The junta is releasing people whilst arrests go on. The international community must not accept this as a relaxation. Real change must apply pressure to stop the violence and release all of the political prisoners. We have been dealing with this junta for decades, they will not be removed unless there is intense pressure. Releasing some political prisoners does not mean Burma will return to a civilian government the people want” Burma’s path to democracy can only be restored if our elected leaders and all political prisoners are unconditionally released and a civilian government, elected by the people, in power. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-30
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Type: Individual Documents
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Size: 120.43 KB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 29 June 2021)
Description: "As of 29 June, (883) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 29, a total of (5224) people are currently under detention; of them (222) are sentenced. 1988 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the afternoon of June 28 in Puta-O Township, Kachin State, Yinn Htan Htal Yam, brother-in-law of a youth the junta police and soldiers came to detain, was arrested as hostage when they did not find the youth they were looking for due to reporting by a pro-junta informer. In addition to this, in the morning of June 28, Aye Aye Myint, wife of, and Hnin Ei Ei San, 14-year-old daughter of a civilian named Tun Wai were arrested as hostage when terrorist junta did not find Tun Wai at his home at Htauk Kyant Village in Kale Township, Sagaing Region. Aung Soe, a technology student, charged under Section 505(a) and (c) of Penal Code, was sentenced to three years imprisonment by the special court in Dawei Prison, Tanintharyi Region on June 28. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-29
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 4.68 MB 1006.26 KB
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Title: 'I’m a Fugitive Forever' Journalist Tells VOA After Fleeing Myanmar
Description: "Nearly five months since Myanmar’s military took control of the country, the “Spring Revolution” has sparked nationwide demonstrations and a crackdown that’s cost hundreds of lives. But the armed forces haven’t limited themselves to smashing protesters. They’ve gone after journalists reporting on them, too. Mratt Kyaw Thu, 31, is one who managed to escape. Mratt Kyaw Thu fled to Madrid after months on the run. An open critic of the junta, he is one of thousands who are wanted by the armed forces. Now he finds the continued crackdown hard to watch. “I’m feeling so depressed. I’ve been crying all day, I don’t know what to do,” he told VOA in a June phone interview. Myanmar’s military, the Tatmadaw, has used the country’s penal code law to target anyone who interferes with government operations. Those found guilty face years in jail. Mratt Kyaw Thu said that the threat of jail never concerned him. But the fear of being picked up and tortured in detention was too much. “It’s really common for military to torture overnight and call the family member to take the dead body in the morning,” he told VOA. The military has detained thousands since the February 1 coup, including multiple members of the media. Freed U.S. editor Nathan Maung recently spoke of his ordeal – including being beaten, interrogated and deprived of food and water – while U.S. journalist Danny Fenster remains in Yangon’s Insein Prison. Mratt Kyaw Thu decided to leave Myanmar after he saw grotesque images of a National League for Democracy (NLD) politician who had been tortured and killed. “[In] the pictures, the military tortured him, they even poured hot water down his throat … his tongue and his eyes come out from his face. That picture shocked me a lot,” he said. The freelancer has been a journalist for over a decade. Mratt Kyaw Thu won Agency France Press’s Kate Webb Award in 2017 for his coverage of the Rohingya genocide. After the military shut down the internet, he worked to report factual information undistorted by pro-military groups. But the junta, officially the State Administrative Council (SAC), quickly denounced his work. “I think February 12 they announced my name as fake news,” he said. His name came further to attention of the junta following a March interview he conducted with a general who had defected and joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a pro-democracy campaign that has seen thousands of workers go on strike. An altercation during protests in Yangon chilled him. “Two policemen just emerged, appeared in front of me, pointed with their guns [and said], ‘If you are not a protester just go away, I don’t want to shoot you.’ This is the moment I was very distraught, very fearful.” “They were ready to shoot someone against them. It was a terrible, horrible, experience,” he said. In another incident, Mratt Kyaw Thu said he was inside a friend’s apartment when “even sound grenades and gunfire hit my wall.” He said he risked being shot were he to observe from the balcony. At one point, the Myanmar military's 77th Light Infantry Division (LID) – known for violence during previous uprisings in the country – showed up on the street where he lived. Human Rights Watch accused the division of firing at protesters in 2007. Mratt Kyaw Thu eventually left Yangon after hiding in an “escape area” with rebel ethnic armed groups. On April 5, the military announced an arrest warrant for the then-on-the-run journalist. Mratt Kyaw Thu had been hiding in villages near the border while dodging nearby airstrikes. “The whole village had to move, had to flee into the forest. They have to leave their houses, and it was a very tragic event for them,” he said. Mratt Kyaw Thu was able to obtain a visa for Spain. He first tried for asylum in Germany at a stopover in Frankfurt. But he was refused entry under European Union regulations governing asylum seekers. For 38 days, Mratt Kyaw Thu was kept within a Frankfurt Airport detention center with little to do and no contact with the outside world. Because of COVID-19 restrictions, “I couldn’t even talk to people,” he said. Mratt Kyaw Thu finally was released and arrived in Spain on June 1. Although safe, Mratt Kyaw Thu admits he’s struggling to adapt. And there are regrets. “I can have coffee, go out shopping. At the same time, a lot of people are dying in my country, risking their lives. I’m sitting doing nothing; I feel so guilty,” he said. Mratt Kyaw Thu continues to fact-check and report about Myanmar’s dire situation on his social media accounts. On Facebook, he has a following of more than 495,000 followers combined. He’s under no illusions about the prospect of returning. “As long as the dictator, Min Aung Hlaing, is in the chair, in power, I cannot go back,” Mratt Kyaw Thu said. “I’m a fugitive forever.” General Min Aung Hlaing has led the Tatmadaw for a decade and is de facto ruler since disputing election results in November 2020 and jailing members of the government, including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. The general has been sanctioned in recent years by the United States and Britain for abuses of ethnic minorities in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-29
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Title: The junta overthrew the government they represented. What happens next for Myanmar's diplomats in limbo?
Description: "In a beige stone townhouse on a leafy New York street, a political coup thousands of miles away has split an office in two. Downstairs in the dimly lit building, staffers at Myanmar's Permanent Mission to the United Nations receive orders from the military junta, which overthrew the country's elected government on February 1. Upstairs, charismatic ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun is leading what is effectively an underground diplomatic corps, part of an attempt to wrestle back control of the country. His conference room is decorated with portraits of a long line of his military-aligned predecessors, reminders of what he's up against. Staffers at Myanmar's dozens of diplomatic posts around the world have been faced with a predicament since the coup. Stay in their roles and be forced to represent the military junta that has killed hundreds of pro-democracy protesters and locked up the democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Speak out and risk being fired and placing themselves and their families in Myanmar in danger. At least 21 staffers across multiple regions -- including Kyaw Moe Tun -- have decided they won't cooperate with the military-controlled foreign ministry. Instead, they are quietly using their connections and relative safety abroad to counter messaging from Myanmar's military. To many of their former colleagues, they are defectors -- people who have turned their backs on duty and the chain of command. Several diplomats who spoke to CNN insisted they are actually loyalists to the democratic government that was overthrown in February. The issue is getting other countries to see them that way. They have already had a win -- the United Nations has allowed Kyaw Moe Tun to retain his seat and rejected a military-approved replacement. That makes him the only openly anti-coup Myanmar diplomat to remain in office. That alone won't be enough. Myanmar's military rulers could try again to replace him at any time -- and the longer the military remains in power, the harder it will be for underground diplomats to secure international recognition. A military coup In Berlin, Chaw Kalyar, 49, had stayed up late to watch Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) government be sworn in. The NLD had been reelected in a landslide vote last year and February 1 was meant to be the day parliament opened. Instead, the country woke up to find men in green military uniform swarming the capital Naypyidaw. Television channels went black. In the days to come, members of Suu Kyi's government would be hunted down or arrested. It was heartbreaking, said Chaw Kalyar, third secretary at the Berlin Embassy. As a 16-year-old, she had joined the country's historic 1988 protests against military rule, and seen friends killed in the ensuing government crackdown. She joined the foreign ministry more than 23 years ago, when Myanmar was under another brutal military dictatorship. When February's coup unfolded, Chaw Kalyar immediately knew she could not cooperate with the military junta -- she remembered how much people had suffered. "We could not just sit by this time," she said. As she talked with other embassy staffers in Berlin about publicly supporting the burgeoning civil disobedience movement, Chaw Kalyar was cautious that others in the embassy may support the military. Many of the country's career diplomats took roles in the foreign service during Myanmar's half century of military rule, which plunged Myanmar -- then called Burma -- into poverty, isolationism and civil war. Just over a decade ago, the military chiefs put in place a plan that would permit the country to hold elections, liberalize the economy, and transition into a semi-democracy while still maintaining their authority. Suu Kyi's NLD election win in 2020 was only the second democratic election held since direct military rule ended. The party appeared to be leading the country, but in reality the military remained a powerful force. The diplomats and embassy staff who denounced the coup were resisting a return to past repression. Chaw Kalyar knew that if she spoke out against the coup, and the movement against the junta was unsuccessful, she would likely never be able to go home. Despite the risks, she decided to act. "It's like all our life has endured this military dictatorship," she said. "We have to join this movement, and we think this movement can bring down this military coup, and we can finally eradicate this military brutality." Thet Htar Mya Yee San, 29, a junior diplomat at the Myanmar embassy in Washington, remembers an emotional conversation with like-minded diplomats in two European cities. Although she was on her first foreign assignment, she and other young diplomats decided they should "give up everything" to support the civil disobedience movement or CDM, which has seen people across Myanmar stop going to work to prevent the country from operating as normal under its new de facto rulers. But isolated in foreign countries, fearful for their families at home and uncertain of what would come next, they didn't take action immediately. That would come after a key moment a few weeks later..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-29
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Title: Released American journalist says Myanmar military using torture to hunt down opposition leaders
Description: "Myanmar's military junta is using torture to extract information from detainees on the whereabouts of senior opposition members and activist leaders, according to an American citizen and journalist who was recently released from a Yangon prison. Nathan Maung, 44, was detained for more than three months in Myanmar before being deported to the United States on June 15. During that time, he said he endured two weeks in a secretive military-run interrogation center in the country's biggest city Yangon. Speaking to CNN Business on Wednesday from Washington, DC, Nathan Maung described his time in the facility as "hell" and said he prepared himself to die there, believing the soldiers would kill him. He is one of more than 6,200 people arrested since Myanmar's military, led by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, seized power in a coup on February 1, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The military overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and embarked on a bloody crackdown on dissent and on any perceived opposition to its rule. Mass street protests have been suppressed with deadly force. Former inmates, lawyers and family members of those held have previously told CNN the detainees have been subjected to torture during interrogation and held out of contact from loved ones. Some — including members of the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) Party — have died while in custody, their bodies showing signs of brutal torture. CNN Business has reached out to Myanmar's military for comment. Despite months of escalating violence, the junta has said it is using restraint against what it called "riotous protesters," who it accuses of attacking police and harming national security and stability. Nathan Maung is co-founder and editor in chief of the Myanmar online news site Kamayut Media. He was arrested on March 9 alongside co-founder and news producer Hanthar Nyein, 39, as security forces raided their office. Though now living in the United States, Nathan Maung said he is "not happy" and feels an overwhelming guilt he was released because of his American citizenship, while his friend and colleague Hanthar Nyein, a Myanmar national, remains incarcerated in the notorious Insein Prison. "We've been through the hell together. So, we should be released together," Nathan Maung said, his voice cracking with emotion. "I really want him to know that we are not forgetting him. He's not alone." Danny Fenster, another American journalist who was prevented from boarding a flight out of Myanmar on May 24, remains in detention, also in Insein Prison. Weeks of 'hell' Nathan Maung knew something was wrong when a convoy of military trucks full of soldiers pulled up outside Kamayut Media's office in Yangon. Security forces barged through the door and raided the office, seizing equipment and taking Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein with them as they left. "They sent us to the interrogation center in Mingaladon," he said, referring to a suburb of Yangon. There, Nathan Maung said they were beaten, denied water for two days and food for three. They were handcuffed and blindfolded nearly the entire two weeks they were there, he said. "They started with a blindfold and handcuffs and then started questioning. They kicked our face, hands and shoulder, all the time. For every answer, they beat us. Whatever we answered — whether correctly or incorrectly — they beat us. For three days, non-stop," he said. Nathan Maung said the facility had five houses and one big office. Within the buildings, he said, there were four interrogation cells. He said his blindfold was removed on his final day there so he got a look at the room and the buildings. "In the room there is a CCTV camera, there's no bed, only a small table and a chair so you sit all day and night," he said. "You are blindfolded and there is no time to sleep. They won't let you. They put the handcuffs in front so you can try and sleep like that, but every five minutes they show up and start the questioning." This torture carried on for eight days, during which the detainees would be moved between the houses and cells. His colleague Hanthar Nyein bore the brunt of the torture, Nathan Maung said. "Hanthar was badly treated because he was Burmese national. He had to kneel down on the ground for like two days. His skin was burnt with a cigarette," he said. Nathan Maung believes the soldiers were pressuring Hanthar Nyein to hand over his phone password, which would give them access to his encrypted communications and phone records with high profile opposition and activist leaders. For days, Hanthar Nyein held out from revealing the password, offering them false numbers in the hope his phone would automatically lock anyone out of using it. But the final straw came when the guards threatened to rape him. "Hanthar couldn't stand for this and so he surrendered his password and they stopped beating," Nathan Maung said. Nathan Maung's phone broke during the arrest. The beatings stopped for him on the fourth day, he said, when the soldiers discovered he was a US citizen. "They stopped beating me and started asking questions about why the US government sent me and were giving me US funding, if I was working for the CIA — those kind of stupid questions," he said. "I said no, I'm a journalist, no one gave me money." So, the line of interrogation focused instead on his media company Kamayut Media. He said the soldiers asked about budgets and finances. "They are looking for any fundraising or where we got it," he said..."
Source/publisher: CNN Business
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-29
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 28 June 2021)
Description: "As of 28 June, (883) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 28, a total of (5202) people are currently under detention; of them (221) are sentenced. 1966 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Zaw Moe Naing, a policeman of Pauk Myoma Police Station of Pakokku District of Magway Region, and Naing Naing Toe a.k.a Yan Naing Toe, a policeman of Min Ywa Police Outpost in Gangaw Township, who are involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), were beaten and arrested on June 26 by the terrorist junta. On June 24, Pe Tin, a protest leader and NLD member of Kokkar Village of Gangaw Township in Magway Region, was arrested at home by junta troops because of a military informer. At Mogok Township in Mandalay Region, a wife and two daughters including four years old daughter of protest leader Soe Htay were arrested as hostage on June 13 when the junta did not find Soe Htay. They are currently detained at the Mogok Detention Center. An arrest warrant has been issued against Soe Htay. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-28
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Title: Mental Health in Myanmar: Challenges Pre- and Post- Coup
Description: "Before the coup, mental health was a neglected issue in Myanmar. Now, the situation is even worse. In this article, I look at the financial, legislative, structural and cultural challenges that have limited the provision of mental health services in Myanmar in the past – and how the coup continues to create shocks within this landscape. Mental health in Myanmar is a critical issue. It is an unstable country, both in terms of political and economic factors. Decades of protracted conflict – the longest-running civil war in the world – combined, more recently with the economic impact of COVID-19, which according to a study in October 2020, saw the proportion of the population living in poverty rising from 16% to 63% over the past 8 months. Moreover, since the February 2021 coup, violent crackdowns have already had, and will continue to have, a significant impact on citizens’ mental wellbeing. Senior UN officials warn of an ‘impending humanitarian crisis’ and have also argued that ‘Myanmar is spiralling into becoming something like a failed state’ with ‘potentially massive humanitarian ramifications’. As Myanmar continues to exhibit more characteristics of a failed state, there will be serious ramifications for its population’s mental wellbeing. These ramifications can be seen in other conflict afflicted countries. According to a global WHO synthesis of 129 studies done in numerous conflict-affected contexts, ‘one in five people in conflict-affected populations have mental health conditions’. Conditions identified among these populations include depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, bipolar disorder, and schizophrenia. The report concludes that, ‘given the large numbers of people in need and the humanitarian imperative to reduce suffering, there is an urgent need to implement scalable mental health interventions to address this burden.’ In Myanmar, the mental health burden is being placed on an extremely strained system. A 2019 HelpAge International study further demonstrated the seriousness of mental health issues in Myanmar with the following findings: legally, ‘There is, [effectively], no mental health policy in Myanmar; preventing access to professional support through the primary healthcare system.’ While, as we shall see, some care is given through the private sector, this is limited in scope. Regarding state mental health provision, including funding, staff and infrastructure, the HelpAge study found that ‘staff are not adequately trained and there is little infrastructure to facilitate these services, particularly in rural areas’. As we shall see, much of this stems from a chronic lack of sufficient funding. Finally, the study pointed out that stigma and cultural understanding are also key issues: ‘while there is no data in Myanmar on how stigma impacts mental health, studies from other, similar countries suggest it has serious consequences.’ Going forward, the key challenges facing Myanmar’s mental health landscape are a lack of legislative support, a lack of funding, and misunderstandings about the nature of mental health. I shall explore these issues below..... Legislation and funding: Myanmar’s mental health legislation is outdated, to say the least. The nation’s mental health policy — I’m not making this up — is legislated by The Lunacy Act, dating from 1912. Violate this law at your peril – you’ll face a fine of 50 Indian rupees – a currency that has been obsolete since 1952. That Myanmar’s current mental health law focuses on criminalising ‘lunatics’ who pose a danger to society through incarceration at asylums goes a long way to explain the stigma that mental health currently has in the country, as we shall see later. To give an interesting parallel example, The Lunacy Act was also used in India, yet was replaced in 1987 by the Mental Health Act (where, among other changes, lunatics were referred to as mentally ill persons, and asylums as psychiatric hospitals), and then again in 2017 by the Mental Healthcare Act, which explicitly stated the need to implement ‘programmes to reduce stigma associated with mental illness’, along with more generally empowering those affected by mental health issues – which it was felt that the 1987 act failed to do. In Myanmar, a new bill has ‘been discussed by relevant ministries and agencies [The Ministry of Health and the WHO] since 2013 but has not reached parliament,’ according to the Myanmar Times. Myanmar’s mental health landscape is also shaped by its Mental Health Policy, which is part of its National Health Policy. Last revised in 2006, the National Health Policy sees 0.3%of total health care expenditures spent on mental health, versus a global median of 2% – in other words, mental health in Myanmar is woefully underfunded. Especially once you consider that up until 2012, Myanmar had one of the lowest rates of healthcare spending in the world. While spending since then has risen significantly, Myanmar’s national healthcare expenditure as a percentage of GDP is the lowest in the ASEAN region, and outside of Africa, remains one of the lowest in the world. Furthermore, one has to keep in mind how badly funded and managed healthcare was in Myanmar for so many years. According to DFID: ‘even with the increase, a much larger injection of funds is necessary to reverse decades of neglect and mismanagement.’ How the ongoing Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and the junta’s approach to healthcare governance will affect the healthcare system is yet to be seen, though it the impact of these shocks is unlikely to be positive. As we have seen, military rule in the past has coincided with chronic government underspending on healthcare, and their recent behaviour against any health workers who are deemed to be threatening the stability of the government does not bode well. As of early May, at least 97 healthcare workers have been arrested and 10 killed since the coup, while arrest warrants have been issued for 400 health workers participating in CDM. Thousands continue to strike, bringing the country’s public health system – which accounts for 80% of the hospitals and clinics in the country – to its knees. Striking doctors have set up their own clandestine clinics, yet these are overloaded and face the risk of arrest if discovered. ‘The public health system is near collapse,’ Dr Mitchell Sangma, who is on the ground for humanitarian organisation Medicins San Frontiers told the BBC. “It’s a grim situation”. Those who cannot afford private care, simply are going without any healthcare. Though no research is currently available, given how limited the public provision of mental health support is at the best of times, now, when even life-saving care is unavailable, it must be close to non-existent..... (Mis)understandings of mental health: Public understandings of mental health are also an issue of concern. I recently spoke to Nay Chi Soe (pseudonym), a student who graduated with a BA in Psychology from East Yangon University a few years ago, about mental health. Two things stood out. Firstly, how unpopular the course was: of approximately 4,000 students who graduated from the university in her year, she had three other course mates. It was the least popular course in her year. Even Library and Information Studies had around 10 students, while more popular courses such as Engineering and Law had hundreds of graduates. The second thing that stood out from our conversation was the reaction from friends, extended family members and even fellow students when she told them what she studied; ‘Oh do you want to go to a Ywa Thar Gyii?’ (Yangon mental hospital).’ ‘So can you tell me, were the crows black or white originally?’ (a Burmese equivalent of whether the chicken or the egg came first). These comments go some way to show how misunderstood the subject is. Indeed the crow comment is a philosophical question: the chicken/egg or white crow/black crow is a philosophical paradox about the nature of causality that has nothing to do with psychology at all. And even when people don’t confuse psychology with another subject, they tend to associate psychology with extreme mental illness. The subject is deeply misunderstood..... Promising signs: There are, however, more promising signs, most notably in the private sector provision of mental health. One of the most active groups in the mental health field in Myanmar is the Yangon-based, UNFPA-funded Mental Health Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) Working Group, which has half a dozen suppliers in its list of available services. Aung Min Thein, the founder of Counselling Corner, a private mental health CSO based in Yangon, explained how they address the problems facing the provision of mental health services in Myanmar. According to him, ‘we have found that Myanmar people are not very familiar with counselling and generally don’t want to burden the system. This is the result of two main factors, the lack of information and stigma that mental health currently has in the country, and arr nar dal – the feeling of not wanting to impose oneself. It is therefore vital that we take a pro-active approach to mental health provision – while passive techniques have an important role to play, real results require real and meaningful interaction between the target groups and mental healthcare professionals. We have found that interactive workshops offer the best environment for therapy as they encourage people to talk freely in small groups about themselves – often realising that they share the same emotions, feelings and experiences..... Mental health in the wake of the coup: Looking forward, addressing these financial, legislative, structural, and cultural changes will take time, particularly given the current political situation. The junta government has made it clear that it will not accept any criticism of its rule, which causes a problem for any mental health campaign. While mental health was certainly an issue in Myanmar before, it is an issue that has wholly been exacerbated by the military coup and the subsequent, and ongoing, destruction that has followed. Even for those who have not directly experienced extreme traumatic experiences (like being imprisoned, physically attacked etc.), anyone with a Facebook account will have been exposed to content that poses severe mental health risks. Factor in stresses related to the severe economic implications of the coup, such as mass unemployment and financial insecurity, may also act as triggers on top of the previous existing challenges caused by Covid-19, past traumas, or even the normal difficulties in a person’s life. The coup puts mental health at an impasse: many of the mental health issues people will be experiencing will be caused directly by the coup, yet any treatment likely cannot explore these issues or place any blame, lest they run the risk of censorship – or worse. However, as Aung Min Thein tells me, the importance of therapy is not about placing the blame on somebody or something, rather about working on one’s own issues. His approach is to focus on the feelings of the individuals rather than the stimuli that caused them. This strategy does not legitimise the coup, but rather a recognition that the resilience people require to resist the regime depends on their mental wellbeing. While the situation seems bleak, the first step at least is clear: we need to deal with the stigma associated with mental health in Myanmar, and to help people realise that asking for mental health support is both completely normal and healthy. Only then can mental health issues in Myanmar be truly addressed..... Resources: A number of both national and international volunteer-based counselling groups have sprung up since the coup. Readers may also refer to MHPSS’s list of available services. Charlie moved to Yangon in 2014 to work at UNODC. After winning the war on drugs, he worked at BRAC. Then he realised he didn’t like working for INGOs and started running music events. Fast-forward 2 years, he started a record label with local artists. Now, he works with celebrities and influencers in social media campaigns that communicate socially beneficial messages. He speaks pretty good Burmese. He also runs a watch company. Charlie has written on Microfinance and the Ultra-poor, the War on Drugs , Suu Kyi and Islamophobia, and the hip hop scene in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-28
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Title: Taking Aim at the Tatmadaw: The New Armed Resistance to Myanmar’s Coup
Sub-title: Across Myanmar, militias are forming to counter deadly repression of demonstrations against the 1 February coup. In response, the military has deliberately targeted civilians, displacing tens of thousands. Outside actors should press the regime to respect international law and allow humanitarian aid to the displaced.
Description: "What’s new? Following Myanmar’s 1 February coup, newly organised militias have launched attacks in several parts of the country in response to regime killings of demonstrators. These lightly armed bands have inflicted significant casualties on the security forces, who have struck back with heavy weapons and bombardment of residential areas. Why does it matter? The regime’s heavy-handed, indiscriminate retaliation has displaced tens of thousands of men, women and children. Local networks and humanitarian agencies are unable to adequately assist these people, due to security and access restrictions, including military arrests, confiscation of supplies, and killings of those trying to deliver aid. What should be done? International actors – including in the UN Security Council – should press Myanmar’s regime to respect its legal obligations regarding the principles of proportionality and distinction, which its counter-insurgency strategy deliberately violates, and allow humanitarian access to all displaced people. Newly created militias must also refrain from abuses, particularly killing detainees..." I. Overview The Myanmar junta’s crackdown on protesters and the broader civilian population after the 1 February coup d’état has triggered violent resistance, including the formation of militias in parts of the country. Some such militias, armed with hunting rifles and other makeshift weapons, have used their numbers and knowledge of local terrain to inflict serious casualties on Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw. Security forces have responded with indiscriminate attacks on populated areas, using artillery, airstrikes and helicopter gunships. Tens of thousands of men, women and children have fled to the forest, with the regime blocking relief from reaching them. The Tatmadaw must meet its international obligations to respect the proportional use of force, distinguish between combatants and civilians, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access to those displaced. Outside actors have a responsibility, including in the UN Security Council, to ensure the regime faces consequences for international law violations. The militias, for their part, should not take the Tatmadaw’s grave abuses as an excuse to commit their own. Citizens in many parts of Myanmar watched in dismay as the regime unleashed deadly violence against protesters and residents in major cities from late February. Determined to continue demonstrating against the coup, but also concerned that they faced the same threat from security forces, they began forming militias to defend themselves. Such groups have emerged in several areas of the country, responding to the security forces’ attacks with determined campaigns of armed resistance. They have been most effective in places with existing militias or ethnic armed groups, or strong traditions of hunting – where many men have access to weapons and know the terrain intimately. Many of these areas have seen no active conflict in years or decades, meaning the Tatmadaw has little established military and intelligence capability there. With ground troops proving to be easy targets for ambushes, [the military] has unleashed long-range artillery, airstrikes and airborne assaults on populated areas. Facing rising casualties, the military has responded with overwhelming force. With ground troops proving to be easy targets for ambushes, it has unleashed long-range artillery, airstrikes and airborne assaults on populated areas, such as the towns of Mindat (in Chin State) and Demoso (in Kayah State). The Tatmadaw is using its long-established “four cuts” counter-insurgency strategy in these areas, a cruel approach that deliberately targets civilians in an effort to deprive insurgents of food, funds, recruits and intelligence on troop movements (hence the four cuts). Attacks on populated areas are an integral part of this strategy, along with the looting of food stores and denial of relief supplies, in clear violation of international humanitarian law. The fast emergence of these militias, and their capacity to evolve from loosely coordinated groups of local people into more structured, better armed and sustainably funded forces, likely marks a new phase of Myanmar’s decades-old civil war. Given the deep grievances in areas such as Chin and Kayah States – about the coup, but also over decades of neglect, ethnic discrimination and denial of rights – these militias are unlikely to simply disband or quickly fade away. They constitute new fronts for the Tatmadaw, which will probably keep blindly lashing out at civilians, as it has done repeatedly in the past when fighting many of the country’s ethnic armed groups. While these militias generally express support for the National Unity Government (NUG), the civilian body that has emerged to contest the junta’s claim to rule, they are not under its command or control. In a context of national economic collapse and local penury, these new militias will have privileged access to resources and rent-seeking opportunities, such as other armed actors in the political economy of Myanmar’s conflict have long secured. Experience from other parts of the country shows that such groups can provide protection for residents but can also become a source of insecurity for them, as well as an economic burden. Addressing these conflict dynamics and their impact on non-combatants is difficult without a return to more democratic and accountable civilian government, which the regime appears determined to prevent. Nevertheless, some steps can be taken now that would help meaningfully improve the situation: The Tatmadaw must cease attacks on civilians in line with its international legal obligation to respect the principles of proportionality and distinction. The security forces must also stop impeding humanitarian access to displaced populations. Outside actors should do what they can to ensure that the regime is held accountable for its violations of international law. UN Security Council members inclined to act could request that the UN secretary-general report in more detail on the extent of violence and any obstruction of aid in Myanmar, thus ensuring that the Council discusses these issues. All countries should stop the supply of weapons to the regime. Humanitarian agencies and donors should use all available channels to press the regime for timely access to displaced people. Asian countries, which are likely to have the most influence, should also advocate for expeditious humanitarian aid as a matter of priority. The militias likewise have an obligation to refrain from committing abuses, including killing of detainees and attacks on civilians and civilian property. All parts of the resistance must refrain in particular from targeting schools and medical facilities. Even if it does not have command and control of these groups, the NUG should take steps to strengthen and further disseminate its military code of conduct, continue to publicly signal the priority it gives to this code and press all elements of the resistance to adhere to the provisions. II. Opposition to the Coup Takes a Revolutionary Turn The military regime has responded to the anti-coup resistance with extreme violence, killing more than 870 people and detaining more than 6,000. The dead include protesters – many of whom were shot in the head – bystanders, random civilians shot in their houses and others tortured during interrogations. The crackdown has been effective in clearing the streets of the mass protests seen in the coup’s immediate aftermath, but it has provoked greater anger toward the regime. Mass protests have been replaced with flash mobs, which disperse before security forces can intervene, and strikes, boycotts and other forms of civil disobedience continue on a large scale. The anti-regime resistance as a whole is diverse, organic and organised locally by professional groups (such as medical workers, engineers and teachers), pre-existing civil society networks, labour unions and others. Some of the members of parliament elected in the November 2020 polls, who were due to take their seats on the day of the coup, have come together to form a legislative body, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH). It is composed mainly of members of Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) who are now in hiding, either in areas of the country controlled by ethnic armed groups or in exile. On 16 April, the CRPH established an executive body, the National Unity Government, with a diverse ethnic composition, especially at the deputy minister level. The resistance has taken on an increasingly revolutionary character, with most dissidents no longer aiming for restoration of the status quo ante, but for the Tatmadaw’s disbandment and its replacement by a new armed force that is not dominated by the Burman ethnic majority. The CRPH/NUG has articulated its wish to create a “federal army”, under civilian control, with a more diverse ethnic composition and without the Tatmadaw’s institutional culture of violence against civilians. On 1 March, the CRPH went as far as to declare the regime a terrorist group, and the NUG did the same on 7 June. This revolutionary agenda requires the Tatmadaw’s defeat or capitulation. The NUG first endorsed violent self-defence on 14 March and then announced the formation of its own armed wing, the People’s Defence Force (PDF), on 5 May. This step represents a decisive break with the policy of non-violence that the NLD adopted in its long years of opposition to military rule (1988-2011), which was a defining principle espoused by Aung San Suu Kyi herself. The regime responded on 8 May by declaring the CRPH, NUG and PDF to be “terrorist groups” under the Counter-terrorism Law. The PDF is still a work in progress, with an aspirational structure on paper. Some young people, whom the NUG hopes to bring under its command, are being trained by ethnic fighters and some Tatmadaw deserters in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups. So far, three separate strands have emerged in the efforts at armed resistance: First, the NUG attempted to convince existing ethnic armed organisations in Myanmar to join forces to fight the Tatmadaw under the banner of a new federal army. While several armed groups have expressed their support for the resistance and NUG, and in some cases provided sanctuary to fleeing dissidents, none has so far been willing to enter into a military alliance. Secondly, the NUG announced the PDF, a tacit acknowledgement that it had been unable to form an alliance with ethnic armed groups and would instead form its own fighting force de novo. The challenges involved are enormous, however. The NUG does not control territory, and it is unlikely that ethnic armed groups would allow it to operate autonomously from places they control – for chain-of-command reasons, and because of likely regime retaliation; the Kachin Independence Organisation, for instance, has already said it will not do so. Al­though ethnic armed groups are providing military training to hundreds of young dissidents who have fled to areas under their control for sanctuary, these groups are not organised by the NUG and are not under its command, although they may share its objectives. Thirdly, locally organised militias have been forming spontaneously in many places across Myanmar, in response to Tatmadaw violence. Groups such as the Chinland Defence Force (in Chin State), Kalay Civil Army (in Sagaing Region) and Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (in Kayah State) have clashed with the security forces – both repelling Tatmadaw attacks and going on the offensive to take control of towns or rural areas. The NUG’s announcement of the PDF was intended in part to unify these various local groups under its umbrella. But while many of them are supportive of the NUG and some have pledged allegiance to it, they are not under its command. Some of the largest groups have had no contact at all with the NUG (see Section III.C below). In addition to organised militias, networks of civilians have responded to the regime’s use of brutal violence with asymmetric attacks on government and other targets in Yangon, Mandalay and elsewhere – including with improvised explosive devices, arson and killings of administrative officials and suspected regime informants. These networks include some people who have been trained in ethnic armed group areas and have subsequently returned to the cities. Since early April, there have been hundreds of explosions in various parts of the country, with the largest concentration in Yangon. Bomb and arson attacks have struck educational institutions, local administration offices, the homes of regime-appointed officials, police and military personnel and installations, and banks. Schools have been particularly hard-hit, with dozens across the country targeted in an apparent effort to deter parents from registering their children ahead of the new school year starting 1 June, which anti-coup forces have called upon the population to boycott. On 26 May, the NUG issued a set of ethical rules for resistance forces, inter alia prohibiting attacks on schools, medical facilities and other civilian targets. Since then, attacks on schools have declined but not stopped. III. The New Armed Resistance As the regime began to use increasingly deadly violence against protesters and the broader civilian population from late February, city residents began to take measures to protect themselves from the security forces and deter their night-time raids. They barricaded access roads, appointed nightwatchmen to give early warning of the security forces’ incursions and formed defence groups made up of mostly young men and women armed with makeshift weapons and shields. As the military deployed front-line troops to force residents of Yangon, Mandalay and other towns to remove these roadblocks over the month of March, many members of these improvised defence forces either went underground or fled to ethnic armed group-controlled areas seeking weapons and training. Some of these underground cells, and networks of people who have now returned to the cities after receiving limited training, have begun carrying out opportunistic attacks, including bombings. In other parts of the country, the situation has evolved differently. With the regime focused on quashing dissent in the main cities, people in many provincial towns and rural areas were able to continue demonstrating without facing violent crackdowns. As they saw the death toll mounting in other areas, however, some of these communities began organising themselves to resist the security forces. When protesters began to be arrested or shot in their areas, they were ready to retaliate. A. The Battle for Mindat On 4 April, resistance cells from all nine townships of Chin State came together to form the Chinland Defence Force (CDF). Located in the country’s north west, bordering India, the mountainous state is Myanmar’s poorest. On 24 April, CDF members in the southern town of Mindat clashed with the security forces for the first time, after officers refused to release seven people, three men and four women, detained for putting up anti-regime stickers in town. Residents said the detentions violated an informal agreement between security forces and the townspeople that troops would take no action against protesters as long as they remained peaceful. Protesters had gathered in the town centre to demand the detainees’ release, and when a police officer fired into the crowd, the defence force retaliated, reportedly shooting dead three members of the security forces. The situation escalated rapidly from there. The army attempted to bring in troops by road to reinforce the overwhelmed local battalion in Mindat. On 26 and 27 April, CDF fighters ambushed military convoys on the roads leading to the town, reportedly killing more than 30 troops, destroying army trucks and looting weapons. Although the CDF fighters were only lightly armed with traditional flintlock rifles, they were experienced at using these for hunting, had intimate knowledge of the terrain and outnumbered their targets – amassing hundreds of fighters to strike the convoys. Seemingly taken aback by the level of resistance it was facing, on 27 April the military initially tried to negotiate with Mindat town elders, seeking an agreement that attacks on troops would end in return for the release of detained demonstrators; the truce broke down after a few hours when the security forces failed to release all the seven detainees. Further negotiations were held on 1 May and 9 May, aiming to reach agreement on the withdrawal of fighters from both sides from the downtown area, the withdrawal of troops from outside medical facilities and banks, permission for CDF fighters to return home with no retaliation, and the release of five remaining detainees. Discussions broke down on 12 May, with the military still refusing to release one of the detainees. The military was able, however, to negotiate safe passage for a convoy of troops through Mindat, on 7 May, in order to resupply its bases in Paletwa township further south. Paletwa had been the site of some of the most intense conflict between government forces and the Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine rebel force, from January 2019 until the informal ceasefire in November 2020. Chin people were caught in the crossfire of that conflict, and were at times targeted by the Arakan Army, so the CDF may have had some interest in allowing the convoy to proceed. After negotiations collapsed on 12 May, CDF fighters attacked soldiers posted outside a bank in the downtown area. The following day, the regime declared martial law in Mindat and began shelling the town. On 13 and 14 May, the military sent two convoys of reinforcements, which were again ambushed by the CDF. Tatmadaw troops fled, and CDF fighters seized large quantities of weapons from the trucks before destroying nine of them. With the CDF controlling all roads into Mindat, on 15 May the military launched an airborne offensive, first shelling the town, then flying in several hundred troops by helicopter to seize control. The CDF retreated into the surrounding hills, and most townspeople also fled; thousands remain in makeshift settlements in the forest. The military now controls the town, but clashes continue in the surrounding areas, including Tatmadaw attacks in areas that civilians have fled to. The CDF told Crisis Group it is regrouping and preparing for new attacks, but in order to protect civilians, it will no longer base itself in urban areas..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-28
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 27 June 2021)
Description: "As of 27 June, (883) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kale Township and Monywa Township in Sagaing Region were killed on the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 27, a total of (5183) people are currently under detention; of them (221) are sentenced. 1966 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Zaw Htet, was arrested with his father in the evening of June 25 at Kale Township in Sagaing Region by junta troops, his family was informed on June 26 he died from COVID-19. Zaw Htet was in good health, he was killed from torture according to his friends. On June 25 at 9 pm, Naing Win Oo was shot dead by the terrorist junta without question while he went back to collect a garage key he had forgotten. In the evening of June 26, Saw Pyae Chan Thar, a reporter from Sagaing City, was arrested by junta troops. On the night of June 25, San Lwin, an engineer, and his son Linn Latt Aung were arrested and beaten on the false information they were carrying explosive materials. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: H.E. Dr. Sasa, Union Minister of the Ministry of International Cooperation and Spokesperson of the National Unity Government of Myanmar, former Myanmar Special Envoy to the United Nations Addressed the Alliance of Asian Americans Baptist Churches, the caucus of American Baptist Churches - United States of America
Description: "Dear friends, brothers and sisters, thank you for having me! On behalf of the people of Myanmar, I want to say a warm thank you for giving me this opportunity to present the plight of the people of Myanmar and appeal for your prayers and support in this darkest hour in the history of Myanmar. The National Unity Government of Myanmar and the brave people of Myanmar greatly appreciate you all for your prayers, your support and for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the most pivotal moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the balance, the strong and continued support and prayers from you all are absolutely crucial in stopping this reign of terror. More so than ever, the 54 million courageous citizens of Myanmar need the continued strong friendship, coordinated support and prayer from you all in fulfilling our hopes, aspirations, and dreams. The people of Myanmar have suffered so much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their regimes. I want to take this opportunity to appeal to you all for your prayers, support and action: According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta's reign of terror. There is nothing normal about 1.2 million innocent civilians in Myanmar being forced to flee their homes due to this oppressive military junta. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is predicting that over half of the population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. There is nothing normal about 27 million innocent civilians in Myanmar facing this harsh poverty. The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million people in Myanmar are going to face starvation by the end of October of this year. There is nothing normal about 6.4 million innocent civilians dying from starvation and thirst. It will be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun directly as a result of the terroristic actions of this brutal military junta in Myanmar. We cannot allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar People being violently forced to flee from their homes because of a Military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation, nor can we allow the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty because of the greed of a few old generals. Injustice cannot be made into justice. Since the failed coup in Myanmar on the first of February 2021: There can be no justification whatsoever for the brutal murder of over 915 people, including 72 children, by the military junta forces. We will never allow the normalization of the murder of innocent civilians, and it is a matter of justice and accountability. There is no justification whatsoever for illegally arresting and detaining more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people without cause, including our elected officials, our State Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr. President U Win Myint and dozens of brave journalists, by the illegal military junta. There is no justification whatsoever for the torture and intimidation by the military junta of innocent civilians and forcing over 2,000 of them to flee from illegal arrest warrants, for the mere 'CRIME' of expressing their fundamental and universal Human Rights. The illegal military junta committed another crime against Humanity on the 16th of June 2021 by burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes), in Sagaing Region of Myanmar, and burning elderly people to death who were trapped inside their homes. This is not a first, however, as this military junta is guilty of war crimes, genocide, crimes against Humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people and the people of Karen, Kachin, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, and Chin States, which account for over 40% of the population of Myanmar. This violence we are seeing instigated by the military junta in Myanmar is both systematic and widespread. The brutal junta forces are attacking Churches, Schools, Villages, Towns and Cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied Churches, Schools, Community halls and Hospitals nationwide to use as Barracks and Supply Depots. These junta forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with guns and bullets; replacing Bibles and Hymnals with Mortars and bombs; and replacing live-saving Hospital equipment with weapons of destruction and death. It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities, Pastors, Monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our Hospitals, Colleges, Universities, Banks, and Economy is crashing due to this military reign of terror. It is not normal that our Teachers, Tutors, Professors, Doctors, Nurses, Midwives, Engineers, Scholars and Civil Servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their peaceful movement of CDM which is more powerful than the military junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (3-9 MAY 2021)
Description: "The pro-democracy protests continued across the country in different townships despite the continuing lethal attacks by the junta forces and arrested of protests and the youth. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) figures showed that as of 9 May, 780 people have been killed by the junta, 3,826 are currently under detention while 84 were sentenced. 1,540 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment. The military junta also said that it would not agree to a visit by a Southeast Asian envoy until it could establish stability. Maj. Kaung Htet San, a spokesperson for the junta’s State Administration Council said in an online news conference: "Whether we will follow the suggestions of ASEAN or not will depend on the situation of the country." Explosions and killings have been reported in several states and regions including Yangon in the past week while growing numbers of clashes between the military and the civilian defense forces are also reported in Chin State state, Magway and Sagaing regions. Four administrators appointed by the junta were killed in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing regions, while a NLD MP and four other people were killed in the explosion of a parcel bomb in Bago region. Local media also reported the fighting between the military and the KNLA and KIA in Kachin and Kayah States and the military air raids in those areas left dozens of civilians injured. It is also reported more than 7,000 people in Papun district in Karen State are hiding as their villages are being attacked while more than 3,000 fled into Thailand. People of Salween River Basin Network, a civil rights group based in Mae Hong Son, urged the Thai government not to push the refugees back. The CSOs also repeatedly requested humanitarian organisations and relief agencies to take part in the distribution. In addition, more than 200 local and the international NGOs called on the UN to impose Myanmar arms embargo. The junta also banned three media outlets including Myitkyina Journal, The 74 Media based in Kachin state and Tachileik News Agency from Shan state, totaling up to 8 abolished media outlets since the coup. The detained Japanese journalist, Yuki Kitazumi, was charged for spreading “fake news”. The National Unity Government (NUG) set up a “people’s defence force” to protect civilians and outlined 35-point basic principles for its defense ministry, after the junta announced that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People Defense Force (PDF) are terrorist organizations..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (5-11 APRIL 2021)
Description: "The protests continued for the 10th week that protesters have used different methods to express their resistance towards the military coup such as “bleeding dye strike”, “marching shoes strike”, “flash strike” while the internet shutdown also continued at night time and all the wireless and broadband services were shut down since last week throughout the country. In Bago region, more than 80 protesters have been killed by the junta with use of heavy weapons on 9 April and the residents in Bago also fled their homes following the attacks. On the other hand, 19 people have been sentenced to death at courts under the martial law declared by the junta. There are a high number of Myanmar people displaced from their villages to ethnic army areas and Thai-Myanmar border. Currently, there are shortages of basic necessities, food, shelter, medicine in the displaced persons communities. UN’s special envoy for Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener has arrived in Thailand to start a tour in Asian countries to step up diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. However, it was reported that Myanmar's military has turned down her request to visit Myanmar. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners 706 people have been killed by the junta as of 11 April and 3059 people are currently under detention, 64 are sentenced and 657 arrest warrants have been issued targeting pro-democracy activists, political party leaders, government officials, celebrities and social media influencers..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (8-14 MARCH 2021)
Description: "As the people of Myanmar continue the civil disobedience movement including nationwide street protests, the total number of deaths has doubled to at least 126 in the past week. The anti-coup protests saw another record-breaking surge in deaths on 14 March alone when at least 38 civilians were killed by security forces. The exact number could be higher as many casualties are yet to be confirmed. After several Chinese-owned factories were burnt and a large number of deaths were reported in clashes between civilians and security forces in Yangon on 14 March, the military junta imposed martial law in Yangon’s Hlaing Thar Yar and Shwe Pyi Thar townships. In the past week, the military junta also raided the offices of three independent news outlets and detained two media personnel following the ban of five news outlets. In addition, six journalists who were detained while covering anti-coup protests were charged for incitement. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a total of 2,156 people have been arrested, charged, or sentenced in relation to the military coup of February 1. Three of them were convicted, 73 have been charged with a warrant and are evading arrest, 319 were released..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (12-18 APRIL 2021)
Description: "The protests continued for the 11th week despite the brutal crackdown by the junta forces. Ko Wai Moe Naing, a prominent leader of the pro-democracy protest movement in Monywa, Sagaing region, was beaten and dragged away after a vehicle hit his motorbike. 26 citizens were killed by the junta forces during the Thingyan period, habitually the country’s most joyful and auspicious holidays. Mobile data was cut in Myanmar for the 35th consecutive day according to Netblocks while nighttime internet blocking continues. Wireless and broadband services were also shut down throughout the country. Youth are fighting the junta's internet shutdown and information suppression with underground printed newsletters such as Molotov, The Voice of Spring, and The Milestone of Spring that they are secretly distributing across communities in Yangon and other cities. This week, pro-democracy politicians, including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) announced a shadow National Unity Government (NUG) formed under the terms of the Federal Democracy Charter. Mahn Win Khaing Than, an ethnic Karen and former House Speaker was appointed as the prime minister, while Duwa Lashi La, president of the Kachin National Consultative Assembly is the vice president. President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi retain their positions. The special ASEAN summit on Myanmar is scheduled to take place on 24 April in Jakarta and Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing will attend the summit as his first known foreign trip since he staged the coup. The National Unity Government officials responded that ASEAN has to negotiate with the newly formed legitimate government if they want to help resolve the current situation. They also urged ASEAN to provide a seat at the summit for the NUG and not to recognize the junta as the legitimate representative of Myanmar. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 737 people have been killed by the junta as of 18 April and 3,229 people are currently under detention. 75 have been sentenced and 930 arrest warrants have been issued targeting pro-democracy activists, political party leaders, government officials, medical officers, celebrities and social media influencers. An art and culture concert called “Myanmar Spring”, to be held on 24 April at the Bangkok Art and Culture Center. The charity event is organized by Myanmar students in Thailand, in the hope of raising awareness and raising funds in support of the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), internally displaced individuals, and families of those who have lost their lives in the conflict in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (15-21 MARCH 2021)
Description: "In the past week, the military junta shut down mobile internet and wireless broadband internet (except for fibre internet) indefinitely. Crackdowns against the media were also intensified, with three journalists arrested in a week. Since the military’s Feb. 1 coup, a total of 40 journalists have been arrested by the junta, with 22 of the 40 had been released and 18 still under detention as of March 19. The closure of The Standard Time following The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven also marked the end of independent print media in the country. As of March 21, at least 250 people are now confirmed killed by Myanmar’s police and military. A total of 2,665 people have been arrested, charged, or sentenced in relation to the military coup on February 1, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Of them, 15 were convicted; 109 have been charged with a warrant and are evading arrest, 375 were released. A total of 2,290 are still under detention or have outstanding charges/evading arrest, including the 15 sentenced..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (22-28 MARCH 2021)
Description: "As the Tatmadaw marked the Myanmar Armed Forces Day on March 27, at least 114 people were killed by the military junta, the bloodiest day so far since the military coup on February 1. The mass killings came a day after the military junta warned the protesters that they will face the risk of getting shot through state owned television. As of 28 March, at least 459 people have been confirmed killed by the junta. Among them, at least 38 were children. A total of 2,559 people have been detained since the coup, of which 37 of them are sentenced and 119 have been issued arrest warrants. Internet shutdown also continued in the past week including mobile internet and wireless broadband internet (except fibre internet). Crackdown targeting the media also continued, leading to more than 50 journalists being detained so far. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), meanwhile, has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for 2022..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (26 APRIL TO 2 MAY 2021)
Description: "The pro-democracy protests continued across the country while the Myanmar community outside of the country also conducted the protests in places such as London, Kuala Lumpur, Tokyo and Seoul. The protests started again in Yangon last week just before the ASEAN summit after a few weeks of absence. Some flashmobs were also witnessed in townships such as Kyauktada, Sanchaung, Ahlone, Hlaing, Kamayut, Dawbon, Thaketa, Tamwe, Insein and Hlaing Tharyar townships in Yangon. A series of small-scale explosions also reported in Yangon in the past week. On 2 May alone, explosions were reported at least in six townships including Insein, Hlaing Thar Yar, Tamwe, North Dagon, South Dagon and Thaketa. The junta lifted the nightly fibre internet cut off while mobile data and wireless broadband remain blocked, except for some selected business and banking apps. Social media, including Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, are still banned in the country. Despite the call for immediate cessation of violence through ASEAN summit by the ASEAN leaders which was joined by the junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, deadly crackdowns, human rights violations, raids and arrests have continued in days and nights. The junta also announced that stability is the current priority of the regime including maintaining law and order and restoring community peace and tranquility. The junta also announced it will only consider the ASEAN leaders’ recommended five-point consensus after the situation stabilizes in the country. Suppression of media and arrest of journalists also continued. More than 70 journalists have been arrested since the coup and of them, 40 are still under detention and another 22 journalists face arrest warrants on incitement charges. It was also reported last week the junta has terminated the license of Myitkyina News Journal, a local media based in Kachin State. In the past week, tension between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) intensified. The military launched more airstrikes in the conflict areas, causing more residents to flee across the Thailand border. There is also a trend that pro-democracy activists express their support towards the ethnic armed organizations and receive military training from ethnic armies in Myanmar's borderlands. Thousands of young people including students, doctors and engineers have joined the training in Karen and Kachin States. The UNDP has reported that nearly half of Myanmar’s population could be forced into poverty by 2022 due to the impacts of military rule and the COVID-19 pandemic. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners figures showed that as of 2 May, 765 people have been killed by the junta, 3,555 are currently under detention while 82 were sentenced. 1,396 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonmen..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (29 MARCH – 4 APRIL 2021)
Description: "Protests continued over the past week across the towns and cities in Myanmar despite the strong crackdown by the military and the police. The people of Myanmar protested using innovative ways, such as “garbage strikes”, “flower strikes” and “Easter egg strikes” throughout the week. Due to the air strikes in the Kayin state and severe crackdowns nationwide, thousands of civilians flee to Thailand and India to seek refuge. However, the Thai authorities reportedly blocked them at the border and India’s border state of Manipur issued an order to turn away refugees crossing over from Myanmar (the order was withdrawn later). Nightly internet shutdown continues along with the nationwide mobile internet cut. The media reported that the military junta ordered internet service providers on 1 April 2021 to shut down all the wireless services and telecommunications which started on 2 April 2021. Only fiber connections are functioning at the moment. In the past week, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CPRH) declared the abolishment of the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar and replaced it with the Federal Democracy Charter as the Federal Democracy Interim Constitution. The move was supported by the ten ethnic armed groups who signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement. As of 4 April 2021, 564 people have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Save the Children reported that among those killed at least 43 are children. There are 2,667 people currently under detention and 38 among them have been sentenced. The junta has issued 425 arrest warrants including the recent list of at least 60 celebrities and social media influencers..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 25 June 2021)
Description: "As of 25 June, (881) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Kale Township in Sagaing Region was killed on the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 25, a total of (5156) people are currently under detention; of them (218) are sentenced. 1965 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 24 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Mai Nuam Za Thiang, 19 years old, died on June 23 at around 10pm after she was arrested with a left thigh injury shot by terrorist junta’s soldiers on June 23 at around 9pm at Kale Township in Sagaing Region. Her family was informed in the morning of June 24 that she died due to COVID-19. It is reported that lots of blood was found on her body. On June 23, Kyaw Htwe, Dawei Protest Leader in Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, was sentenced to (2) years and (4) months imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and Export and Import Law by the special court in Dawei Prison. Likewise Kyaw Htwe, Aung Waiyan Kyaw, a protest leader from Dawei, was sentenced to (4) years imprisonment on June 21. On the night of June 23, three youths named Kyaw Tayzar Oo, Kaung Kyaw Htet and a youth from Padeegone Town in Bago Region’s Thegon Township, were arrested at their homes by the terrorist junta’s troops for sharing a post of the Thegon People’s Defence Force (PDF). Moreover, La Chake Lwan Nwal, head of nursing in Kachin State, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested at her home in Chipwi Town on the night of June 23. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 4.68 MB 1.18 MB
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Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 26 June 2021)
Description: "As of 26 June, (881) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 26, a total of (5174) people are currently under detention; of them (221) are sentenced. 1966 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of June 26, De Myat Nyein, reporter at Zeyar Times News Agency based in Sagaing City, was arrested at his home. On the night of June 25, seven youths named Hein Thant Zin, Thiha Tun, Hein Min Oo, Sabel Htoo, Aung Paing, Wai Phyo Aung and Aung Htet were arrested by soldiers and police pretending to check overnight guest registration in North Okkalapa Township, Yangon Region. On the night of June 24, Than Than Aye, NLD Chairman of the ward and village in Aye Thar Yar Town in Shan State’s Taunggyi Township, was arrested by soldiers. Kyaw Swar Win, former Major in the military, who had previously been sentenced to two years imprisonment for signing a constitutional amendment, was arrested at his home in Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Region on June 22. On June 25, Thaw Gyi, NLD executive member of Thazi Township, was sentenced to three years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by the court in Meiktila Prison in Mandalay Region. Over 60 people, who have been sentenced under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code in Myeik Prison in Tanintharyi Region, are being forced labor for 8 hours a day from Monday to Friday, 10 hours across Saturday and Sunday. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 5.56 MB 1002.58 KB
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Title: International Day in Support of Victims of Torture - ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသူများကို ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ရေး အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာနေ့
Sub-title: The Burma Military's use of torture is an international crime - it must be stopped!
Description: "On this International Day in Support of Victims of Torture, we call for an immediate end to the brutal torture of civilians in Burma, and for perpetrators to be brought to justice. To mark this important day, we created a video series called "Stop Torture", showing how the Burma military is using various forms of torture against its own people following the 1 February coup. The video links are available on AJAR's YouTube channel (click here) and on the website/Facebook pages of AAPP, ND-Burma and Women's League of Burma. The post-coup repression shows how the Burma military will not shy away from using its decades-old patterns of cruel treatment of civilians in a widespread manner, as a mean to terrorize and subjugate the population into obedience. While people all over the country continue to defy the military junta through courageous acts of resistance, mostly peacefully, security forces respond with ruthless and nasty force. At least 880 people, including children and youth, have been killed by security forces since the coup. Almost 6,300 have been arrested, with 5,104 currently in detention as of June 24th, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The crackdown targets any perceived opponent to the coup, including politicians, peaceful protesters, journalists, celebrities, striking workers, and even children and bystanders. Many of those arrested are subject to various forms of torture and ill treatment. There are reports of widespread and systematic mistreatment in detention, including beatings, sleep deprivation, and being denied the use of a bathroom. During interrogation, detainees are being blindfolded with their hands tied behind them and forced to kneel on a concrete floor or to lie on their belly, and then beaten repeatedly with the goal to extract information or forced confessions. Some report being beaten with dangerous objects such as cables, the butts of guns, and glass bottles. Particularly concerning is the differential treatment of women during interrogation and detention, in the form of sexual and gender-based violence, sexism and misogyny. There are reports of sexual abuses behind bars, including beatings on genitals and sexual threats. Some detainees do not survive. Civilians arrested after being shot by security forces are often denied medical treatment and subsequently die from their injuries. There are reports of people tortured to deaths in custody, their bodies returned to their families with a fabricated story as to the cause of death, but with obvious signs of torture and mutilation. Some bear the marks of organs removal. Others are returned to their families alive, only to die a few hours later from their injuries. The AAPP has accounted for at least 24 of such deaths following torture. These vicious tactics employed by the Burma military are meant to install fear among the public and create an environment of terror, in order to suppress popular resistance to the coup and maintain their control over the country. The use of torture, however, is not new to the recent political developments. As long documented by civil society groups, torture has always been commonplace during interrogation and imprisonment in Burma. This included also mistreatment of LGBTIQ. people in police detention. In ethnic areas, torture and other forms of illtreatment were used against civilians to obtain information or confessions regarding the activities of ethnic armed organizations, or as punishment for perceived sympathy for the Tatmadaw's opponents. In its reports to the United Nations, the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar ("FFM") concluded that " the manner in which torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence, occurred often indicated the dehumanisation of ethnic minorities in Kachin and Shan States, with Tatmadaw soldiers verbally denigrating their religions and ethnicities". Indeed, the FFM found that the targeting of civilians, including through torture and ill-treatment, was a hallmark of Tatmadaw operations in at least Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan States. Torture has profound, long-lasting consequences for survivors and their families. While they struggle with physical injuries, psychological trauma, social exclusion and economic hardships, access to basic support services is largely lacking in Burma, in particular in the current context. Torture survivors and their families require access to health and medical care, psycho-social support, legal assistance and livelihood opportunities. Plans need to be made to address their immediate as well as long-term needs, which should also include acknowledgement of survivors' experience and efforts to ensure non-repetition. The use of torture by security forces is a violation of international law, as well as Myanmar domestic laws. In some circumstances, torture can be considered a crime against humanity when it is part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population. As we have repeatedly stated in the past, decades of impunity have emboldened the Burma military to continue perpetrating these heinous crimes without any accountability. This must stop. The time for justice has come. The Burma military must immediately end violence against civilians and bring perpetrators of torture to justice. We therefore make the following recommendations: To the international community: • Do not recognize the junta's State Administration Council (SAC) and put pressure on the Burma military to immediately end violence against civilians and respect the Geneva Conventions • Make a referral of the Burma situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC) • Strengthen the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) • Establish a coordinated arms embargo against Myanmar • Issue further targeted sanctions against the Burma military's businesses • Participate in providing acknowledgment and recognition to victims of torture • Support victims of torture and their families, including human rights defenders, through programs aimed at providing material, medical and psycho-social assistance, in order to address both immediate and longterm needs • Provide cross-border humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by the violence To the Association of South East Asia Nations (ASEAN): • Issue a timeframe for the implementation of its "five-point consensus" on Burma and hold the Burma military accountable to it in an effective and transparent manner • Call for the immediate release of political prisoners • Support the establishment of an arms embargo by the international community To the National Unity Government (NUG): • Document the use of torture by security forces • Cooperate with the IIMM • Commit to bringing perpetrators to justice, including by acceding to the ICC Rome Statute and making a declaration accepting ICC jurisdiction for past crimes • Commit to signing and ratifying the UN Convention Against Torture (CAT) • Commit to preventing torture by providing awareness trainings to security forces under NUG's authority • Commit to establishing meaningful transitional justice mechanisms to address victim's rights to truth and reparations, in particular rehabilitation programs for survivors 1. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) 2. Women's League of Burma (WLB) 3. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma) 4. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) 5. All Arakan Student's and Youth Congress (AASYC) 6. Ta'ang Civil Society Organization (TCSO) 7. Burma Civil War Museum (BCM) 8. Union Of Karenni State Youth (UKSY)..."
Source/publisher: Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) , Women's League of Burma (WLB) , Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma) , Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) , All Arakan Student's and Youth Congress (AASYC) , Ta'ang Civil Society
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
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Type: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 50.99 KB 998.75 KB
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