Human Rights Defenders

expand all
collapse all

Individual Documents

Title: Red Alert: Myanmar Regime to Hang More Political Prisoners; World Must Act Now
Description: "Here is our urgent warning to the world: Myanmar’s barbaric regime is planning to execute more political prisoners on death row in the coming days and weeks. For anyone who has sympathy for them and desires to see justice prevail in the country, now is not the time for procrastination. Following the junta’s recent executions of four democracy activists, the fate of the remaining 76 political prisoners on the regime’s death row is now of great concern to Myanmar people. They have reason to be worried. After the weekend hangings of Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw, alarming reports have emerged that political prisoners sentenced to death in Yangon’s Insein Prison have been isolated from other inmates. Forty-one of the 76 detainees sentenced to death are being held at Insein Prison. As of Thursday, 118 people had been sentenced to death for their anti-regime activism in Myanmar. Forty-two of those were sentenced in absentia. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma on Wednesday said the remaining 76—who include university students, young professionals and eight women—would likely face extrajudicial killings at the hands of the regime, like the four activists hanged over the weekend. The Irrawaddy has also learned that more hangings are in the pipeline. The news has devastated the family members of the political prisoners on death row. They are silently praying they will not receive phone calls from prison authorities informing them they are to have “a meeting” with their condemned loved ones. The four recently executed activists were granted video meetings with their mothers and other relatives, then hanged within 24 hours. “I don’t want to get the call from them. I fear bad consequences. I can’t bear to think about it,”said a family member of a political prisoner sentenced to death. Through her tears, a deeply distraught mother begged the junta not to kill her son, while pleading for help from others: “Is there anyone who can save us? I would die if I face it. I can’t take it anymore.” The quotes above are extracts from The Irrawaddy’s interviews with family members of some of the political prisoners on death row; they capture the bleak situation in the country, as well as the families’ emotional devastation. All of the interviewees asked that their names and those of their imprisoned relatives be withheld, as they were extremely worried that the junta would kill their loved ones in haste as a punishment for talking to the media. For some skeptical souls who dare to wonder whether the regime would really do something so heinous for merely talking to the press, remember what regime leader Min Aung Hlaing once said: “There is nothing I don’t dare to do.” In the latest testament to their limitless inhumanity, the regime on Wednesday organized attacks on the homes of the recently executed Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, angered by the fact that the duo are being praised as martyrs, and because Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s mother told the media she was proud of her son. Please note the attacks came while the parents and relatives were still mourning their fresh losses. As the regime never fails to show new acts of barbarity to the world, we should not underestimate the junta; they won’t allow (and have never allowed) any ethical consideration or pang of conscience to get in the way of their grip on power. Given the junta’s relentless show of inhumanity, fears are high for the lives of the remaining 74 political prisoners on the regime’s death row. Even if they don’t kill them all, some—especially those convicted in high-profile cases—are at great risk, as the regime would simply carry out their executions as a form of reprisal, in the name of their so-called “rule of law” and “seeking justice” for junta informants and other regime targets attacked by resistance groups. Then, Myanmar will have to mourn more losses. If the executions are carried out, it would be too much for many in Myanmar, which has already lost more than 2,000 people to the regime since the coup last year. It’s time for the UN to adopt some meaningful resolutions to save lives in Myanmar—a step beyond Security Council condemnations of the executions of the four democracy activists. The same goes for the world’s democracies, including the US; it’s time to prove to the evil regime that they have to pay a price for their horrendous treatment of Myanmar and its people, as the world will no longer tolerate them. With the regime’s executions last week, we have all failed Ko Jimmy, Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, Ko Hla Myo Aung and Ko Aung Thura Zaw. The world should not fail the Myanmar people, and the 74 political prisoners on death row, again. They should not feel they are forsaken while struggling to survive amid the junta’s unwavering abuses. They deserve to feel there are some in the world who care for them. Show your humanity with meaningful action on Myanmar now, please! EDITOR’s NOTE: The editorial was updated on Friday to reflect the latest number of death sentences..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: [Joint Statement] Myanmar: Execution of four democracy activists highlights junta’s brutality
Description: "We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the execution carried out by the military junta against four pro-democracy activists in Myanmar. We call on the international community, including ASEAN states, to publicly denounce these grave violations committed by the junta and to hold them accountable for their crimes. The four include prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu better known as ‘Ko Jimmy’, who was arrested in October 2021 and Phyo Zeyar Thaw, a former lawmaker from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and rapper, who was arrested in November 2021 for allegedly committing “terror acts” by the junta. The other two activists are Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. The four pro-democracy activists were convicted of trumped-up charges of terrorism under the draconian 2014 Counterterrorism Law and others laws and sentenced to death in June 2022. Their closed-door trial by secretive military tribunals has been condemned due to a lack of transparency and adherence to the due process of law. Kyaw Min Yu was also allegedly tortured during his detention. We are appalled that family members of the activists were not informed ahead of time that the executions would be carried out. Since news of the executions was released, family members have only received vague answers from officers at Insein Prison, such as that the prison procedures had already been followed. Further, the military junta continues to refuse to disclose the location and condition of the bodies of those executed. When Phyo Zeyar Thaw’s mother requested for his body, the prison officers responded that there is no law that calls for the return of the body to family members. The military junta must clarify the exact date and time that the executions were carried out, as well as immediately provide information on the whereabouts of the bodies. We condemn the cruelty of the military junta and are seriously concerned about the fate of many others who have been sentenced to death by the junta. These appalling actions are serious human rights violations and should be denounced by all members of the international community with calls for justice and accountability. With a total of 117 political prisoners being sentenced to death since the coup, failing to do so will put many other detained activists at risk of suffering the same fate. The executions are reportedly the first known judicial executions for over the three decades in Myanmar. It was undertaken despite repeated calls from human rights groups and the international community to the junta to halt and reverse the decision. The junta has even disregarded the calls from the ASEAN chair, Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, to refrain from carrying out the executions. The execution was conducted three days after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) dismissed the Myanmar military government’s preliminary objections regarding the allegation of genocide against the Rohingya, giving the possibility of the investigation as requested by the Gambia to move forward. Since the coup in February 2021, human rights groups have documented the arbitrary and extrajudicial killings of more than two thousand individuals in the country. Thousands remain in detention facing torture and ill-treatment while the National Unity Government (NUG), the legitimate government elected by the people of Myanmar in November 2022, was declared a terrorist organisation. The junta has also weaponised humanitarian aid to undermine the resistance movement and to gain legitimacy. Various diplomatic efforts by international and regional mechanisms, including the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus that focuses on a meaningful and inclusive dialogue toward a peaceful solution, have failed to prevent the junta from committing serious human rights violations – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. While some countries have imposed targeted sanctions, others such as Australia and Japan have failed to move in that direction and have effectively relied on the Five-Point Consensus as a solution. By executing the activists, the military junta has sent a strong message that it has no interest in respecting proposals from ASEAN and the international community to uphold democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the country. The international community must urgently step up and immediately deploy stronger actions to halt this brutality and hold the junta accountable..."
Source/publisher: Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 73.08 KB
more
Title: Pro-Junta Mobs Attack Homes of Executed Myanmar Democracy Activists
Description: "The homes of recently executed pro-democracy activists Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw were attacked on Wednesday by mobs of pro-regime thugs who denounced the two men for their anti-junta activities. The apartment of Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw’s parents in Bo Aung Kyaw Street in downtown Yangon was pelted with stones and other projectiles by nearly a dozen junta-backed thugs on Wednesday afternoon. They cursed the executed activist’s parents. In a video shared by pro-junta groups they can be seen hurling projectiles at the apartment and condemning the lawmaker’s mother, Daw Khin Win May, for telling the media she was proud of her son following his execution. She confirmed to The Irrawaddy that their apartment was under attack. The regime executed Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw, another democracy activist, Ko Jimmy, and two other men during the weekend after sentencing them to death under the counter-terrorism law for masterminding the armed struggle against the regime and being involved in anti-junta activities. The world has condemned the hangings. On Wednesday, pro-regime Telegram channels said “people against of violence” perpetrated the attack and shared the video online. A mob also gathered in front of the house of the late Ko Jimmy in Yangon’s Insein Township on Wednesday, hurling stones at the building while denouncing him for his anti-regime activism. Pro-junta groups on social media shared a video of the attack and called it “a demonstration by people who want peace and against violence.” The attacks came one day after the regime’s spokesperson Zaw Min Tun said at a press conference that those executed were not democracy activists, but killers deserving of their punishment. “They have committed crimes for which they should have been given death sentences many times,” said Zaw Min Tun. In response to the international condemnations of the executions, the regime’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on Tuesday that it protested “in the strongest terms on the statements issued by certain countries and regional/international organizations.” “The Ministry cautions that such concerns and criticisms on the Myanmar government’s legal actions could be tantamount to interfering the internal affairs of the country and indirectly abetting terrorism,” it said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Joint Statement on Execution of Pro-Democracy and Opposition Leaders in Myanmar
Description: "On July 26, Mr. HAYASHI Yoshimasa, Foreign Minister of Japan, released the joint statement on the Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders together with the High Representative on behalf of the European Union, and the Foreign Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States. （Joint Statement） The Myanmar military regime’s executions of pro-democracy and opposition leaders are reprehensible acts of violence that further exemplify the regime’s disregard for human rights and the rule of law. We urge the regime to release all those unjustly detained, grant full and independent access to prisons and fulfill its obligations under the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) Five-Point Consensus to seek peace through dialogue, not further violence. We support the people of Myanmar in their aspirations for freedom and democracy and call on the regime to end the use of violence, respect the will of the people, and restore the country’s path toward democracy. Our thoughts and condolences are with the bereaved families and loved ones as they grieve those unjustly put to death. We remember and mourn all lives lost in Myanmar in the aftermath of the coup..."
Source/publisher: European Union, Government of Australia, Government of Canada, Government of Japan, Government of New Zealand, Government of Norway, Government of the Republic of Korea, Government of the United Kingdom and US Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 358.73 KB
more
Title: ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ၏ တော်လှန်ရေး သန္နိဌာန် ကြေညာချက်
Description: "အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဦးဂျင်မီ (ခ) ဦးကျော်မင်းယု၊ ဦးဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင် နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးကြောင်း ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၄) ရက်နေ့တွင် သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ပြစ်ဒဏ်စီရင်မှုသည် ပြဌာန်း သတ်မှတ်ထားသော ဥပဒေများ လုပ်ထုံးလုပ်နည်းများနှင့်ညီညွတ်မှု လုံးဝမရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက် လူသတ်မှု သက်သက်သာ ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၉) ရက်နေ့တွင် နေပြည်တော်၌ မမြသွဲ့သွဲ့ခိုင်အား ကျည်အစစ်ဖြင့် ဦးခေါင်းသို့ ပစ်ခတ်ချိန်မှ စ၍ နေ့စဉ်ရက်ဆက် အကြမ်းဖက် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ဥပဒေမဲ့ လက်ရဲဇက်ရဲ ကျူးလွန်နေသော ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ခွင့်မလွှတ်နိုင်သော နောက်ထပ် ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြီးတစ်ခု ဖြစ် သည်။ ထို့ပြင် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ပြည်သူလူထုအား အထူးသဖြင့် လူနည်းစုတိုင်းရင်းသားများအား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအား ထပ်မံ အတည်ပြုခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်သည်။ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အပြုသဘောဖြင့် ဆက်ဆံချဉ်းကပ်ခြင်းသည် ပြေလည် စေမည့် အဖြေဖြစ်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်နေသူများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်တို့၏ သဘောထားအမှန်ကို နားလည်သဘောပေါက်သင့်ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပရှိ ပြည်ထောင်စုဖွားအားလုံးသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဖက်ဆစ်စနစ်ကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့နှင့် ပူးပေါင်း၍ ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ်ဖြင့် ဖြစ်နိုင်ချေရှိသည့် နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် အမြစ်ပြတ်သည်အထိ ပြတ်ပြတ် သားသားတော်လှန်ကြရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဖက်နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးနည်းလမ်းကို ငြင်းပယ် ထားသော အကြမ်းဖက် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်ကောင်စီကို အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေး၊ ပိတ်ဆို့ဟန့်တားရေးနှင့် တော်လှန်ရေးကို ဆင်နွှဲနေသော ပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အင်အားစုအားလုံးကို အဖက်ဖက်မှ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရေး တို့ကို လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ထိရောက်စွာ အရှိန်မြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးကြရန် တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေ၏ပန်းတိုင်သည် ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အမြစ်ပြတ်ဆန့် ကျင် တိုက်ဖျက်ပြီးနောက် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို တည်ဆောက်ရန်ဖြစ်သည်ဟူသော အချက်မှာ တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများ၏ ဘုံတူညီသောရည်မှန်းချက်အဖြစ် ရှင်းလင်းပြတ်သားပြီးဖြစ်သည်။ ဤကြေညာချက်သည် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအင်အားစုများ ဆင်နွဲနေသည့် ဖက်ဆစ် စစ်အာဏာရှင် စနစ်မြေလှန်ပစ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အဆုံးသတ်တိုက်ပွဲများ၏ ခရာတွတ်သံ ဖြစ်သည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံး၏ အင်တိုက်အားတိုက် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်မှုဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စစ်ရေး၊ သံတမန်ရေး၊ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး စစ်မျက်နှာစုံတွင် ဖြစ်နိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းအားလုံးကို အသုံးပြုပြီး ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ဖြတ်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး အမြန်ဆုံးအောင်မြင်အောင် ညီညီညွတ်ညွတ် မဆုတ်မနစ် ဆန့်ကျင်တွန်းလှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်သွားမည်ဟု ခိုင်မာသော သန္နိဌာန်ဖြင့် အဓိဌာန်ပြုကြောင်း ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar, Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front, National League for Democracy and All Burma Students' Democratic Front
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 605.84 KB
more
Title: AAPP Statement on the 25th of July Extrajudicial Executions
Description: "The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners is devastated by news today from the military-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar[1], that Ko Jimmy (aka Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were executed over the weekend. These four political prisoners were detained by an illegal and murderous junta. The trial was a kangaroo court. Any forced confessions the outcome of mental and physical abuse. Relatives and friends are in agony because of the actions of the Prison Department and junta leaders who have imposed an information blackout from inside the walls of Insein. According to Chapter VIII Section XIV of the Burma Jail Manual, paragraph 660 the body of executed prisoners “shall be carried outside the main gate and there delivered over to them [relatives or friends]. In addition to this, per paragraph 661 when the sentence has been executed the Superintendent shall “return the warrant to the court from which it issued… certifying the manner in which the sentence has been carried out”. Even if the dead bodies have not been returned, paragraph 1027 stipulates that graves shall be marked with “the name of the deceased, his residence and the date of his death”. And yet, the military junta is refusing to disclose their location and condition, with only vague wording and unclear messages following news the execution was carried out. Junta officials must verify the exact date and time the executions were carried out. As well as where the dead body is now. AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said “If they executed the four it is a crime, Min Aung Hlaing committed murder. The junta is illegal, unelected by the people, they have no right to execute”. This appalling event must be a wake-up call for diplomats. Promises were supposedly made these executions – which could constitute a war crime and crime against humanity[2] – would not take place. The last execution of political prisoners was between 1986 and 1987, when three Karen resistance fighters were condemned by the previous murderous junta. Junta leaders are again telling the world they refuse dialogue. As Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar put it, “the status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected”. Since the coup 76 political prisoners have been sentenced to death under detention, while 41 others are evading a death sentence warrant. In total, 117 sentenced to death political prisoners..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 109.57 KB
more
Title: Burma/Myanmar – France strongly condemns the execution of four political prisoners (July 25, 2022)
Description: "France strongly condemns the execution, announced on July 25, of four political prisoners by the military regime in Burma that came to power through the coup of February 1, 2021. They are writer Kyaw Min Yu, former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. With no executions reported in the country for more than 30 years, these executions represent a major step backward and a further escalation in the atrocities committed by the Burmese junta since the coup d’état. France reaffirms its staunch opposition to the death penalty everywhere and in all circumstances. We remain firmly committed to the universal abolition of this unjust, inhuman and ineffective punishment. We call on all nations that still apply the death penalty to place it under a moratorium ahead of its ultimate abolition. France reiterates its call for the release of all those who have been arbitrarily detained since February 1, 2021; for an end to the violence perpetrated by the Burmese military regime; and for the establishment of a dialogue that includes all stakeholders. France’s support for the Burmese people, whose courage we salute, remains unchanged..."
Source/publisher: Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar/Burma: Declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the execution of pro-democracy and opposition leaders in Myanmar/Burma
Description: "Myanmar’s military regime has executed former NLD Member of Parliament Phyo Zeya Thaw, prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, widely known as ‘Ko Jimmy’ as well as Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung. The European Union strongly condemns the executions and expresses its sincere condolences to the bereaved families and friends of the victims. These politically motivated executions represent yet another step towards the complete dismantling of the rule of law and a further blatant violation of human rights in Myanmar. The four men were the first prisoners to be executed in Myanmar in more than three decades, a move that is contrary to the overall worldwide trend to abolish the death penalty. The European Union is fundamentally opposed to the death penalty as an inhumane, cruel and irreversible punishment that violates the inalienable right to life. The executions are reprehensible acts that show that the military authorities have no respect for the life or dignity of the very people they are supposed to protect. They will only exacerbate the polarization, violence and dramatic humanitarian situation in Myanmar. The EU stands unequivocally with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom, and urges the military regime to end all acts of violence without further delay and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained, as well as to return to a democratic path. We will continue to support all efforts by the United Nations and ASEAN to this end..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 27.9 KB
more
Title: UN and ASEAN Must Respond to Junta’s Summary Executions
Description: "25 July 2022: The summary executions of political prisoners are further abhorrent acts of terror by a military junta desperately trying to ensure its own survival. The United Nations (UN) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shamefully failing the Myanmar people and finally take concerted action against the junta, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). Myanmar military propaganda reported today that democracy activists Kyaw Min Yu, also known as “Ko Jimmy,” and Phyo Zeya Thaw, also a former member of parliament, as well as two other men, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, were executed in prison. The military first announced its plans to carry out the executions in June 2022. The four individuals were sentenced to death by a military tribunal acting contrary to international standards of justice and due process. The courts in Myanmar under the control of the military junta are not independent and work only to serve the interests of the junta. “The military has been executing Myanmar people in their thousands for the last 60 years and these are but the latest,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “What makes these executions especially revolting, however, is the military’s blatant attempt to give them the appearance of judicial legitimacy, though the military court was a sham, a mockery of justice, fairness and due process. No one is fooled.” The Myanmar military has been losing ground to the democratic resistance since it launched a failed coup eighteen months ago. The junta is detaining at least 11,759 political prisoners in its jails without access to legal representation, including many of the 114 people it has sentenced to death since February 2021. 41 people have been sentenced to death in absentia. Multiple, credible reports have been made of systematic torture, sometimes resulting in death, occurring in military detention. Across the country the junta is committing further massive human rights violations in an attempt to crush democratic resistance, but it is unable to defeat the national uprising revolting against Myanmar’s long-established military-dominated system. “The military junta is acting with total barbarism. The despicable execution of these four men – that amount to summary executions – are intended entirely to drive fear into the hearts of anyone opposing the junta. That is an act of terror by any UN definition,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The junta is a massive militarised force that is waging war against the civilian population of Myanmar and is therefore primary accountable for the highest degree of violence currently prevailing, which these executions are the most manifest. The junta fails to understand that every act of brutality is only strengthening the resolve of the entire nation against it.” The international community has failed shamefully to protect the Myanmar people from the junta’s extreme and escalating violence. UN Member States have been slow to grant formal recognition to the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). The UN Security Council is yet to even table a single resolution on Myanmar, despite the gravity of the situation and the threat to international peace and security. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus agreed with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021 is a failure with the junta making no progress towards its implementation. Current ASEAN Chair, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, wrote publicly to Min Aung Hlaing requesting that he refrain from carrying out the planned executions. By going ahead with them, Min Aung Hlaing has demonstrated that no one has the diplomatic leverage to curb his atrocities. “It is long past time for a new approach to Myanmar’s crisis,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The international failure of the Myanmar people cannot continue. Min Aung Hlaing and his illegal barbaric junta are not people that can be reasoned with. The UN and ASEAN must exert as much pressure on the junta as possible to bring this crisis to an end.” SAC-M is calling for all UN Member States to formally recognise the NUG. The UN Security Council should pass a resolution on Myanmar referring the situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC). States parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC should also refer the situation in Myanmar to the Court. If the ICC cannot act, then the General Assembly or the Human Rights Council should establish a special tribunal on Myanmar to begin the prosecutorial process and bring Min Aung Hlaing, the junta leaders and their cronies to justice. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to maintain permanently its rejection of Min Aung Hlaing and the military junta from participation in ASEAN meetings as a consequence of its abrogation of the Five-Point Consensus and contempt for the efforts of successive ASEAN Chairs. SAC-M calls on ASEAN to work with the NUG to develop a new roadmap towards resolving the crisis, beginning with the urgent provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: UN Special Rapporteurs appeal for strong international response in the wake of ‘devastating’ executions by Myanmar junta
Description: "GENEVA (25 July 2022) – The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, and the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial summary or arbitrary executions, Morris Tidball-Binz, today condemned the Myanmar junta’s execution of four individuals, as reported by the junta. “We are outraged and devastated at the news of the junta’s execution of Myanmar patriots and champions of human rights and democracy. Our hearts goes out to their families, friends and loved ones and indeed all the people of Myanmar who are victims of the junta’s escalating atrocities,” the UN Experts* said. "These individuals were tried, convicted, and sentenced by a military tribunal on 21 January without the right of appeal and reportedly without legal counsel, in violation of international human rights law," Andrews and Tidball-Binz said. Since the military coup of 1 February 2021, military tribunals have sentenced a total of 117 individuals to death, including 41 in absentia. “These depraved acts must be a turning point for the international community. What more must the junta do before the international community is willing to take strong action?" they said. "The widespread and systematic murders of protesters, indiscriminate attacks against entire villages, and now the execution of opposition leaders, demands an immediate and firm response by member states of the United Nations. The status quo of international inaction must be firmly rejected.” “Having made a mockery of the Five Point Consensus, Min Aung Hlaing has now callously rejected the personal appeal of the Chair of ASEAN, Prime Minister Hun Sen, to spare the lives these individuals. ASEAN – and indeed all UN Member States—must take action that is commensurate with this outrage.” ENDS **The experts: Mr. Thomas Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; Mr. Morris Tidball-Binz Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial summary or arbitrary executions The Special Rapporteurs, Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ထုတ်ပြန်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂၅ ဇူလိုင် ၂၀၂၂)..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 500.94 KB
more
Title: ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့အပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့မှုနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "၁။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်သူများဖြစ်ကြသည့် ကိုကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ကိုအောင်သူရဇော် တို့အား သေဒဏ်စီရင်လိုက် ကြောင်း သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် များစွာ တုန်လှုပ်မိပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ မိသားစုဝင်များ၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတို့နှင့်အတူ များစွာ ဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ ၂။ လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် သည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာအား လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ဥပဒေမဲ့ လုယူထားသော တရားမဝင် အကြမ်းဖက်အုပ်စုသာ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အခွန်ဘဏ္ဍာဖြင့် ဝယ်ယူ ထားသည့် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအပေါ်၌ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်သော ဖိနှိပ် သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို အစဉ်တစ်စိုက် လုပ်ဆောင်နေလျက်ရှိသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း အနေဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ထိန်းသိမ်းကာကွယ်ရန် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များအား ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ပွဲ ဝင်နေကြသည့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား ထိရောက်စွာ အားပေးထောက်ခံရန်နှင့် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီ ပေးရန်လည်း အထူးလိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ ထို့ပြင် ဥပဒေမဲ့ အာဏာလုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်လူသတ်စစ်အုပ်စုအား သက်ဆိုးရှည်စေမည့် မည်သို့သော ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုမျိုးမျှ လက်တွဲလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းမပြုဘဲ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော သံတမန်ရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး ဖိအားပေးမှုတို့ကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်သွားရန် အထူးတိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်း၏ တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်တို့သည် မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့၏ အသက်ပေါင်းများစွာကို ကယ်တင်နိုင်လိမ့်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ယင်းသည် ကမ္ဘာ့ နိုင်ငံများက ဒီမိုကရေစီအား မည်မျှ တန်ဖိုးထားသည်ကိုလည်း သက်သေပြခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ကိုကျော်မင်းယု (ခ) ကိုဂျင်မီ၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်တို့ အပါအဝင် ဒီမိုကရေစီအား ကာကွယ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသူများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချပြီး လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ခေါင်းဆောင်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ရေး မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုနှင့် အတူ ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 392.7 KB
more
Title: နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို တရားလက်လွတ် သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "ကိုဂျင်မီ (ခ) ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်နှင့် ကိုအောင်သူရဇော်တို့ကို ပြီးခဲ့သော သတင်းပတ်တွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးလိုက်ပြီးဖြစ်ကြောင်း မြန်မာ့အလင်းသတင်းစာတွင်[1] ယနေ့ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက် သည့် သတင်းကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး အသင်းအနေဖြင့် အထူးဝမ်းနည်း ကြေကွဲရပါသည်။ မတရားသဖြင့် တိုင်းပြည်အာဏာကို လုယူထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၄) ဦးကို ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ပြီး ဥပဒေဘောင်မဝင်သော တရားရုံးတွင် စစ်ဆေးခဲ့ကြသည်။ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ၊ ရုပ်ပိုင်း ဆိုင်ရာ နှိပ်စက်ခဲ့ကြပြီး အတင်းအကြပ် ဝန်ခံထွက်ခိုင်းစေမှုများ လုပ်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အကျဉ်းဦးစီးဌာနနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ အင်းစိန်ထောင်အတွင်းမှ သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို ဖုံးကွယ်ထား မှုကြောင့် ဆွေမျိုးသားချင်းများနှင့် မိတ်ဆွေများသည် ပူပန်သောက ရောက်ကြရသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အခန်း ၈၊ ပုဒ်မ ၁၄၊ အပိုဒ် ၆၆၀ အရ သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ခံရသော အကျဥ်းသားများ၏ ခန္ဓာကိုယ်အား “ထောင်အကျဥ်းတံခါးပေါက်အပြင်သို့ သယ်ဆောင်သွားပြီးနောက် ထိုနေရာတွင် ဆွေမျိုးများ (သို့) မိတ်ဆွေများထံ ပေးအပ်ရမည်”ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အပိုဒ် ၆၆၁ အရ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း သေဒဏ်ကွပ်မျက်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးလျှင် “အကျဥ်းထောင်တာဝန်ခံသည် (ဝရမ်းအား ထုတ်ဆင့်သည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြန်လည်ပေးပို့ပြီး) ဝရမ်းထုတ်ပေးသည့် တရားရုံးသို့ ပြစ်ဒဏ်အမိန့်အတိုင်း မည်သို့ ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီးစီးကြောင်းကို အောက်ပါပုံစံဖြင့် မှန်ကန်ကြောင်း ထောက်ခံချက်ပြုလုပ်ပြီး ပြန်ပို့ပေး ရမည်”ဟု ဖော်ပြပါရှိသည်။ သေဆုံးသူ၏ရုပ်အလောင်းကို အထူးအကြောင်းတစ်စုံတရာကြောင့် ပြန်လည် မပေးအပ်ခဲ့လျှင် “မြှုပ်နှံသော သင်္ချိုင်းမြေနေရာများတွင် သေဆုံးသူ၏ အမည်၊ နေရပ်လိပ်စာနှင့် သေဆုံး သည့် နေ့ရက်တို့ကို မှတ်သားထားရှိရမည်”ဟု အကျဉ်းထောင်လက်စွဲ အပိုဒ် ၁၀၂၇ တွင် ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၄) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် သတင်းများထွက်ရှိလာပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသူတို့နှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် တည်နေရာနှင့် အခြေအနေများကို ရှင်းရှင်း လင်းလင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ထားခြင်းမရှိသေးပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စု တာဝန်ရှိသူများအနေဖြင့် သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် နေ့ရက်၊ အချိန်အတိအကျနှင့် အခုလက်ရှိ ရုပ်အလောင်းကို မည့်သည့်နေရာမှာထားရှိသည်ကို အတည်ပြု ထုတ်ပြန် ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဥ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP)၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “ဒါလူသတ်မှုကျူးလွန်တာပဲ။ သူတို့က တရားဝင် ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံထားရတဲ့ အစိုးရမဟုတ်ဘူး။ သူတို့မှာ ဒါမျိုးလုပ်ခွင့်မရှိဘူး။ အခုလို လူသတ်အလောင်းဖျောက်တဲ့လုပ်ရပ်ဟာ သူရဲဘောကြောင်သူတွေရဲ့ လုပ်ရပ်သာ ဖြစ်ပြီး အကြီးမားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုကို ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တာ ဖြစ်တယ်”ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။ ဤ ထိတ်လန့်တုန်လှုပ်စရာ သေဒဏ်ပေးသည့်ဖြစ်ရပ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာသံတမန်များ အနေဖြင့် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ရက် စက်၍ လူမဆန်သောလုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ပြန်လည်သတိမူနိုးကြားလာရမည့် ကိစ္စရပ်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အုပ်စု ကို ထောက်ခံသည့် နိုင်ငံတကာအာဏာရှင်များက စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာရာဇဝတ်မှုများတွင် အကျုံး ဝင်နိုင်သည့်[2] သေဒဏ်ကိုလက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးခြင်းမျိုး မပြုတန်ရာဟု ပြောဆိုနှစ်သိမ့်ခဲ့ကြသော်လည်း အမှန် တကယ်အားဖြင့်မူ စစ်အုပ်စုက ၎င်း၏သရုပ်မှန်ကို ဖော်ပြခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခင် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီးနေဝင်းဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်အစိုးရလက်ထက်တွင် ကရင်တော်လှန်ရေး တိုက်ပွဲဝင် ရဲဘော် (၃) ဦးကို ၁၉၈၆ ခုနှစ်နှင့် ၁၉၈၇ ခုနှစ် တို့၌ သေဒဏ်စီရင်ချက်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို နောက်ဆုံး သေဒဏ်ပေးခဲ့သည့် ဖြစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ကွပ်မျက်လိုက်ခြင်းသည် စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအရတွေ့ဆုံ ဆွေးနွေးမှုမလုပ်နိုင်ဟု ငြင်းဆိုလိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Tom Andrews က “နိုင်ငံတကာရဲ့ နဂိုနေမြဲအတိုင်း နေနေ တဲ့ အနေအထားကို ပြတ်ပြတ်သားသားပယ်ချရမယ်” ​ ဟုဆိုထားသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ ယနေ့အထိ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား (၇၆) ဦးကို သေဒဏ်ပြစ်ဒဏ်ချမှတ်ထားသည်။ ထို့အပြင် (၄၁) ဦးမှာ မျက်ကွယ်သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် လက်ရှိအချိန်ထိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် သေဒဏ်ပေးခံရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား စုစုပေါင်း (၁၁၇) ဦး ရှိနေ သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 187.67 KB
more
Title: She treated Myanmar's resistance and paid with her life
Description: "At about 13:00 on 14 June, members of the volunteer People's Defence Force arrived at a patch of ground in the fields between two villages just west of the Chindwin River, in central Myanmar. They had been alerted by a cow herder, who had spotted crows picking at what he believed was a corpse. The volunteers saw a human hand protruding from the earth. It belonged to a young fighter from their group, Wu Khong, who had been injured and gone missing during an attack by the army four days earlier. With him, in the shallow grave, were four other bodies, dismembered and burned. From the clothing, a watch and a medical bag found nearby, they also identified 27-year-old Zarli Naing, a nurse who had come to this area in the Magway Region last year to provide healthcare to insurgents and locals. They were opposing Myanmar's military which had seized power on 1 February 2021, overthrowing the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Through interviews with Zarli Naing's friends and family, those who trained her, and the villagers and fighters she lived with until her death, the BBC has pieced together the story of a bright and courageous young woman whose decision to oppose the coup ended in tragedy. This is also the story of the desperate resistance being put up against the military junta by communities across a large swathe of the dry zone, an impoverished and drought-prone region of Myanmar. Zarli Naing was the youngest of four girls from a poor farming family, which lived close to the great temple complex of Bagan. The only one of them who did well at school, she went on to qualify as a nurse and got a job at a hospital in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. She was working there when the coup happened. Like thousands of other healthcare workers across the country, Zarli Naing joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM), refusing to work with the military-controlled administration. A month after the coup, she left Nay Pyi Taw and returned to her home village. But fearing her political activism would endanger her family, she decided to move on to a safe zone in the north of Magway, which is largely controlled by opposition forces such as the People's Defence Force or PDF. There she became part of an extensive underground healthcare network run by the thousands of doctors and nurses who have left their jobs in protest against the coup. She was also trying to complete an online degree course from the prestigious University of Nursing in Mandalay. She had started the programme in early 2020, but it was disrupted by the pandemic. "When I spoke to her a month ago she told me how happy she was to be there," says one of her online supervisors, a nursing instructor for the clandestine network. "She was especially happy that she could give first aid training to the PDF fighters in her area, because there are no other healthcare staff there. She was the only one able to give that service to them." Zarli Naing had spent the past 14 months in a village called Dan Bin Gan. She was invited there by a friend, Khin Hnin Wai, a teacher the same age as her, who was working at a school run by a respected head teacher, Win Kyaw. Win Kyaw was a prominent local CDM leader who backed the parallel National Unity Government, which was formed last year to challenge the military junta's rule. Dan Bin Gan was, in effect, a liberated zone. It had an active PDF wing, which had established its base in the centre of the village. Most of the 2,500 inhabitants are farmers, eking out a living from cultivating beans, sesame and groundnuts, and a little corn to feed their cattle. This part of Myanmar is known for being deeply loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, which, in the last election, won every seat in Magway in both the national and local parliaments. Opposition to the coup here, and in neighbouring southern Sagaing Region, is as strong as anywhere in Myanmar, with dozens of volunteer militias taking on the army using captured and home-made guns, and improvised mines. The village also lies just 6km (nearly 4 miles) from Sin Pyu Shin bridge, one of the only road crossings of the Chindwin River, and so vital for moving troops and other reinforcements around. Zarli Naing offered the only medical treatment for communities no longer able to use the local hospital, both because it was under military control, and also because after the coup so many nurses and doctors had abandoned state-run institutions. Friends and PDF fighters who knew her say she was deeply committed to the armed struggle, and ran first aid classes for the fighters. "Zarli was very strong," says another of her supervisors, who is based in the UK, where some medics are providing support for the underground health network in Myanmar. "She was always very upbeat. She never spoke about her own difficulties. She just asked smart questions when she needed to fix something. The clandestine health workers can get depressed by the challenges they face. "Sometimes their patients cannot reach them because of roadblocks or fighting, and they cannot refer patients to hospitals if they need more complex surgery. That is very hard for them - many of their patients in that situation do not survive." But Zarli Naing "did not express any regret for the path she had chosen", says a friend who worked near her in northern Magway. "There were many times she missed her family. She never told them what she was doing. Knowing she was working for the CDM would have put them in danger. "We used to ask people we knew for donations, to pay for the medicines we needed. We often used to speak together on the phone, and talk about the medical problems we faced, or about our support for the CDM." From her Facebook page she seems to have been a keen reader, posting colourful covers of the Burmese novels she liked. The photos of herself that she shared show her either reading, or holding up her hand in the three-fingered symbol of defiance that has become so popular in South East Asia in recent years. One post has a series of pictures of a much younger Aung San Suu Kyi with her family back in the UK. The day before Zarli Naing died - 9 June - three PDF groups together launched an attack on the military post guarding the Sin Pyu Shin bridge, killing three soldiers and taking control of it for a few hours. A military counter-attack was inevitable, and in the early hours of 10 June, about 30 soldiers in four vehicles were spotted making for Dan Bin Gan from the east. Not all the soldiers were in uniform, but those that were could be identified by their shoulder badges as coming from infantry battalions 256, 257 and 258, based at Hpu Lon, near Yesagyo town about 25km to the south. At 03:00 the residents of Dan Bin Gan started fleeing the village, heading for open country to the west. Zarli Naing was among them. To slow the army down PDF fighters laid homemade mines along the road into Dan Bin Gan. One of them, Wu Khong, injured his leg in a fall while doing this. Zarli Naing stayed with him to treat his leg. Win Kyaw, who was protective of the young nurse, stayed back too. So did Zarli Naing's friend, Khin Hnin Wai, who was pregnant, and another young female fighter, Thae Ei Ei Win. They had run to the western edge of Dan Bin Gan, according to eyewitnesses, but had stopped for Zarli Naing to deal with Wu Khong's injury, when they were intercepted by a group of soldiers. Guided by an informer, the soldiers had come around the south of the village to avoid the mines. They captured Zarli Naing and her friends, tied their hands, and together with nine other people they had detained, began marching them north for about an hour to the village of Thit Gyi Taw. Eyewitnesses heard the soldiers asking their captives if they were members of the CDM, and warning that they could be jailed or shot. They say the soldiers repeatedly struck and kicked their captives; and stole food and alcohol from the now empty homes in the villages. According to PDF sources, they also set 70 houses in Thit Gyi Taw alight, sending up a large plume of black smoke over the fields. Later in the afternoon the captives were moved a little way south to a temple in a village called Peik Thit Kan. Nine of them were then released, the soldiers telling them to run for their lives. One of them told us the remaining five were still alive at that point. Exactly what happened to Zarli Naing and the other four prisoners after that is unclear. At some point in the night they were moved south of Peik Thit Kan, and killed by their captors. Some villagers have reported hearing them shouting for help. But it's not clear when and why their bodies were dismembered and burned. Local PDF fighters believe the military targeted Dan Bin Gan because it was a known centre of resistance to the coup, and also because of the school established there by Win Kyaw. The school had opened only in May, but had already attracted 250 students. Its success made it something of a showcase for the parallel administration which the National Unity Government is trying to run outside military-controlled zones. The PDF believes the informer travelling with the soldiers identified Win Kyaw, Zarli Naing and Khin Hnin Wai as important figures in Dan Bin Gan. Killing them has robbed the village and surrounding communities of leaders who helped to sustain the insurgency. It has also robbed Myanmar of a promising young nurse, in a country which, even before the disastrous military takeover, had one of Asia's poorest healthcare systems. "I am sure she was a wonderful nurse," says her online instructor. "She always tried so hard to do a good job. "Just imagine, she was providing healthcare to the people of the village while all that time she was also taking all our online courses, even though there was no reliable internet access where she was. And she was taking the Bachelor degree course as well. The workload was enormous. "Even I could not do all that. She was just wonderful. One of her teachers told me that her exam results were really good." Zarli Naing had finished her first semester exams just two days before she died. At the time of writing, the inhabitants of Dan Bin Gan are still hiding in the forested area to the west of the village. It is the first time they have been forced to evacuate, but many other villages in this region have been attacked multiple times. This has repeatedly displaced their populations, creating serious humanitarian needs which are not being met because of the conflict and lack of access given to international agencies. Thousands of houses in northern Magway and southern Sagaing have been destroyed by the army; even when they feel safe enough to return, people do not have the resources to rebuild their homes. Last year's coup has unleashed a brutal war of attrition in this Burmese heartland, with uncountable casualties. Zarli Naing's story is just one of so many..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Car rams into flash mob protesters in Yangon
Sub-title: Regime forces have repeatedly deployed their vehicles to crack down on anti-junta protests since last year’s coup
Description: "One person was hurt on Thursday after a car rammed into a group of protesters in Yangon’s Hlaing Township, according to activist sources. The incident occurred at around 3pm, shortly after a flash mob of around 20 people carrying a protest banner started shouting slogans near the Thukha bus stop on Insein Road, the sources said. “The car rammed into us just seconds into our demonstration. The guy at the far left was hit and thrown into the air,” said one person who took part in the protest. Myat Min Khant, the Yangon district chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), told Myanmar Now that all of the protesters, including the one who was hit, fled the scene after the incident. “The person who was hit managed to escape, but his arm was injured,” he said. Myanmar Now has received a video that shows the moment of impact. In it, a white Toyota Belta can be seen running into a masked protester holding one end of the banner. According to Myat Min Khant, a black item that exploded with a loud bang, believed to be a flash grenade, was thrown out of the vehicle as it sped away. Thursday’s protest was held to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the day that Myanmar’s first dictator, General Ne Win, blew up the Yangon University Student Union building on July 7, 1962. “With a strong mind, we will fight for a new world. Never forget what happened on 7.7.1962” read the banner carried by the protesters. A friend of the man who was hit by the car shared a screenshot of a conversation he had with him later that day on Facebook. “The first thought that jumped into my head was that I had to take care of my parents, and so I just ran in a panic. My legs are still sore even now,” the man said. According to a Facebook group called Hlaing Info, plainclothes officers were seen searching the area near the Thukha bus stop soon after the protesters had scattered. While it could not be confirmed that regime authorities were responsible for the apparently deliberate attack on the protesters, it would not be the first time that the junta had used a vehicle to crack down on an anti-dictatorship demonstration. In December of last year, regime forces were captured on video at they plowed into a crowd of protesters on Panbingyi Street in Yangon’s Kyimyindaing Township, killing or injuring several people before making a number of arrests. In April, junta troops riding in a double cab pickup truck smashed into a taxi while trying to hit a crowd of marchers in Yangon’s Okkalapa Township. The three people inside the taxi, including two women from the Confederation of Trade Unions, Myanmar, were arrested after the collision. The latest incident was on May 30, when five teenagers suffered multiple injuries after regime soldiers ran their vehicle into them following a flash mob protest in South Okkalapa Township. The five minors were then beaten and arrested, according to the ABFSU’s Myat Min Khant..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Body of NLD politician found in Myanmar's Kayin state
Sub-title: Two other party members, arrested with him, were also killed by junta troops, while one man escaped.
Description: "The body of a National League for Democracy MP has been found two weeks after his arrest. Kyaw Myo Min had been tied up and buried in a shallow grave in Kayin state’s Hpa-An township. He had been arrested in his home town of Belin in neighboring Mon state on June 22 along with two other NLD members and a local who were traveling by motorcycle. Junta forces shot at them and they were then arrested. An NLD member told RFA the troops had tried to hide Kyaw Myo Min’s body. “He was tied up at his back and buried on the shore of the creek, but he was not buried well and his head was visible. It seems the body was dumped on the shore of the creek and covered with leaves. It was difficult to identify the body as it had decomposed. There were no visible bullet or stab wounds”, he said. A member of Kyaw Myo Min’s family, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, said the family knew he was in danger because it was impossible to contact him after his arrest. Last Saturday locals also found the bodies of the other two arrested NLD members, Pan Myint and Ko Ko Maung. The bodies were dumped in Hpa-An township close to where the MP’s body was found. There are a number of infantry troops stationed in Belin township: the Thein Zayat-based Kha Ma Ya 207 brigade, the Kyaik Hto-based Kha La Ya , Kha Ma Ya 102 from Tha Hton, along with Military Battalion 33 and the Border Guard Force Brigade. It is not yet known which troops were involved in the arrests and killings. Calls to the military council spokesman by RFA went unanswered and it has not released any statement on Kyaw Myo Min’s arrest. One of his family members told RFA the local who was arrested with the NLD members managed to escape so the troops broke the other captives’ legs and critically injured Kyaw Myo Min. “Now they are doing what the powerful do: anything they want without following laws regarding prisoners,” said an NLD source and colleague of the murdered MP. “I will record their illegal activities so I can recall them during the [coming] revolution. People will know who committed the crimes and they will be made to suffer one day.” Kyaw Myo Min became an MP in 2011. He also served as chairman of the Belin branch of the NLD. An NLD statement released in May said 917 NLD members had been arrested since the coup on February 1, 2021. It also said 18 party members, including MPs, died due to inadequate health care and brutal interrogations. Many NLD members joined the mass protests after the 2021 coup and armed themselves to fight after junta forces launched a brutal crackdown on peaceful protests..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Justice For Myanmar welcomes blocking of MRTV’s access to Dacast livestream software
Description: "The Myanmar military has been blocked from livestreaming MRTV broadcasts by Dacast, a live streaming and video hosting company, based in California. MRTV is a national broadcaster controlled by the illegitimate Myanmar military junta, under its information ministry, and had been using Dacast to livestream broadcasts on its new MRTV website and mobile apps. The Myanmar military uses MRTV to disseminate hate speech and disinformation. Justice For Myanmar contacted Dacast warning about the Myanmar military’s use of their software. A Dacast representative replied, “We had no prior knowledge of the customers use case and will investigate the issue thoroughly. If it breaches our terms we will take action.” Dacast declined to comment further. Hours later, the livestream on the MRTV website and apps displayed the message, “The broadcaster of this content has been blocked”. Dacast’s Terms of Service allow for immediate termination of service without notice, when used for illegal purposes, to violate the rights of a third party and for other legal or regulatory reasons. The MRTV website and apps were first launched by war criminal Min Aung Hlaing on May 4, 2022. Justice For Myanmar publicly called out the Iowa-based company, Apps Web Social LLC, which had published the MRTV apps on the Apple App Store and Google Play in May. They were removed from the App Store and Google Play on May 5, and the website was taken down. The website has since been republished under a new domain, and the apps are again available in the Apple App Store and Google Play. The registrar for the junta’s new domain name, mrtv-media.com, is GoDaddy.com, also a US company. MRTV continues to publish on Twitter and Telegram. The illegal junta’s State Administrative Council (SAC), which has control over MRTV, is sanctioned in the US, raising questions over whether tech companies are compliant with US sanctions. The junta’s former information minister, Chit Naing, was sanctioned by the US on July 2, 2021, shortly before he was replaced by Maung Maung Ohn. MRTV is banned from Facebook, as part of a ban against the Myanmar military and its businesses. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Dacast’s swift action when notified that the illegitimate Myanmar military junta, a terrorist organisation, was using their software to spread hate speech and disinformation. “It is deplorable that companies including Apple, Alphabet, Cloudflare, GoDaddy, Telegram and Twitter continue to do business with the Myanmar military and allow its junta to use their technology against the people of Myanmar. “The junta targets human rights defenders, journalists and democracy activists with total impunity. More than 2,000 people have been murdered by the junta, with over 14,000 arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Its deliberate attacks against the people, indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, rape and torture amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. “We call on tech companies to act swiftly, in accordance with their global human rights responsibilities, and ban the Myanmar military and its businesses, including MRTV and the military’s mobile operator, Mytel.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 150.76 KB 100.37 KB
more
Title: Transgender Political Detainee Sexually Abused by Prison Officer in Upper Myanmar
Description: "A transgender prisoner detained in Sagaing Region’s Monywa Prison for anti-junta activities has been sexually abused by a prison officer, said LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. Prison officer Zaw Zaw Aung, also known as Paline, forced the prisoner into performing oral sex on him on June 30 and also attempted to have anal sex, said the Monywa Strike Committee. The LGBT Alliance-Myanmar issued a statement condemning the sexual assault. Justin Min Hein, a spokesperson for the LGBT Union Mandalay, said that the report came from credible sources inside Monywa Prison and that the group is making further inquiries. The transgender prisoner was detained at home around one month ago and charged with incitement. The prisoner has reportedly been forced to wear male clothes while in jail. Justin Min Hein said: “Anyone subjected to sexual violence, not just LGBT people, can be demoralized. We feel emotional and discouraged when we hear about such cases. I can’t help respecting the prisoner for having the courage to speak out about the abuse.” The prison officer perpetrator reportedly often beats political prisoners when he is drunk. “Similar things happen in other prisons across the country,” said a member of LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. The group said it would report the case to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and ask for its intervention. In March, rights groups called on the ICRC to probe human rights violations in the country’s jails and the use of sexual violence against political prisoners. However, the regime has rejected the ICRC’s request to resume its prison visits and other humanitarian activities and allow family visits. Prison visits by the ICRC and families of detainees have been suspended since March 2020, following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Former political prisoner U Tun Kyi said: “A prison officer sexually assaulting a LGBTQ person is not something unusual anymore. They do it as if it was part of their daily routine. They are officially licensed to do so. It is indisputably one of the worst and gravest human rights violations.” Since the coup, female detainees have especially suffered from sexual abuse inside prisons, but sexual assaults on male and LGBTQ prisoners are on the increase. In October last year, Shin Thant, an advocate for LGBTQ rights in Mandalay, was detained after junta troops rammed a car into her. The activist was sexually abused during her interrogation. Over 20 LGBTQ detainees have experienced sexual assaults in prisons, according to sources. LGBTIQ groups in Myanmar have actively participated in anti-regime protests since last year’s coup and so have been targeted by the military regime..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: National Unity Government of Myanmar Press Briefing NUG Press Conference English Summary
Description: "1. The 54 million people of Myanmar have been going through their darkest period for the last 16 months. A period of pain, suffering, death, destruction, atrocities, and crimes against humanity inflicted upon them by the brutal and cruel hands of the genocidal military dictators of Myanmar. In regards to the brave people of Myanmar’s defensive activities, we have been doing everything we can to end the junta’s reign of terror against the people of Myanmar and to defend and protect the civilians and people’s properties from the cruel military’s acts of terrorism. We have been working hard on training, equipment, and establishing a chain of command. We have been acquiring armaments in two ways: purchasing them outright from non-state actors, and locally manufacturing arms. 2. To this day, we have received no material assistance from the international community when it comes to defending freedom and democracy and protecting the lives of the people of Myanmar. We have made repeated calls for the international community to listen to the people of Myanmar and to give help to end this military reign of terror and to assist us to achieve freedom and federal democracy. Material assistance is the fastest most efficient route to end the suffering in Myanmar and put the Nation on the path to Freedom and Federal Democracy. 3. Besides the generous donations of many both domestically and abroad, for which we are grateful, we are currently generating income through the sale of NUG bonds, which have amounted to $38M (USD) thus far, and the sale of property illegally acquired by the junta, such as Min Aung Hlaing's illegal belongings (the mansion stolen from the people of Myanmar) the sale of which has thus far raised $7M (USD). Most of these funds have gone to strategic spending like; sharing with our alliance, strengthening of people’s defensive activities, increasing of the people’s defense capacity, and for social and humanitarian relief projects. 4. The people's contributions have resulted in the rapid progress that we have seen in the revolution recently. To continue our efforts, we need to secure a great deal more in funds. We are investigating a range of options to bring in this sum, and in the meantime, we call on all entrepreneurs to assist the NUG by paying all due taxes. 5. To facilitate financial transactions which are safe, secure, and above all, free from SAC control, we are launching a mobile payment system called NUG Pay. A pilot project will begin by the end of June. The Initial roll out will be in NUG dominated territories and will spread nationwide from there. 6. We also announce that another property illegally occupied by the terrorist military leader Min Aung Hlaing will be auctioned, and public land unjustly confiscated by the army in the center of Yangon will serve as a green space featuring the Spring Revolutionary Memorial Park, for which the NUG is inviting design proposals. Interested investors whether local or foreign will be invited to invest in this Development Project, the purpose of which is to pay homage to fallen heroes, rehabilitate injured fighters of the Spring Revolution who have lost their body parts, and assist heroes of the revolution and CDM who have lost their homes. 7. The Central Committee for Natural Resources Administration (CCNRA) has organized municipal-level sub-committees to manage the natural resources in NUG controlled areas. As a result, the National Unity Government can manage natural resources in our controlled areas and prevent illegal logging and mining. The CCNRA has been arresting and prosecuting those guilty of illegal logging, and 70% of the money raised from the confiscation of illegally logged timber and the proceeds of illegal sales are being handed over to municipal officials and 30% is being used by NUG-MONREC. 8. Together with our allies, the NUG controls more than 50% of Myanmar's territory. In Sagaing and northern Magway – traditional heartland strongholds of the military élite – more than 80% of villages and 90% of the transportation infrastructure is under PDF control. Previously in recent history the military have never before lost control of these two key divisions, and the dominance of pro-democracy forces here is a strong indication that the junta are being progressively beaten day by day. 9. Furthermore, the PDFs are advancing in Tanintharyi and northern Mandalay, while in Yangon, Bago, Irrawaddy, Naypyidaw and southern Mandalay intense guerrilla campaigns are being fought, despite the military's many crimes against our freedom fighters and their allies. Ethnic organizations are collaborating with PDF to expand their areas of control in Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Chin, northern Mon, while ethnic resistance organizations in Rakhine, and northern Shan have also made significant territorial gains. 10. As far as the fighting for freedom and federal democracy itself is concerned, we have seen significant losses on the part of the military, while pro-democracy forces are preparing to transition away from guerrilla tactics to conventional warfare when training, manpower, and material are more favorably balanced. 11. Currently, the NUG has established 257 PDF battalions, and this is in addition to the over 500 local PDF groups who are under the command of NUG-MOD. By contrast, over 10,000 SAC personnel have defected to the democratic cause, many bringing their weapons and ammunition with them. This demonstrates the military's inability to control their own foot-soldiers in a time of war, and raises genuine doubts on the part of the rank and file that the war is even winnable for the junta. We are therefore preparing to establish a new professional defense force of Myanmar the Federal Army under the Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar. 12. Despite the SAC's continued crimes against our heroes the CDM participants and pro-democracy activists, the pro-democracy and pro-peace movement remains unshakable and strong. These brave and peaceful movements of CDM have proved that they are stronger and more powerful than the junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar. 13. To provide stability and justice as a government, we have declared the formation of local judiciaries in 15 municipalities. Subject to declaration 11/2022, the judiciaries will soon begin their task of hearing trials and dispensing justice. Trials will proceed in person wherever possible. However, in cases when logistics or security do not permit, trials can be held via online platforms. Additionally, prisons are currently under construction in NUG-controlled territory for the detention of those awaiting trial. 14. Furthermore, to ensure safety and security in NUG-controlled regions, the PDF along with our allies are taking on security roles subject to the people's administrative bodies which have already been formed in 36 townships. 15. People’s administration bodies are in addition to the People's Police Force which was formed on the 7th of June through the Office of the President. This force will be tasked not only with ensuring public safety and compliance with the law, but also investigations and the collection of evidence, and ensuring that perpetrators are brought to justice. 16. Regarding Education: We are delivering education services to the children of Myanmar in two ways: online and on the ground. On the ground: We are doing this in two ways at the moment: school-based education in schools or home-based education. Home-based education targets students who cannot go to schools for several reasons. For propositional education and higher education, we are also making guidebooks and textbooks available online. 17. Online Education: This is a remote and digital approach to education delivery that we have been undertaking. Currently, we have 52 online schools operating. For propositional and higher education, guidebooks, notebooks, and educational resources are being prepared. These are made available online. For remote education where there is no internet connection. We have adopted a practical approach to educational learning. Teaching materials are stored on memory sticks and distributed to remote regions/places. 18. Our hero CDM teachers together with private and volunteer teachers are the main reason we can deliver this much-needed education service to the children of Myanmar. These are both being delivered in Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Magway, Bago, Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi divisions, Kachin, Karen, Kayah( Karenni), Shan, Mon and Chin states. 19. Regarding Healthcare Services: We are doing everything we can in our power to deliver much needed healthcare services to the people of Myanmar. We are delivering healthcare to the people of Myanmar in two ways by online and on the ground. 20. Telehealth and telemedicine services: Telehealth and telemedicine services are being made available to more than 90% of all the townships across Myanmar (more than 309 townships). Our great heroes, CDM doctors, nurses, midwives and health workers, are providing this service day and night together with our alliances from 11 countries across the world. 21. On the ground health care services: We have been delivering emergency healthcare services to the brave people of Myanmar through (267) mobile frontline clinics, which are all operational on the ground. We are operating (52) hospitals across Myanmar. Six hospitals with fifty beds each are under construction and soon to be operational on the ground. Again, our brave heroes, CDMs, doctors, nurses, mid-wives, and health workers are doing this life-saving work in these (267) clinics and (52) hospitals. 22. Regarding Humanitarian Affairs: We have been doing everything in our power to secure humanitarian assistance for the brave people of Myanmar. We have delivered over 3 billion MMK worth of aid to populations most in need. However, it is only a tiny drop of water in the ocean of need. On the other hand, the military regime is constantly and deliberately creating more humanitarian crises by instigating bloody violence against the people of Myanmar. 23. During the month of May alone, more than seven thousand civilian houses were burnt and destroyed by military foot soldiers in Sagaing and Magway divisions. A total of more than 20 thousand houses, places of worship and public buildings have been destroyed by the genocidal military generals. 24. Because of this reign of terror against the people of Myanmar by the genocidal military more than 1.2 million people are displaced, homeless, and over half the population of Myanmar is being forced to live below the poverty line. About 15 million people of Myanmar are in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. The military generals in Myanmar created all these atrocities, violence, hunger, and starvation, and at the same time they are using these crises as weapons. 25. All humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar must bypass the military generals’ control and weaponization to reach the people of Myanmar. We have made this very clear to the many generous donors such as ASEAN AHA Centre, OCHA, Governmental and UN agencies, international donors and INGOs. The profound mistrust of the people of Myanmar towards the junta is real and must be taken into consideration while delivering this much needed humanitarian assistance. 26. Regarding International Affairs: We have been requesting to the International Community to take coordinated, targeted, and tougher actions by the total rejection and sanctioning of the brutal military SAC regime and by recognizing and supporting the peace and freedom loving people of Myanmar through their democratic representatives such as CRPH, NUG and NUCC. This is the fastest way to end Myanmar’s crisis and put Myanmar on the path to freedom and federal democracy. 27. A delegation led by H.E Daw Zin Mar Aung, Union Minister of Foreign Affairs visited the United States between the 11th and 22nd of May and met with the U.S. Deputy Secretary of state of USA, H.E Wendy Sherma, senior U.S. government officials, representatives of the U.S. Senate, the Minister of foreign affairs of Malaysia, H.E Saifuddin Abdulla and several leaders from ASEAN, including a meeting with Minister of Foreign Affair of Sweden, H.E Ann Linde. 28. A delegation led by H.E U Aung Myo Min, the union minister of human rights, and NUG representative U Lin Tant met with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, H.E Mr. Jiří Kozák, and officials of the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs on June 9th. 29. A delegation led H.E Professor Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the union minister of health and education, travelled to the UK, European Union and Norway between the 24th of May and 10th of June to discuss international relations, the military's human rights violations, humanitarian assistance, revolutionary issues, and Myanmar's ultimate path to restore peace and democracy. During their visit to the UK, they met with the Rt. Hon. Amanda Milling, minister of state for Asia and Middle East; Lord Kamall, undersecretary of state for innovation; and the Academy of Royal Colleges. They then met with the vice president of the European Parliament, H.E Heidi Hautala and H. E Paola Pampaloni, Deputy Managing Director for Asia and Pacific Department, the European External Action Service (EEAS) of EU in Brussels, and in Oslo they met with officials from the University of Oslo, various INGOs, the Oslo Peace Research Institute, the Norwegian Buddhist League, and visited Diakonhjemmet hospital. 30. As we all know this terrorist Military Council has no legitimacy. They disregarded the democratic voice and will of the Myanmar people. They instigated detention, arrest, prosecution, and unlawful imprisonment of elected leaders, the President of the union of Myanmar H.E Win Mint and the State Counsellor of Myanmar, H. E Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, members of the Parliament, and many pro-democracy activists. We strongly condemn and reject the illegal military council’s unjust arrests of elected officials, innocent people, illegal trials, death sentences, and in particular, the confirmation of death sentences handed down to Ko Jimmy, Phyo Zayar Thaw, U Hla Myo Aung and U Aung Thura Zaw. 31. To continue their brutal and cruel control over the nation, the military junta have committed acts of terrorism, carried out arbitrary and unlawful arrests, and have torched entire villages. The military's crimes are horrific and beyond words to properly describe. War crimes and crimes against humanity plague the Myanmar people across the nation. The National Unity Government and the media have already received mountains of evidence that prove these many crimes of the military. The evidence is being examined by international governments and prosecution bodies with intent to launch formal investigations and legal proceedings. 32. In the brutal military junta’s attempt to normalize their crimes, the SAC is attempting to pull the wool over the international community's eyes to steal legitimacy through sham and fake elections. We will never accept this criminal attempt and they will fail. By all means, we will stop their crimes and we will never allow normalization of crimes against humanity committed against the people of Myanmar by genocidal military generals. 33. We have had free and fair and democratic election in 2020 where the people of Myanmar have spoken loudly and clearly by electing their representatives for the people of Myanmar. These legitimate elected members of Parliament formed the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)- Committee Representing the Union Parliament of Myanmar, then the National Union Consultative Council (NUCC) and National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) which truly represents the people of Myanmar inclusively. 34. We make it loud and clear that the military general’s constitution known as the 2008 constitution has been abolished and is no longer in effect, we adhere to the Federal Democratic Charter as its roadmap for the establishment of a true federal democratic Union of Myanmar for all the people of Myanmar regardless of race, religious, gender, culture, ethnicity and background and these federal democratic principles are already being implemented in the interim revolutionary administration. 35. This is the darkest moment in our history but also this is the first time in the history of Myanmar that we have a National Unity Government of Myanmar-NUG and National Unity Consultative Council- NUCC. Together we have achieved a historical Unity in diversity, our Nation’s greatest strength is our Unity in diversity and that’s who the brave people of Myanmar are now. We are united to end the military dictatorships once and for all, we will not rest nor give up until Freedom and Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar fruit and flourish not only for Myanmar but also for whole regions and the world..."
Source/publisher: Dr. Sasa via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 483.69 KB 1.29 MB
more
Title: Who is Behind Myanmar Junta’s Ye-U Massacre?
Description: "The person most responsible for the deaths of 26 residents in Ye-U Township, Sagaing Region, recently reported by Radio Free Asia (RFA), is alleged to be the head of 4th Military Operations Command Brigadier General Kyi Thaik and Light Infantry Battalion 708 under his control. The operations command, which is based in Phuu Gyi between Hmawbi and Taikkyi in northern Yangon Region, controls infantry units. Light infantry divisions and military operations commands are formed for rapid response to enemy movements. According to conversations between three Battalion 708 troops in the video obtained by RFA, the battalion commander ordered a sergeant to kill civilians. The troops were acting on direct orders from a divisional commander, said a former captain who has abandoned the regime. “A battalion commander will seek permission from the division chief on how to treat captives. The battalion commander will follow the orders,” he said. Kyi Thaik was appointed in February last year following the coup. He has been in Sagaing since last year and returned to Phuu Gyi earlier this month. After Brigadier General Phyo Thant was promoted to northwest commander in Monywa after the 2021 coup, Kyi Thaik succeeded him as operations commander. Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told RFA that the regime is investigating the case. A similar incident happened in northern Shan State in July 2016 when a divisional commander, who ordered the death of detained villagers, was sentenced to five years in prison. Light Infantry Battalion 362 under the 10th Military Operations Command raided Wan Tat village in Lashio Township on June 26, 2016, and detained five male villagers. Battalion commander Major Tin Myo Zaw phoned his operations chief, Colonel Myo Aung, about the five detainees. Myo Aung ordered their death and Tin Myo Zaw kept a recording, according to the former captain. After villagers and a lawmaker filed a complaint, seven soldiers, including Myo Aung and Tin Myo Zaw, were tried at a court martial at the northeastern command and given five years in prison. Myo Aung spent less than one year in prison after the military chief Min Aung Hlaing granted an amnesty. Myo Aung is a nephew of Aung Thaung, who was an industry minister under the State Law and Order Restoration Council junta. His cousin is the current naval chief, Admiral Moe Aung and one of Aung Thaung’s sons. Myo Aung has been a manager at Amata Distribution Co, an IGE Co subsidiary owned by one of Aung Thaung’s other sons, since late 2017. A striking major said the court martial should prosecute the division and battalion commanders and soldiers involved in the killings in Ye-U if someone files a complaint. However, those with wealth and contacts will avoid any serious punishment, he said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: International coalition of Parliamentarians launches Inquiry into global response to Myanmar coup
Description: "JAKARTA – Despite pledges to oppose the overthrow of the democratically elected government of Myanmar and hold the country’s abusive military to account, international actors have failed to take the necessary steps to force the junta to negotiate a political solution, failed to address the mounting humanitarian needs, and failed to bring about the necessary diplomatic coordination to prevent Myanmar from becoming a failed state, a newly established international parliamentary inquiry said today. The International Parliamentary Inquiry into the International Response to the Coup in Myanmar (IPI), chaired by Heidi Hautala, Vice-President of the European Parliament, brings together members of parliaments from Asia, Europe, Africa and the Americas to investigate the international response to the crisis triggered by the coup d’état in Myanmar and where it is failing. The members of the committee form a truly international panel that has come together because of their common concern to protect the rights of the most vulnerable. “The response to the devastating crisis unfolding in Myanmar is going nowhere fast,” said Hautala. “As parliamentarians, we know that governments and international institutions can, and must, do more to end the current impasse. These hearings aim to shed light on where the response is falling short, and to provide information on the next steps that can be taken to put effective pressure on the Myanmar junta.” The IPI is an initiative of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). It will follow the format of tried-and-tested parliamentary inquiries conducted at a national level. In addition to requesting information from individual governments and international organizations, the IPI will accept both written and oral submissions of testimony and evidence from a variety of stakeholders. “We are concerned that international institutions have not lived up to their own promises, and we are appalled that the situation in Myanmar is worsening the longer the international inertia continues,” said Charles Santiago, Chair of APHR. “We, as parliamentarians from all over the world united by a common purpose, will approach this inquiry unhindered by the type of geopolitical considerations that have resulted in the current deadlock.” The violence, death, and suffering being caused as a result of the Myanmar coup continues to escalate and intensify in the absence of adequate international efforts to alleviate the suffering of the Myanmar people. In January, the U.N. High Commissioner on Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, stated that the international response had been “ineffectual and lacks a sense of urgency commensurate to the magnitude of the crisis.” “The Burmese people have clearly and courageously demonstrated their aspiration for democracy”, stated Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, who will be participating from the United States. “They do not want a military government. The United States must stand unequivocally with those advocating for a Burmese democracy rooted in human rights and equality. We must also support the human rights of religious and political minorities, including Rohingya who have already suffered so much, and indeed all those facing oppression.” The Committee is to gather evidence by sending requests for information to key agencies/institutions, opening a call for written submissions, and conducting public hearings in June and July..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar Regime Committed Almost 2,800 War Crimes in Last Six Months: NUG
Description: "Myanmar’s junta committed almost 2,800 war crimes across the country in the last six months, according to the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG). The NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration said that from December 1 to May 31, regime forces committed 2,778 war crimes including arbitrary killings, extrajudicial executions, the use of torture, using civilians as human shields, air and artillery strikes on civilian targets, the looting and burning of houses and the use of sexual violence. Some 12,719 houses and religious building have been destroyed by junta forces, causing estimated losses of 241 million kyats (US$6.9 million). Last Friday, the ministry also said that the regime had conducted 910 arrests and carried out 479 arson attacks, 346 murders, 336 attacks, 226 robberies and 101 cases of torture in the same six month period. Regime forces also committed 10 cases of sexual violence, as well as 27 instances of using civilian detainees as human shields to deter attacks by resistance groups. Sagaing Region, a stronghold of the resistance movement, suffered the most recording a total of 1,178 war crimes, followed by Magwe Region with 537 cases and Mandalay with 234. Junta arson attacks also targeted Sagaing the most, with some 8,933 houses being lost, followed by Magwe with 2,168 and Chin State with 1,332, according to the NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration. The ministry said it has collected evidence of the military regime’s war crimes and that its priority is to hold those responsible accountable for their crimes. People are being urged to report junta war crimes to police forces and People’s Administration Groups operating under the NUG, which is working with local and international organizations to hold the regime responsible for its atrocities. “Everyone who committed war crimes must be held to account whatever the situation,” said the NUG. In early June, authorities in Turkey initiated a preliminary investigation into members of the regime, including coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, concerning a criminal complaint filed by the Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP), a UK-based nongovernmental organization. In late March, MAP filed a criminal case with the public prosecutor’s office in Istanbul, Turkey against junta leaders over the use of torture in the military interrogation center in Yangon. As of June 10, over 1,900 people have been killed by regime forces and more than 14,000 people, including democratically-elected lawmakers, have been arrested or detained since last year’s coup, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar Resistance Leader in Sagaing Says Monsoon Will Bring Victories
Description: "Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, has seen daily clashes since January with Myanmar junta troops raiding and torching villages where they think people’s defense forces (PDFs) are operating. Numerous civilians have been killed in junta raids which have left thousands homeless. Bo Nagar, the leader of the Myanmar Royal Dragon Army, recently talked to The Irrawaddy about how PDFs are fighting the regime and the challenges facing them. Junta troops have torched many Sagaing villages over the past few months. Are they torching every village? In Budalin Township they torched three villages before we attacked. They broke into houses, boxes and jewel cases. Residents could not take all of their belongings as they fled in fear. Junta soldiers took what they liked before torching. To our dismay, we saw ruined villages along the road. Villagers worked hard over many years to build farms and homes. People hide in forests as they have nowhere else to go. They cannot build anything permanent and soldiers torch any shelter they find. Living conditions are terrible. The rainy season has begun so we are rushing ahead with the revolution. Conditions and violence are worse than on social media. We are fully committed to saving our country from the hands of the sadistic regime. We heard that you are forming a special task force to prevent arson attacks in Sagaing? Yes. We plan to form a roughly 150-member force. We have dispatched some of them to acquire military experience. And we are giving special training to those with firsthand experience. But it costs more than US$400,000 to arm 100 fighters so we can only start with what we can afford. We have nearly $200,000 and we urgently need another $250,000 within two weeks. We have obtained arms but have yet to pay for them. We also want uniforms and protective equipment for the special task force. We told them that once they are trained they will have to fight repeatedly for the people. They have to do any duty assigned to them to protect the people. I will assign them operations in consultation with the PDFs. It will carry out missions upon request. That force will keep growing in size and area of operations. Its operations will not be limited. What are the challenges in arming your group? Every resistance group needs arms and ammunition. I am not being selfish. I share cash donations with smaller groups but I give priority to my groups when it comes to the procurement of weapons. I have called on the National Unity Government [NUG] to arm all the groups. Every group needs arms and I urge the groups to help each other. We are arming them as much as we can. Previously we only had traditional hunting rifles but we bought automatic assault rifles with public donations. Members of my group are working in many townships to fight the regime. As our group grows we have a lot of difficulties. We need weapons to continue to fight the revolution and it cannot progress if we lack arms. How are discussions with the NUG on the supply of arms? They said they would supply us. We still hope they will. We believe they will. We were fighting the revolution before the NUG was formed. We view it as our government and we cooperate with it. The NUG is our leader and we have asked it to command four of our battalions. It has to take responsibility for battalions under its command. But it cannot afford to arm all those four battalions. We are among the first to start the revolution and we continue to fight. Groups formed after us have received arms so we want weapons too. We cover a large area. The civilian ministry of defense should at least arm one if it cannot arm all four battalions. We are waiting. What are the military developments in the region? Clashes have been going on in Kani since May 20. The regime has sent troops to secure jade vessels on the river. We dispatched troops to wage guerilla warfare on them. They went to Budalin to attack troops after they heard about torching villages. They clashed with troops on the border of Kani and Mingin townships and in Pale. Is the regime targeting any particular townships in Sagaing? We assume the junta is targeting Sagaing’s plains since the beginning of the monsoon. Among them are Kani, Yinmabin, Pale, Myaung and Chaung-U. Clashes are also taking place in Tapayin, Wetlet, Khin-U and Taze. Troops are focusing more on the plains. We know the terrain and gain information first. We fight guerilla warfare. We have gained the upper hand in ambushes and only suffer a few casualties. Our enemy as usual harms the people when they suffer casualties. People suffer. But we have to fight this revolution. If we don’t fight for fear that the junta will harm the people, it will rule the country as it pleases. We cannot be discouraged by damage caused to the people. We are already dead and we can only be resurrected when we win this revolution. We gain the upper hand in the fighting but the people suffer because troops torch villages. What is your assessment of the junta tactics in Sagaing? How much control does the regime have following its continuous attacks? The tactics are obscene. They have powerful weapons and use tanks, artillery and mortars. But they cannot defeat us. The tactics are the most wicked in the world. Outside Sagaing, the regime cannot control anywhere in Myanmar. Even in Naypyitaw, there are explosions and attacks. The resistance movement has only paused for a while because the junta is using excessive force and committing the cruelest acts. It cannot control anywhere, even in its cantonment. The junta cannot imagine controlling Sagaing. We won’t let them get an inch. Sagaing is where humane people have gathered to bravely fight the revolution. The junta cannot control a place of strong-minded revolutionaries. What is the military situation in Sagaing Region during the rainy season? It is encouraging. Resistance fighters will gain the upper hand. The regime cannot carry out air strikes in the rain and its troops can only reach easily accessible places. If they maintain outposts under such circumstances, it is like digging their own graves. They will have to retreat in the rainy season. If they stay, they only stay to be killed..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar’s Junta ‘Block or Censor’ Everything, Journalists say
Description: "ON THE THAI-MYANMAR BORDER — With the risk of arrest or injury high for those reporting on the Myanmar junta, many journalists have fled to borderlands or neighboring countries. From there, journalists like Hsa Moo try to keep news flowing to their audiences. Working from the Thai border, Hsa Moo documents evidence collected directly from her sources in Myanmar’s Kayin State. Her coverage includes military clashes and how the military coup is impacting communities and internally displaced people or IDPs. It’s a tough beat. Airstrikes from Myanmar military warplanes and helicopters make travel risky in what is one of the hardest hit regions. Under attack Normally controlled by the Karen National Union army’s 5th Brigade, the region has come under attack from junta forces. “When you go, you face the Burmese army shelling and everything,” said Hsa Moo, as she edited photographs of a bombed village. But she added, “When you see the [displaced people] and when they see you, they also feel very happy because they know that somebody, some people, still care for them,” Hsa Moo contributes to the Karen Peace Support Network, a civil society network for one of Myanmar’s ethnic groups. Made up of 30 organizations in Myanmar and Thailand, the network provides support and information to communities in the region. Like Hsa Moo, many Myanmar journalists have chosen to work in neighboring countries. Some are trying to avoid arrest. Rights groups say the junta is using laws to target critics. “If you are inside Burma [Myanmar] they will just block or censor everything. The government has a propaganda newspaper and the TV shows, but that is all the lies,” Hsa Moo said. The junta is also proposing cybersecurity legislation that could block the use of Virtual Private Network or VPNs. With access blocked in Myanmar to social media and other websites, VPNs have offered a workaround for those wanting access to information. Many had come to rely on social media as a source of news. When Myanmar opened up in the early 2000s, a number of independent media turned to Facebook as a platform to post news from their regions. “Myanmar is not like other countries. Before, it was called the Facebook nation because 99% of the public use Facebook so that is why [military] also tried to ban Facebook,” said a Kachin news editor, who goes by the pseudonym Seng Li. Seng Li oversees a network of journalists, mainly in an area under the control of the Kachin Independence Organization. Both Kachin and Kayin states have territory controlled by ethnic armed groups who want autonomy. Apart from a 17-year cease-fire, the Kachin Independence Organization and its military arm, the Kachin Independence Army, have been at war with the Burmese army since 1961. Rights groups believe the junta targets media to try to silence criticism. “For the junta, the enemy is now anyone reporting a narrative that differs from the propaganda pushed out by the ludicrously named Tatmadaw ‘True News’ team,” said Phil Robertson, Asia deputy director for Human Rights Watch (HRW). Tatmadaw is the official name of Myanmar’s armed forces. “Journalists still operating inside Myanmar are now almost all reporting from hiding, where they courageously continue to try to do their work despite huge obstacles and the risk of arrest at any time,” Robertson told VOA. Arrest risks Military spokesperson Gen. Zaw Min Tun has denied that the junta arrests journalists for their work. Media workers are arrested only “if they are involved in violence or anti-military activities or treason,” he told VOA. The regional group Reporting ASEAN however has documented over 120 arrests of journalists since the military seized power in February 2021. Of those, at least 48 are still in custody, data show. Authorities sometimes add additional charges to those already detained, potentially adding years to their prison term. Han Thar Neing, co-founder of news website Kamayut Media, received a two-year sentence on March 21, on charges of spreading false news. Now, the 40-year-old faces an additional charge under an Electronic Transactions Law that could add seven years to his sentence. It’s an unexpected turn of events for his family, who already suffer from chronic stress, unable to see him in person at Yangon’s Insein Prison. Han Thar’s family can deliver limited food supplies to him twice a month, through the prison officials, but cannot see him. His sister Kyi Thar says her heart sinks every time she sees footage of her brother on the news, sometimes in a blue prison uniform, his hands and ankles shackled. “I hope for the future, journalists like my brother — including other Myanmar journalists — will be treated like the other country’s journalists,” she said. “They are journalists doing their job of covering the news and they don’t commit any crimes.” International bodies have criticized Yangon’s treatment of prisoners held in Insein prison, including detained activists and reporters. “Myanmar's prisons are among the poorest and most brutal in the Southeast Asia region, so the imprisoned journalists must be facing the equivalent of hell on earth,” HRW’s Robertson told VOA. “Incarcerated journalists should be allowed regular, unhindered access to relatives, and to legal counsel, and be made immediately eligible for release on bail,” Robertson added. Despite the risks that reporting on life in Myanmar brings, reporters continue to cover the conflict, both from within and outside the country..."
Source/publisher: "VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: ‘The junta will bear full responsibility if my husband is executed’: Nilar Thein
Sub-title: The wife of veteran activist Ko Jimmy vows to make the regime pay if it carries out the death sentence.
Description: "88 Generation leader Ko Jimmy and former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zeyar Thaw were sentenced to death by a military tribunal on Jan. 21 for violating Myanmar’s Anti-Terrorism Law. They and two other men on death row — Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw — lost appeals of their cases last week. A junta spokesperson on Tuesday rejected the possibility of a pardon in response to international and domestic condemnation of the sentences, meaning that the four men may end up being the first to be executed in Myanmar in 34 years. Speaking to RFA’s Burmese Service on Thursday, Ko Jimmy’s wife Nilar Thein vowed that the junta will not escape punishment if it proceeds with the execution of her husband. RFA: The military council has issued an execution order for Ko Jimmy, who was sentenced to death. The junta’s spokesperson said the appeal process is complete and the Prison Department is now in charge of his case. What else do you know about the process? Nilar Thein: Ever since Ko Jimmy’s arrest, we received no contact or information from the junta. Likewise, we didn’t get a chance to consult with an attorney to submit appeals for him. That’s why the junta’s decision must be incorrect. We never got a chance to work with the authorities for Ko Jimmy’s case. RFA: What is your response to Ko Jimmy’s death sentence? Nilar Thein: The junta will be held accountable for all its actions and statements at some point. They will have to take responsibility for what they did, regardless of who they did it to. This day will come. RFA: Ko Jimmy has been charged under the counter-terrorism law. Do you think he was really involved in terrorist activities? Nilar Thein: Everyone knows who is committing violent terrorist acts and who has become the victims of these acts. We have the right to defend ourselves from aggression and injustice … we have become the victims of the junta’s violent tactics. We are exercising our right to defend ourselves – to protect our lives, homes, and properties from these acts. RFA: The military council has stated that they will move forward to execution in Ko Jimmy’s case. Do you believe they will carry out the execution order? Nilar Thein: This is entirely up to them. Under the law and from the perspective of the human rights community, they should not carry out this death sentence. Death sentences have not been carried out in Myanmar for a long time. It is a blatant violation of human rights even to state that they intend to carry out the execution order, to kill a human being like killing a bird or chicken ... Regardless of what they will do, I want them to know they will be accountable for their decisions. Their acts will not be forgotten. RFA: What are you currently working on for him? Are you engaged with any international organizations about his case? Nilar Thein: I have contacted some international organizations, such as Amnesty International. As soon as the news came out about the execution orders for Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeyar Thaw, several international organizations and foreign diplomats contacted me and told me that they would protest the decision. RFA: What do you want to tell Ko Jimmy? Nilar Thein: I think he has written his history by committing to a cause he believes in. He has his duty done for the people. I want to tell him I am very proud of him. RFA: What message do you have for the people of Myanmar? Nilar Thein: No matter how the times have changed, the power of the people will be the deciding factor in our country’s future … Those who have participated have played important roles in the resistance and they will be part of history. Whatever comes next, I trusted in the people’s power. That’s why we all need to stay united and join hands to drive out this military regime..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သေဒဏ်အမိန့်ချမှတ်ခြင်းအပေါ် ရှုတ်ချကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "၁။ တရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လက်အောက်ခံ တရားမဝင် သော တရားရုံးများက (၈၈)မျိုးဆက် ကျောင်းသားခေါင်းဆောင် ကိုဂျင်မီ(ခ)ကိုကျော်မင်းယုနှင့် လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ဟောင်း ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်တို့အပါအဝင် အပြစ်မဲ့ပြည်သူများအပေါ် ချမှတ်သည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်များနှင့် သေဒဏ်အတည်ပြုခြင်းများသည် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ တည်ဆဲဥပဒေ များကိုသာမက နိုင်ငံတကာသဘောတူစာချုပ်များနှင့် ဥပဒေများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိဘဲ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ချိုးဖောက်ဆောင်ရွက်သည့် လူမဆန်သောလုပ်ရပ်အဖြစ် ပြည်ထောင်စု လွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ရှုမြင်သတ်မှတ်သည်။ ၂။ တရားမဝင်အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့ စီရင်ချက်ချမှတ်မှုများနှင့် ပြစ်မှုပြစ်ဒဏ်များအားလုံးသည် ပြည်သူများ၏ ဘေးကင်းလုံခြုံမှုကို မျက်ကွယ်ပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ ကိုယ်ကျိုးအတွက်သာ ရှေးရှု၍ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ခြိမ်းခြောက်အကျပ်ကိုင်သည့် နည်းလမ်းကို အသုံးပြုလျက် အကြောက်တရားရိုက်သွင်း အုပ်ချုပ်နိုင်ရန် လုပ်ဆောင်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ၃။ ပြည်သူများက လုံးဝ လက်မခံဆန့်ကျင်လျက်ရှိသော တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ် ကောင်စီ၏ ဥပဒေမဲ့ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းမှု၊ သတ်ဖြတ်မှု၊ စစ်ဆေးစီရင်မှုနှင့် သေဒဏ်အပြစ်ပေးမှုများ အားလုံးကို ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ကန့်ကွက်ရှုတ်ချသည်။ ယင်းကိစ္စရပ်များတွင် နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင် ဆောင်ရွက်နေသူအားလုံးသည်လည်း ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်သော ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေခြင်း ဖြစ်သဖြင့် တရားဥပဒေအရ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူအပြစ်ပေးခြင်းများကို ခံကြရမည်ဖြစ် ကြောင်းနှင့် ယင်းသို့ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူနိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြု ကော်မတီအနေဖြင့် ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ နှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 223.65 KB
more
Title: Press Release: Regarding Stated Execution of 4 Sentenced to Death Political Prisoners
Description: "On June 3, 2021, the junta council announced they intend to carry out the execution of death row detainees Jimmy (aka Kyaw Min Yu), Phyo Zayar Thaw, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, heretofore given by military courts. Though announced, information regarding the status of the military court, location of the trials, and specific information on the nature of the trial, were not given to family members of each of the condemned political prisoners. The junta council has been destroying every facet of the judicial system in Burma. Since the beginning of the coup, the junta council has been killing people across the country, burning towns and villages, as well as looting and stealing belongings of the people every day. The council’s statement on the execution of the political prisoners violates domestic, and international law, and is a blatant attempt to audaciously murder. The execution announcement openly mocked the worlds’ efforts to abolish capital punishment. This calculated act uses political prisoners as hostage, to threaten a population resisting the military coup. As well as to bargain with international actors, who put pressure on the junta council to return democracy to Burma. The UN and others in the international community bare responsibility to help prevent the use of hostages in unjustified executions. In accordance with our organizations belief that there can only be a true national reconciliation when there are no incarcerated political prisoners, we see the recent statement as a junta attempt to challenge and destroy future national reconciliation, including the stability of our country. A junta council working to carry out an execution like this, is an unforgiveable act, and clear proof of utter disregard for the will of the international community who wish to return Burma to democracy, as well as to ASEAN who wish to resolve the issue through the 5-Point Consensus. Therefore, we, the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP), strongly urge all at the UN, ASEAN and other international actors to take a stand and put political pressure to halt the announced executions..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 129.06 KB
more
Title: သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ထားသော နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၄ ဦးအား သေဒဏ်စီရင်ရေး အတည်ပြုခြင်းနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ သဘောထား ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
Description: "ကိုဂျင်မီ (ခ) ကိုကျော်မင်းယု၊ ကိုဖြိုးဇေယျာသော်၊ ကိုလှမျိုးအောင်၊ ကိုအောင်သူရဇော် တို့ ၄ ဦးအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ စစ်ခုံရုံးက ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် သေဒဏ်ကို အတည်ပြုလိုက်ပြီး ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်နေပြီဟု စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ဇွန်လ ၃ ရက်နေ့တွင် အတည်ပြု ပြောကြားလိုက်သည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ထိုသူများကို မည်သည့် စစ်ခုံရုံး၊ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် အမှုကို ကြားနာခဲ့ကြောင်းနှင့် အမိန့်ချမှတ်ခဲ့ကြောင်းကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ မိသားစုများထံသို့ပင် အသိပေးခြင်း မရှိပါ။ စစ်အုပ်စုသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားစီရင်ရေး ယန္တရားတခုလုံးအား အလုံးစုံ ဖျက်ဆီးနေပေသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အာဏာသိမ်းယူပြီးသည်မှစ၍ ၎င်းတို့အား ဆန့်ကျင်သူများကို နေ့စဉ်နှင်အမျှ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ မြို့ရွာများကို မီးရှို့ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ် ပစ္စည်းဥစ္စာများကို သိမ်းယူခြင်းများကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ်လုပ်ဆောင်လျှက်ရှိသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ပြောကြားမှုမှာ နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့် ပြည်တွင်း တရားဥပဒေကို အလွဲသုံးစားလုပ်ကာ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း သတ်ဖြတ်ရန် ကြိုးစားမှုတရပ်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယနေ့အချိန် ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံအနှံ့တွင် သေဒဏ်စီရင်ရေးအား ဖျက်သိမ်းရန် အပူတပြင်း ကြိုးစားနေချိန်တွင် ထိုကဲ့သို့ ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ကြေညာခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုကို ပျက်ရယ်ပြု လိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းအပေါ် ပြန်ရောက်နိုင်ရေး နိုင်ငံတကာမှ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား အပြင်းအထန် ဖိအားပေး တောင်းဆိုနေမှုများအား တစုံတရာ လျော့ကျစေရေးအတွက် အပေးအယူလုပ်ရန်နှင့် ပြည်တွင်းရှိ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုဆန့်ကျင်သူများကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်ရန်ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို ဓားစားခံအဖြစ် အသုံးပြု တုန့်ပြန်လိုက်ခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ ဓားစားခံအဖြစ်အသုံးချကာ ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကွပ်မျက်ရန် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုကို တားဆီးရန်မှာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းတွင်လည်း တာဝန်ရှိသည်ဟု ထင်မြင်ပါသည်။ မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ အကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်မျှ မရှိမှသာ အမျိုးသားပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေး ရရှိနိုင်မည်ဟု ယုံကြည်သည့်နည်းတူ အထက်ပါကဲ့သို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို သေဒဏ်စီရင်ခြင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုမှ အမျိုးသားပြန်လည်သင့်မြတ်ရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတည်ငြိမ်ရေးကို စိန်ခေါ် ဖျက်ဆီးလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု သဘောထားသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကို ကွပ်မျက်ရေး လုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုသည် သမိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ခွင့်လွှတ်၍ မရနိုင်သောလုပ်ရပ် ဖြစ်ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းအပေါ် ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရေး ကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်နေသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရေးအကြပ်အတည်းကို သဘောတူညီချက် ၅ ချက်ဖြင့် ဖြေရှင်းရန် ကြိုးစား အဖြေရှာနေသည့် အာဆီယံ နိုင်ငံများ၏ သဘောထား နှင့် လုံးဝကိုက်ညီမှုမရှိကြောင်း ထင်ရှားသည့် သက်သေပြချက် ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ သို့ဖြစ်၍ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၊ အာဆီယံအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအားလုံးမှ အထက်ပါလုပ်ရပ်ကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ဆန့်ကျင်တားမြစ်ရန် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) အနေဖြင့် အလေးအနက်တိုက်တွန်းတောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 527.08 KB
more
Title: အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၂၂,၀၀၀ ကျော်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရ
Description: "အလေးထားရမည့် ဒေတာအချက်အလက်များ အမှတ် – (၂၂) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်ကနေ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၆ ရက်အတွင်း လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေအကြား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတာအပြင် လက်နက်ကျည်တွေ ထိမှန်လို့ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှံးခဲ့ရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊အဆောက်အအုံ (ဘာသာရေးအဆောက်အအုံတွေအပါအဝင်) ၂၂,၂၉၉ လုံးထက်မနည်းရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ တနှစ်ကျော်ကာလအတွင်း ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၂၂,၂၉၉ လုံးထဲမှာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်းက ၁၅,၅၃၀ လုံးရှိခဲ့ပြီးတော့ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအားဖြင့် ၆၉ ဒသမ ၇ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းရှိပါတယ်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဟာ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရမှု အများဆုံးရှိခဲ့တဲ့ ဒေသတစ်ခု ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒုတိယအများဆုံး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ဒေသကတော့ မကွေးတိုင်းဖြစ်ပြီး နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၄,၈၂၂ လုံး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရကာ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအားဖြင့် ၂၁ ဒသမ ၆ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ ကျန်ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့တဲ့ ၁,၉၄၇ အိမ်၊ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအားဖြင့် ၈ ဒသမ ၇ ရာခိုင်နှုန်း ကတော့ မန္တလေးတိုင်း၊ တနင်္သာရီတိုင်း၊ ပဲခူးတိုင်း၊ ကယားပြည်နယ်၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်နှင့် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်တို့ထဲက နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အုံတွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ တဆက်တည်းမှာပဲ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၁ ရက်ကနေ ၂၆ ရက်အတွင်း မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၇,၆၆၂ လုံးထက်မနည်း ရှိခဲ့ပါတယ်။ အာဏာသိမ်ပြီးနောက် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့တဲ့ လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေအကြား မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ အရေအတွက် (လအလိုက်) ထဲမှာ ယခုလအတွင်း ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတဲ့ပမာဏာကတော့ တနှစ်တာအတွင်း အများဆုံး ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒီလိုမျိုး မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ၇,၆၆၂ လုံးထဲမှာ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းက ၅,၃၃၇ လုံး၊ မကွေးတိုင်းက ၂,၁၄၃ လုံး၊ ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်က အလုံး ၁၁၀၊ မန္တလေးတိုင်းက အလုံး ၃၀၊ ချင်းပြည်နယ်က ၂၉ လုံး၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်က ၁၀ လုံးနဲ့ ကယားပြည်နယ်က ၃ လုံးတို့ ပါဝင်ပါတယ်။ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၁၈ ရက်ကနေ ၂၅ ရက်အတွင်း စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်က ကျေးရွာ အနည်းဆုံး ၁၈ ရွာမှာ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၃၉၃ လုံးထက်မနည် မီးရှို့၊ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါတယ်။ မီးရှို့ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ကျေးရွာတွေဟာ ဒေသခံ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့တွေ (LDF/PDF/CDSOM စသည်ဖြင့်) လှုပ်ရှားကြတဲ့ အဓိကဒေသတွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မြောင်မြို့နယ်က မင်းတန်းကျေးရွာမှာ နေအိမ်၊ အဆောက်အအုံ ၁၀၀ ထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပြီးတော့ မယ်မသော်ကျေးရွာဟာ ခုနစ်ကြိမ်ထက်မနည်း မီးရှို့၊ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါတယ်။ ∎ ဘာကြောင့်အလေးထားသင့်သလဲ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း ဖြစ်ပွားလာတဲ့ တိုက်ပွဲအခြေအနေတွေအပြင် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေနဲ့ ဆက်စပ်နေတဲ့ အခြင်းအရာတွေကို လေ့လာခြင်းအားဖြင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရဲ့ ပဋိပက္ခမြေပုံအပြောင်းအလဲ နဲ့ ပဋိပက္ခရေချိန် အတက်၊အကျ စတဲ့ အကြောင်းအရာတွေကို သုတေသနပြုဖော်ထုတ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒါ့အပြင် ပဋိပက္ခနဲ့တိုက်ပွဲတွေအတွင်း စစ်ဘေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရတဲ့ ဒုက္ခသည်ပမာဏာ၊ အရပ်သားတွေအပေါ် လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့တွေရဲ့ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုး ဖောက်မှု ကျူးလွန်တာတွေ ရှိ၊မရှိကို လေ့လာပြီး အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာတရားမျှတမှု​ရှုထောင့် (Transitional Justice) ကနေ သုတေသနပြုနိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တဲ့အတွက် အလေးထားသင့်တဲ့ ဒေတာအချက်အလက်များပဲ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ∎ တွဲဖက်လေ့လာသင့်သည်များ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း နိုင်ငံတဝန်းမှာ ဖြစ်ပွားလာတဲ့ လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွေနဲ့ အကျိုးဆက် တွေ အရပ်သားထိခိုက်သေဆုံးမှုတွေ၊ နေအိမ်မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခံရတာတွေနဲ့ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ဒုက္ခသည်တွေရဲ့ အခြေအနေ တွေကို လွတ်လပ်တဲ့သတင်းမီဒီယာတွေ အထူးသဖြင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားသတင်းဌာနတွေရဲ့ မြေပြင် အခြေအနေ ဖော်ပြချက်တွေအပြင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းရေးရုံး (UNOCHA Myanmar) လို ကုလသမဂ္ဂဆိုင်ရာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေ အခြားလွတ်လပ်သော ပြည်တွင်း၊ပြည်ပအဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေရဲ့ မှတ်တမ်း၊ အစီရင်ခံ စာ စတာတွေနဲ့လည်း တွဲဖက်လေ့လာနိုင်ပါတယ်။..."
Source/publisher: Institute for Strategy and Policy - Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-02
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.02 MB
more
Title: Letter sent to 101 Investors to Urge Engagement with Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House Industry Regarding the Y Complex Project in Myanmar
Sub-title: Land Lease Payments May Finance Human Rights Violations by the Myanmar Military
Description: "Eight civil society organizations that are deeply concerned about the business relationship that Japanese companies have with the Myanmar military sent a letter dated May 24, 2022 to 101 corporate investors holding shares in Tokyo Tatemono Co., Ltd. or Daiwa House Industry Co., Ltd. Land lease payments made by the two companies in connection with a real estate development project in Yangon (commonly known as “Y Complex”), estimated to be about 2 million USD per year, and will be a source of funding for the Myanmar military. The Myanmar military for decades has committed grave human rights violations and atrocity crimes with total impunity, and on February 1, 2021, began an attempted coup. The civil society organizations have pointed out to Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House on numerous occasions that they may be complicit in grave human rights violations perpetrated by the military and urged them to act in accordance with their own human rights policies and international standards. However, neither company has officially announced specific plans to avoid the risk of its activities in Myanmar abetting grave human rights violations and international crimes by the Myanmar military. The letter requests the corporate investors in Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House to promptly engage with the two companies to urge them to take measures to ensure that their business activities do not benefit the Myanmar military. The letter further asks the corporate investors to consider divestment if the companies do not take sufficient measures..."
Source/publisher: Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, Network Against Japan Arms Trade, ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation, Japan International Volunteer Center, Pacific Asia Resource Center, Human Right Now
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 90.61 KB 101.54 KB
more
Title: Myanmar Journalist-Turned-Resistance Fighter Swapped His Camera for a Gun
Description: "It has been more than a year since Ko Jack left behind the career he loved and joined the armed struggle to defend the people from the junta’s atrocities. For about 10 years, he followed his passion for photography, working as a photojournalist for news organizations in Yangon. As he had a special interest in covering armed conflicts, Ko Jack traveled to several ethnic states where armed groups have long fought the military for greater rights and autonomy, telling their stories through his camera lens. Today, he finds himself among them not as a journalist, but fighting back against the military that overthrew the elected civilian government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in a coup in February last year. Now a member of the People’s Defense Force in Karen State, the 29-year-old has taken part in five heavy battles alongside ethnic Karen forces fighting junta troops. In those clashes, more than 100 junta forces were killed and around a dozen captured. From lens to gun Ko Jack recalled his first battle experience in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy. He shared that despite having undergone months of military training, the first time he experienced front-line combat his old instincts returned and he immediately began mentally framing photographs of what he saw. “Using a gun and taking pictures have something in common: you keep your index finger in a ready position. But you can’t do both [take photos and fire a gun] at the same time,” he said. “If I started taking pictures, the gun I carry would be useless and it wouldn’t help my comrades either,” he added. Since then, Ko Jack’s camera has been put aside and his rifle has become his top priority. And just as he relied on his strong sense of timing and focusing skills to take good photographs, he has proven to be a good shot on the battlefield. He was even offered a promotion to section commander but turned it down, feeling he wasn’t ready for the post yet. On the front line he has become a good soldier, coordinating well with his comrades and obedient to his commander, while back at the base, he is a respected trainer among new members, sharing what he has learned with them. The day that changed his life For more than a month after the coup, Ko Jack put aside his personal anger at the military takeover in order to focus on his job, heading to the streets with his camera to document the anti-coup protests and the junta’s crackdown on its opponents. With his fellow journalists, he kept the world informed of the events that were unfolding in the coup-hit country and presented evidence of the violence used by the junta’s forces. However, one day in March, witnessing the aftermath of a bloodbath committed by the junta in a suburb of Yangon convinced him that he had to take up arms. Following the coup, numerous street protests broke out in Yangon and other cities, and junta forces responded to the peaceful protesters with lethal crackdowns and deadly shootings. Ko Jack was in Hlaing Tharyar Township one day after the military engaged in one of its worst mass killings of civilians there on March 14. He recalls that so many bodies were taken to the cemetery that the crematorium had to work non-stop, leaving families unable to grieve properly as the funerals had to be rushed. He spent the whole day there. Some bodies were disfigured to the point of being unrecognizable with pierced heads, shattered faces or missing limbs. The victims were protesters, bystanders and those helping the wounded, gunned down in a cold-blooded crackdown on an anti-coup demonstration in the township. During the crackdown, junta soldiers armed with assault rifles and snipers trapped protesters and shot to kill any living thing in their view. In total, the junta’s forces killed around 80 people on that day. “I have never been able to just stand there and watch injustice unfold in front of my eyes. With the coup, and after seeing what happened on that day, I couldn’t stand and watch anymore,” he said. A few days later he left his home in Yangon, joining thousands of young people across the country heading to rebel training camps and vowing to topple the junta, which has continued to terrorize the population with killings, arbitrary arrests, arson and bombing attacks. His new home is a tent. He lives in a forest without any relatives nearby. More than a year on, he misses his home sometimes, especially when he is sick. He recently caught malaria while staying at a jungle camp; his biggest wish at that time was to be able to enjoy his favorite breakfast—spicy noodle salad with rice. Same mission But the determined revolutionary fighter said he won’t turn back until the revolution succeeds—a conviction he shares with his comrades. A majority of the fighters in the group are aged between 20 and 30; they come from different regions and states and diverse backgrounds: workers, journalists, medics, artists, civil servants and even some striking police and soldiers. Besides graduates like Ko Jack, who completed a degree in geology, undergrads under 20 who are boycotting the junta’s education system have also joined the group. Like Ko Jack, none of them chose to be soldiers; all felt compelled to take up arms due to the junta’s oppression of the entire population. They are among about 80,000 to 100,000 People’s Defense Force members nationwide who have taken up arms to fight back against the junta. They all have one mission—to root out the military, which has oppressed the country for more than 60 years, and to terminate once and for all the system of dictatorship that is despised by all Myanmar people. Some of Ko Jack’s comrades have given their lives for this mission. During one battle Ko Jack lost two fellow fighters, both of whom were much younger than him. Their deaths could easily have left him heartbroken and demoralised; instead, they have driven him to become a stronger fighter, even more determined to achieve victory on their behalf, he said. Like Ko Jack, all revolutionary fighters believe that their future will be bright only when the current military under Min Aung Hlaing is defeated. Ko Jack said that while he personally loved detained State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the country’s leader, the fight is not for her sake alone, but for his and his comrades’ future, and he believes other youths who have taken up arms feel the same way. “We, the youth, are fighting to end military rule for our future and because we are the next generation,” he said. Referring to the junta’s recent invitation of ethnic armed organizations to peace talks, Ko Jack continued that the young resistance fighters have no trust in any negotiations offered by the junta. “We have seen their lies and don’t believe them. For us, we will continue to fight till the end, till the junta surrenders, and till they [the military] give up their place in politics,” he said. Ko Jack and his comrades are confident of victory over the junta troops, who are dispirited and disunited. Even now, facing shortages of arms and ammunition, the resistance groups, which comprise determined fighters across the country, pose a serious threat to the junta’s forces—once viewed as an all-powerful military—using guerrilla warfare tactics to seize junta posts. Ko Jack said he has noticed that several junta troops who were killed or arrested by ethnic forces in their area used drugs, adding that on the front lines they are no longer obedient to their commanders. But the inadequate arms and ammunition are holding back the resistance’s operations. For now, only half of the members of the group are armed. With the PDFs still not fully armed, Ko Jack bought a used AK-47 rifle on his own and has raised funds to buy bullets for himself as well as for his colleagues. Other PDF members across the country have also had to raise money themselves to buy the required weapons and food. Ko Jack said that if the resistance forces had adequate supplies of arms and ammunition, victory wouldn’t take long. “We could also take the cities, as the people expect, in three to six months if we had full supplies of arms and ammunition. We don’t need tanks or jet fighters to win the battle, only supplies of arms and ammunition,” he said. And the day they prevail will be the day they return home and reclaim their rights. “When this is over, I want to return home in my uniform,” Ko Jack said. “I want to meet my parents in the battle uniform that I wore while taking part in the revolution and show them that their son did something they can be proud of.” And yes, he will return to his camera and once again hit the shutter button instead of pulling the trigger..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar junta tribunal sentences 7 youths to death in Yangon
Sub-title: As of March 11, army tribunals in the Yangon region have sentenced more than 150 people to death or life in prison.
Description: "Myanmar’s junta condemned seven youths to death this week in the Yangon region after a secret military tribunal found them guilty of murder, a junta newspaper reported. The seven, all from all from Hlaingtharyar township in the country’s largest city Yangon Region, were ruled guilty of taking part in the March 6 murder of a ward official suspected of being a police informer and sentenced to death on Wednesday under Section 54 of the Anti-Terrorism Law. As of March 11, military tribunals in the Yangon region have sentenced more than 150 people to death or life imprisonment, RFA reporting has revealed. No executions have been reported by the military regime that overthrew Myanmar’s elected government on Feb. 1, 2021. The seven were identified as Ye Min Naing, Soe Moe, Thant Zin, Daewa, San Shay, Athay Lay and Aye Aye Min. Another youth, Htet Myat Naing from Yangon’s North Dagon township, was sentenced on Wednesday to life in prison under Section 50(j) of the Anti-Terrorism Law for having links to and collecting money for terrorist organizations. An underground youth activist in Yangon said the military is imposing harsh punishments on young people to discourage them from participating in resistance movements against the junta, the junta newspaper said. "The deliberate arrests of young people and such harsh sentences are attempts to intimidate the youth not to be involved in the revolution. No matter what they do, young people are already determined to march on with this,” he told RFA. Lawyers have argued that the sentences imposed by military tribunals handing down highest sentences on the youth are unjust and punishable. Military spokesman Maj Gen Zaw Min Tun said the government was not targeting young people but was prosecuting violators of the law. According to Thai-based rights group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma, a total of 10,707 people were arrested and 1,072 of them were imprisoned between Feb. 1, 2021 and May 19, 2022, and 72 have been sentenced to death, including 2 children. And another 41 have been sentenced to death in absentia..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-20
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Mekong News Agency journalist Maung Maung Myo jailed on terrorism charges in Myanmar
Description: "Bangkok, May 18, 2022 – Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalist Maung Maung Myo and stop jailing members of the press for reporting the news, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Wednesday. Around 6 p.m. on May 10, Maung Myo, a contributor to the local Mekong News Agency, was traveling by train to report on recent armed clashes between the military and anti-junta people’s defense forces when military authorities arrested him, according to news reports and the news agency’s editor Nyan Linn Htet, who communicated with CPJ via messaging app. The reporter, who is also known as Myo Myint Oo, was arrested at the Salween River bridge checkpoint near the town of Hpa-an in eastern Kayin state after officials discovered he had shared Mekong News Agency reports on his personal Facebook page, according to Nyan Linn Htet, who told CPJ that the news publication had been banned by the military junta regime that seized power in the February 1, 2021 coup. Maung Myo has since been charged under section 52(a) of the Counter-Terrorism Law, which carries a maximum of seven years in prison, according to Nyan Linn Htet. Since his arrest, the journalist has been held at Hpa-an Prison. “Myanmar authorities must free journalist Maung Maung Myo and drop any charges pending against him,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Myanmar’s junta must cease leveling outrageous terrorism-related charges against journalists who are merely doing their jobs as reporters.” Maung Myo has reported for Mekong News Agency since June 2020 and has covered various political topics, including Myanmar’s COVID-19 situation, anti-coup protests, and clashes between the military government and different armed resistance groups. Nyan Linn Htet told CPJ that military authorities raided Mekong News Agency’s office and his residence on two occasions after the 2021 coup, and the publication had to close its bureau in the Shan state town of Tachiliek on April 15, 2021, due to threats from security forces. Nyan Linn Htet added that he is in hiding from an arrest warrant issued against him on March 6, 2021, under section 505(a) of the penal code, a vague anti-state provision that penalizes incitement and the dissemination of “false news.” Myanmar’s Ministry of Information did not reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment on Maung Myo’s arrest and detention. CPJ’s latest prison census published in December ranked Myanmar as the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists. Myanmar authorities have killed at least three journalists since the military seized power on February 1, 2021, according to CPJ documentation..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar’s Democratic Movement Is As Strong As The Junta Is Brutal
Description: "With unceasing brutality by the junta, and an increasingly engaged China and India, deferring to languishing ASEAN efforts has proved ineffective to support conflict transformation in Myanmar. Australia could, but is not yet, stepping up diplomatically. 16 April 2022 marked the one-year anniversary of the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar and its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, formed out of the parliamentarians elected prior to the military coup. In the international context of the NUG’s diplomatic efforts, led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, there were significant geopolitical shifts in the IndoPacific region in 2021 which affect Myanmar. Myanmar occupies a strategic position at the heart of the Indo-Pacific and borders the globe’s two most populous nations. One of the most influential developments in the Indo-Pacific in 2021 was the new US Indo-Pacific strategy. The United States, Japan, Australia, and India’s Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) has re-awoken since the Leaders’ Summit in March 2021. In addition, the trilateral security pact of Australia, UK, and the US (AUKUS) emerged on 15 September 2021 to attempt to balance military power in the region. The United States National Defence Authorization Act (NDAA) has significantly increased US commitments to Myanmar, and the US House of Representatives has also approved the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2022 (BURMA Act of 2022) to authorise humanitarian assistance and civil society support, promote democracy and human rights, and impose targeted sanctions with respect to human rights abuses in Myanmar, and other purposes. At the same time, China is centrally engaged in Myanmar and the region. China has shifted from its neutral stance on leadership and stated it will support Myanmar’s military junta “no matter how the situation changes” in the country over the coming months and years. Despite earlier statements for openness to talks, just days before the meeting, during the Armed Forces Day ceremony on 27 March , military leader Min Aung Hlaing said he would not speak to the NUG or the government in exile (CRPH). Hlaing added that he would fight to annihilate them, a statement seemingly emboldened by open support of the Chinese government. This shift brings into question Australia and the international community’s decision to depend on ASEAN to lead negotiations to end to the violence. NUG Foreign Minister Zin Mar Aung appealed to the Australian government for support, saying that the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and Canada had led the way not only in words but in effective action. Meanwhile, Australia’s inaction was notable. More proactive engagement and consultation with the NUG is needed to re-energise support for restoring democratic governance in Myanmar. ASEAN’s diplomatic response has been ineffective. Moreover, the ASEAN Chair and his special envoy still keep the Myanmar Taskforce led by the military council at the centre of ASEAN’s humanitarian response. They hosted a consultative meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 6 May in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, but the UN Special Envoy to Myanmar, the NUG, and other crucial stakeholders were deliberately excluded. The NUG warned of the high risk of failure and politicisation in the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance that such exclusion poses. For China, Myanmar is its only outlet to the Indian Ocean, which is vital to China’s strategy for energy security to sustain economic growth. In addition, Myanmar has rare earth minerals in abundance. China accounted for 60 percent of global production in 2021, and half of its raw materials come from Myanmar. Under the Chinese government’s foreign policy objectives, Myanmar is seen as being able to serve its national interests. Myanmar has seemingly faded from the public eye in Australia as attention is drawn to the Solomon Islands and Ukraine. Myanmar is in the meantime experiencing shifts that will reverberate across the region. Some observers believe the sudden change in the Chinese government’s stance on Myanmar is a direct response to the Indo-Pacific strategy of the US. It is also worth considering whether, with Russia engaged in Ukraine, the Chinese government has significantly increased its support for the military junta. There are also speculations that the Myanmar junta continues its confidence in Russia and the relationship between the Myanmar junta and the Russian government is much broader than that of the Chinese government. One of Russia’s interests in Myanmar is also access to the Indian Ocean. India, which has its own strained relations with China, is on Myanmar’s western border. Myanmar is at the heart of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Act East Policy, which emphasises defence cooperation. Today, the Indian government is paying close attention to the Myanmar military junta. Modi’s government has fostered friendly relations with the military junta since the coup. The Indian government thinks the fighting between the Myanmar military and People’s Defense Forces (PDF) along the Myanmar-India border, especially in Chin state, has compromised the Myanmar military’s support of India’s counterinsurgency efforts against Indian Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) that operate from Myanmar. This has resulted in the Indian government’s decision to partner with the military junta to attack pro-democratic PDF and EAOs in the border areas of Myanmar and India. This position goes against Quad members’ commitment to engagement in constructive dialogue, and to the early restoration of democracy in Myanmar. Both China and India may see the junta as a stable partner despite both governments being aware of the consequences of political instability due to Myanmar’s military involvement in politics since 1962. If Myanmar can establish a true democratic federal state and the country is peaceful and stable, then the interests of China and India can be at their best. Myanmar will be an excellent neighbour to assist with a positive implementation of India’s Act East Policy, potentially assisting in the development of the North-eastern states of India. Longer-term and sustained peace, stability, and prosperity in Myanmar will help China’s energy security given its extensive assets in the country. Given the geopolitical movements in the Indo-Pacific region which directly or indirectly affect Myanmar, Australia and the international community cannot continue to limit their efforts by relying on ASEAN. Significant results have yet to come as the five-point consensus of ASEAN leaders nears its one-year term. The junta does not seem to care about ASEAN, and it has failed to take any meaningful steps towards ending the conflict. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is chairing ASEAN this year, said he raised the issue of Myanmar but noted it would probably fall to his successor as there is no prospect of a resolution in his term. Having also recently appointed a Representative to ASEAN, the NUG welcomes revitalised ASEAN efforts. The complex international dynamics at play in Myanmar suggest the conflict has regional implications and is not only an internal dispute. The NUG’s role in sharing its analysis and strategy with the international community is more important this year than ever. The NUG’s diplomatic efforts will need to be handled with special care to manage these dynamics and relationships, as they impact internal resistance and the ongoing dialogue and efforts of diverse groups and actors. The NUG will face its biggest challenges in 2022 as it seeks protect the lives of its people who continue to struggle for peace and pursue a future federal democratic union..."
Source/publisher: Australian Institute of International Affairs
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Interview: 'It has become very risky for me to do the job'
Sub-title: Myanmar photojournalist Ta Mwe describes how he evades arrest while covering protests against the Myanmar junta.
Description: "Myanmar freelance photojournalist Ta Mwe, a pen name he uses to protect his security, the pseudonym named for his security, has won awards for his news photos of the crackdown on anti-military junta protests following the Feb 2021 coup that ousted the country’s elected civilian government. To mark World Press Freedom Day, Ye Kaung Myint Maung of RFA’s Myanmar Service spoke to Ta Mwe about his work on the conflict. RFA: Can you tell me about the award you won? Ta Mwe: I have won the jury’s choice for honorable mention in Southeast Asia and Oceania category of the World Press Photo awards. (I submitted) a series of 10 black and white photos about the Spring Revolution in Myanmar. My photo series covers the scenes from the early days of protests after the military coup in 2021. The contestants in this category are required to submit their ten best photos from their work that depict the story. So I picked my ten best photos taken in four months, from February to May of last year. RFA: Can you tell me about your career as a photographer? Ta Mwe: I started my career in photo journalism as a citizen journalist. Around 2007, I started taking photos using my phone and uploaded them anonymously to Burmese language blogs on Blogspot.com. Around 2011, I started working as a full-time photographer. I had worked as a full-time photojournalist for a local weekly journal, then became a freelance photographer. RFA: What can you tell me about the situation of press freedom in Myanmar at the moment? Ta Mwe: The situation has become extremely difficult for journalists now. When we cover news activities on the ground, we first need to find a route to flee from the scene and escape arrest, before we start doing anything like taking photos or interviewing people. We have to figure out how to ensure our own security before we hit the ground. As I have covered flash mob protests in Yangon, I have planned carefully which streets to run away on as soon as I finish taking photos. It has become very challenging. When I grab a taxi on my way back from the coverage, I don’t do it in the streets close to the scene. I walk a few blocks to hide the traces of my identity before I take a taxi. Before, there were several news media and several photographers working at the scene. They now have either been arrested or gone into hiding. RFA: We have seen that informants for the military authorities are everywhere. How risky it is for the journalists to do their jobs under those circumstances? Ta Mwe: As when I was covering the flash mob protest in Yangon, I have to be at the scene before the activities happen and check the surroundings if there are authorities in plain clothes near the scene. There could be informants at the scene. If I think it is not safe to cover the activities closely, I have to take photos from a distance. It has become very unpredictable. I think the chances of spotting the informers are 50/50. Sometimes, I can easily distinguish the informants from the crowd because of their appearance. But other times, I cannot distinguish them. I hear that sometimes they suddenly come out of a parked car to arrest people. It has become very risky for me to do the job. RFA: Now you are at a safe location. What do you expect to do to continue your work? Ta Mwe: I am now at a safe location. But I will keep doing the journalism work by recording the happenings in Myanmar and disseminating them to the world, because we are witnessing a historic turning point in Myanmar. For someone of my age, it is very significant. I will keep covering the news happening in Myanmar from a distance. If it is possible, I will go and cover it on the ground. RFA: What kind of message do you want to pass to concerned leaders around the world, working to restore peace and democracy in Myanmar? Ta Mwe: As a journalist, I am risking my life to report news about Myanmar so that the concerned leaders around the world can make the right decisions. It is their job to make an informed decision. I believe it is my job to send out the correct information, regardless of the risks. I hope they will make the right and unbiased decision based on the information received from us. I also would like to implore them to work harder to secure the release of journalists in detention. Without journalists working on the ground, the people in Myanmar will be under an information blackout, and concerned leaders around the world will have many blind spots in their decision making and they will not make the best decision. I would like to appeal them to try hard for the release of journalists in prison and support those who are in hiding or evading arrest..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar: Regional bloc must move beyond the failed consensus
Description: "One year on, since adopting the Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its member states have not achieved any progress in addressing the human rights and humanitarian crisis perpetrated by the military junta. We, the undersigned organisations, condemn the inaction of ASEAN and urge the regional bloc to move beyond the Consensus and align its efforts with the international community to immediately and meaningfully address the dire situation in Myanmar. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus (FPC), agreed upon by nine ASEAN Member states and the junta’s leader Senior General Ming Aung Hlaing, on 24 April 2021, stipulated the commitment of the regional bloc to make efforts to stop the violence in the country immediately and for all parties to exercise utmost restraint, foster constructive dialogue and to provide humanitarian assistance in Myanmar. Disappointingly, none of these action points has been meaningfully achieved. In the past year, the brutal regime in Myanmar has actively undermined the spirit and content of the FPC and continued its systematic violations that amount to atrocity crimes, leading to more than 1700 killings while more than ten thousand political prisoners have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. The junta leader has also refused to cooperate with the regional bloc after the ASEAN leaders disinvited the Myanmar delegation from the ASEAN Summit in October 2021. We note that ASEAN has failed to take further, comprehensive actions and continues to allow junta representatives to attend scores of other ASEAN meetings, thus undermining the important political stand to exclude them from the Summit. It has been one year since the FPC was adopted, but our organisations have observed no significant progress in improving the human rights situation on the ground. Hanging on to the FPC absent significant progress only prolongs the daily terror and deprivation civilians suffer in Myanmar while eroding ASEAN’s credibility and legitimacy. Despite the commitment to engage with all stakeholders, ASEAN has shown ongoing reluctance to engage with the de-facto government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government. On the contrary, Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, in his position as the current ASEAN Chair, together with the current ASEAN Envoy to Myanmar, Deputy Prime Minister Prak Sokhonn, visited the junta chief Ming Aung Hlaing in Myanmar in January 2022 – a move that was undertaken without agreement from other ASEAN leaders. Civil society in the region condemned the action as ‘rogue diplomacy’, dramatically weakening ASEAN’s collective leverage to solve the Myanmar crisis. The delegation did not engage with the NUG and detained President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the civil disobedience movement, and ethnic armed groups during the visit. On 27 April 2022, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was once again sentenced to five years in prison on trumped-up corruption charges, further confirming ASEAN’s ineptitude in resolving the crisis in Myanmar. During a speech on 28 March 2022, Ming Aung Hlaing called on ethnic armed groups not to engage with ‘terrorist groups’ – referring to the NUG, which had been branded as a terrorist organisation by the junta in 2021 and whose staff are facing arrest warrants. The junta also has deliberately weaponised humanitarian aid to obtain legitimacy from the regional bloc and international community. As the junta has shown no commitment to respect the FPC, our organisations urge ASEAN leaders to move beyond it and explore alternative solutions to address the crisis in Myanmar meaningfully. One year of inaction is more than enough. The regional bloc, together with the international community, must ensure that any alternative solution should not delay the implementation of concrete action against the junta as demanded by civil society globally, including increasing sanctions, imposing an arms embargo and ensuring accountability..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-29
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: အီးဒ်ပွဲတော်နေ့ကျင်းပခြင်းနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ မွတ်စလင်လူထုသို့ မေတ္တာရပ်ခံချက်
Description: "မြန်မာစစ်တပ်သည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ တိုင်းရင်းသား လူမျိုးစုများအပေါ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်မှုများ ဆိုးရွားစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့်အပြင် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်များတွင် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုမြောက်သည်အထိ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြောင်း ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ သုတေသနမှတ်တမ်းများအရ သိရှိရသည်။ ရိုဟင်ဂျာနှင့် မွတ်စလင်များကိုလည်း စစ်တပ်သည် မူဝါဒချမှတ်၍ စနစ်တကျ မဟာဗျူဟာမြောက် နည်းလမ်းများသုံးပြီး Genocide ကို အဆင့်ဆင့်ကျူးလွန်နေကြောင်း BHRN က မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားသော သုတေသန အချက်အလက်များအရ လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အမေရိကန် နိုင်ငံခြားရေး ဝန်ကြီးဌာန က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသော မှတ်တမ်းများအရ လည်းကောင်း တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ ၎င်း ရိုဟင်ဂျာနှင့် မွတ်စလင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး မူဝါဒများကို အလွယ်တကူ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရန်နှင့် အဆင့်ဆင့် အောင်မြင်အောင် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရန် အစ္စလာမ်မိုဖိုးဘီးယား အစ္စလာမ်ကြောက် ရောဂါကို မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုကြားသို့ ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာကတည်းက ဖြန့်ကျက်ထားသည်။ မွတ်စလင်များသည် တိုင်းပြည်၏အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာကို တိုက်ရိုက်ထိပါးနေသော အန္တရာယ်အဖြစ် လည်းကောင်း၊ အမျိုး၊ ဘာသာ၊ သာသနာကို ဖျက်ဆီးမည့် ဓမ္မန္တရာယ်အဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ အမုန်းစကားများကို နိုင်ငံတဝန်းရှိ ပြည်သူများသို့ နည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံ အသုံးပြု၍ လှည်းနေလှေအောင်း၊ မြင်းဇောင်းမကျန် ပျံ့နှံ့စေခဲ့သည်။ မျိုးဆက်နှင့်ချီ၍ ဖြန့်ဝေခဲ့သော အမုန်းတရားများသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ၏ ရင်ထဲ၊ အသည်းထဲတွင် စွဲမြဲစွာ ကိန်းအောင်း လာချိန်တွင် အမျိုးမပျောက်စေရန် ကာကွယ်ရန် နည်းလမ်းများဟူ၍ လူထုလှု့ံဆော်မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ယင်းနောက် ဘာသာရေးအကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၊ နယ်မြေရှင်းလင်းရေးများအထိ ပြုလုပ်လာခဲ့ပြီး ယင်းလုပ် ဆောင်ချက်များသည် တိုင်းပြည်လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အမျိုးဘာသာသာသနာအတွက် ပြုလုပ်ခြင်းဖြစ်၍ တရားကြောင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအား လှည့်စားခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သော စစ်ကောင်စီသည် လူထုတော်လှန်ရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကြောင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရား မလည်ပတ်နိုင်ဘဲ ပိုမိုကြပ်တည်းသောအခြေအနေများဖြင့်သာ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိအမှတ်ပြုမှုမရှိဘဲ အာဏာသိမ်းအကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အဖြစ်သာ နိုင်ငံတကာ မျက်နှာစာတွင် သတ်မှတ်ခံထားရသည်။ အရက်စက်အကြမ်းကြုတ်ဆုံးနည်းများသုံး၍ ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြောက်တရားဖြင့် ထိန်းချုပ်သော်လည်း အများပြည်သူလူထုမှာ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များနှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင် ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး လှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို ပိုမိုထောက်ခံအားပေးနေသောကြောင့် စစ်ကောင်စီမှာ အုပ်ချုပ် ရေးယန္တရားပင် မလည်ပတ်နိုင်ဘဲ ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးတွင် အထွေထွေအကြပ်အတည်းနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်က ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်တွင် ရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်အတွင်း ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူမျိုးသုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြောင်း အမေရိကန်အစိုးရက ကြေညာခြင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာက ပိတ်စို့အရေးယူမှုများကြောင့်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီသည် အဖက်ဖက်မှ ထွက်ပေါက်ပိတ်လာခဲ့သည်။ ထိုသို့သော အခြေအနေတွင် မွတ်စလင်လူထုကို ဥပဒေဘောင်ပြင်ပမှ လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များပေး၍ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယန္တရားများ လည်ပတ်စေရန် လုပ်ဆောင်လာသည်များကိုလည်း ဝမ်းနည်းစွာ တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ ဘာသာရေးလွတ်လပ်ခွင့်နှင့် ကန့်သတ်ထားမှုများ ဖြေလျော့သယောင် သွားလာလှုပ်ရှားမှုများကို ခွင့်ပြုပေးပြီး ဗလီဝတ်ကျောင်းတော်တွင်း ဥပုသ်ကာလ စုပေါင်းဝါဖြေမှုများတွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ တိုင်းမှူးများလာရောက်၍ ဗလီ ဝတ်ကျောင်းတော်ပိုင် စားဖွယ်ပစ္စည်းများကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ၄င်းတို့ အလှုပစ္စည်းများ သွားရောက်ဝေငှသည်ဟု မီဒီယာများတွင် အရှက်မဲ့စွာ လိမ်လည်ဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များသည် လူထုအတွင်း ပုံမှန်လည်ပတ်နေသည်ဟု ထင်ယောင်ထင်မှားဖြစ်စေရန် လိမ်လည်လှည့်စားမှု တစ်ရပ်အဖြစ်လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးမှ ၎င်းတို့အာဏာသိမ်းမှုအား ဆန့်ကျင်လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပြုလုပ်နေချိန် မွတ်စလင်များ ပုံမှန်လည်ပတ်နေသည်ဟု ယုံမှားစေရန် ဖန်တီးလုပ်ဆောင်မှုများအဖြစ် BHRN က ရှုမြင်သည်။ ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကိုဗစ်ကပ်ရောဂါကြောင့် လည်းကောင်း၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်တွင် အာဏာသိမ်း စစ်ကောင်စီ ၏ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများကြောင့် လည်းကောင်း၊ မြန်မာပြည်သူများမှာ သမိုင်းတလျှောက်တွင် မကြုံခဲ့ဖူး သော ခက်ခဲကြပ်တည်း ကြမ်းတမ်းသော ကာလကို ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနောက်ပိုင်းတွင် နိုင်ငံတဝန်း စစ်အာဏာရှင် တော်လှန်ရေး လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုများ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာခဲ့ရာ ဒေသအသီးသီးက မွတ်စလင်ကျောင်းသား လူငယ်များသည်လည်း ကဏ္ဍအသီးသီးက ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် မည်သည့် ဘာသာရေး လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ အားပေး လှုံ့ဆော်မှုကြောင့် မဟုတ်ဘဲ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ မတရား ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ် ဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို မိမိတို့၏ နိုင်ငံရေးခံယူချက်အလျောက် အသက်စွန့်၍ တွန်းကန်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ကြသည်၊ တွန်းကန်တော်လှန်နေကြသည်။ ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တိုင်းအသီးသီးရှိ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်မျာတွင်လည်း တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်လျက် ရှိကြောင်း လေ့လာတွေ့ရှိရသည်။ ၂၀၂၂ တွင်လည်း တော်လှန်ရေး မြှင့်တင်လာမှုကြောင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ရက်စက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ပြည်သူများ ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံဆက်လက် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ မွတ်စလင် (၆၂) ဦးအပါအဝင် ပြည်သူ(၂၀၂၉)ဦး မတရား သတ်ဖြတ်ခံခဲ့ရပြီး AAPP စာရင်းအရ ပြည်သူပေါင်း (၁၀၂၉၀) ဦးကျော် ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်အနှံ့ အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ပြည်သူလူထုမှာလည်း တစ်သန်းကျော် ရှိနေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ တိုင်းပြည်အမှောင်အတိ ကျရောက်နေချိန်တွင် လူများစု ဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာဝင်များသည် ၄င်းတို့၏ ၁၂ ရာသီ ပွဲလမ်းသဘင်များကို လည်းကောင်း၊ အထွတ်အမြတ်ထားရာ သင်္ကြန်နှင့် နှစ်သစ်ကူးပွဲလမ်း သဘင်များကိုလည်းကောင်း ကျင်းပခြင်းမပြုလုပ်ကြကြောင်း တွေ့ရသည်။ ခရစ်ယာန်ဘာသာဝင်များ သည်လည်း ခရစ်စမတ်အပါအဝင် မည်သည့်ပွဲလမ်းသဘင်များမှ မကျင်းပဘဲ ဝတ်ပြုဆုတောင်းမှုများသာ ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ဟိန္ဒူနှင့် အခြားသော ကိုးကွယ်ယုံကြည်မှုများသည်လည်း ထိုနည်းလည်းကောင်း ပြုမူခဲ့သည်ကို တွေ့ရသည်။ မကြာခင်ကျရောက်မည့် အီးဒ်ပွဲတော်ကာလတွင်လည်း မွတ်စလင်ပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အခြား ဘာသာဝင်ညီနောင်များနှင့်အတူ ညီညွတ်စွာရပ်တည်ပြီး ပွဲလမ်းသဘင်များကို ရှောင်ရှားကာ ဝတ်ပြုဆုတောင်းမှုများကိုသာ ပြုလုပ်ပေးကြပါရန် BHRN က မေတ္တာရပ်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။ အဖွဲ့အစည်းနောက်ခံ +++++++++++ BHRN သည် ၂၀၁၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် တည်ထောင်ခဲ့ပြီး ၂၀၁၅ ခုနှစ်မှစတင်ကာ လူနည်းစုများအပေါ် ဖိနှိပ်ခွဲခြား ဆက်ဆံမှုများ၊ လူ့အခွင့်ရေးချိုးဖောက်ခံရမှုများ၊ ဘာသာရေးလွတ်လပ်ခွင့်ဆုံးရှုံးမှုများနှင့် စစ်တပ်၏ ညှင်းပမ်းဖိနှိပ်မှုများကို စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာမှတ်တမ်းတင်ခြင်း၊ သုတေသနတွေ့ရှိချက်များကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အစိုးရများနှင့် အဖွဲ့စည်းများထံသို့ တင်ပြပြီး စစ်တပ်ကိုထိရောက်စွာအရေးယူရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့် လှုပ်ရှားနေသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ရပ်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 888.11 KB
more
Title: Myanmar: Activists continue peaceful protests in face of the regime's brutality - new research
Description: "Testimonials from activists reveal a range of non-violent protests across Myanmar Thousands have been killed and arrested since the military took power Military forces disguise themselves as fruit sellers and trishaw drivers as part of the repressive surveillance system ‘Although our lives are in danger, we choose to continue. We will keep asking the world to help us because people are being killed in Myanmar’ - Zin Mar, protest leader Myanmar’s activists continue to protest the regime’s human rights abuses despite facing serious danger, Amnesty International revealed today while marking one year since the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) adopted a Five-Point Consensus, which has failed to stop the regime’s violence in the country. Amnesty conducted in-depth interviews over several months with people who have continued to take part in non-violent protests across five of Myanmar’s states and regions. The 17 interviewees were from a diverse array of protest groups, including LGBTQ and women’s rights organisations. Across the country protests include ‘flash mobs’ in which activists run through the streets for a few minutes before dispersing to avoid being shot, arrested or run over by military vehicles. There are ‘silent strikes’ during which shops and businesses shut, roads are empty and people stay at home to demonstrate defiance to military rule. Activists also distribute pamphlets on buses, post messages against the military on walls with stickers or spray paint, and encourage boycotts of goods and services with ties to the military. Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research, said: “These activists urgently need the support of the international community in the form of a global arms embargo to stop the Myanmar military from using weapons of warfare to kill peaceful protesters. “Despite the immense dangers and hardships, there are still many activists and human rights defenders who choose to remain in Myanmar and are unwavering in their commitment to continue peacefully protesting and expressing their dissent. “ASEAN must call on the Myanmar military authorities to immediately stop all violence against peaceful protestors in line with the stalled Five-Point Consensus. It also needs to continue to condemn all human rights violations in Myanmar and call for the release of all people who are being arbitrarily detained. “It needs to do this now to prevent the Myanmar people from further suffering.” Lethal force against protesters In the days immediately following the coup, Amnesty and many other human rights groups urged the military to stop the use of unlawful and lethal force against peaceful protesters. The violence has prompted many to join armed resistance groups, which are active throughout the country. Amnesty has called on the military to exercise restraint, abide by international law, and for law enforcement duties to be fully resumed by police. These calls have gone unheeded. More than 1,700 people have been killed, and more than 13,000 arrested since the military took power, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Activists and human rights defenders interviewed by Amnesty described witnessing or experiencing abuses by military forces while demonstrating, including shootings, beatings, and attempts to ram vehicles into protests. Towards the end of last year, there was a noticeable fall in the number of people who joined protests in the streets. Thiri*, a university student in Mandalay who said she had no interest in politics before the coup but is now one of the leaders of a women’s protest group, said: “We went from tens of thousands to thousands, thousands to hundreds, and hundreds to around 20.” According to some of the activists Amnesty spoke to, this drop in numbers was part of a deliberate strategy to keep everyone safe by protesting in smaller groups. Rina, a university student and member of the General Strike Committee in Yangon, said that it had become “too dangerous” to protest in large groups. She participated in a flash mob with around 20 other people on 5 December 2021, and told Amnesty that on that day, a military truck drove straight into them. “As I was running, I saw some of the other people who joined in the flash mob had been hit [by the military truck]. Some of them were rolling on the pavement.” In the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina, a university student who has been protesting with the University of Myitkyina Students’ Union, said that they usually go out in smaller groups because “if there are too many people in the protest, it is easier to get arrested”. Zin Mar, another university student who is a protest leader in Monywa, said that although her protest group sometimes had to reduce the number of people demonstrating for security reasons, they were determined to continue. She said: “We will always come out whenever we can." Min Thu, a high school student who is a leading member of the Mandalay Youth Strike Committee, has witnessed at least three times unmarked vehicles that he believes belong to the military and police drive into protesters. In October last year, a motorcycle nearly hit him when he was about to join a protest. Min Thu said: “Just before we started the protest, they tried to hit me [with the vehicle] from the front. I escaped by going to the nearest road and then they got down from their vehicle and pointed guns at me. They didn’t shoot me because they had blocked all the angles, and they thought they would arrest me.” He told Amnesty that he dodged onto a side street and barely escaped. In Sagaing region’s Salingyi and Yinmarbin townships, poet and engineer Yar Zar has regularly organised people across villages to protest since March 2021, and was at two protests when soldiers and police opened fire at the crowd. To avoid encountering soldiers, he and his team carefully prepare routes along narrow, unpaved streets. He is one of several people who told Amnesty that they also rely on volunteers to check and make sure the route is clear before they demonstrate. Phyu, a village protest leader in Thayetchaung township, Tanintharyi region said: “When we protest in the village, some protesters who act as lookouts escort us so we can avoid the military. Once they have passed, we start our protest again.” Life on the run Many activists described how they felt they were being constantly watched and followed by civilian informants known as dala or by soldiers and police wearing civilian clothes and driving unmarked vehicles. Myat Min Khant of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions said that the military and police roam streets disguised as fruit sellers or trishaw, motorcycle, or taxi drivers and embed themselves among the people to identify anyone daring to express dissent. There are numerous checkpoints in towns and cities around the country where people are stopped at random, and their belongings are searched by soldiers and police. Most of the activists who spoke to Amnesty said that they have left their homes fearing for their safety, with several not being able to return since February 2021. Nan Lin of the University Students’ Union Alumni Force said: “If I go back home, the military may be waiting to arrest me. Even my family members do not know my whereabouts.” BP, a protest leader who has demonstrated on the streets of Kalay, Sagaing region every day since 7 February 2021, said that a convoy of five vehicles full of soldiers raided his family home three times in one day in September 2021. He is one of four protesters interviewed who said their homes have been raided since going into hiding. Many said it is becoming increasingly difficult to find safe places to hide. BP said he regularly sees strangers who he believes are plainclothes informants loitering near where activists are staying or following them on motorbikes while carrying walkie-talkies. U Yaw, a monk from Ayeyarwady region who has been actively protesting since the early days after the coup, had been in hiding since March 2021 when his monastery was raided. During the raid, as U Yaw hid in a toilet stall, he overheard soldiers saying that if they found him, they should “just shoot him dead and get rid of him”. He fled to Mandalay where he continued his protests, but soldiers and police raided the monastery there where he was hiding in June. He took shelter in another monastery, which was raided by soldiers and police in September 2021. He escaped just in time, but the soldiers and police confiscated his identification documents and cash. U Yaw continued to protest despite the risks. Threatening family members In many cases, soldiers and police arrest activists’ family members and loved ones when they can’t find the activists. According to media reports, this includes a politician’s 94-year-old mother who was arrested and an activist’s four-year-old daughter. In November last year, the military attempted to raid the house of another protest leader who had gone into hiding. The activist said: “When they arrived, they started shooting, but they went to the wrong house. They mistakenly went to our neighbour’s house and one woman was killed in the shooting. In spite of this, she is determined to continue organising peaceful protests. “I cannot sit quietly when I see injustice,” she said. Zin Mar, protest leader in Monywa said: “Although our lives are in danger, we choose to continue. We will keep asking the world to help us because people are being killed in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-22
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: As Myanmar Coup Spurs National Resistance, a Unified Nation Could Emerge
Sub-title: Opposition to the military regime is pulling adverse groups toward a new national identity tied to a federal democratic future.
Description: "The military’s coup in Myanmar has been a tragedy in every respect but one: It is increasingly clear that the generals’ power grab and bloody repression have united Myanmar’s diverse — and often adverse — ethnic and political groups to resist a common enemy and seek a better future. Ironically, the army, which has argued since independence that it alone can hold the country together, has inadvertently spurred a revolutionary and irreversible nation-building dialogue aimed at creating a federal democratic system and more inclusive national identity. The National Unity Consultative Council, the platform for this dialogue, may be slow, complex and contentious, but its participants stay at the table for one reason: It offers the best opportunity to escape Myanmar’s vicious cycle of violence and authoritarian rule. Since the February 1, 2021, coup, opposition to military rule has grown to include political, civil society and armed elements from every corner of the country. The resistance network that developed over the past year includes the deposed parliament and executive; state, regional and township administrators; armed organizations ranging from battled-hardened ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to newly formed People’s Defense Forces (PDFs); and civil society groups providing essential services and local leadership. Bringing them all together is the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), tasked with unifying the resistance movement and, as a dialogue platform, drafting a political roadmap to move the country toward a federal democratic union. It is a low-budget force multiplier starved for resources and more than worthy of support from pro-democracy elements of the international community. Not surprisingly, the chaos of war has challenged these groups’ ability to communicate, collaborate and coordinate. That has led some observers to view the resistance as disunited and directionless. Such a critique, however, misses the fact that these groups are complementary even if they don’t speak with a single voice, and that in combination they have performed effectively against the overwhelming structural advantages that the junta enjoys. Perhaps of equal importance, these actors represent the bones of a new federal system that could rise from the ashes of the military’s atrocities. Where past democratic movements in Myanmar have struggled — namely, in their ability to craft and unify around an alternative political vision — this one has shown staying power. By establishing the NUCC less than two months after the coup, the resistance demonstrated its intention to avoid past mistakes that have led to disintegration. If it continues to make visible progress and demonstrate a commitment to decentralization and a new federal structure, the NUCC can help sustain and strengthen the movement. The Misguided Search for Elite Dialogue The historic and transformative potential of the NUCC has not been entirely obvious to the international community. From the outset of the coup, various envoys have ignored the NUCC process and instead pursued a solution to the conflict through elite dialogue between the military and fringe opposition elements willing to return to pre-coup conditions. As the ensuing armed conflict has broadened and intensified, with gruesome videos of military atrocities emerging daily, these calls for dialogue have grown louder. Those pushing such dialogue believe that peace is brokered through elites and the benefits will trickle down. This is deeply misguided. It is a view that has informed all five previous attempts to bring peace to Myanmar — attempts that have failed. Though perhaps well-intentioned, this strategy fails to grasp that the people of Myanmar are unwilling to go back to the system of government that existed under the 2008 military constitution. They have made clear their urgent need to embrace this historic turning point, lest the country simply settles into another unstable equilibrium characterized by continuing violence. No Going Back Unlike some outsiders, none of the parties to the conflict sees a return to the status quo ante as possible. In late March, coup leader and Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing vowed to annihilate all opposition in flagrant disregard of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) “Five-Point Consensus.” Whatever its original motives for the coup, the junta’s sole objective now is survival. The generals have calculated that international accountability for their brutality is unlikely and that their backers, especially China, Russia, India, Japan and some within ASEAN, will prove durable. The resistance, too, recognizes that there is no going back — but where to head next is a point of contention. The vast majority of those within the NUG and NUCC, particularly among ethnic revolutionary organizations, protest groups and the more progressive members of civil society, have made clear that they seek nothing less than the full removal of the military from the country’s political and economic life. They view the previous system as having been unstable and exclusionary, held together through tenuous concessions to elites, and ultimately enabling the coup. A Way Forward Before evaluating the prospects for the NUCC, it should be stipulated that at this stage its potential remains aspirational. Its dialogues are unglamorous, fraught, complex and slow, held over bi-weekly Zoom calls at all hours. That said, the NUCC’s inclusive dialogue processes reflect the will of the people, and there are reasons for optimism that this unique platform can help lay the groundwork for a new Myanmar. In virtually every other political dialogue in Myanmar’s history — all of which have been controlled or sabotaged by the Burma army — participants would routinely abandon negotiations when they became contentious or seemed to be going nowhere. These dialogues were haunted by two major demons: the lack of a shared objective and the fact that the Burma army has never wanted peace (which remains the case today). With the poisonous military excluded from the NUCC, it is at last possible to have a good-faith dialogue among parties with a shared goal of ending authoritarian military rule and establishing a peaceful federal democracy. Therefore, even when disputes become heated, as they often do, the conversations continue. Although key actors, including important political parties such as the Shan National League for Democracy and EAOs including the United Wa State Army, Arakan Army and Kachin Independence Army, have not joined the process, the NUCC has kept open the door to their future involvement and quietly consults with these groups to take into account their political ambitions. Another positive development is the emergence of state-level Consultative Councils which were spawned by the NUCC. Some have made considerable strides toward unifying the resistance in states — often producing better outcomes than the NUCC itself. The Kayah State Consultative Council, for example, includes a diverse array of civilian, armed and civil society actors, and is nearing completion of a state constitution. It helps coordinate the armed resistance across the war-torn state and provides core governance functions, including oversight of a local police service and delivery of humanitarian aid. These state-level processes are not only a foundational exercise in federalism but could offer lessons on how to improve the NUCC. If the NUCC can reach consensus on a plan for a federal government that makes space for Myanmar’s cultural diversity, it would put the resistance in a strong position to begin laying the foundation for negotiations with the military. It would also make the NUCC the setting for a long-term national dialogue aimed at developing an inclusive national identity as the basis for a more equitable and stable Myanmar. Key Challenges Remain Neither success nor failure is pre-ordained for the fractious resistance movement. Three factors will be especially critical to a successful outcome of the NUCC: Pace and Priorities. NUCC dialogues are built upon the principle of collective leadership — a welcome departure from Myanmar’s history of rigid hierarchy centered around a Bamar Buddhist gerontocracy. But under its consensus model, the NUCC often shows little progress over long periods. The glacial pace weakens its perceived relevance among some key actors. The challenge, in part, is that the NUCC plays two roles — a policymaking body of a revolutionary administration (the National Unity Government, or NUG) and a nation-building dialogue platform. If the NUCC fails in the first role to keep pace with the revolution, it may lose the opportunity to lead in the second. Its success will depend on maintaining cohesion and adhering to leadership principles, while building momentum on core policy questions. Action. Follow-up action is often inadequate because the NUCC, like the NUG, lacks enough working-level staff. The NUG and the Joint Coordination Committees are the primary implementing bodies of NUCC policy. While their personnel are committed, motivated and experienced, many have gone months without pay. If the international community provides stronger support for civil society actors, they can be force multipliers for the NUG and NUCC. When the NUCC establishes its Technical Secretariat team and Technical Support team in the coming months, the United States and other donors should be ready to assist. Trust. For decades, the military has nurtured distrust among its myriad opponents. The National League for Democracy (NLD) party exacerbated these divisions while in power by implementing policies that antagonized civil society and the ethnic minorities that now make up the NUCC. Though the NLD-dominated NUG promises to build more equitable governance structures, ethnic minorities and others are wary. The NUCC needs to continue to push the NUG to demonstrate its commitment to federalism by designing and deploying governance structures that shift power from Union-level institutions like the NUCC and NUG toward sub-national institutions, including state and region-level Consultative Councils and township governance institutions (Pyithu Aochoteye a’pwe). In a previous publication we said, the NUCC was too important to fail. This is as true now as it has ever been. The NUCC alone will not win or lose this revolution, of course, but its success is a precondition to escaping the vicious cycle of violence and military authoritarianism. If the NUCC collapses or loses relevance, power will shift to those who seek elite and unaccountable negotiations. That will inevitably produce a myopic and unstable political outcome characterized by violence, authoritarianism and regional instability. The best option for allies of a democratic Myanmar is to support the NUCC dialogues, which better reflect the will of the people and create the possibility for the elusive federal democratic union that Myanmar has always deserved. The search for dialogue to end this tragic conflict must first take place within the resistance before any negotiated settlement can be considered..."
Source/publisher: United States Institute of Peace
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-20
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Statement marking the first anniversary of National Unity Government
Description: "The Ministry of Human Rights of the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar was established on 3 May 2021 under the leadership of Union Minister U Aung Myo Min and Deputy Minister Khun Baham Htan. Since its inception, the Ministry of Human Rights has implemented a series of responsibilities, including: • the investigation and documentation of alleged violations and abuses of human rights, in support of accountability and in consultation with local and international civil society • human rights mainstreaming across National Unity Government (NUG) policies and programs • development and dissemination of human rights education materials, including infographics, video clips and animations through social media • engagement with United Nations forums, mechanisms, agencies and experts, including the Human Rights Council and the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Significantly, the Ministry of Human Rights partnered with relevant ministries in developing the NUG's Policy Position on the Rohingya, the Military Code of Conduct for People’s Resistance Forces, and the Policy for Protection of Women and Children in Conflict. The Ministry has also advocated for international recognition of the NUG, and for concrete actions to starve the illegal military junta of cash and weapons including through targeted economic sanctions and arms embargoes. Furthermore, the Ministry has supported the NUG’s engagement with the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice in pursuit of accountability, including for atrocity crimes directed against the Rohingya and other minorities. The Ministry of Human Rights will continue to strengthen the NUG’s compliance with its obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law. Guided by the NUG’s leadership, the National Unity Consultative Council and the Committee Representating Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, it will also advance implementation of the Federal Democracy Charter, which commits to a Union founded on rights, equality, peace and justice..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 44.89 KB 149.91 KB
more
Title: Wear Blue and Speak Out for Burma’s Political Prisoners
Description: "On 21 April 2022, people around the world will be wearing blue shirts or blue clothing to raise awareness for Burma’s political prisoners and in solidarity with those who have been unlawfully imprisoned for supporting human rights and democracy. 21 April 2022 also marks the eighth anniversary of the death of U Win Tin – journalist, democracy activist, founding member of the National League for Democracy, and one of Burma’s most high profile and respected political prisoners. He spent over 19 years in prison. Every year, human rights activists in Burma hold a Blue Shirt Day event, with Burma Campaign UK and other organisations around the world supporting it. Arrest, torture, and forced disappearances are taking place daily in Burma since the military staged a coup on 1 February last year. Over 13,000 people have been arrested, and more than 9,900 political prisoners are currently in jail. This figure does not include people who have forcibly disappeared in remote ethnic areas or Rohingya civilians who have been arrested unlawfully. “Political prisoners in Burma face horrific torture, harassment and intimidation, but the international community barely mentions their cases,” said Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, Senior Advocacy Officer at Burma Campaign UK. “These activists bravely stood up against the military coup, but the world seems to have forgotten about them. The international community must speak out for political prisoners in Burma and call for their immediate, unconditional release.” Please join Blue Shirt Day on Thursday 21st April. Wear blue, post pictures on social media, and tell the world that there is a growing number of political prisoners in Burma and that they must be freed immediately. Post a picture of yourself on Facebook, Twitter etc, using the hashtag #blueshirt4burma or on Instagram: @blueshirt4burma..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Women's League of Burma - Situation Update of Burma/Myanmar (February-March)
Description: "As the world’s eyes fall on Ukraine, a human rights catastrophe continues to unfold in Burma/ Myanmar. Decades of impunity have fueled a regime that knows no bounds when it comes to violence in the pursuit of power. In its first broad human rights report since the coup, the United Nations found the Burmese army has engaged in systematic human rights violations, amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Civilians are not being caught in the crossfire, they are being deliberately targeted by the Burmese army. The US State Department’s determination that the Burmese army committed crimes against humanity and genocide against the Rohingya people in 2017 is welcomed, but long overdue. As each day passes, the junta’s policy of systematic violence continues to cause insurmountable suffering across the entire country, specifically in ethnic regions. Over the February and March period, the junta’s violent actions demonstrate its continued disregard for the life and dignity of the people During a raid of Pauk Township in the Magway Region on March 6, the junta raped and killed a 42-year-old woman, Daw Aye Aye Win, and then stabbed her three-year-old daughter to death. The junta troops detained 29 villagers, including nine children to use as potential human shields. Among the detainees was Daw Aye Aye Win’s 11-yearold daughter, who was found dead three days later. The use of civilians as human shields is not an isolated incident, but rather a systematic practice of the junta. In late February, the junta detained 80 primary schoolchildren to use as human shields during a raid in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin Township. There are at least 85 reported incidents where the junta has forced individuals to perform labour and act as human shields. This constitutes serious violations of international humanitarian law, amounting to war crimes. Arson is a hallmark of the Burmese army’s operation, burning townships, food stocks, essential provisions for displaced people, and even their victims. As of March 3, 2022, the junta has torched at least 6,158 civilian homes, mainly in Chin and Karenni/Kayah states and Sagaing and Magway regions. Injuries and death from landmines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW), and unexploded ordnance (UXO) are increasing as the number of displaced people move through conflict areas. In 2021, 88 civilians, including 19 women and 19 children, were killed and another 196 people, including 33 women and 55 children, were injured from landmines and ERW. The Burmese army continues to bomb civilian villages almost every day, deliberately targeting civilians and Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps. Many homes and livelihoods have been burned down or destroyed, leaving thousands unable to go home. The number of IDPs continues to increase at alarming rates. As of February 28, the number of IDPs reached 519,500, this is up from 451,000 people since WLB’s December-January 2022 update. Access constraints and inadequate humanitarian aid funding have prevented aid relief for millions of people across Burma/Myanmar. Crossborder assistance is the only way to reach people in need, and local Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) are doing most of the heavy lifting, by delivering food, water, shelters, health care, and sanitary packs for women. An increase in international humanitarian relief is critical, as food, clean water, and medical supplies are quickly running out. Women have been disproportionately affected by the impact the coup has had on the economy, which has left half of the population in poverty. Across the country, frequent electricity power outages have tripled the cost of alternative fuel sources, such as candles, coal, and firewood. The cuts to electricity have significantly impacted the supply of water, forcing people to return to old ways of manually pumping water. In an attempt to curb dissent and pro-democracy organizing, the junta tripled the corporate tax rate for mobile and internet providers which has doubled the price of internet data. The disruption to essential services, coupled with rising levels of poverty, has disproportionately impacted women, as they struggle to provide for their families and face an increased risk of domestic violence. WLB members report that women are not just experiencing an increase in domestic violence, but gender-based violence more broadly. On March 7, three men entered a clothing store in North Okkalarpa Township, Yangon, and attacked a woman, binding her hands and mouth, and holding a knife to her neck. On March 24 in Myitkyina, Kachin State capital, a woman selling small pieces of iron and bottles was murdered by a group of men when she refused to hand over her money. Despite the Burmese army’s efforts to terrorize civilians by stripping people of their homes, livelihoods, and safety, the resistance movement continues to grow. Eleven days after losing their homes and seeing their village burn down, women in Sagaing Region’s Pale Township have bravely stood up to protest against the junta. Having lost everything, these women are fighting with a rare determination and bravery that is at the core of the women’s resistance movement..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 932.56 KB
more
Title: 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Burma
Description: "EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Burma’s military overthrew the democratically elected civilian government via a coup d’etat on February 1, declaring a state of emergency and transferring all executive, legislative, and judicial authorities to the State Administration Council, an authoritarian military-run administrative organization led by armed forces commander in chief Min Aung Hlaing. The military detained key elected civilian leaders and dissolved all national and subnational legislatures, including the Union Parliament, forcing many elected members to flee their homes and offices or face potential arrest. On February 5, elected parliamentarians from the National League for Democracy and allied political parties formed the Committee Representing the Union Parliament, which subsequently declared the regime “illegitimate” and the 2008 constitution abolished before proclaiming a “National Unity Government” on April 16. The Myanmar Police Force is primarily responsible for internal security. The Border Guard Police is administratively part of the Myanmar Police Force but operationally distinct. Both fall under the regime’s Ministry of Home Affairs, led by an active-duty military general and itself subordinate to the military command. The armed forces under the Ministry of Defense are responsible for external security but are engaged almost exclusively in internal activities, including combat against ethnic armed groups. Members of the regime security forces continued to commit numerous gross violations of human rights. Regime security forces arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and other leading members of the civilian government and National League for Democracy on February 1. Nationwide prodemocracy protests following the coup and the Civil Disobedience Movement, continuing as of November, opposed and disrupted efforts by the regime to exert full administrative control over governing institutions. The regime responded with repressive tactics such as the mass arrest of its political opponents and the use of widespread lethal violence against unarmed persons, including men, women, and children. Fighting between the military and ethnic armed organizations escalated, and the National Unity Government announced on April 16 that it would establish armed People’s Defense Force groups that would cooperate with various ethnic armed organizations. Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: unlawful or arbitrary killings, including extrajudicial killings; forced disappearances; torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment and punishment by the regime; gender-based violence by the regime; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; political prisoners or detainees; politically motivated reprisals against individuals in another country; serious problems with the independence of the judiciary; arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy; punishment of family members for offenses allegedly committed by an individual; serious abuses in a conflict, including reportedly unlawful or widespread civilian harm, enforced disappearances or abductions, and torture and physical abuses or punishment; unlawful recruitment or use of child soldiers; serious restrictions on free expression and media, including violence or threats of violence against journalists, unjustified arrests or prosecutions of journalists, and censorship; and the existence of criminal libel laws; substantial interference with the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association; particularly severe restrictions on religious freedom; restrictions on freedom of movement; the inability of citizens to change their government peacefully through free and fair elections; serious and unreasonable restrictions on political participation; serious government corruption; lack of investigation of and accountability for gender-based violence; trafficking in persons; crimes involving violence or threats targeting members of national and ethnic minority groups; the existence of laws criminalizing consensual same-sex sexual conduct between adults, although those laws were rarely enforced; significant restrictions on workers’ freedom of association, including violence and threats against labor activists; and the use of forced and child labor, including the worst forms of child labor. There continued to be almost complete impunity for abuses by the regime security forces. There was no credible information that the regime took actions to prosecute or punish officials responsible for human rights abuses or corruption. Some ethnic armed organizations and Peoples Defense Force groups or members committed human rights abuses, including killings, disappearances, physical abuse and degrading treatment, and failure to protect local populations in conflict zones. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person A. ARBITRARY DEPRIVATION OF LIFE AND OTHER UNLAWFUL OR POLITICALLY MOTIVATED KILLINGS There were numerous reports that regime security forces committed arbitrary or unlawful killings of civilians, prisoners, and other persons in their power. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which noted that the actual number was likely to be much higher, there were 1,300 verified reports of persons killed by the regime as of November 22. Some ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and Peoples Defense Force (PDF) groups or members committed human rights abuses, including killings, disappearances, physical abuse and degrading treatment, and failure to protect local populations in conflict zones (see also section 1.g.). Examples include the following. On February 9, Mya Thwate Khaing was shot in the head by police while peacefully protesting the military coup in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. She was taken to the hospital but died of her injuries several days later. Her death was widely considered the first fatality in the protest movement that began on February 2. On February 28, regime security forces killed as many as 26 persons in eight cities and injured scores during a day of massive nationwide demonstrations against the regime. According to multiple media reports, eyewitnesses accounts, and documentary evidence, police arrested hundreds and used tear gas, flash-bang grenades, rubber bullets, and live rounds in confronting demonstrators. On March 11, regime security forces shot and killed at least 11 persons in five cities according to multiple media reports, eyewitness accounts, and photographic evidence. Regime security forces used live rounds against unarmed demonstrators in addition to the use of tear gas, flash-bang grenades, and rubber bullets. On March 27, a national holiday known as Armed Forces Day, regime security forces killed more than 100, including 13 children, across the country according to media reports, eyewitness accounts, and social media posts. Regime security forces met demonstrations on March 28 with further violence, killing at least 22 more individuals. According to media reports, in April regime security forces continued to kill demonstrators and other civilians, including, on April 9, at least 28 persons in Bago Region. The killing came as regime security forces confronted demonstrators and sought to clear residents’ makeshift barricades. In May the Chin Human Rights Organization reported that the military cremated the bodies of two civilians who were allegedly tortured to death by regime security forces in Chin State’s capital Hakha. In July local media reported the death of 40 civilians allegedly killed by the military in Sagaing’s Kani Township. According to a local resident who spoke with the news website Irrawaddy, “Junta troops raided our villages. We fled and found corpses when we came back to the villages.” In July local media reported the rape and killing of a 55-year-old woman by three soldiers in Kachin State. The military acknowledged the incident after the family filed a complaint, but no action was known to have been taken against the alleged perpetrators. In September local media reported the King Cobra civilian defense group killed an alleged regime informant in Sagaing Region. King Cobra claimed its members committed 26 other killings. AAPP alleged that at least 100 political prisoners died due to torture inflicted by authorities between February 1 and September 9. Well-known poet Khet Thi, who wrote the line, “They shoot in the head, but they don’t know the revolution is in the heart,” was reportedly tortured to death by regime security forces. The 45-year-old was detained on May 8 and died the following day in transit to the hospital in Monywa, Magway Region. B. DISAPPEARANCE There were numerous reports of disappearances allegedly committed by the regime. C. TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN, OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT The law prohibits torture; however, members of regime security forces reportedly tortured and otherwise abused suspects, prisoners, detainees, and others. Such incidents occurred, for example, during interrogations and were widely documented across the country. Alleged harsh interrogation techniques were designed to intimidate and disorient and included severe beatings and deprivation of food, water, and sleep. Other reported interrogation methods described in news reports included rubbing salt into wounds and depriving individuals of oxygen until they passed out. A 19-year-old prodemocracy supporter told local media that on April 9, he was taken to a military compound on the outskirts of Bago Township, Bago Region where “the commander tied my hands from the back and used small scissors to cut my ears, the tip of my nose, my neck and my throat.” In April media reported regime forces struck Wai Moe Naing, a high-profile Muslim protest leader and a Muslim, with an unmarked vehicle during a motorbike demonstration in Monywa. Transgender writer Han Nwe Oo shared on social media that while in detention she was ridiculed for being transgender, sexually assaulted, and faced “atrocious” interrogation for two days at a military camp inside Mandalay Palace, Mandalay Region in September. According to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), women in custody were subjected to sexual assault, gender-based violence, and verbal abuse. Police in some cases verbally abused women who reported rape. Women who reported sexual assault faced further abuse by police and the possibility of being sued for impugning the dignity of the perpetrator. On July 19, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders noted “[w]omen human rights defenders are particularly at risk in remote rural areas and are often beaten and kicked before being sent to prison where they may face torture and sexual violence with no medical care provided.” In one case in April, Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that security force members severely beat and sexually assaulted a female detainee accused of involvement in small-scale bomb attacks against regime targets in Rangoon. Her injuries were so severe she struggled to eat or urinate. Her cellmate reported similar treatment. Also in April, local media reported that a high school student from Rangoon was arrested with her mother and described how she was “touched by a police officer who told me he could kill me and make me disappear.” In Rangoon a journalist detained in March told media he witnessed police burn a detained female journalist with cigarettes and threaten to rape her if she did not provide information on her involvement in prodemocracy activities. Impunity for rights abuses was pervasive for security force leaders and members. There was no credible evidence that the regime took action to investigate incidents or punish alleged perpetrators of abuses or to include human rights training as part of its overall training of regime security forces. The regime routinely denied responsibility for atrocities. For example, in April local media reported that the regime issued a blanket denial of abuses during a meeting with the UN special envoy for Burma, rejecting her allegations as “one-sided,” while denying it had killed children, among other atrocities. Prison and Detention Center Conditions Conditions in prisons, labor camps, and military detention facilities were reportedly harsh and frequently life threatening due to overcrowding; degrading and abusive treatment; and inadequate access to medical care (including COVID-19 treatment) and basic needs, including food, shelter, and hygiene. Physical Conditions: There were 48 known prisons and 50 known labor camps in 2020. Women and men were held separately. Some prisons held pretrial detainees together with convicted prisoners. Children were sometimes held in pretrial detention with adults. More than 20,000 inmates were serving court-mandated sentences in labor camps located across the country in 2020; data were not available for the reporting year. The Associated Press reported on October 28 that the military had transformed dozens of public facilities (e.g., community halls) into interrogation centers across the country after the coup. Several reports document poor conditions within prison facilities, including inadequate sewage systems, insufficient – and often inedible – rations, and a lack of basic necessities. Overcrowding was reportedly a serious problem in many prisons and labor camps. According to AAPP, occupancy at Insein Prison, the country’s largest, was nearly three times its intended capacity prior to the military coup. Medical care was inadequate, and this reportedly contributed to deaths in custody. Prisons failed to adopt measures to protect prisoners from COVID-19, and there were widespread reports of COVID-19 transmission, illness, and deaths among prisoners. Despite regular regime reporting at national and subnational levels on COVID-19 cases and deaths, the regime failed to make data available on the impact of COVID-19 in prisons. According to AAPP, COVID-19 vaccinations were limited only to high-profile prisoners. In addition to COVID-19, prisoners suffered from other health problems, including malaria, heart disease, high blood pressure, tuberculosis, skin diseases, and intestinal illnesses caused or exacerbated by unhygienic conditions and spoiled food. There were also numerous reports of political prisoners being denied medical services. Former prisoners complained of poorly maintained physical structures that provided no protection from the elements and were infested with rodents, snakes, and molds. Conditions for women were deplorable, with a lack of access to sufficient toilets and no privacy. Prison guards denied requests for sanitary products for menstruation and other basic hygiene products. After the coup, sexual violence, gender harassment, and humiliation by officials increased. In September human rights watchdog Just Power reported that a prominent human rights activist suffered from deteriorating health conditions as a result of her “unjust arrest and detention.” According to the report, regime security forces denied her access to health services, including to medicines provided by her family. Administration: Prisoners and detainees could sometimes submit complaints to judicial authorities prior to the coup, but there was no clear legal or administrative protection for this right. There is no credible evidence of prisoners and detainees submitting complaints after the coup. Some prisons prevented full adherence to religiously based codes of personal conduct, ostensibly due to space restrictions and security concerns. In April local media reported that a journalist fasting in observance of Ramadan was accused of staging a hunger strike and sent to solitary confinement at Insein Prison. Independent Monitoring: The Department of Corrections in the Ministry of Home Affairs operated the prisons and labor camp system. The International Committee for the Red Cross had no access to prisons, labor camps, or military detention sites during the year. After March 2020, the Ministry of Home Affairs under the deposed civilian government claimed it could not allow access because of COVID-19 prevention measures. After the coup, the military continued to deny access to all prisons and detention sites. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime did not have access to prisons or labor camps and on February 1, ended cooperative capacity-building programs with the Department of Corrections. The drug and crime office continued to provide limited COVID-19-related personal protective equipment and primary basic health care assistance (e.g., infection prevention and control supplies) directly to the prisons. D. ARBITRARY ARREST OR DETENTION The law does not prohibit arbitrary arrest. Persons held generally did not have the right to appeal the legality of their arrest or detention either administratively or before a court. The law allows authorities to order the detention without charge or trial of anyone they believe is performing or might perform any act that endangers the sovereignty and security of the state or public peace and tranquility. Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees Incommunicado detention was common. Since the coup, the regime detained politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, protesters, and Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) members and refused to confirm their locations in violation of international law, according to HRW. In August AAPP reported that an estimated 5,000 individuals listed by the regime as “under detention” were in unknown locations, accounting for approximately 82 percent of arrests since the coup. Even when the whereabouts of prisoners was known, prisoners were regularly denied access to lawyers and family members. After the coup, the military regime suspended aspects of privacy protection law to legalize arrests and private property searches without a warrant. Authorities may hold suspects in pretrial detention for two weeks (with a possible two-week extension) before bringing them before a judge or informing them of their charges. The regime is not, however, obliged to respect this provision of the law. There is a functioning bail system, although the courts regularly denied bail to prodemocracy supporters. There were numerous reports that authorities did not inform family members or attorneys of arrests in a timely manner, did not disclose their location, and regularly denied family visitations. Arbitrary Arrest: There were numerous reports of arbitrary arrest, including detention by the regime in unknown locations. Since the coup, regime security forces have made at least 8,000 arrests and more than 6,500 of those individuals remain in some form of detention. In May, HRW reported the arrest of a lawyer defending a deposed local political leader after a court hearing in Nay Pyi Taw and the arrest of lawyer defending a political prisoner in Ayeyarwady Region. In June, HRW reported the arrest of a lawyer defending more than 120 political prisoners in Kachin State. In July, UN human rights experts expressed concern about the arbitrary arrest of human rights defenders, citing credible information of such treatment of human rights defenders, including labor rights and student activists. According to AAPP, among those the regime detained as of September were more than 175 family members of prodemocracy supporters, including 15 children. In August, for example, a family member delivering food and medicine to a political prisoner was detained at Insein Prison for six days. In September regime security forces reportedly arrested the wife and young child of a human rights activist to coerce his surrender. The activist was charged under terrorism legislation for supporting the CDM. His wife and child were missing as of December. According to the independent news service Myanmar Now, a 14-year-old boy was detained in Taungtha Township, Mandalay Region in September by the regime to coerce his father, a former local National League for Democracy (NLD) leader, to turn himself in to police. The boy’s mother told a reporter, “They came for my husband and took the kid, saying they needed him to show them where dad was.…I keep waiting for his release. I don’t want anything else; I just want my son back.” Pretrial Detention: Prior to the coup, judges and police sometimes colluded to extend detentions. According to the Independent Lawyers’ Association in 2020, arbitrary and lengthy pretrial detentions resulted from lengthy, complicated legal procedures and widespread corruption. These problems continued following the coup, worsened by the regime’s ability to detain persons indefinitely without trial. For those facing trial, detention prior to and during trials sometimes equaled or exceeded the sentence after conviction. The regime amended the legal aid law in May, removing the right to legal aid services during pretrial detention. Additional amendments limited legal aid for stateless persons, asylum seekers, foreigners, and migrant workers. Detainee’s Ability to Challenge Lawfulness of Detention before a Court: Although habeas corpus exists in national law, regime security forces violated this law by arresting and detaining individuals without following proper procedures. Arbitrary arrest or detention was drastically increased to suppress political dissent, according to AAPP and detainees had limited ability to meaningfully challenge the lawfulness of detention before a court due to its lack of judicial independence from the regime. E. DENIAL OF FAIR PUBLIC TRIAL The constitution provides for an independent judiciary, a protection the regime has not respected. On February 4, the regime dismissed five NLD-appointed justices of the Supreme Court and replaced them with justices who support the regime. The remaining four justices, including the chief justice, were holdovers from the previous military junta. In February the regime declared martial law in numerous townships across the country and transferred judicial (and executive) power to regional military commanders in several cities. In martial law courts, defendants have few or no rights, including access to legal counsel and the right of appeal (except in cases involving the death penalty, which may be appealed to armed forces commander in chief Min Aung Hlaing). The hearings are abbreviated, the verdict is reached within one or two sessions, and the sentences are typically the maximum penalties allowed. According to regime public announcements, by November, 61 cases were heard in martial law courts, with 280 defendants convicted and sentenced, including at least 80 defendants sentenced to death. Judicial corruption was a significant problem. According to NGOs, officials at all levels received illegal payments at all stages of the legal process for purposes ranging from influencing routine matters to substantive decisions, such as fixing the outcome of a case. Trial Procedures Although no formal changes to trial procedures in civilian courts were made following the coup, the lack of judicial independence leaves much to the interpretation of the regime. The law provides for the right to a fair and public trial but also grants broad exceptions, effectively allowing the regime to violate these rights at will. While the right to counsel remains in the law, many defense lawyers were unwilling to handle prodemocracy cases due to fear for their personal safety. According to HRW, at least six lawyers handling political cases were arrested since the coup. Defendants do not enjoy a presumption of innocence or, even when the law provides for them, the rights to be informed promptly and in detail of the charges against them; to be present at their trial; to free interpretation; or to receive adequate representation. There is no right to adequate time and facilities to prepare a defense. Trial procedures were also affected by COVID-19 pandemic mitigation measures. Political Prisoners and Detainees The regime detained and arrested politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, protesters, religious activists, and CDM members. Political prisoners were not always held separately from the prison’s general population. Many political prisoners were held incommunicado. Many former political prisoners were subject to surveillance and restrictions following their release, including the inability to secure identity or travel documents. AAPP estimated that there were more than 6,000 political prisoners as of year’s end. Deposed state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested on February 1 and held in an unknown location. She faced 11 separate charges for a range of offenses running from interacting with a crowd during the COVID-19 pandemic to sedition. Her trial was closed to the public and the regime placed a gag order on her attorneys so that the attorneys could not communicate with the public about her case. On December 6, she was convicted of inciting unrest and violating COVID-19 restrictions and sentenced to four years in prison. Also arrested February 1, deposed president Win Myint, was tried on the same charges and also convicted and sentenced to four years’ imprisonment. Just hours after the news of guilty verdicts for Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint broke on December 6, state media announced that the regime had “reduced [their] sentences…by two years.” The regime announcement also highlighted that the two would remain detained in their unknown locations, in conditions reportedly equivalent to house arrest. Amnesty: The regime included some political prisoners among the more than 23,000 inmates released to mark Union Day on February 12. The regime released all those who met set criteria (e.g., not charged under Section 505 of the penal code, which criminalizes disseminating information that could agitate or cause security forces or state officials to mutiny), with no specific leniency for political prisoners. According to some human rights activists, the regime used the general pardon order to make space available for more political prisoners. Amnesty was also granted to several high-profile ethnic Rakhine politicians, including Aye Maung and writer Wai Hin Aung, sentenced to long jail sentences for high treason under the deposed NLD government. In September the regime also released controversial ultranationalist Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu, charged with sedition by the deposed government for comments he made during a 2019 promilitary rally. Politically Motivated Reprisal against Individuals Located Outside the Country Bilateral Pressure: There were credible reports that the regime attempted to pressure the Thai government to impose stricter control on movement across the border with Burma to undermine the ability of prodemocracy supporters from organizations, including the National Unity Government (NUG) and the Committee Representing the Union Parliament that created it, to depart the country. Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies The law allows complainants to use provisions of the penal code and laws of civil procedure to seek civil remedies for human rights abuses. Individuals and organizations may not appeal an adverse decision to regional human rights bodies but may make complaints to the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission. After the coup, the ability of complainants to raise human rights abuses through the judicial system or the commission was limited. Property Seizure and Restitution Under the 2008 Constitution the state owns all land, although there is a limited amount of freehold land, and the law allows for registration and sale of private land ownership rights. Most land is held in long-term lease, meaning that while the government still owns this leasehold, private parties may lease land on a long-term basis with a general expectation that the leasehold would automatically roll over upon its expiration. The law provides for compensation when the government acquires privately held land for a public purpose; however, the postcoup situation is unclear. The government may also declare land unused or “vacant” and assign it to foreign investors or designate it for other uses. There is no judicial review of land ownership or confiscation decisions; administrative bodies subject to regime control make final decisions on land use and registration. The law does not favor recognition of traditional land tenure systems (customary tenure). There were numerous reports that the regime used its authority to seize property of prodemocracy supporters. In March the regime reportedly seized assets worth approximately $3.8 million from staff members of a foundation accused of financially supporting the CDM. In September the regime Anti-Terrorism Central Committee released a public notice requiring landlords to provide a list of tenants to their ward administration offices or face confiscation of the property. As of November 15, credible media reports indicated that the regime has seized approximately 70 properties owned by NLD officials. The regime’s amendment of three laws enabled the extrajudicial seizure of property owned by defendants. The regime has also seized properties belonging to members of the Committee Representing the Union Parliament and NUG or their families. F. ARBITRARY OR UNLAWFUL INTERFERENCE WITH PRIVACY, FAMILY, HOME, OR CORRESPONDENCE The law protected privacy and the security of the home, but enforcement of these rights was limited after the coup. Unannounced nighttime household checks were common. The law does not protect the privacy of correspondence or other communications. The regime regularly monitored private electronic communications through online surveillance; there were numerous reports that the regime monitored prodemocracy supporters. On March 1, the New York Times reported that the military employed invasive dual-use surveillance, hacking, and forensic technologies to monitor and target critics and protesters. Before the coup, the military built an “electronic warfare capability” and bought surveillance technology, including cell phone-hacking tools to monitor prodemocracy activists. In July local news outlet Frontier Myanmar reported that the regime ordered mobile phone companies to install equipment to enable them to monitor calls, text messages, and locations of selected users, flagging each time they use words such as “protest” or “revolution.” Mention of these words may trigger heavier surveillance or be used as evidence against those being watched. The regime also monitored social media use, including data from visited websites, as well as conversations in public and private chat groups. According to the magazine Frontier Myanmar, this “cybersecurity team” was based inside the police’s Special Branch, a notorious surveillance department that heavily monitored suspected dissidents in the previous era of junta rule. G. CONFLICT-RELATED ABUSES After the coup, escalating conflict between the regime and joint EAOs-PDF groups focused on the northwest part of the country, with frequent fighting in Chin State and Sagaing and Magway Region. Conflict was also reported in Kachin, Kayah, and Karen States and in the Mandalay, Bago, and Tanintharyi Regions. Conflict between the military and the Arakan Army (AA) in Rakhine State declined following the coup because of a pre-coup de facto ceasefire. In March the regime removed the Arakan Army from its designated list of terrorist organizations; however, local media reported clashes between the AA and the military on November 9 after the military entered an AA-controlled area in the border area of Maungdaw Township. Fighting between EAOs in Shan State continued. Reports of killings, disappearances, excessive use of force, disregard for civilian life, sexual violence, and other abuses committed by regime security forces and some EAOs and PDF groups were common. The NUG issued a code of conduct for PDF groups in June and included a call to respect human rights in its September 7 “people’s defensive war” declaration. No data was available to measure the impact of the NUG’s efforts to prevent human rights abuses by PDF groups. Killings: Deliberate killings and deaths due to excessive or unjustified use of force by the regime were reported. For example: On March 3, regime security forces killed at least 24 persons across the country in confrontations with peaceful demonstrators. In one Rangoon neighborhood alone, at least seven protesters died and 17 were critically wounded in a confrontation with regime security forces. Over the March 13-14 weekend, regime security forces shot and killed demonstrators indiscriminately across the country, killing at least 42. In May a young mother in Magway’s Salin Township reportedly died from indiscriminate military fire during a raid. According to Myanmar Now, the raid was in response to prodemocracy graffiti. In July, NUG-designated Minister for Human Rights Aung Myo Min reported that the military killed at least 32 civilians and displaced more than 6,000 residents from 13 villages in Sagaing’s Debeyin Township during intensified military operations targeting EAO and PDF strongholds. In September the military was suspected of killing and mutilating five civilians in Magway’s Gangaw Township. According to the Irrawaddy, the victims were shot, and in some cases mutilated or showed signs of torture. Also in September, the Irrawaddy reported on the killing of 18 civilians in Magway’s Yaw village perpetrated by the military. One resident recalled, “Most of them were shot in the head. Their heads were broken, and their brains spilled out like a ripe papaya that has fallen from a tree.” An 86-year-old resident was found tied up, with signs that he had been beaten to death. In late September, according to a Radio Free Asia report, security forces responding to an attack by local defense forces in Thantlang, Chin State, shot and killed Baptist pastor Cung Biak Hum as he and others tried to extinguish fires the forces set. When his body was recovered, his ring finger was cut off and the wedding ring apparently stolen. On December 5, regime security forces violently suppressed prodemocracy protesters in Rangoon. Tactics included, according to numerous reports, ramming a police vehicle directly into a crowd, killing five and injuring another 15. Escalating violence between the military and EAOs exposed many children to violence. AAPP reported in September that 61 children were killed in military-EAO conflicts. Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture: There were reports of such abuses by EAOs and PDF forces. In December Myanmar Now reported the targeting of alleged military informants and others seen as sympathetic to the regime. In June commanders of the Karen National Defense Army, the armed wing of the Karen National Union, confirmed Karen National Defense Army soldiers killed 25 alleged military spies and detained 22 others for approximately one week near Waw Lay, Myawaddy Township, Karen State. Child Soldiers: The military and some EAOs (Kachin Independence Army, AA, Ta’ang National Liberation Army, Karen National Liberation Army, Shan State Army, and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) were listed in the UN secretary-general’s 2021 Annual Report on Children and Armed Conflict as perpetrators of the unlawful recruitment and use of children. There were no data on PDF groups. Meaningful use of the National Complaint Mechanism, focused on the elimination of forced labor but which also prohibits the use and recruitment of child soldiers, was limited after the coup. There was no credible evidence that the regime or EAOs prosecuted offenders. Also see the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/. Other Conflict-related Abuse: According to numerous local media reports, UN counterparts, and NGOs the regime restricted the passage of relief supplies, including medical supplies, and access by international humanitarian organizations to conflict-affected areas including in Kachin, Chin, Kayah, Karen, Tanintharyi, and Shan States. HRW reported on December 13 that restrictions on humanitarian assistance imposed by the regime since the coup were creating a “nationwide humanitarian catastrophe.” The United Nations estimated that the number of persons needing assistance would go from one million before the coup to 14.4 million by 2022. On November 8, the United Nations stated, “access to many people in desperate need across the country remains extremely limited due to bureaucratic impediments put in place by the armed forces.” HRW further reported that the military has seized food deliveries meant for displaced populations and arrested individuals on “suspicion of supporting aid efforts.” Visas for aid workers have also been delayed or denied. UNICEF reported in October that “the need to procure travel authorization [from the regime] remains a major access impediment and a high constraint factor for the humanitarian partners’ capacity to reach people in need.” The regime reportedly forced civilians to act as human shields, carry supplies, or serve in other support roles. In September the Karen National Union reported to a local media outlet that approximately 300 civilians, including a number of women and children, were forced by regime security forces to perform military support duties. In September, Democratic Voice Burma reported that more than 100 soldiers abducted five local residents to act as guides for regime security forces in Kachin State. As of September, the World Health Organization reported 260 attacks on health-care workers since the coup, representing 39 percent of such attacks globally during the year. In a February case, a doctor was arrested in Rangoon for providing first aid to prodemocracy supporters who had been shot while peacefully protesting. In July the Irrawaddy reported that the regime arrested five volunteer doctors working on COVID-19 prevention activities after luring them to a house under false pretenses. Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties A. FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, INCLUDING FOR MEMBERS OF THE PRESS AND OTHER MEDIA The 2008 Constitution provides that “every citizen shall be at liberty in the exercise of expressing and publishing freely their convictions and opinions,” but it contains the broad and ambiguous caveat that exercise of these rights must “not be contrary to the laws enacted for national security, prevalence of law and order, community peace and tranquility, or public order and morality.” The postcoup regime led a full-scale crackdown on freedom of expression. Freedom of Expression: Freedom of speech was severely limited. Those who spoke openly against the regime or in favor of the NLD, NUG, or democracy more broadly risked abuse and punishment by authorities. On September 4, poet and activist Maung Saungkha was convicted under Section 19 of this law after he placed a banner over a highway during a protest marking the one-year anniversary of restrictions on mobile internet communications in parts of Rakhine and Chin States. Maung Saungkha chose to pay a fine of 30,000 kyat ($22.50) rather than serve a 15-day prison sentence. The regime used the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens to allow authorities to review content on individuals’ cell phones at checkpoints and during neighborhood raids. The regime reportedly employed violence and targeted killings to silence critics in civil society. Violence against persons engaged in speech deemed antiregime was allegedly used by proregime ultranationalist Buddhist groups as well as security forces and included maiming, kidnapping, and torture. The regime intimidated many prodemocracy voices among the public who previously spoke openly about politically sensitive topics. (See also “Internet Freedom,” below.) A prodemocracy activist in Rangoon said during a media interview that regime security forces beat him as authorities transported him to a local interrogation center in February. The next morning, he was unable to eat due to injuries he had sustained during his first night in detention. He reported being tortured for days and only released after signing a statement denying the use of torture by the regime. Freedom of Expression for Members of the Press and Other Media, Including Online Media: Prior to the coup, independent media outlets were active and able to operate despite many official and unofficial restrictions, economic hardship, and an uncertain business environment. After the coup, analysts reported the closure of 71 media outlets, ranging from well-known national, regional, and ethnic media to small Facebook pages. Regime crackdowns on media resulted in the arrest, detention, loss of work, and forced exile of more than 1,000 journalists, editors, and media staff – approximately 50 percent of pre-coup total. For example, two Kamayut Media journalists were arrested in March, one was released on June 15 and the other remained in detention at year’s end. In Mandalay the regime arrested and subsequently released freelance journalists. Eleven media and the Voice Daily self-censored and avoided criticism of the regime. The Myanmar Times and Union Daily have ceased publication, and Irrawaddy, Frontier, and Myanmar Now operated mostly in exile from outside the country. In May the regime banned satellite dishes to restrict access to international news. The regime offered three public television channels – two controlled by the Ministry of Information and one controlled by the military. Two private companies that had strong links to the previous military regime continued to broadcast six free-to-air television channels. The regime and regime-linked businesspersons controlled eight FM radio stations. In August the NUG launched Radio NUG, a clandestine service that provided two 30-minute reports daily with prodemocracy content. Violence and Harassment: The regime subjected journalists and other media workers to violence, harassment, detention, and intimidation for their reporting. According to AAPP, at least 95 journalists were unjustly arrested after February, and more than half of those remained in detention as of November. Among journalists detained by the regime were reporters from the Associated Press, the Ayeyarwady Times News, and many more outlets. In April the New York Times reported that many journalists stopped wearing helmets or vests marked with the word “PRESS,” did not publish under their own names, and avoided sleeping at home. On December 14, local media reported that freelance photojournalist and graphic designer Soe Naing died in regime custody after his arrest on December 10 while covering the “Silent Strike.” Soe Naing reportedly died after a violent interrogation, marking the first known death of a journalist while in regime custody since the coup. Authorities arrested Polish photojournalist Robert Bociaga on March 11 in Shan State and deported him after he was held in detention for 13 days. In April authorities detained Yuki Kitazumi, a Japanese freelance journalist, and accused him of supporting prodemocracy protests. Authorities released and deported Kitazumi in May. Censorship or Content Restrictions: After the coup, the regime banned independent media outlets that did not self-censor reporting on the prodemocracy movement. The regime also banned using certain terminology in reporting, such as “junta,” “coup d’etat,” and “military council.” The Myanmar Times suspended publication on February 21 after many of its staff quit to protest the leadership’s decision to follow the regime order not to describe the military takeover as a “coup.” On March 8, the regime banned broadcast, online, and print media Mizzima, Democratic Voice Burma, Khit Thit Media, Myanmar Now, and 7Day News from broadcasting or reporting on any platform. Each of these media organizations had extensively covered the protests, including on their social media pages. The regime later revoked the licenses of three ethnic-minority-run outlets: Myitkyina News Journal from Kachin State, Tachileik News Agency from Shan State, and 74 other media outlets suspended their operations in response. Libel/Slander Laws: Even before the coup, the military could and did use various legal provisions, such as a criminal defamation clause in the telecommunications law, to restrict freedom of expression. After the coup, the regime primarily relied on Section 505 of the penal code to prosecute journalists. Following his arrest on March 3 in Bago Region, a reporter covering prodemocracy protests from the radio and television company Democratic Voice Burma was the first after the coup to be charged under this section of the law. According to media reports, he was brutally beaten and seriously injured during his arrest. On May 3, he was sentenced to three years in prison. In June two other journalists were sentenced to two years in prison. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 24 journalists were facing charges under the broadened Section 505A that includes penalties for spreading “false news.” National Security: Although the regime prosecuted some media critics using laws related to national security, in general the regime used other methods to pursue its critics. The regime designated the NUG and related prodemocracy groups as terrorist organizations but as of November had not arrested or tried any members of these on terrorist charges. Internet Freedom The regime surveilled and censored online content, restricted access to the internet, and prosecuted its online critics. Even before the coup, the telecommunications law included broad provisions giving the government the power to temporarily block and filter content for the “benefit of the people.” According to Freedom House, the regime, the military, and promilitary groups pressured users to remove antiregime and prodemocracy content. Myanmar law does not explicitly include provisions to force the removal of content or provide for intermediary liability, although some sections of law are so overly broad and vague that they may be used to justify forced content removal. Regime authorities instead used, or threatened to use, other criminal provisions of law to pressure internet users to remove content. The regime limited users’ ability to communicate anonymously by requiring users to register all SIM cards. Subscribers were required to provide their name, national registration document, birthday, address, citizenship, and gender to register a SIM card; noncitizens must provide their passports. Telecommunications companies reportedly required some subscribers to include information beyond the bounds of the regulations, including their ethnicity. Telecommunications and internet surveillance allegedly contributed to violent crackdowns on citizens, including physical assaults and enforced disappearances in retaliation for online and offline activities. During the February protests, social media was a crucial vehicle for demonstrators and activist leaders to organize and encourage support for the prodemocracy movement. That month the regime censored social media websites, such as Facebook and Twitter, used by prodemocracy groups and protesters to resist the regime. Throughout the period since the coup, authorities allegedly arrested Facebook users found to have posted antiregime content or used profile photos with text supporting, for example, recognition of the NUG at the United Nations. Amnesty International reported in October that the regime arrested a prodemocracy supporter from his home in Rangoon for posting a picture on Facebook showing someone stepping on a photo of commander in chief Min Aung Hlaing. Authorities also reportedly arrested and detained individuals who followed Facebook, Twitter, and other pages of prodemocracy actors. Online news sites such as those of the BBC, Singapore-based CNA, and CNN were banned after the coup. Most individuals relied on virtual private networks to access independent online news. In the days following the coup, Netblocks, a London-based service that tracks internet disruptions, reported “a near-total internet shutdown,” with connectivity falling to just 16 percent of normal levels. While internet connectivity later largely returned, occasional reports of targeted cuts across the country continued. For example, on September 15, the Irrawaddy reported that the regime cut off internet access in several townships in Sagaing and Mandalay Regions believed to be PDF strongholds. In May media reported that the regime shared a “whitelist” of at least 1,200 approved websites with local internet service providers and telecommunications companies. The approved “whitelist” included nearly 50 companies in the banking and financial sector, more than 20 delivery services, and more than 60 entertainment sites, including Instagram, YouTube, Netflix, and Tinder. The whitelist further specified that some social media sites were permitted if “used by many customers for business purposes.” Following the coup, the regime twice imposed nationwide internet blackouts to suppress the prodemocracy movement, followed by nightly internet blackouts for an extended period. The regime routinely used internet blackouts as a tool against its opponents including in Chin State and Sagaing and Magway Regions. These measures hampered daily business activities and consumer spending. The NGO Freedom House singled out the country for heavy criticism in its Freedom on the Net 2021 report due to the military’s shutting down the internet, blocking social media, and forcing tech companies to hand over personal data as part of its efforts to consolidate power after the coup. Freedom House documented a 14-point decline in internet freedom indicators, the largest ever recorded in its report. Academic Freedom and Cultural Events The regime restricted academic freedom and cultural events. Violent crackdowns by the regime on student and teacher prodemocracy supporters affected at least 60 schools and university campuses across the country. The regime reportedly dismissed or arrested dozens of university staff, and suspended thousands more for their involvement in the CDM. In May the Irrawaddy reported that the regime Education Ministry dismissed 41 striking staff members, including 14 officials from the Higher Education Department. The Institute for International Education Scholar Rescue Fund reported receiving numerous requests for support from academic personnel targeted by the regime since the coup. The regime also targeted prominent prodemocracy cultural figures including filmmakers, writers, singers, and actors. In March organizers of the Wathan Film Festival issued a statement on behalf of visual artists, cartoonists, comedians, actors, writers, and poets, calling on the global creative community to show solidarity with the population. In November Myanmar Now reported that a teacher from Mandalay Region participating in the CDM died hours after his arrest. A colleague of the 40-year-old high school teacher shared, “We were only told that he died during the interrogation…his body was all wrapped up with only his face exposed.” B. FREEDOMS OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION The regime curtailed the exercise of the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly In the initial days after the coup, hundreds of thousands of individuals took to the streets peacefully to protest the military takeover and demand the release of Aung San Suu Kyi. On February 8, the regime ordered curfews and restrictions on the size of gatherings that effectively banned peaceful public demonstrations across the country, although demonstrations continued, nonetheless. Regime security forces met protesters with increasing violence and lethal force. According to numerous reports in local media, small-scale prodemocracy protests continued across the country as of November despite violent intimidation and suppression by security forces. Freedom of Association The regime restricted the right to freedom of association. The law on registering organizations stipulates voluntary registration for local NGOs and removes punishments for noncompliance for both local and international NGOs. Prior to the coup, the government interpreted the law as requiring NGOs that received foreign funding to register with the government. After the coup, the regime required banks to report on all foreign funds received by both local and international NGOs. C. FREEDOM OF RELIGION See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/. D. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT AND THE RIGHT TO LEAVE THE COUNTRY The law does not protect freedom of internal movement, foreign travel, emigration, or repatriation. Local regulations limit the rights of citizens to settle and reside anywhere in the country. Authorized officials may require the registration of foreigners’ movements and require foreigners to register every change of address exceeding 24 hours. In-country Movement: Regional and local orders, directives, and instructions restricted freedom of movement. The regime increased restrictions on freedom of movement after the coup. Numerous local media reports described regime security force roadblocks and the random searches of private cars and taxis. Nightly curfews in Rangoon and several other cities also restricted movement, as did a reinstated requirement that all visitors register with the local ward administrator. Local media reported that the regime harassed, including by seizing ambulances, health-care workers when medical emergencies required them to break curfew. Due to escalating conflict with the military, the NUG and EAOs warned civilians to travel only in case of an emergency. For example, the Thantlang Revolutionary Campaign informed residents in September not to go out after 7 p.m., not to go hunting or into the jungle unless absolutely necessary, and to take extra care when traveling. COVID-19 mitigation regulations also contributed to restriction of movement. Limitations on freedom of movement for Rohingya in Rakhine State were unchanged. Rohingya may not move freely; they must obtain travel authorization to leave their township. In contrast to the pre-coup rule that Rohingya traveling without documentation could return to their homes without facing immigration charges, the regime’s General Administration Department issued a directive resuming legal actions against Rohingya traveling without permission in Sittwe and Kyauktaw. Foreign Travel: The regime restricted foreign travel by prodemocracy supporters and expanded measures to increase oversight. According to an official order dated May 13, “The authorities have directed airlines that all bookings for departures from Myanmar must be made at least 10 days in advance of the intended departure and be shared with [the] Ministry of Foreign Affairs.” The regime also reportedly cancelled, or refused to issue, passports to prodemocracy supporters. The regime notified the diplomatic community in Thailand and India that it had taken this action against multiple prodemocracy leaders. Numerous prodemocracy supporters expressed concern for their security and safety if they tried to leave the country by air, and at least one person reported being denied boarding because she was related to an NLD member. COVID-19 mitigation efforts also restricted foreign travel. E. STATUS AND TREATMENT OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that 296,000 recently arrived individuals were living as internally displaced persons (IDPs) as of December 17 due to postcoup violence in Southeast Burma, Kachin and Shan States, and Northwest Burma. A total of 666,000 persons were internally displaced in the country as of December 1. Decades of conflict between the central government and ethnic communities, exacerbated by the coup and the COVID-19 pandemic, resulted in large numbers of primarily ethnic-minority IDPs in ethnic-dominated parts of the country. In June the United Nations estimated that more than 100,000 persons had fled their homes to escape conflict and risked starving in Kayah State alone. Myanmar Now reported on June 16 that the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force announced the temporary suspension of attacks on the military amid the growing crisis. The regime has systematically obstructed humanitarian relief. In June local media reported that the military burned bags of rice, barrels of cooking oil, and other staples that locals from southern Shan State gathered to support those displaced from an escalation in fighting. In September, for example, amid an escalation in conflict, the military blocked humanitarian supply routes to 50,000 IDPs in Chin State, according to Radio Free Asia. According to local media, fighting erupted in Lay Kay Kaw Township, Karen State, the evening of December 14 between opposition forces and regime security, displacing at least 4,000 individuals including local residents and prodemocracy supporters seeking safe haven in the area. Democratic Voice Burma news reported that regime security forces continued to shoot at civilians as they fled for safety. HRW reported in December that the regime has imposed travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, blocked access roads and aid convoys, and destroyed nonmilitary supplies. F. PROTECTION OF REFUGEES The regime did not always cooperate with UNHCR or other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to refugees, returning refugees, asylum seekers, or other persons of concern. Access to Asylum: The law does not provide for granting asylum or refugee status, and the government has not established a system for providing protection to refugees. UNHCR did not register any asylum seekers during the year. G. STATELESS PERSONS The law defines a “national ethnic group” as a racial and ethnic group that can prove origins in the country dating back to 1823, a year prior to British colonization, and the regime officially recognized 135 “national ethnic groups” whose members are automatically granted full citizenship. The law also establishes two forms of citizenship short of full citizenship: associate and naturalized. Citizens in these two categories are unable to run for political office; form a political party; serve in the military, police, or public administration; inherit land or money; or pursue certain professional degrees, such as medicine and law. Only members of the third generation of associate or naturalized citizens are able to acquire full citizenship. Rohingya, most of whom are Muslim, are not recognized as a “national ethnic group” and the vast majority are stateless as a result. Following the forced displacement of more than 740,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh in 2017, up to 600,000 Rohingya were estimated to remain in Rakhine State. Some Rohingya may be technically eligible for full citizenship. The process involves additional official scrutiny and was complicated by logistical difficulties, including travel restrictions and significant gaps in understanding the Burmese language. In practice this also required substantial bribes to regime officials, and even then, it did not result in equality with other full citizens. In particular, only Rohingya were required to go through an additional step of applying for the National Verification Card, through which they receive identity documents that describe them as “Bengali.” Regime officials treat Rohingya with the presumption of noncitizenship. This could lead to discrimination in access to public services and a wide range of societal discrimination. There were also significant numbers of stateless persons and persons with undetermined nationality, including persons of Chinese, Indian, and Nepali descent. Although these latter groups did not face the same level of official and social discrimination as Rohingya, the regime granted members of these groups only the lesser rights, and imposed the greater restrictions, of associate and naturalized citizenship. The regime did not single these groups out the same way as Rohingya when obtaining citizenship. The law does not provide any form of citizenship (or associated rights) for children born in the country whose parents are stateless. Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political Process Prior to the coup, the constitution provided citizens a limited ability to choose their government through elections held by secret ballot. The military deposed the democratically elected parliament and dissolved the Union Election Commission (UEC), appointing a former military major general to replace the ousted UEC chairman. On July 26, the military regime UEC announced that it had annulled the results of the November 2020 general elections, which domestic and international observers assessed as largely reflective of the will of the electorate, despite some identified irregularities and local election cancellations in some ethnic areas. On October 16, the regime UEC announced that upcoming regional elections were cancelled across most of Rakhine State and in various other ethnic areas in Kachin State, Shan State and elsewhere. The regime used laws against terrorism to arrest and punish groups and individuals who were active in the country’s precoup political life. The regime designated the NUG, the Committee Representing the Union Parliament, and PDF groups as unlawful terrorist organizations. According to the law, anyone associated with these groups could face 10 years to life in prison, although no one had come to trial as of year’s end. ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Recent Elections: Observers considered the 2020 national elections to be generally reflective of the will of the population, notwithstanding some structural shortcomings. The NLD, chaired by Aung San Suu Kyi, won more than 80 percent of the 1,150 contested seats at the state, regional, and union levels in those elections. The NLD won 396 of 476 races for national assembly seats; a military-affiliated party won 33, and various ethnic parties took 47 seats. The 2008 constitution bars Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency due to her marriage to a British national. Political Parties and Political Participation: Political parties faced narrowing political space amid regime investigations and threats to ban them from competing in elections. Political parties not aligned with the military were denied the rights to assemble and protest peacefully. The military regime, moreover, conducted politically motivated investigations into prodemocracy political parties and their leaders, particularly the NLD. In May the UEC began investigations into the 93 registered political parties, including financial audits. In an August 27 letter, the UEC threatened that if political parties did not submit financial statements, their party registration could be suspended. Participation of Women and Members of Minority Groups: No laws limit the participation of women in the political process, and they did participate in elections. Laws limiting the citizenship status of many ethnic minority groups (see “Stateless Persons” above) also limited their rights to participate in political life. Women and members of historically marginalized and minority groups were underrepresented in government prior to the coup. Some policies (as opposed to laws and regulations) limited women’s participation in practice. In the 2020 general elections, 194 women were elected to parliament. Section 4. Corruption and Lack of Transparency in Government Since the coup, the Anti-Corruption Commission has regularly targeted deposed NLD politicians and other former civilian government leaders for prosecution under anticorruption law. As of November, the commission charged at least 45 former NLD and civilian government officials, including Aung San Suu Kyi, former president Win Myint, union-level ministers, and state and region ministers appointed by the previous government. Most observers considered these charges baseless. Corruption was widespread in all dimensions of political life, including especially the judicial system. Petty extortion by police was paralleled by more serious graft at higher levels, such as demanding bribes from victims to conduct criminal investigations. Corruption: Although corruption was widespread, unlike the civilian government it overthrew, the regime used corruption laws almost exclusively against opponents, as noted. Such cases, which often relied on coerced testimony, did not provide an accurate picture of actual corruption. Section 5. Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights The regime did not allow domestic human rights organizations to function independently. Human rights NGOs were able to open offices and operate, but reported harassment, monitoring by authorities, and arbitrary detention. The regime, for example, sometimes pressured hotels and other venues not to host meetings organized by activists or civil society groups. Regime security forces also raided and damaged NGO offices. These restrictions went beyond standard COVID-19 mitigation efforts. The United Nations or Other International Bodies: The regime systematically denied attempts by the United Nations and other international organizations and NGOs to investigate human rights abuses or to access the locations of alleged abuses. Foreign human rights activists and advocates, including representatives from international NGOs, continued to be restricted to short-term visas that required them to leave the country periodically for renewal. Several international NGOs’ local partners were repeatedly asked to show financial statements and other documents that revealed their relationship with foreign funders. The regime refused to cooperate with or grant access to the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar created by the UN Human Rights Council to investigate alleged atrocities in the country. The regime continued to refuse entry to the UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in the country. While the prior civilian government permitted the UN secretary-general’s special envoy for Burma to open an office in the country in 2019, the regime denied the envoy and her staff permission to enter the country after the coup. Government Human Rights Bodies: The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission has the power to conduct independent inquiries, and in some cases may call for investigations into abuses. In fact the commission had limited ability to operate as a credible, independent mechanism. Before the coup, the commission investigated some incidents of human rights abuses, but no investigations took place after February 1. The commission released photos of commission members visiting prisons, labor camps, and police detention facilities between May and June. No findings from the visits were released. The NUG established a Human Rights Ministry, which pledged to document human rights abuses committed by regime security forces. The Independent Commission of Enquiry for Rakhine State has not been active since the coup. Section 6. Discrimination and Societal Abuses WOMEN Rape and Domestic Violence: Rape of women and men is illegal but remained a significant problem, and the regime did not enforce the law effectively. Rape of a woman outside of marriage carries a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison. Spousal rape is not a crime unless the wife is younger than the legal age of marriage (which may vary according to ethnicity or religion), and the penalty is a maximum of two years in prison. The law prohibits committing bodily harm against another person, but there are no laws specifically against domestic violence or spousal abuse unless the wife is younger than the legal age of marriage. Overlapping and at times contradictory legal provisions complicated implementation of these limited protections. Domestic violence against women, including spousal abuse, remained a serious problem. Abuse within families was prevalent and considered socially acceptable. Spousal abuse or domestic violence was difficult to measure because the government did not maintain comprehensive statistics and survivor typically did not report it, although the government attempted to document cases, and reported cases were on the rise. Sexual Harassment: The law prohibits sexual harassment and prescribes a maximum penalty of two years in prison if the harassment involves physical contact. Harassment is punishable by a fine or up to one year in prison. The regime did not report information on the prevalence of the problem, and many of these crimes were unreported. NGOs reported regime police investigators were not sensitive to survivors and rarely followed through with investigations or prosecutions. Reproductive Rights: There were no reports of coerced abortion or involuntary sterilization on the part of government authorities. The law allows the government to impose coercive birth-spacing requirements – 36 months between children – if the president or national government designates “special regions” for health care based on factors such as population, migration rate, natural resources, birth rates, and food availability. In such special regions, the government may create special health-care organizations to perform various tasks, including establishing family planning regulations. The government did not designate any such special regions. In Rakhine State, local authorities prohibited Rohingya families from having more than two children, although some Rohingya with household registration documents reportedly circumvented the law. The law otherwise limits the right of individuals to manage their reproductive health. Access to sexual and reproductive health services, including emergency contraception, for sexual violence survivors through public and private facilities was very limited and further exacerbated by the collapse of the public-health system after the coup. While September reports from Population Services International indicated that demand for oral contraceptives increased significantly in Rangoon after the coup, access to family planning was limited in rural areas. Economic hardship and security concerns in conflict-affected regions also limited access to family planning. The Department of Social Welfare adapted gender-based violence services to COVID-19 restrictions, including expanding virtual platforms for online training. The United Nations estimated in 2017 that the maternal mortality rate nationwide was 250 deaths per 100,000 live births. No more recent reliable data were available. The 2017 National Maternal Death Surveillance and Response Report stated that the maternal mortality ratio was highest in Shan, Chin, and Ayeyarwady States. NGOs regularly reported throughout the year that humanitarian access and movement restrictions among Rohingya limited access to health-care services and contributed to maternal mortality rates in Rakhine State being higher than the national average. Complications resulting from unsafe abortions were also a leading cause of maternal deaths. Other major factors influencing maternal mortality included poverty; the high rate of home births (63 percent; a number that likely rose after the coup); limited availability of and access to comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services and information, including contraception, and maternal and newborn health services; low coverage of antenatal care visits; and the lack of access to services from appropriately trained and skilled birth attendants and other trained community health workers. Discrimination: By law women enjoy the same legal status and rights as men, including property and inheritance rights and religious and personal status, but regime officials did not enforce the law. Communities around the country implemented customary law to address matters of marriage, property, and inheritance that differed from the provisions of statutory law and which was often discriminatory against women. The law requires equal pay for equal work, but the formal sector did not respect this requirement, and the regime did not actively enforce it. NGOs reported other forms of workplace discrimination were common (see also section 7.d.). The law restricts the ability of Buddhist women to marry non-Buddhist men by requiring public notification prior to any such marriage and allowing objections to the marriage to be raised in court. The law was rarely enforced. Poverty affected women disproportionately. SYSTEMIC RACIAL OR ETHNIC VIOLENCE AND DISCRIMINATION Wide-ranging governmental and societal discrimination against members of minority groups persisted, including in areas such as education, housing, employment, and access to health services. Members of ethnic minority groups constituted 30 to 40 percent of the population. The seven ethnic minority states comprised approximately 60 percent of the national territory, and a significant number of minorities also resided in majority ethnic Burmese regions. Rohingya continued to face severe discrimination based on their ethnicity and religion, although conflict between the military and ethnic Rakhine populations de-escalated. CHILDREN Birth Registration: The law automatically confers full citizenship to children when both parents are from one of the 135 recognized national ethnic groups and to some children who meet other citizenship requirements. Second generation children may acquire full citizenship if at least one parent has full citizenship. Third generation children of associate or naturalized citizens may acquire full citizenship. Many long-term residents in the country, including Rohingya, are not among the recognized national ethnic groups, and thus their children are not automatically conferred citizenship (see also section 2.g.). There were significant rural-urban disparities in birth registration, with an informal or almost nonexistent process in small, rural villages. Birth registration is required to obtain a national identification card, and it can provide important protections for children, particularly against child labor, early marriage, and underage recruitment into the armed forces and ethnic armed groups. Education: By law, education is compulsory, free, and universal through the fourth grade (up to age 10). This leaves children ages 10 through 13 vulnerable to child labor, since they are not required to attend school and are not legally permitted to work (the minimum age for work is 14). Burmese is the mandatory language of instruction in public schools. The national education plan does not allow for other languages of instruction, although some public schools taught ethnic languages as extra subjects. Schools were often unavailable in remote communities and conflict areas, and access to them for internally displaced and stateless children was also limited. In June the regime ordered all primary and secondary schools to reopen, after closing in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. According to the Myanmar Teacher’s Federation, more than 90 percent of students did not return on June 2 as mandated. The teachers’ federation reported that almost one-third of teachers from the primary to university level were suspended for participating in the CDM. A suspended teacher from Rangoon told international media in May, “I’m not afraid of arrest and torture. I’m afraid of becoming a teacher who teaches the students propaganda.” In early July the regime ordered all primary and secondary schools closed due to the third wave of COVID-19; the schools reopened before year’s end. UNICEF reported in July that the regime and prodemocracy groups conducted 180 attacks against schools and school personnel and that the military used education facilities for military purposes in at least 157 cases. Child Abuse: The laws were neither adequate to deter child abuse nor enforced. The United Nations reported in July that hundreds of children were killed or maimed and approximately 1,000 arrested in postcoup demonstrations and clashes. The chairperson of the Child Rights Convention described children as “under siege” since the coup. Child, Early, and Forced Marriage: The law stipulates different minimum ages for marriage based on religion and gender. The minimum age for Buddhists is 18, while the minimum age for non-Buddhists is 16 for boys and 15 for girls. Child marriage occurred, especially in rural areas. There were no reliable statistics on forced marriage. Sexual Exploitation of Children: End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism (ECPAT), a Bangkok-based international NGO, characterized the problem of children experiencing sexual abuse and violence as “widespread,” despite the scarcity of data. Lifetime migrants constituted 20 percent of the country’s population, and the children who accompany them faced higher risks of sexual exploitation, forced marriage, and trafficking, according to UNICEF. The law prohibits the commercial sexual exploitation of children, including pimping; separate provisions within the penal code prohibit sex with a minor younger than 14. The penalty for the purchase and sale of commercial sex acts from a child younger than 18 is 10 years in prison. The law prohibits child pornography and specifies a minimum penalty of two years’ imprisonment and a modest fine. The law on child rights prescribes a penalty of one to seven years in prison, a substantial fine, or both, for sex trafficking and forced marriage. If a survivor is younger than 14, the law considers any sexual act to constitute statutory rape. The maximum sentence for statutory rape is two years in prison when the survivor is between ages 12 and 14, and 10 years to life in prison when the survivor is younger than 12. The law against trafficking in persons requires a demonstration of force, fraud, or coercion to constitute a child sex-trafficking offense. The deposed civilian government introduced these laws. ECPAT cited a lack of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms as well as publicly available data to ascertain the effectiveness of implementation. Displaced Children: The United Nations estimated that as of October there were more than 589,000 IDPs, approximately 37 percent of whom were children. International Child Abductions: The country is not a party to the 1980 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. See the Department of State’s Annual Report on International Parental Child Abduction at https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/International-Parental-Child-Abduction/for-providers/legal-reports-and-data/reported-cases.html. ANTI-SEMITISM There was one synagogue in Rangoon serving a very small and primarily expatriate Jewish population. There were no reports of anti-Semitic acts. TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/. PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES The law prohibits discrimination against persons with physical, sensory, intellectual, and mental disabilities. While the law requires job protection, equal access to education, and access to public transportation, there was no meaningful enforcement. According to the Eden Center for Disabled Children, children with disabilities had a lower school attendance rate than their peers. COVID-19 mitigation restrictions and the coup further limited access to services, including education and programs focused on reducing stigma and discrimination against persons with disabilities. Military veterans with disabilities in urban areas received official benefits on a priority basis, usually a civil service job at pay equivalent to rank. Official assistance to civilians with disabilities in principle included two-thirds of pay for a maximum of one year for a temporary disability and a tax-free stipend for permanent disability. HIV AND AIDS SOCIAL STIGMA Official and societal violence and discrimination, including employment discrimination, against persons with HIV or AIDS, continued. Reports of abuse included verbal insults, harassment, threats, and physical assault. Significant legal, social, and financial barriers impeded access to services for persons with HIV or AIDS. These barriers included stigma, unhelpful gender norms, poor infrastructure, an entrenched drug trade, political instability, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Laws criminalizing behaviors that increased the risk of acquiring HIV or AIDS fueled stigma and discrimination against persons engaged in these behaviors and impeded their access to HIV prevention, treatment, and care services. The regime paused most high-level efforts to address these matters due to political instability and reduced engagement with the regime by persons and groups concerned with them. ACTS OF VIOLENCE, CRIMINALIZATION, AND OTHER ABUSES BASED ON SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND GENDER IDENTITY Although consensual sexual activity between men remained a criminal offense, political reforms in prior years made it easier for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) community to hold public events and openly participate in society. Discrimination, stigma, and a lack of acceptance among the general population persisted. Transgender persons, for example, were subject to police harassment, and their identity was not recognized. After the coup, reported violence against LGBTQI+ persons increased. As of July the NUG minister of human rights claimed at least 12 LGBTQI+ community members died and another 73 were arrested while peacefully protesting against the regime. As of November, at least 65 LGBTQI+ community members remained in detention, and 28 were either in hiding or had fled to areas not under regime control. According to Radio Free Asia, LGBTQI+ prodemocracy supporters were targeted for humiliation by regime after arrest including sexual insults, taunts, mocking of clothing, and physical abuse. There were reports of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in employment. Many LGBTQI+ individuals faced significant barriers to education and employment if they were vocal or visible about their status. LGBTQI+ persons reported facing discrimination from health-care providers, including public shaming. A 2019 report by the British Council found mixed views on whether LGBTQI+ persons could be accepted in the culture: fifty percent of respondents rejected the idea. Overall, those polled were more willing to accept LGBTQI+ persons in the abstract but were less so when the person in question was a specific individual, such as a relative or politician. Section 7. Worker Rights A. FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE RIGHT TO COLLECTIVE BARGAINING After the military coup on February 1, the regime committed widespread abuses against organized labor, including the unlawful detention and extrajudicial killing of labor union leaders and members for exercising their fundamental freedoms and basic human rights. After the coup, labor laws often went unenforced or were enforced primarily against organized labor and labor activists and in the interests of business owners and the regime. The military declared at least 16 labor unions illegal and issued arrest warrants for more than 85 union leaders, including 11 of the Confederation of Trade Unions of Myanmar, and many union leaders remained in prison or missing. There were numerous reported raids of trade union offices and union leaders’ homes. More than a dozen union leaders were killed. The law provides for the right of workers to form and join independent unions, bargain collectively, and conduct strikes. The law permits labor organizations to demand the reinstatement of workers dismissed for union activity, but it does not explicitly prohibit antiunion discrimination in the form of demotions or mandatory transfers, nor does it offer protection for workers seeking to form a union. The law does not provide adequate protection for workers from dismissal before a union is officially registered. The law prohibits civil servants and personnel of the security services and police from forming unions. The law permits workers to join unions only within their category of trade or activity, and the definition of trade or activity lacks clarity. Basic labor organizations must have a minimum of 30 workers and register through township registrars via the Chief Registrar’s Office of the regime Ministry of Labor, Immigration, and Population (Ministry of Labor). The law permits labor federations and confederations to affiliate with international union federations and confederations. The law provides for voluntary registration for local NGOs, including labor NGOs working on labor matters, as long as they do not receive foreign funding. The military authorities interfered in the operations of the International Labor Organization (ILO) country office, including through the continued imposition of banking restrictions, the denial of visa extensions for ILO officials, and the denial of tax exemptions. The law provides unions the right to represent workers, to negotiate and bargain collectively with employers, and to send representatives to a conciliation body or tribunal; however, there were reports that employers dismissed union leaders with impunity or with military support. The law stipulates that a management committee, including government and nongovernmental representatives, in the special economic zones be the first instance arbiter in disputes between employers and employees. In March, however, the military took control and imposed martial law over two major industrial zones located in Hlain Thar Yar and Shwe Pyi Thar Townships, Rangoon Region, as well as other townships with a high concentration of industrial and manufacturing enterprises. Labor representatives alleged that some employers hired military-affiliated security guards to harass and intimidate workers, sometimes leading to fatal violence when disputes arose. On March 16 at Xing Jia shoe factory, the employer reportedly called in police to deal with a dispute with a group of workers seeking their pay. The police opened fire and killed at least six workers. The law provides the right to strike in most sectors with significant requirements such as the permission of the relevant labor federations. The law prohibits strikes addressing problems not directly relevant to labor matters. The law does not permit strikes or lockouts in essential services such as water, electric, or health. Lockouts are permitted in public utility services (including transportation; cargo and freight; postal; sanitation; information, communication, and technology; energy; petroleum; and financial sectors), with a minimum of 14 days’ notice provided to the relevant labor organizations and conciliation body. Strikes in public utility services generally require the same measures as in other sectors, but seven days’ advance notice and negotiation between workers and management is required before the strike takes place in order to determine maintenance of minimum service levels. The government did not effectively enforce labor laws related to freedom of association. Penalties for violations of related labor laws were commensurate with those for other laws involving denials of civil rights; however, laws were enforced primarily against independent trade unions and not employers. After the coup, strikes and collective worker action led to retaliation by the military, including workers forced to return to work at gunpoint. On February 19, shipping and jetty workers in Mandalay went on strike to support the CDM. There were reports that the military tried, at gun point, to force the workers back to work, but large crowds gathered to block and drive the military away. The military fired into the crowd, killing protesters. The military evicted striking railway worker and their families, forcing them to flee. After a national work stoppage began on March 8, the military publicly stated that all public sector workers must return or face criminal charges. There were reports of at least 1,100 public-sector workers from various departments receiving some form of threat or discipline because of participation in the CDM. Workers at some unionized factories negotiated leave agreements so they would be granted leave to attend the demonstrations. Employer refusal, in some cases, led to work stoppages. There are numerous reports of workers fired for participating in the CDM. Many reported postings at factories saying workers would be fired if they participated in the CDM. Worker organizations reported that formal dispute settlement and court procedures were not effective at enforcing labor laws. After the coup, there were multiple reports of worker disputes handled with military interference. Labor organizations also reported that local labor offices imposed unnecessary bureaucratic requirements for union registration that were inconsistent with the law. The Confederation of Trade Unions in Myanmar reported the arrest and harassment of trade unionists by regime security forces after the coup, including the secretary general of Myanmar Infrastructure, Craft and Service who was detained in June when the regime raided the infrastructure, craft, and service union office in Mandalay. Labor sources reported the secretary general was not allowed to meet any visitors or access legal aid while in detention. In a separate case, regime authorities detained the director of the Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar at his office in April. Labor sources reported the regime denied the director access to medicine and other necessary health care to manage her chronic illness while in detention. The regime released the director in October as part of a general amnesty and without pursuing formal charges. On October 12, a military tribunal also sentenced two union organizers, U Yen Tu Htauk and Ma Kyi Par Lay, to life in prison. B. PROHIBITION OF FORCED OR COMPULSORY LABOR The law prohibits most forms of forced or compulsory labor, although insufficient barriers exist for the use of forced labor by the military and penal institutions. The law also provides for the punishment of persons who impose forced labor on others. The law provides criminal penalties for forced labor violations; penalties differ depending on whether the military, the government, or a private citizen committed the violation. The penalties were commensurate with analogous serious crimes such as kidnapping. The regime did not effectively enforce the law, particularly in the areas where significant conflict was occurring. In early 2020 the government established a forced-labor complaints mechanism under the Ministry of Labor. There were no data available on the functioning of or the number of cases reported to or processed by the mechanism since the coup. The ILO expressed profound concern over practices of the military authorities, including the use of forced labor. The regime threatened CDM members with criminal charges if they did not return to work (see also section 7.a.). Also see the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/. C. PROHIBITION OF CHILD LABOR AND MINIMUM AGE FOR EMPLOYMENT The law prohibits the worst forms of child labor, although the regime did not meaningfully enforce the law. The law sets the minimum age at 14 for work in certain sectors, including shops and factories; the law establishes special provisions for “youth employment” for those older than 14. There is, however, no minimum age for work for all sectors in which children were employed, including agriculture and informal work. The law prohibits employees younger than 16 from working in a hazardous environment, but the government did not issue a list of hazardous jobs. Some sector-specific laws identify activities that are prohibited for children younger than 18. Penalties under the Child Rights Law were analogous to other serious crimes, such as kidnapping. Children worked mostly as street vendors, refuse collectors, restaurant and teashop attendants, garment workers, and domestic workers. Children often worked in the informal economy, in some instances exposing them to drugs and petty crime, risk of arrest, commercial sexual exploitation, HIV, AIDS, and other sexually transmitted infections (see also section 6). Children were also vulnerable to forced labor in teashops, agriculture and forestry, gem production, begging, and other fields. In rural areas children routinely worked in family agricultural activities, occasionally in situations that potentially involved forced labor. Child labor was also reported in the extraction of rubies and jade and the manufacture of rubber and bricks. Also see the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor at https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/resources/reports/child-labor/findings/ and the Department of Labor’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor at https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/reports/child-labor/list-of-goods . D. DISCRIMINATION WITH RESPECT TO EMPLOYMENT AND OCCUPATION Labor laws and regulations do not prohibit employment discrimination. Restrictions against women in employment exist based on social and cultural practices and beliefs. Women remained underrepresented in most traditionally male-dominated occupations (forestry, carpentry, masonry, and fishing) and were effectively barred from them by hiring practices and cultural barriers. Women were not legally prohibited from any employment except in underground mines. The law governing hiring of civil service personnel states that nothing shall prevent the appointment of men to “positions that are suitable for men only,” with no further definition of what constitutes positions “suitable for men only.” There were reports that government and private actors practiced discrimination that impeded Muslim-owned businesses’ operations and undercut their ability to hire and retain labor, maintain proper working standards, and secure public and private contracts. There were reports of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in employment, including the denial of promotions and firing of LGBTQI+ persons. Activists reported limited job opportunities for many openly gay and lesbian persons and noted a general lack of support from society. Activists reported that in addition to general societal discrimination, persons with HIV or AIDS faced employment discrimination in both the public and private sectors, including suspensions and the loss of employment following positive results from mandatory workplace HIV testing. E. ACCEPTABLE CONDITIONS OF WORK Wage and Hour Laws: The official minimum daily wage was above the poverty line. The minimum wage covers all sectors and industries and applies to all workers in the formal sector except those in businesses with fewer than 15 employees. The law requires the minimum wage to be revised every two years. The government also established tripartite committees in the Special Economic Zones responsible for setting wage levels and an inspector for each zone. The workweek is 44 hours per week for factories. For shops and other establishments, it is 48 hours per week. Although the law in general states that overtime should not exceed 12 hours per work week, the law allows up to 16 hours of overtime when special matters require additional overtime. Overtime for factory workers is regulated under a separate directive that limits overtime to 20 hours per week. The law also stipulates that an employee’s total working hours cannot exceed 11 hours per day (including overtime and a one-hour break). Laws did not apply to those in the informal sector or self-employed. Occupational Safety and Health: The 2019 Occupational Safety and Health law sets standards for occupational safety, health, and welfare. The Ministry of Labor has the authority to suspend businesses operating at risk to worker health and safety until risks are remediated. Labor unions reported instances in which workers could not remove themselves from situations that endangered their health or safety without jeopardizing their employment. Unions reported that workers concerned about COVID-19 positive cases in factories were nonetheless required to work. The Ministry of Labor’s Factories and General Labor Laws Inspection Department oversees labor conditions in the private sector. Inspectors were authorized to make unannounced inspections and initiate sanctions. The regime did not effectively enforce the law. Penalties for wage and hour violations were commensurate with those for similar violations, but penalties for safety and health violations were not. The number of labor law inspectors and factory inspectors was insufficient to address wage, salary, overtime, occupational safety and health standards, and other matters adequately. In some sectors other ministries regulated occupational safety and health laws (e.g., the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, and Irrigation). Informal Sector: Observers agreed the great majority of the country’s workers were in the informal sector. Wage, hours and occupational safety and health laws did not apply to those in the informal sector or self-employed. Informal workers’ jobs were less secure during the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, in April 2020 the Ministry of Health ordered that no more than 50 workers could be present at a construction site. One of the largest employers of informal labor was the construction sector. The postcoup regime retained the policy. Informal-sector jobs usually lacked basic benefits such as social and legal protections. In at-risk industries – defined as having occupational hazards, volatile payment structures, and ease in exploiting labor rights – on average, one in five workers had an informal work arrangement, although the proportion was even higher in manufacturing, construction, recreation, and personal services. In addition, nearly two-thirds of the workers in medium- to high-risk industries were employed informally..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.26 MB (Original version) - 45 pages
more
Title: Foreign Ambassadors Holding Shameful Meetings With Min Aung Hlaing Are on the Wrong Side of History
Description: "12 April 2022: Australian, Indian and Saudi Arabian Ambassadors should be deeply ashamed of holding meetings with the leader of the illegal military junta in Myanmar while his forces beat civilians to death, burned villages to the ground and abducted children, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The people of Myanmar have been resisting a violent attempt by the Myanmar military to seize power over their country since it launched a coup in February 2021. Civil disobedience, strikes, protests and armed resistance prevented the coup from succeeding, while vast areas of the country are under the territorial and administrative control of groups that recognise the authority of the legitimate National Unity Government of Myanmar. Despite this, Ambassadors to Myanmar, including the Australian and Indian Ambassadors, prematurely held meetings with the leader of the junta, Min Aung Hlaing. The official engagements were used as propaganda by the junta leader in his ongoing attempt to gain domestic legitimacy. India, Australia and Saudi Arabia have resisted calls to impose personal sanctions on Min Aung Hlaing and other junta leaders like those imposed by the UK, US, EU and Canada. The members of SAC-M have been calling for Min Aung Hlaing to be prosecuted for genocide since 2018. “The Myanmar people are engaged in an all-out struggle to defend themselves and their democracy from an internal occupying force that is intent on forcing them to succumb to authoritarianism,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Foreign Ambassadors and other government representatives that choose to meet with the leader of that occupying force as if he is leader of Myanmar, might as well turn their backs on the Myanmar people altogether.” Untold sacrifices have been made by the Myanmar people in their struggle. Thousands have been murdered and almost half a million people displaced as junta forces continue to wage a brutal campaign of terror involving mass murder, torture, arson, sexual and gender-based violence, enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention. The junta continues to launch devastating airstrikes on civilian targets including displacement camps, schools, hospitals and places of worship while on the ground its troops commit regular massacres of unarmed civilians that have included the burning alive of children. “The junta is waging a war against the people. The atrocities are not side effects of the conflict but part of a deliberate assault on the population,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “If the world truly stands for the rule of law, the principles of humanity and the fundamental right of all peoples to determine their own future, then equal action must be taken to defend those values wherever they are under threat – not hypocritical complicity with the very villains that would seek to stamp them out.” The National Unity Government should be recognised as the legitimate government of Myanmar, according to internationally accepted criteria. SAC-M is calling for the international community to recognise the National Unity Government and work with it to end the crisis in Myanmar, to cut the supply of arms and cash to the illegal military junta and to refer the situation in Myanmar to International Criminal Court. “The people of Myanmar will succeed in this fight for their country and their freedom,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The question is, how will history judge the rest of the world when the records of these years are written?”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 99.49 KB
more
Title: ၁၃၈၄ ခုနှစ် အတာသင်္ကြန်နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ ၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက် (၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဧပြီလ (၁၂) ရက်)
Description: "Statement of the National Unity Consultative Council on Atar Thingyan 1384..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 361.82 KB
more
Title: Smuggled sketches offer glimpses into harsh Myanmar prison
Description: "In one drawing, dozens of men sit crammed into a single room, hunched with their knees together, every inch of space occupied. In another, they lie back to back on the floor, their faces straining with discomfort. Fourteen sketches smuggled out of Myanmar's Insein Prison and interviews with eight former prisoners offer a rare glimpse inside the country's most notorious jail, where thousands of political prisoners have been sent since last year's military coup and communication with the outside world is sharply limited. The rough, blue-ink sketches show daily life for groups of male prisoners in their dormitories, queuing for water from a trough to wash, talking or lying on the floor in the tropical heat. Beyond those depictions, the eight recently released inmates told Reuters the colonial-era facility in Yangon is infested with rats, a place where bribes are common, prisoners pay for sleeping space on the floor and widespread illness goes untreated. "We're no longer humans behind bars," said Nyi Nyi Htwe, 24, who smuggled the sketches out of the prison when he was released in October, after spending several months for a defamation conviction, on charges he denies, in connection with joining protests against the coup. Reuters could not independently verify the accounts provided by the former inmates. Myanmar's junta, which seized power from the elected government of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and prison administration did not respond to multiple requests for comment on conditions shown in the sketches and described by the former inmates. Humanitarian groups including the International Committee of the Red Cross told Reuters they have been denied access to the jail. Built by the British in 1871, Insein is Myanmar's largest prison, housing many people arrested for opposing the junta. Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, convicted of breaking Myanmar's Official Secrets Act in 2017, spent most of their 511 days behind bars in Insein. They were released in a 2019 amnesty, before the latest coup. PRISON POPULATION SWELLS The artist drew the prison sketches between April and July of last year. Later released, he declined to be interviewed or identified, telling Nyi Nyi Htwe he feared rearrest. Nyi Nyi Htwe, who met the artist in prison, said he sketched prisoners if asked and drew prison scenes wherever he went, saying he felt more relaxed while drawing. He gave Nyi Nyi Htwe the sketches as a birthday present. Nyi Nyi Htwe said he smuggled them out on his release to show friends, family and others the conditions inside. Since the coup, 10,072 people have been detained in the Southeast Asian country, including Suu Kyi and most of her cabinet, and over 1,730 people have been killed, according to the nonprofit Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, whose tallies are widely cited. The junta has said AAPP's figures are exaggerated. Many of those detained have been sent to Insein. Built to incarcerate around 5,000 people, the prison has seen inmate numbers swell to over 10,000 since the coup, said a spokesperson for the AAPP. Reuters could not confirm the figures. The sketches reflect the increase in the months after the coup, said Nyi Nyi Htwe. In one from late April, a few prisoners sit apart in their dorm, some reading books. A picture from June shows about 60 people in the same room - many lying in tight rows down the centre, the rest hunched against the walls. Nyi Nyi Htwe said he and as many as 100 others were packed well beyond capacity into a room where they "slept a finger-width apart," and that he watched prison officers beat inmates with batons and had to pay bribes to send messages to family that they told him often did not arrive. 'LUCKY NOT TO DIE' With the overcrowding came water shortages, disease, fatigue, fighting between prisoners and flourishing bribery, said people released in recent months. "Rats ran around in the room. The toilets were filthy. The food was mixed with flies. Those who couldn't pay a bribe had to sleep next to the toilet bucket," said Sandar Win, a 42-year-old social worker jailed at Insein for several months for defamation after protesting against the junta. She was released under an amnesty while awaiting sentencing for the charges, which she denies. She has since fled Myanmar. Access to outdoor latrines was limited, forcing prisoners to defecate in buckets in their rooms, three women former inmates said. These unsanitary conditions allowed skin and bowel diseases to spread, and there was little medical help, they said. A handwritten note by a group of anonymous Insein inmates, smuggled out to a prominent human rights activist in February, alleges several instances of medical negligence, including failure to treat people beaten unconscious and a person who had suffered a stroke and was paralysed. "These cases are happening right in front of us," said the note, which was shown to Reuters by the activist, Nan Lin. "We request urgent help from international organisations and local organisations." Reuters could not independently verify the note's authenticity, but several former inmates said they had witnessed or suffered beatings by guards and there was little medical support. Despite a COVID-19 vaccination drive at Insein last summer that was publicised on state media, former inmates said the coronavirus thrived in the crowded prison. At least 10 prisoners are suspected to have died from the disease, according to the AAPP. read more Nyi Nyi Htwe, who has joined an armed rebel group, said nearly two-thirds of his dormitory were sick with COVID symptoms last summer. "They put all the sick people in our room — high fever, coughing and ill," he said. "I was lucky enough not to die." A set of smuggled notes shown to Reuters by an aid group show an exchange between a father, held on defamation charges, and his young son. "Behaving well, Papa. I miss you. I'd like to have a toy boat," wrote the boy. "My little son," came the reply, including a tiny boat the father fashioned from instant coffee wrappers. "I love you so much, my sweetheart. Please listen to your grandma."..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Channel Mandalay TV reporter Win Naing Oo sentenced to 5 years in prison for terrorism
Description: "Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalist Win Naing Oo and stop using terrorism charges to imprison independent reporters, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Wednesday. A special court in Obo Prison, in the central city of Mandalay, on Tuesday, April 5, sentenced Win Naing Oo, chief reporter with the local Channel Mandalay TV news station, to five years in prison under Section 52(a) of the Counter Terrorism Law, a provision that outlaws acts of organizing or participating in a terrorist group, knowingly concealing or harboring a terrorist group, or giving permission for a terrorist group to use a building or gather, according to a report by The Irrawaddy and data compiled by local rights group the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. Win Naing Oo was arrested on August 31, 2021, in Mandalay, according to news reports and CPJ research. He was initially charged under Article 505(a) of the penal code, a broad provision that criminalizes “any attempt to cause fear, spread false news or agitate directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a government employee” or that “causes their hatred, disobedience, or disloyalty toward the military and the government.” “Journalist Win Naing Oo should be released immediately and unconditionally, and allowed to continue his work of reporting the news without fear of reprisal,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “The military regime’s bid to equate journalism with terrorism marks a dark and preposterous turn in its brutal campaign to stifle Myanmar’s free press.” The 505(a) charge was changed in mid-October to one of terrorism, according to a Myanmar Now report. A defense lawyer cited in The Irrawaddy report said Win Naing Oo has no plans to appeal his conviction, which found that he was involved with a local anti-military People’s Defense Force in Mandalay’s Sint Kaing Township. Win Naing Oo’s arrest came in the wake of the military’s February 1, 2021, democracy-suspending coup and subsequent protests. The military junta cracked down on Myanmar’s independent media, detaining dozens of journalists. Myanmar is the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists, trailing only China, with at least 26 behind bars at the time of CPJ’s December 1, 2021, prison census. CPJ messaged Channel Mandalay TV on Facebook for information on Win Naing Oo’s case, but did not receive any response. The Myanmar Ministry of Information did not immediately reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar Junta Detains Nine Anti-Coup Activists in Mandalay Raids
Description: "Nine young activists belonging to an anti-coup protest group in Mandalay were detained on Monday evening, according to their colleagues in Mandalay’s Pyigyitagun Township. U Aggavumsa, the leading organizer of anti-coup protests in Pyigyitagun, said: “After we lost contact with them, we issued an alert so that others involved could flee. We can now confirm that they have been detained. Two safe houses were raided and six men and three women were detained.” Another organizer of anti-coup protests in Mandalay said the young activists were detained in Amarapura Township when safe houses were raided after one protester was arrested on a street. “We had contact with one protester, and we noticed from his words that something was wrong. So, we assumed that he had been detained, and we issued an alert,” he said. The whereabouts of the detained activists are still unknown, and family members still can’t contact them. U Aggavumsa said he is concerned that the detainees might have been tortured during the raid and during interrogation. “As they [the regime] haven’t issued a press release about their detention, it appears that they are searching for other people involved.” More than one year after the coup, more than a dozen groups of anti-coup protesters continue to stage flash mob protests against the military regime in Mandalay despite crackdowns and arrests. The regime has also stepped up its arrest of anti-coup protesters and urban guerilla resistance fighters and is holding them incommunicado, according to anti-coup protesters. Ko Philips, an anti-coup protester, was beaten in public and detained by junta security forces on March 27. His whereabouts is still unknown. On March 2, two university students including the chairman of the Mandalay District Students’ Union and a striking teacher were detained during a junta raid in Amarapura Township. At least 17 young people were detained when around 500 junta security forces combed wards and villages in Patheingyi Township on March 22-23. In Yangon, an urban guerilla resistance fighter died and six others from resistance group Free Tiger Ranger were arrested when junta soldiers raided their apartments in Kyimyindaing Township on March 26. Junta security forces fired shots as they raided the apartments, the resistance group said. Four men and two women aged between 18 and 35 were detained and are being held for interrogation at the Myanmar military’s Division 44 in Shwepyithar Township, according to the Free Tiger Ranger. Junta soldiers did not return the body of the resistance fighter who was shot dead during the raid. Free Tiger Ranger is an urban guerilla resistance group that targets military informants, military-linked businesses and the junta administrative mechanism in Yangon. In their latest attack, the group said it killed a local administrator in Hlaing Tharyar Township on March 24..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Open letter: United States Congress must pass BURMA Act 2021
Description: "To: Members of the U.S. Congress : Subject: Pass the B.U.R.M.A. Act, Open Letter Signed by the Diaspora of Burma in America and Endorsed by the CSOs and CBOs inside Burma and Global Solidarity Organization to the United State Congress to Pass the Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability (BURMA) Act of 2021 Dear United States Representatives and Senators, We, the diaspora with our roots from all various regions of Burma residing in the United States, with the endorsement by civil society organizations and community-based organizations inside Burma and global solidarity organizations, write to express our support for the BURMA Act and request its expedited passage into law. Since October 6th, 2021, when 242 Burmese diaspora, local CSOs inside Burma, community-based organizations, and civil society organizations signed an open letter to the United States Congress to support the BURMA Act of 2021, the situation on the ground has only worsened. As of March 26th, 2022, the military junta had killed 1,707 civilians and arbitrarily arrested 12,970 people according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners AAPP (Burma). Moreover, the military-perpetrated ongoing airstrikes and heavy artillery launches in ethnic areas had resulted in 1.2 million persons of concern, including 810,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) and 600,000 stateless Rohingyas being forced to flee homes for their lives according to the latest UNHCR report. We welcome the latest set of actions by the United States to reaffirm its ongoing support for Burma’s democracy in particular through Senator McConnell-led amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act of 2022, additional treasury sanctions on March 25, 2022, a letter of support for Burmese democracy signed by 14 Senators and Members of Congress urging Secretary Blinken and State Department to take actions, the passage of S. Res 35 in the Senate, and US Government’s Rohingya Genocide Determination. We thank Representative Meeks, Representative Bera, and Representative Chabot for their joint statement on the one-year anniversary, and their continued demonstration of support for the democracy and freedom of the people in Burma. We also recognize the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s show of bipartisan support for the BURMA Act on October 21, 2021, and 102 cosponsors from both the House and Senate. The humanitarian and democracy aid authorized in the BURMA Act are sorely needed, as is the investigation into the oil and gas industry, the accountability for the military’s ongoing war crimes, Rohingya genocide and atrocity crimes against ethnic minorities, and a special coordinator position to make sure it all gets done. The sanction language of the Burma Act targets the junta’s finances in ways that can hurt the regime while sparing the people from additional suffering. We, the undersigned, urgently request the United States Congress to pass the BURMA Act of 2021 in consideration of the countless lives taken away by the murderous military junta and the dangers that the authoritarian regime imposes on human rights and democracy. We acknowledge the bipartisan support we have received from the House of Representatives and we call for the same unified support by our Senators. As Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”, we look forward to our democratically-elected Congress taking swift, concrete actions in holding the junta accountable for their crimes and supporting the civilian’s efforts in building Burma’s path to democracy..."
Source/publisher: 58 diaspora organizations in the United States and endorsed by 87 Civil Societies inside Burma and across the globe
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar Junta’s Police Law Dangerous if Abused: Analyst
Description: "Last month, Myanmar’s regime enacted the Myanmar Police Act making it compulsory for law enforcement officers to fight alongside soldiers on the front lines, while expanding their powers to restrict citizens’ liberty. Under the law, the appointment of police officers and any structural changes to the force requires the approval of the military chief. Legal advisor U Khin Maung Myint recently talked to The Irrawaddy about how the law will affect people. Why has the regime made it compulsory for the police to serve in security and combat roles besides law enforcement? The police used to be a separate entity before 1962 but since then the military has used armed organizations, including the police, as auxiliary forces. Now this law assigns security and defense roles to the police. It has been years since security battalions were formed within the police to perform as military units. The law was enacted to assign fighting roles to the police if necessary. Do you think officers will have to go to the frontline? It is likely. Police battalions had to fight in the past. While officers from township police stations were engaged in law enforcement, police battalions had to fight alongside the military on the frontline. When they gained control of an area and the troops left, police battalions stayed and reestablished security. This law means that not only police battalions but all officers will be ordered to fight. The law grants greater powers to the police. How will it affect the freedom and security of citizens? Laws focused on security and protection often compromise the citizenship rights, privacy and security of individuals. Under the law, officers can arrest and search buildings, citing security and defense concerns. Residents have to hand over a layout of new homes. There can be no privacy and safety. There is no problem if those provisions are enforced properly, respecting constitutional rights but if the powers granted by the law are abused, it is quite dangerous. The law carries prison sentences for banging pots and pans. Is the regime trying to stop every form of protest? The law expands officers’ powers, largely in response to the changing situation. The resistance of the people’s defense forces and ethnic armed groups has spread from ethnic-majority states and rural areas to the cities. As resistance groups appear to be planning to launch large-scale attacks in a so-called D-day, the law aims to lift the restrictions on police so officers can take preventive measures against potential attackers. How about the increasing penalties for certain crimes under the law? Every regime rules with fear. It hopes increased penalties will deter potential perpetrators and reduce opposition. But the punishment must fit the crime and only then can social order be maintained. How do you assess the law? By international standards, the law grants excessive power to Myanmar’s police. It will overstretch the police from their primary duty: to maintain tranquility and enforce the rule of law. They are not enforcing the law at the moment and they will be overburdened if they are also to fight. It is out of touch with reality..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Seizing People’s Lives: The unlawful confiscations of civilians’ property by the terrorist military
Description: "April 4, 2022 Since the failed coup, the military junta has been terrorizing, repressing, and plundering the lives and livelihoods of the civilian population in escalatory attacks with each passing day. The military junta’s intensification of so-called military operations has resorted to instilling a climate of fear. Inhumane tactics detailed below further demonstrate the military’s intent to return Burma to harsh authoritarian rule. According to documentation collected by Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), since the coup and as of March 31, 2022, more than (547) households and buildings have been seized by the military junta. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 876.86 KB
more
Title: Ten Alleged Yangon Activists Jailed Over Bomb Attacks on Myanmar Junta
Description: "Ten alleged Yangon activists, who were detained in April last year and charged with involvement in bombings, were sentenced to seven years in prison with labor, according to their lawyers. A court in Insein Prison on March 31 handed down the maximum sentences for illegal weapons possession and their detention period will be deducted from the sentence. The 10 still face charges Article 436 of the Penal Code which could extend their terms by 20 years. “The arson trial under Article 436 is ongoing. The maximum penalty under 436 is 20 years,” said a lawyer. They were detained in night raids on April 17 last year following three blasts that killed at least one soldier and wounded several others at the General Administration Office in Yankin Township, where troops were based. The following day, the regime’s Myawaddy TV announced suspects had been arrested in the township with bomb-making equipment after a tipoff. The accused showed signs of severe torture in the junta’s pictures. The face of Ma Khin Nyein Thu, 31, was visibly swollen and she was reportedly sexually harassed during the interrogation. A family member said Ma Khin Nyein Thus is now in good health. Since the coup, many activists have been given lengthy jail terms or death sentences for alleged attacks and for having ties to the civilian National Unity Government or its armed people’s defense forces (PDFs). Recently several individuals were given 10-year sentences for allegedly donating cash to PDFs. Those who are tried by court-martial are given harsher penalties and denied citizenship and human and legal rights, including the right to counsel, said lawyers. U Khin Maung Myint, a lawyer, said: “There are two separate types of court, one for courts-martial in townships where direct military rule is imposed. Lawyers are not allowed to represent the accused in those courts. No one tried at those courts has been released and they are all given maximum sentences.” No detainees tried at prison courts have been released, he added. More than 10,007 people remain under detention since the February 2021 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Around 905 detainees have been given prison sentences, including 59 death sentences. Two children have received death sentences. At least 41 other suspects in hiding have been given death sentences in absentia..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: မိသားစု အသိုက်အမြုံ အလုံးစုံ ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း အာဏာလု စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ပြည်သူ့ ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို တရားမဲ့ သိမ်းပိုက်ခြင်း
Description: "၄-ဧပြီ-၂၀၂၂ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် အာဏာကိုမတရားလုယူချိန်ကတည်းက နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက် အိုးအိမ်၊ စည်းစိမ်ကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်၊ အနိုင်ကျင့်၊ ဖျက်ဆီးမှုများ ပြုလုပ်နေခဲ့ရာ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် အကြမ်းဖက် မှုများမှာ ပိုမိုအရှိန်မြှင့် ဆိုးရွားရက်စက်လာလျက်ရှိသည်။ စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် နယ်မြေစိုးမိုးရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ဟု အကြောင်းပြကာ အဆမတန် အင်အားသုံး၍ စစ်ရေးအရှိန် မြှင့်တင်ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသလို တစ်ဖက်တွင်လည်း ပြည်သူများကို အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းခြုံနေစေရေး အတွက် လူမဆန်သောနည်းလမ်းပေါင်းစုံအသုံးပြုလျက်ရှိသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) မှ လက်လှမ်းမီသမျှ ကောက်ယူရရှိထား သော အချက်အလက်များအရ မတရားအာဏာလုရန်ကြိုးပမ်းချိန်ကတည်းက မတ်လ (၃၁)၊ ၂၀၂၂ အထိ နေအိမ်၊အဆောက်အအုံ စုစုပေါင်း (၅၄၇) ထက်မနည်း စစ်အုပ်စုက ချိပ်ပိတ်သိမ်းဆည်းခဲ့သည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 973.22 KB
more
Title: Three weeks of intensified judicial persecution of journalists in Myanmar
Description: "After last weekend’s massive show of force by Myanmar’s armed forces and their chief’s promise to “annihilate” all forms of opposition, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) looks back at the past three weeks of intensified judicial persecution of journalists and reiterates its call for the unconditional release of all media personnel currently held in Myanmar’s prisons. The additions to the list of arrests and prison sentences seem to never end. According to information verified by RSF, Nay Naw, a journalist also known as Myo Naung Naung Zaw who is an editor with the Karen Information Centre (KIC) and a reporter for Bloomberg Business, was arrested on 28 Marsh in Myawaddy, a southeastern city on the Thai border. Naung Yoe, a freelance journalist arrested on 9 April 2021, was sentenced on the same day to 18 months in prison by a court in the remote northern town of Hpakant, in Kachin State. In both cases, the authorities invoked Section 505 (a) of the penal code, which penalises the publication of false information about representatives of the armed forces. “From north to south, in cities and in rural townships, Myanmar’s repressive military machine harasses and hunts down journalists,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “With more than 60 media workers currently in jail, Myanmar is one of the worst places in the world to try to keep your fellow citizens informed. We urge the international community to apply tougher targeted sanctions on the regime’s officials, who dare to shamelessly parade their relentless persecution of civil society.” “Annihilate” Addressing 8,000 soldiers gathered for a military parade on 27 April, armed forces day, in the capital, Naypyidaw, military junta chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing vowed to “annihilate” all forms of opposition “until the end.” His speech coincided with a disturbing escalation in the junta’s crackdown on press freedom. The past three weeks of judicial persecution of journalists: - 23 March: Two convictions in the space of 12 hours Ye Yint Tun, a reporter for the Myanmar Than Taw Sint (or Myanmar Herald) news website, was sentenced to two years in prison by a special court in the southwestern city of Pathein. He was arrested while covering a protest on 28 February 2021. Aung Zaw Zaw, a video editor with the Mandalay Free Press news agency, was also sentenced to two years in prison on same day by a court in Kantbalu Township, in northern Myanmar. He was arrested on the evening of 16 January 2022 at his father's home in the nearby village of Tauk Ka Shat. Like Ye Yint Tun, he was jailed under Section 505 (a) of the penal code. - 22 March: Jail sentence for detained Mizzima News editor After more than a year in detention, Than Htike Aung, a former editor at Mizzima News, a media outlet that has played a historic role in the fight for a free press in Myanmar, was sentenced to two years in prison. RSF has learned that he does not intend to appeal for fear that his sentence could be increased. He was transferred to Yamethin prison in the big northern city of Mandalay, where he will serve the rest of his sentence. - 21 March: Two years hard labour for Kamayut Media co-founder Kamayut Media news agency co-founder Han Thar Nyein was sentenced to two years of hard labour on a “false news” charge by a military court in Insein prison, in a suburb of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. He was arrested in March 2021 along with his US colleague Nathan Maung, who sought refuge in the United States after his release on 14 June 2021. Maung told RSF he feared that his colleague could also tried for an alleged violation of the Electronic Transactions Law, which carries a possible 15-year prison sentence under Section 33 (b). He said he was saddened at the thought that “he could be brought to trial with chains on his legs and hands as a prisoner facing new charges." - 15 March: Freelancer Aung Win Htay arrested As reporters throughout Myanmar are increasingly forced to work clandestinely, freelance journalist Aung Win Htay was seized by a military unit in Mong Ton, a rural township near the Thai border in northeastern Shan State, and was formally detained by the police a few hours later under Section 505 (a) of the penal code for criticising the junta on Facebook. He has worked in the past for Democratic Voice of Burma, a historic protagonist in the struggle for an independent press in Myanmar and recipient of the RSF Press Freedom Prize in 2007. - 14 March: Convictions of Kanbawza Tai News journalists upheld on appeal Nann Nann Tai, also known as Nann Nway Nway Hlaing, the editor of Kanbawza Tai News, a media outlet based in Taunggyi, the capital of northeastern Shan State, and one of her reporters, Nang Win Yi, were sentenced to two years in prison on appeal. Arrested in Taunggyi on 24 March 2021, the two women journalists were convicted last December under the all-purpose Section 505 (a) of the penal code. - 11 March: 11 years in prison for Bago Weekly reporter Nyein Chan Wai, a Bago Weekly reporter based in Tharrawaddy, a city 120 km north of Yangon, was given the extremely harsh sentence of eight years and three months in prison for inciting “disaffection towards the government” under Section 124 of the penal code. This sentence is added to the three-year jail term he received on 16 December under Section 505 (a) of the penal code. He will now have to spend more than 11 years in prison. - 10 March: Journalist arrested, pardoned, freed… and rearrested After Yangon-based freelance reporter Soe Yarzar Tun was kidnapped by soldiers, his family had to wait six days until the police finally told them that he was being held at Hlegu Myoma police station. This is the second time he has been arrested. Following his arrest a few weeks after the February 2021 coup d’état, he spent four months in Insein prison until released under a pardon on 30 June 2021. For him, as for many of Myanmar’s journalists, the nightmare now resumes. Myanmar is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in RSF's 2021 World Press Freedom Index..."
Source/publisher: Reporters Without Borders (Paris)
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-02
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: MARCH 2022 - WITH NO SUCCESS IN SIGHT, JUNTA DIGS IN WITH DIRTY TACTICS
Description: "On 27 Mar, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing vowed to “annihilate the opposition.” As of 31 Mar, the junta had arrested at least 13,040 civilians, including politicians, activists, and journalists, and killed at least 2,053 civilians. The junta got dirtier in its tactics. It funded paramilitary groups, enacted “legislation” allowing it to conscript police into its war, used social media channels to discredit and hunt down its opposition, and demanded that hospitals turn over patient records to undermine treatment of opponents. Cities across Burma struggled with power blackouts as electricity production fell to a quarter of the national demand. Outages disrupted water distribution and business operations, while rising fuel prices made the use of generators unsustainable..."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-BURMA, Asia Democracy Network, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, Burma Human Rights Network, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice and US Campaign for Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-01
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 851.32 KB (Original version) - 23 pages
more
Title: Justice and Defence Ministries Leading Investigation into Reported Unlawful Killings by Some Militants Associated with PDF soldiers
Description: "The Ministry of justice and the Ministry of Defence have launched an investigation into incidents that took place in November last year, that appear to show unlawful killings by some, militants associated with the PDF in Sagaing region. It is a complicated story of accidental deaths due to mishandled explosives, apparently followed by killings in retribution, and more to attempt to cover-up the incidents. NUG Minister of Justice, U Thien Oo, in announcing the investigation, said these allegations, if true, would be a "very disturbing breach of discipline and an apparent abuse by these militants of the PDF's sacred responsibility to protect innocent civilians." He pledged that the investigation would "get to the truth of what happened and who was responsible." "No one is above the law, even in a time of conflict," he concluded. The regional commander, Boh Tanmani, said no such killings had been ordered, but admitted that, "Some comrades from the lower ranks might have lost their tempers and committed these killings. He added, "I have agreed to face the consequences if I am found guilty under the law and given a sentence." If sufficient evidence can be collected, "there will be trials and upon convictions, punishment." The NUG has been very clear that no battlefield killings that involve PDF soldiers taking the lives of innocent civilians will be permitted. It has conducted trains and briefings with regional commanders about the rules of war and international law, even in conflict..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Justice - NUG
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 74.36 KB
more
Title: Joint Statement on Armed Forces Day in Myanmar
Description: "Following is a joint statement on Armed Forces Day in Myanmar issued by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union and the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Australia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Canada, Georgia, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Montenegro, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Norway, Palau, Republic of Korea, Serbia, Switzerland, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Begin text: On Armed Forces Day, we remember those killed and displaced by violence over the last year, including at least 100 people killed on this day alone one year ago. Some countries continue to supply lethal assistance to Myanmar’s military regime, enabling its violence and repression. We urge all countries to support the people of Myanmar by immediately stopping the sale or transfer of arms, military equipment, materiel, dual-use equipment, and technical assistance to Myanmar, in line with UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/75/287. We reiterate our call on the military to cease its violence and restore Myanmar’s path to democracy..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of State
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar: Myanmar junta jails three journalists in one week
Description: "Junta courts in Myanmar have sentenced three journalists, Hanthar Nyein, Than Htike Aung and Ye Yint Tun, to two years in prison each for allegedly “spreading false news”. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) condemns the ongoing attacks to journalists in Myanmar and calls on the Myanmar officials to immediately drop all the charges against Hanthar Nyein, Than Htike Aung, and Ye Yint Tun. According to the International Press Institute, Hanthar Nyein was sentenced on March 21 in a military-run court inside Yangon’s Insein Prison. The court charged the journalist for incitement under Section 505(A) of the Myanmar Penal Code. On March 22, Than Htike Aung was handed the same charge, but was sentenced in Dekkhina District Court in Naypyitaw, Myanmar's capital. Section 505(A) of Myanmar’s Penal Code criminalises the circulation of any information that is deemed “false news” against the military regime. Both journalists pleaded not guilty. Radio Free Asia reported that Ye Yint Tun, a reporter for the Myanmar Herald, was also sentenced for two years on March 23 under Sections 505(A) and 505(B) of the Penal Code. The sentencing of the three journalists comes one year after their original arrests. Hanthar Nyein, co-founder of Kamayut Media, was arrested on March 9, 2021, during a military raid of the news outlet’s office in Yangon. “They said Kamayut Media had incited riots and rallied people to protest. However, Hanthar Nyein appealed to them that he had just reported the news in accordance with journalistic ethics,” Hanthar Nyein’s lawyer said. Than Htike Aung, a news editor affiliated with independent media outlet Mizzima, was arrested on March 19, 2021, in Naypyitaw whilst reporting on a court hearing. Authorities arrested Ye Yint Tun on February 28, 2021, whilst he was covering a protest in Pathein. Section 505(A) of the Penal Code has been heavily criticised in Myanmar, with activists arguing that it is a “legal catch-all for bringing criminal charges against a broad range of individuals deemed to pose a challenge to the military regime”, and thus justifies the arbitrary arrest of journalists. The IFJ said: “The ongoing detainment and harassment of journalists by the military junta continues to curb press freedom in Myanmar and contravene international human rights standards. The IFJ calls for the immediate release of Hanthar Nyein, Than Htike Aung and Ye Yint Tun, and urges the military to immediately cease its intimidation of Myanmar’s media.”..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Journalists
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Sale of Telenor Myanmar completed
Sub-title: Telenor has completed the sale of Telenor Myanmar.
Description: "In line with the sales and purchase agreement, Telenor has received USD 50 million (approximately NOK 450 million) at closing. The remaining USD 55 million shall be received in equal installments over the coming 5 years. Closing of the transaction will only have minor impact on the equity of Telenor Group. However, the reclassification of accumulated losses related to translation differences earlier recognized in other comprehensive income will impact the income statement negatively with approximately NOK 0.8 billion. The derecognising of the cash balance in Telenor Myanmar and the proceeds received at closing results in a net negative cash flow impact of around NOK 1.5 billion. The transaction will be booked in Q1. Due to the uncertain situation in Myanmar, the deferred payment will not be recognized in the accounts at closing..."
Source/publisher: Telenor Group
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar Anti-Regime Leader: Freedom Does Not Come For Free
Description: "Tayzar San is one of the most prominent of Myanmar’s anti-regime protest leaders and a key member of the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) — a body that brings forces opposed to the military regime together. A coalition of elected lawmakers, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and pro-democracy activists, the NUCC serves as a political consultative body to the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG), and is leading the efforts to lay the groundwork for the creation of a federal democratic union. As one of the junta’s most wanted people, Tayzar San has been on the run for many months. But while in hiding, he continues his mission to eliminate military dictatorship from his motherland. Recently, the 33-year-old doctor turned activist talked to The Irrawaddy about the urgent need for funds for the revolution and called on the public to take the boycott and social punishment campaigns seriously. You and other prominent opposition figures have talked about the importance of financing the revolution. How is the current funding situation? The NUG talked about the defense budget in their six month report on the people’s defensive war. The NUG said that they have received nothing, neither cash nor any material support, from foreign counties for the revolution and depend only on public donations. In fact, finance is the essential need for the revolution and will determine its result. But the coup has plunged the country into political, social and economic turmoil. And so our people are facing hardship and their financial support for the revolution is limited. But I want to say that to win this revolution quickly, we definitely need more funding. We have all heard and seen that our People’s Defense Forces (PDF) comrades need arms and other material items. So we all need to push and contribute more. I want to say that this revolution is not for the NUG, NUCC and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CPRH – the NUG’s parliamentary committee), but for all the people of Myanmar. If the revolution is successful, it will benefit all of us. Equally, if this revolution doesn’t succeed, all of us including future generations will suffer. In the NUG’s six month report, the defense ministry said it has only received around US$30 million to fund the armed resistance. What do you think of that? I was really surprised by that. I thought the amount would be more. Everyone knows that weapons and ammunition are expensive. At the same time, our enemy, the terrorist regime, is spending hundreds of millions of dollars on the military and has had 70 years to build up its infrastructure. Compared to that, spending US$30 million is like tossing sesame seeds into the mouth of an elephant. In a virtual discussion that I joined last year, one EAO leader said that, according to their calculations, if we could spend US$15 million a month on military expenses, we could bring down the regime in a short time. At least US$2-3 million is required to arm a battalion. So US$30 million is nothing. That’s not to be discouraging but to make people aware of the situation. Funding is the lifeline of the revolution, so we need to work together to push for more of it. If we can do that, we can reach our desired destination of a peaceful and flourishing country fast. What can the NUG do to improve fundraising? As far as I know, the NUG currently has two sources of revenue [for the resistance movement]. The first one is bond sales, which is well known. People who can afford it, buy bonds. But I think that they can organize a campaign to sell more bonds and reach the business community more. Another source of funds is the People’s Revolution Supply Family (PRF) program. We rely on it a lot. Under it, all of our people can help supply PDFs for a minimum amount of US$20 each month. But so far people have very little knowledge about the PRF. Actually, the PRF program is a great source of fundraising for the PDF members who are risking their lives in our fight for freedom. But as there’s little public awareness of the PRF, the amount of people participating is still very low. While we try to get donations from business people who can make big contributions, we should also try to do more to get the general public to contribute monthly to the PRF. But the NUG shouldn’t just rely on those two sources of funding. They need to find innovative ways to generate more revenue and also work on how to raise taxes as a legitimate government. For international aid, the world only bets on the winning horse. We need to work to let the international community know that our revolution is moving forward, and that we will definitely win. What will happen to the revolution if the funding doesn’t increase? For me, the current situation is not satisfactory as there is a great need of funding but it is also not discouraging. Our [armed] resistance started with any available weapons and even under the current situation with insufficient weapons and ammunition, the PDFs can threaten the junta forces and have taken control of rural areas in Sagaing Region and Kayah State. Tactics will also play a role in battle, while the main difference between us and the terrorist regime is that our fight is spirit-based and has the full support of the people. For them [the military regime], regardless of how well-equipped they are, as soon as they leave their bases or camps, they are in enemy territory. It is certain that we will win this revolution and there is a lot of good potential. But it will depend on us to make that happen. So I would like to urge our people not to relax or be disrupted by events and don’t be disunited. In terms of public participation in the revolution, you have also recently reminded people of the boycott and social punishment campaigns. Why have you done that? Because now more than a year after the coup, the terrorist military council members and some of their collaborators, supporters and opportunists are starting to publicly attempt to claim that normality is returning under the regime. They didn’t dare do that before as the peoples’ campaign against them was quite strong. But now they are testing the water. This is a battle between Dharma and Adharma. We need to clarify clearly the line between our enemy and us and we shouldn’t let them get into our society. They are the ones responsible for all the social and economic consequences since the coup. We need to strongly reject all of them. The boycott campaign against any businesses and services owned or affiliated with the military is also important. It needs to apply to anyone, any organization, any product affiliated with the military or supporting the military, because the money we use to buy their products or to use their services will turn into guns and bullets that kill our people and our PDF fighters. So not a single penny should reach the military. Our people already know that. But they might overlook the importance of the boycott campaign and social punishment for the revolution. And the terrorist regime and their collaborators will take advantage of that. We can’t let them do as they want. If we do, we are stupid. What else would you like to say? I would like to say that the more people contribute, the faster the revolution will succeed. You shouldn’t assume that the revolution will be over without you participating. There are several ways to participate. I am not asking you to do what the PDF youths are doing: fighting on the ground and risking their lives for the revolution. Let’s push to meet the financial needs for the people’s defensive war. Let’s be a support force [to the PDFs] by joining strikes, continuing to donate, continuing the Civil Disobedience Movement, boycott campaign and social punishment. Freedom does not come for free. We all have to make whatever contribution we can..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-24
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar sentences journalists Hanthar Nyein and Than Htike Aung to 2 years in prison
Description: "Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalists Hanthar Nyein and Than Htike Aung, and stop sentencing members of the press to prison for their work, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Thursday. On Monday, March 21, a military court in Yangon’s Insein Prison convicted Hanthar, co-founder of the local news website Kamayut Media, under Section 505(a) of the penal code, a broad anti-state provision that criminalizes incitement and the dissemination of “false news,” and sentenced him to two years in prison, according to news reports and Kamayut Media editor-in-chief Nathan Maung, who communicated with CPJ via email. The following day, a court in the capital city, Naypyidaw, convicted Than Htike Aung, a news editor with the news website Mizzima, on the same charge and also ordered him to be imprisoned for two years, according to reports and Mizzima editor-in-chief Soe Myint, who also communicated with CPJ via email. The courts both said that the time the journalists had already served, following Hanthar’s March 9, 2021, arrest and Than Htike Aung’s March 19, 2021, arrest, would count toward their sentences, according to the journalists’ editors. “The sentencing of journalists Hanthar Nyein and Than Htike Aung on bogus anti-state charges underscores Myanmar’s dubious distinction as one of the world’s worst jailers of the press,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “They should be freed immediately, along with the dozens of other reporters wrongfully held behind bars under the abusive rule of the country’s military junta.” Both reporters pleaded not guilty to the charges, their editors said. Maung told CPJ that Hanthar did not have any immediate plans to appeal his conviction, and that his prison sentence included hard labor. He said Hanthar was currently in good health. Previously, Maung told CPJ that authorities physically abused Hanthar at the Yay Kyi Ai interrogation center in Insein Township before moving him to Insein Prison. Soe Myint also told CPJ that Than Htike Aung would not appeal his conviction. He said the journalist was transferred to Mandalay Division’s Yamethin Prison on Wednesday to serve his sentence. Myanmar’s Ministry of Information did not immediately reply to CPJ’s request for comment sent via email. Myanmar is the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists, trailing only China, with at least 26 behind bars at the time of CPJ’s annual prison census, conducted on December 1, 2021..."
Source/publisher: Committee to Protect Journalists (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-24
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar: New Evidence and Findings of Post-Coup d’État Crimes Against Humanity
Description: "In the six months following its February 2021 coup d’état, the Myanmar junta murdered, imprisoned, tortured, disappeared, forcibly displaced, and persecuted civilians in acts that amount to crimes against humanity, said Fortify Rights and the Schell Center for International Human Rights at Yale Law School (“Schell Center”) in a new report released today. The report makes new contributions to accountability and international justice efforts targeting the junta’s atrocities since the coup, including by: Identifying 61 senior military and police officials who should be investigated and possibly prosecuted for international crimes; Establishing the locations of 1,040 military units nationwide; Revealing new information about the military chain-of-command during the crackdown on peaceful protesters throughout the country; and Providing the most thorough legal analysis to date of the junta’s widespread and systematic attacks on the people of Myanmar in the first six months after the coup. “Published just days prior to the one-year anniversary of the Armed Forces Day Massacre, this report provides the international community a better understanding of the junta’s crimes, the individuals responsible, and their battalions’ locations in relation to attacks. U.N. member states must ensure accountability for these ongoing atrocities,” said Tom Andrews, U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Robina Senior Fellow at Yale Law School’s Schell Center, and author of the foreword to the report. “This pivotal report on the junta’s horrendous crimes can help guide efforts to ensure accountability.” The 193-page report, “Nowhere is Safe”: The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État, is based on more than 120 testimonies, leaked documents and information, and in-depth legal analysis of new evidence. It focuses on the first six months after the military’s attempted coup on February 1, 2021. For months and often in broad daylight, Myanmar Army soldiers and Myanmar Police Force officers shot and killed unarmed civilians in cities and towns throughout the country, among other atrocities. The report proves how the junta engaged in a premeditated, widespread, and systematic attack on the civilian population. Among the 61 senior military and police officials named in the report as potentially liable for crimes against humanity are Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Vice Senior General Soe Win, and the Joint Chief of Staff General Mya Tun Oo. These men are also responsible for what Fortify Rights determined to be genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, as well as war crimes in Rakhine State in 2019 and probable crimes against humanity and war crimes in Shan and Kachin states. Other military and police suspects identified in the report are 19 regional commanders of the police force, 13 regional commanders from the military, and 27 other senior officials from the junta..."
Source/publisher: Fortify Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-24
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Press Release: Unprecedented Legal Case To Launch in Turkey Against Myanmar Junta
Description: "London, 24 March, 2022: The Myanmar Accountability Project, MAP, will lodge a criminal file for torture against members of the Myanmar junta at the Prosecutor’s Office in Istanbul on 29 March 2022. “This is the first case to be initiated in a national court outside Myanmar into crimes that have been committed inside the country since the coup in February last year,” said MAP Director, Chris Gunness. “ The case relates to torture which took place in the notorious, Ye Kyi Ain interrogation centre in northern Yangon. We will be sending the names of specific torturers to the Turkish authorities and requesting that Interpol arrest them. Criminal responsibility also rests with members of the illegal military regime, including the leader of the failed coup, Min Aung Hlaing.” Since the coup, the use of torture has become widespread and systematic, raising it to the level of international crimes. A report by the UN Human Rights Council found that since the coup, 325 people including 26 children had been tortured to death. The report concluded that “hundreds, if not thousands, have been subjected to torture.” Chief legal Counsel for MAP, Gülden Sönmez, said the prospects for this “universal jurisdiction case in Turkey are good. The legal basis for a prosecution is sound. The evidence is very solid and with so much sympathy in Turkey for the people of Myanmar, dating back to the geocide against Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslims in 2017, the political environment is also sympathetic to a conviction,” she said. “The message from this case in Turkey to the leaders of Myanmar’s failed coup is that you will be held accountable for your crimes and that you will face justice,” said Gunness. “You should take steps to get on the right side of the law. Stop the torture. Stop the crimes against humanity. And to the lower ranking members of the security forces, I say that your actions are being monitored. You too will be held to account.” Later in the year, MAP will be initiating cases against the Myanmar junta in France and in the East Asia region..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Accountability Project
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-24
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: “Nowhere is Safe”
Sub-title: The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État
Description: "Based on more than 120 interviews, “Nowhere is Safe”: The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État , exposes how the Myanmar military junta murdered, imprisoned, tortured, disappeared, persecuted, and forcibly displaced or transferred peaceful protesters, activists, political leaders, and other civilians throughout the country in the six months following the military coup on February 1, 2021. It provides the most extensive legal analysis to date on the attack, finding that the Myanmar junta is responsible for crimes against humanity under international law, and it reveals the identities of 61 Myanmar military and police officials who should be investigated and possibly prosecuted. It also reveals the physical locations of 1,040 military units nationwide. Through detailed recommendations, this report provides a pathway for the international community to address impunity by the Myanmar junta, hold preparators accountable, and end ongoing attacks..."
Source/publisher: Fortify Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-24
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 32.93 MB 31.03 MB 141.25 KB
more
Title: Life in Hell: Dehumanization
Description: "The entire population of Myanmar has been deprived of their basic human rights at the moment. Among them, prisons are the worst place of the most serious HR violations which are totally unknown to the rest of the world, to the entire country and the humanity. Political prisoners and detainees who took part in the anti-coup movement and fought against the military dictators by all means during the Spring Revolution have been heavily tortured by the prison authority, stooges of the dictator. This animation video is presented by GSCC, AAPP and AJAR marking the “International Day for the Right to the Truth” to disclose the true reality and to make known of the most unknown and worst HR violations behind bars. (Our Revolution Must Surely Win!!!)..."
Source/publisher: General Strike Collaboration Committee, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and Asia Justice and Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Political Prisoners Experience in Interrogation, Judiciary, and Incarceration Since Burma’s Illegitimate Military Coup
Description: "From the day the organization was established, throughout its 22-year existence, AAPP has been diligently observing, documenting, and reporting on the violations of prisoner rights, and human rights throughout Burma. Through our work, we have discovered the situation inside prisons and interrogation centers in the country has clearly worsened since the February 1, 2021, attempted military coup. The inhumane conditions suffered by political prisoners demonstrate how the junta thinks. For them, it is as if those who show dissent do not have fundamental human rights. In this report, we have described the experiences of political prisoners, pro-democracy supporters, who have been subjected to interrogation, judicial processes, and imprisonment by the junta since the beginning of the attempted coup. Evidence has been collected from AAPP records on file, interviews with family members of political prisoners, interviews with released political prisoners, and other credible sources. This brief report provides inexorable evidence that arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonment will continue, along with persecution over all peoples, including ethnic nationalities, with violations of human rights everywhere across the country, if the coup continues. As long as the military dictatorship exists, people in Burma will have no future..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 615.64 KB
more
Title: မတရားစစ်အာဏာလုချိန်မှ အစပြု၍ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ စစ်ကြောရေး၊ တရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့် အကျဉ်းစံ အတွေ့အကြုံများ
Description: "ယနေ့ မတ် ၂၃ ရက်နေ့၊ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) စတင် ဖွဲ့စည်း ထူထောင်ခဲ့သည်မှာ (၂၂) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ စတင်ထူထောင်ချိန်မှစ၍ ၂၂ နှစ်တာကာလအတွင်း AAPP အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားအရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ အစဉ်တစိုက်လေ့လာစောင့်ကြည့် မှတ်တမ်းတင်မှုများ၊ ထုတ်ပြန်မှုများကို ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ ရက်နေ့၊ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မတရားအာဏာလုယူမှုနောက်ပိုင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများနှင့် အကျဉ်းထောင်များ၏ အခြေအနေမှာ ယခင်ကထက် အဆပေါင်းများစွာ ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာခဲ့သည်ကို စောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာမှုများအရ တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ ထောင်တွင်းရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် အခြေအနေများမှာ လူတစ်ယောက်၏ အခွင့်အရေးမှန်သမျှ အဟောသိကံဖြစ်ကြရသည်။ ယခုအစီရင်ခံစာတွင် စစ်အုပ်စုမှ နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို မတရားအာဏာလုယူချိန်မှ အစပြု၍ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ စစ်ကြောရေး၊ တရားစီရင်ရေးနှင့် အကျဉ်းစံ အတွေ့အကြုံများကို ဖေါ်ပြထားသည်။ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ ကောက်ယူထားသော မှတ်တမ်းများ၊ အကျဉ်းကျခံနေရဆဲ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ မိသားစုဝင်များနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံမေးမြန်းမှုများ၊ ပြန်လည်လွတ်မြောက်သူများနှင့် တွေ့ဆုံမေးမြန်းမှုများအပေါ် အခြေခံ၍ သက်သေခံအထောက်အထားနှင့်တကွ တင်ပြထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် သက်ဆိုးရှည်နေသေးသ၍ ပြည်သူများ၏ အနာဂတ်ပျောက်နေဦးမည်သာဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အတူ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထောင်ချမှုများ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူတရပ်လုံးအပေါ် အနိုင်ကျင့်စော်ကားမှုများ၊ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ နယ်ပယ်အသီးသီး၊ နေရာဒေသအသီးသီးတွင် ဆက်လက်ရှိနေဦးမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဤအစီရင်ခံစာက တစိတ်တဒေသအားဖြင့် သက်သက်ခံနေမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 530.9 KB
more
Title: အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲမှ လူမဆန်သော ဘဝများ
Description: "လက်ရှိမြန်မာနိုင်ငံမှာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ အဲဒီထဲကမှ ကမ္ဘာကရော၊ နိုင်ငံကရော၊ လူ့လောကတစ်ခုလုံးကပါ လူမသိသူမသိ ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရဆုံးနေရာက အကျဉ်းထောင်တွေဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးမှာ နည်းမျိုးစုံနဲ့ပါဝင်ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်ရင်း အကျဉ်းထောင်ထဲ ရောက်နေကြတဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားတွေကို အာဏာရှင်ရဲ့ လက်ပါးစေ ထောင်အာဏာပိုင်များမှ နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်နေကြပါတယ်။ အဆိုပါဖြစ်ရပ်တွေကို အခြေခံပြီး အကျဉ်းထောင်တွေထဲက လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်အခံရဆုံး အဖြစ်အပျက်တွေကို အများပြည်သူ သိရှိနိုင်အောင် ဖော်ထုတ်ဖို့အတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ပြီး “The International Day For The Right To The Truth” အထိမ်းအမှတ်အဖြစ် အောက်ပါ Animation Video ကို GSCC ၊ AAPP ၊ AJAR တို့ပူးပေါင်း စီစဉ်တင်ဆက်လိုက်ပါတယ်။ (အရေးတော်ပုံအောင်ရမည်!!)..."
Source/publisher: General Strike Collaboration Committee, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and Asia Justice and Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Hundreds of children detained by the Myanmar military, minister says
Sub-title: Whereabouts of children taken by the military since the 2021 coup are mostly unknown, according to Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe
Description: "Hundreds of children have been detained by the Myanmar military since it seized power more than one year ago, with many held ransom by soldiers and police who are seeking to arrest their relatives, according to a minister of the country’s National Unity Government. Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, minister of Women, Youths and Children Affairs Ministry in the NUG, which was formed last year by elected lawmakers to challenge the junta, said 287 children under the age of 18 had been detained since 1 February 2021. Most had been held in police station detention centres, and some in prisons. A further 80 school children aged under 12 were detained for about 36 hours at a Buddhist monastery in Yinmabin Township in Sagaing Region, according to local media reports last month. The area was targeted by the military as it sought members of the armed resistance. The whereabouts of children taken by the military since the coup is mostly unknown, according to Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe. She referred to the detention of Dr Htar Htar Lin, the former head of Myanmar’s Covid vaccination programme, who was taken by the military in June 2021 along with her husband, seven-year-old son and their family dog. Dr Htar Htar Lin was targeted because she had returned 168 million kyat ($US94,580) in funding to the UN, preventing it from being seized by the military. Her family’s location is still unknown, said the minister. “[The children] are doing nothing wrong, but the military tried to arrest the activist and also NLD members and the political activists,” said Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, National League for Democracy. “When they could not find the people, they arrested the children as a ransom. They also ask the activist to come and be arrested so that this child will be released,” she said. Parents face an impossible choice, fearing they, or older relatives, could be killed if they come forward. “So many parents are heartbroken people. The children were arrested but they couldn’t do nothing because they have to run for their lives,” she said. A previous estimate by Unicef suggested hundreds more young adults have also been detained. It said last year that about 1,000 children and young people aged up to 25 years old had been held by the military without apparent reason. Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe spoke to the Guardian while in hiding inside Myanmar, where she continues her work for the NUG, which comprises elected lawmakers, ethnic minority representatives and activists. The NUG, which has been labelled a “terrorist” group by the junta, has sought to gain international recognition as Myanmar’s legitimate government. The UN General Assembly last year deferred a decision on who should take the country’s seat, allowing representative Kyaw Moe Tun, a critic of the junta, to remain in place. In the wake of the coup, Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe stayed with doctors, wearing a medical coat to avoid detection. She eventually travelled to an area of the country that is controlled by an ethnic armed group that supports pro-democracy activists. Like many civilians, she has faced the continued threat of airstrikes, and suffered from dehydration and diarrhoea due to the conditions in which she has been forced to seek shelter. The military has unleashed a campaign of terror on the public in order to crush a pro-democracy movement that continues to oppose its rule. At least 1,600 people have been killed by security forces since the coup, according to the UN. More than 12,800 have been arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), an advocacy group that tracks detentions. Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe also raised concern over the military’s use of sexual violence against those who oppose the coup, but said data is hard to gather. It was young people, she said, who were leading the struggle for democracy in the face of such brutality. Many have taken up arms in response to military violence, while others are using peaceful forms of protest to disrupt the junta. Their fight was not about supporting Aung San Suu Kyi or her party, but was driven by a determination not to “go back to the dark age”, and by a desire to rid Myanmar of age-old discrimination – against ethnic minorities as well as on the basis of age or gender, said Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe. She referred to apologies made by young protesters, who have said they should have done more to support the Rohingya, who received little public sympathy when they were subject to a brutal campaign of violence by the military in 2017. UN investigators later said the violence was carried out with “genocidal intent”. Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, previously an NLD lawmaker, has made a similar apology. Older politicians should follow the lead of young people, she added. “My opinion is that [young people] are fighting in this revolution to completely tear down the military dictatorship and to end the old-established discriminations based on gender, age, skin colour, race and religion. The dictators are abusing nationalism to promote hate between us to preserve their status quo. We are fed up with them and we won’t be divided any more. They can’t divide us any more. We’re going to turn the system upside down..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-22
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: UN Secretary-General Repeating Cycle of UN Failure in Myanmar
Description: "The United Nations (UN) Secretary General’s dismissal of the crisis in Myanmar and past UN failure is shameful and plays to the advantage of the Myanmar military, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). In 2019, an independent inquiry into UN involvement in Myanmar from 2010 to 2018 found that “systemic and structural failures” rendered the UN system impotent in the face of massive human rights violations, including the genocidal atrocities committed against the Rohingya by the Myanmar military. Myanmar is now being subjected to a nationwide attack by that same military, which has been trying – and failing – to gain control over the country for the past thirteen months and has driven Myanmar to become a human rights catastrophe. In this context, the UN Secretary-General issued a report to the UN Human Rights Council last week on progress made in implementing the recommendations of the inquiry. “The Secretary General’s report shamefully dismisses the scale and gravity of the current crisis in Myanmar and provides no information on how the UN is actually responding inside the country,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The report highlights the reinvigorated role of the UN Resident Coordinators – the top in-country UN official – as the centre piece of UN system reform but fails to mention that Myanmar has not had a Resident Coordinator for extended periods over the past four years. The position is currently vacant and has been for six months. The report merely reads like an advertisement for the work the UN is doing in various countries, not in Myanmar where a brutal coup is still taking place.” The Secretary General’s report was presented to the Human Rights Council by the UN Assistant Secretary-General (ASG) for the Middle East, Asia and the Pacific, in the absence of a Resident Coordinator for Myanmar. The ASG seemed ill-informed of the situation in Myanmar and provided inaccurate information to Member States during the interactive dialogue by stating that the military is the de facto authority. “It is simply not the case that the military is the de facto authority in Myanmar. The majority of the territory is not under the military’s control, and it has no ability to exercise ordinary government functions,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “It is no wonder the UN system continues to fail the people of Myanmar, even in their gravest hour of need, if the entire response is predicated on a false assumption that serves only the military. The UN is evidently partial to the junta.” The people of Myanmar and allied democratic actors under the National Unity Government of Myanmar continue to resist the military’s onslaught and defend their democracy at huge personal cost, as the military inflicts atrocities that likely amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes across the country. The Government has sought to engage with the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice to halt the atrocities and bring the leaders of the military to justice, but their efforts have so far been ignored. “The Secretary General, heads of UN agencies and UN Member States need to ask themselves just whose side they are on,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Is it the people of Myanmar and their elected representatives? Or is it the leaders of a brutal military who should be prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes? As things currently stand, the answer to that is not clear at all...”
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 97.69 KB
more
Title: လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာ အတွဲ(၁)၊ အမှတ် (၉) ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း ( ၂၀ မတ် ၂၀၂၂)
Description: ""လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာအား နှစ်ပတ်တစ်ကြိမ်ထုတ်ပြန်ပါမည်။" - စစ်အုပ်စုထုတ်ပြန်ချက်နဲ့ ကွဲလွဲနေသည့် ကလေးအကျဉ်းထောင်တွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု - ရန်ကုန်တိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ - စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ - မကွေးတိုင်းအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီး သတ်ဖြတ်ခံရမှုများ - စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းထဲက အင်တာနက် ဖြတ်တောက်ခံထားရမှုများ - NUG၊ CRPHနှင့် NUCCကို ဥရောပ ပါလီမန် ထောက်ခံ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းလွှာ အတွဲ(၁)၊ အမှတ် (၉) ကို pdf formatဖြင့် အောက်ဖော်ပြပါ linkတွင် ဝင်ရောက် ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 644.01 KB
more
Title: Military demands Mandalay hospitals submit patient lists in ‘bid to prevent treatment’ of injured resistance fighters
Sub-title: The junta has also revoked the licences of 14 medics and threatened to shut down private clinics that employ CDM doctors
Description: "Military officials in Mandalay have revoked the licences of medical professionals and threatened to shut down clinics that employ doctors taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the junta. Major General Ko Ko Oo, who heads the military’s central regional command, called a meeting with the owners of private hospitals in the city on March 12 and said they would also have to submit lists of patients to the junta every day. The junta also recently revoked the licences of 14 medical practitioners in the city, including teaching professors and specialists, who are taking part in CDM, according to Dr Soe Thura Zaw, who is one of the 14. The demand for daily patient lists is believed to be an attempt to prevent hospitals from treating injured People’s Defence Force (PDF) fighters, and a way of tipping the military off to their whereabouts if they seek medical care. “They don’t want doctors and hospitals secretly treating PDF members,” said another Mandalay-based doctor, who asked not to be named. Medics said that submitting patient lists would be illegal and would violate doctor-patient confidentiality and the patients’ right to privacy. It is unclear to what extent hospitals and clinics will comply with the order, or whether it will be enforced in other parts of Myanmar. Dr Soe Thura Zaw said that under the Labor Law, doctors taking part in CDM can be fired from their jobs and have their medical licences revoked if they have been absent from their official places of work for more than three months. “Everyone is facing all sorts of troubles under the military’s reign,” he said. “The only way to solve all those problems once and for all is to end the dictatorship for good.” Medical professionals have been at the forefront of the movement to eliminate the military dictatorship since the immediate aftermath of last year’s coup, and were the first to refuse to work under the new junta. About 80% of Mandalay’s medical personnel have joined the CDM, according to data compiled by members of the movement, with many opting to treat people privately rather than work under the junta-controlled health ministry. Medics have suffered brutal reprisals for challenging the military. In August last year Dr Maung Maung Nyein Tun died in custody of Covid-19 after being beaten and denied medical treatment. Dr Thiha Tin Tun was among over 100 people shot dead by security forces on March 27 last year. In June, the former head of Myanmar’s Covid-19 vaccine rollout, Dr Htar Htar Lin, was arrested and charged with high treason after she sought to prevent the junta from accessing funds meant to fight the virus..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Sale of Telenor Myanmar approved by Myanmar authorities
Description: "Telenor Group has been informed that the Myanmar Investment Commission has given final regulatory approval to the sale of Telenor Myanmar to M1 Group. During the regulatory approval process the Myanmar authorities made it a condition that M1 Group should have a local partner in the ownership of Telenor Myanmar after the transaction between Telenor and M1 closes. “Telenor has to leave Myanmar to be able to adhere to our own values on human rights and responsible business, and because local laws in Myanmar conflict with European laws. The security situation is extreme and deteriorating, and we must ensure that our exit does not increase the safety risk for employees. With limited options available, the sale of Telenor Myanmar is deemed to be the most realistic alternative to keep our employees safe. Because of the current situation, we are significantly constrained in our choices and with this approval the transaction can be finalised. Telenor has not been party to any dialogue between M1 and its local partner,” says Sigve Brekke, President and CEO of Telenor Group. Telenor’s sales agreement is with M1 Group alone, and this has remained unchanged during the approval process. However, the regulatory approval requires that M1 ensures a local majority owner after the closing of the transaction between Telenor and M1. Telenor has confirmed to the regulator that the sales agreement between Telenor and M1 does not prevent M1 from entering a local partnership. M1 has informed Telenor that its local partner Shwe Byain Phyu has acquired 49 percent of Investcom, the Singapore-based company set up by M1 for the purchase of Telenor Myanmar. After the transaction closes between M1 and Telenor, M1 will sell additional 31 percent of Investcom shares to Shwe Byain Phyu. Telenor has not been involved in any discussions between M1 and their local partner. Sanctions screening from external consultants has assured Telenor that Shwe Byain Phyu and its owners are not subject to any current international sanctions. “We are deeply saddened for the society and people of Myanmar who are experiencing an extremely difficult situation. Leaving Myanmar was a decision we made with heavy hearts, and I would like to thank our employees and customers for their dedication to Telenor throughout our years in Myanmar,” continues Brekke. Telenor is in dialogue with M1 Group to ensure that customers, partners, and employees experience a smooth transition, and will close the transaction as soon as possible. The business will continue to operate under the brand name Telenor Myanmar for four months and have a transition service agreement with Telenor for six months..."
Source/publisher: Telenor Group
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Violence Against or Obstruction of Health Care in Myanmar (23 February - 08 March 2022)
Description: "On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar armed forces seized control of the country, following a general election that the National League for Democracy party won by a landslide. Since then, hundreds of people have been killed and many injured during nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) protests and violent crackdowns on those opposing the coup. Doctors and nurses have been served with warrants and arrests for providing medical care to protesters, health workers have been injured while providing care to protesters, ambulances have been destroyed, and health facilities have been raided. Below are eight incidents identified between 09-22 February 2022. 23 February-08 March 2022: Eight documented incidents 23 February 2022: In Kayah state, State Administration Council (SAC) aircraft dropped bombs on a village, injuring civilians, including a medic. Source: Facebook 24 February 2022: In Dawkamee village, Kayah state, two doctors of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) were killed by SAC airstrikes that also destroyed six houses. Source: Radio Free Asia 27 February 2022: In Lo Bar Kho village, Demoso township, Kayah state, SAC aircraft dropped bombs near a clinic for displaced civilians. Source: The Irrawaddy 27 February 2022: In Ye-U township, Sagaing region, People’s Defence Force (PDF) fighters shelled a traditional medicine hospital occupied by SAC forces. Two SAC soldiers were reportedly killed in the attack. Source: Mizzima 27 February 2022: In Pakokku township and Region, a nurse and teacher affiliated with the CDM were arrested by SAC forces. Sources: AAPP and Twitter 03 March 2022: In Mindat township, Chin state, SAC forces continue to confiscate medication at checkpoints intended for displaced civilians. The blockade of medication into Mindat township has been documented since July 2021. Source: Ayeyarwaddy Times 04 March 2022: In Pyay township, Bago region, SAC forces arrested a nurse. Source: Twitter 05 March 2022: In Chaungma village, Kani township, Yinmabin district, Sagaing region, approximately 70 SAC forces set fire to the village, destroying a rural clinic as well as over twenty homes and farm equipment. Source: Khit Thit Media..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 440.4 KB
more
Title: BHRN strongly condemns the Junta’s forcible evictions through mass destructions of civilians’ homes
Description: "The Burmese military is forcibly evicting civilians as they have struggled to face popular uprisings for more than a year since the coup. The military has overthrown a democratically elected government, committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, according to the UN fact-finding mission. The junta has always oppressed people through multiple tactics, such as mass killings, burning homes, abductions, and imprisonment of innocent civilians. They have done this after every coup with the excuse of restoring rule and order during the crises. They are now carrying out clearance operations by destroying civilians’ homes in Yangon’s Hlaing Thar Yar township, Rakhine State’s capital Sittwe and various towns in the Mandalay region, such as Mandalay, Pyin Oo Lwin, and Myit Ngwe. On 5th March, the junta issued an eviction notice that ordered residents of Myitnge in the Mandalay region to remove their homes within three days for not having proper tenancy documents. It targeted residents from seven out of 13 wards in the town, including over 2000 households with small-scale shops and the staff dormitories of Myanmar Railway (MR). Myitnge has been the home for MR staff members since the British colonial time. According to local sources, BHRN learned that residents paid fees to every successive government for their tenancy. After the coup, the MR staff joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Local people said that the junta targeted CDM staff initially. Later, they also pressured civilians’ homes in the wards to be removed; thus, they had to destroy their homes by themselves. People who could not demolish their properties before the junta forces arrived can face forceful destruction by bulldozers from the military. On 7th March, the junta’s people broadcasted a message across the town, which stated that anyone who let the evicted CDM staff stay at their homes would face charges from the military. It mentioned that the army would seal off those homes as penalties. The junta removed over 70 homes in the railway ward of Sittwe in Rakhine state on 9th March and evicted about 200 houses in the Arr Jaik Daw Kone cemetery in the same city on 10th March. The junta also sent eviction notices to 133 shops in Ba Htoo Stadium and 95 shops in Aung Myay Mandalar stadium in Mandalay, and 162 shops in the stadium in Pyin Oo Lwin to be removed by 31-3-2022 at the latest. “The fascist military is using a very cunning tactic – eliminating a demographic of the population that resists the coup. To do so, the Junta has been bombing several villages in ethnic-controlled areas and evicting homes in the outskirts of big cities. However, disrupting a demographic of the population that is strongly resisting the coup could create huge pressure on the uprising to continue,” said BHRN’s executive director U Kyaw Win. From October to December 2021, the junta claimed the residential areas and shops in eastern Hlaing Thar Yar were squatters and forcefully removed them and destroyed the properties with bulldozers. As a result, thousands of people became homeless. Local sources said those lands have commercial projects related to companies with close ties to the junta. More than 100,000 households and 450,000 people received smart cards (squatter identity cards) under the previous civilian government in Yangon. Among them, more than 38,000 households are from Hlaing Thar Yar township. Such forceful evictions by the junta breach humanitarian norms and violate Burmese citizens' fundamental civil and human rights. BHRN concludes that the military’s practices of favoring its cronies and supporters with economic opportunities by oppressing innocent civilians are a significant barrier to nurturing human rights and democratic culture in Burma for both long and short terms. The international community should not ignore the junta’s gross violations of the civil and human rights of the people in Burma and should hold them accountable for their crimes. We urge the international community to protect innocent civilians’ lives and households and assist in their struggles for democracy and human rights in Myanmar. The international community cannot neglect the crisis in Burma anymore as it is becoming a security threat for the region. A global arms embargo and tougher economic sanctions must be imposed on the Burmese military, preventing them from further committing atrocities against their people..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 93.43 KB
more
Title: A Year On, No Justice for Myanmar Massacre
Sub-title: Military Crackdown in Hlaing Tharyar Continues
Description: "On March 14, 2021, “Zarni” joined protests in Hlaing Tharyar, near Yangon, against the Myanmar military’s February 1 coup. The large protests were planned by factory workers, a large portion of the industrial area’s residents. Protesters prepared barricades to ward off security forces, who had been cracking down on peaceful protests around the country. But there were no arrests that day, Zarni said. “They just shot to kill.” Human Rights Watch documented that police and soldiers with assault rifles deliberately surrounded – or “kettled” – the Hlaing Tharyar protesters, killing at least 65 people. The security forces, witnesses said, emerged from different directions to trap them. The shootings in Hlaing Tharyar stand out as one of the deadliest days since the coup, not least because of the apparent premeditated use of lethal force. A year later, Zarni says Hlaing Tharyar is still not safe. “We have been under martial law since then. So long as the military exists, we continue suffering.” The challenges of documenting human rights abuses in an increasingly closed country make exact tallies of people killed difficult. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has reported that 1,600 protesters and bystanders have died since the coup. The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project suggests a far higher number of total deaths. The United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, estimates 837,000 people are displaced within Myanmar, over 500,000 since the coup. In October, the authorities forcibly evicted and destroyed informal settlements in Hlaing Tharyar, leaving at least 8,000 families homeless. Night raids and arbitrary arrests have continued, while closed military courts handed down death sentences. Unemployment and food insecurity have also increased in Myanmar, and the UN Development Program predicts urban poverty rates will triple in 2022. The UN Human Rights Council will discuss the situation in Myanmar on March 18. The council should call on the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution referring the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and recommend to the UN secretary-general to further assist international mechanisms investigating abuses. It should also call for all revenues from oil, gas, timber, and gems that flow to the military and fuel abuses to be put into an escrow account in the name of the Myanmar people until a democratically elected civilian government is restored. Failure to take strong steps in Myanmar emboldens the military to commit further abuses and unnecessarily prolongs the suffering of people throughout the country..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-14
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: ကိုဖုန်းမော်၊ ကိုစိုးနိုင် ကျဆုံးခြင်း (၃၄) နှစ်ပြည့် နှစ်ပတ်လည်နေ့သို့ ပေးပို့သည့် သဝဏ်လွှာ
Description: "၁။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ (၁၃) ရက်နေ့တွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်နေဝင်း၏ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်မှ တက္ကသိုလ်ပရဝုဏ်အတွင်း၌ပင် ပစ်သတ်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ရန်ကုန်စက်မှုတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများဖြစ်သည့် ကိုဖုန်းမော်နှင့် ကိုစိုးနိုင်တို့ ကျဆုံးသွားခဲ့ရာ ယနေ့ဆိုလျှင် (၃၄) နှစ် ပြည့်မြောက်ခဲ့ပြီ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ၏ လူမဆန်သော လုပ်ရပ်များကြောင့် ကျဆုံးသွားခဲ့ရသည့် တိုင်းပြည်၏ အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်သစ် ကျောင်းသား လူငယ်များအတွက် အထူးဝမ်းနည်းရပါကြောင်း ယနေ့အခမ်းအနားမှတဆင့် ပြောကြား လိုပါသည်။ ၂။ တရားမျှတမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများအတွက် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့ ကြသည့် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် တော်လှန်ရေးများတွင် ရဲရင့်မှု၊ သတ္တိနှင့် ဥာဏ်ပညာရှိမှုတို့ဖြင့် တက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များက ဦးဆောင်ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည်မှာ သမိုင်းစာမျက်နှာများ တွင် ဂုဏ်ယူစွာ တွေ့မြင်နိုင်သကဲ့သို့ ယနေ့ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင်လည်း Generation Z ဟု လူသိများသည့် မျိုးဆက်သစ်ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၏ တက်ကြွသော ပါဝင်မှုသည်လည်း တိုင်းပြည်အနာဂတ်အတွက် အားတက်ဖွယ် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ စစ်အာရှင်အုပ်စုက တိုင်းပြည်နှင့် လူမျိုးဘဝ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက် ရေးထက် ၎င်းတို့ အာဏာတည်မြဲရေးအတွက် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား မတရားအုပ်ချုပ်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များသည် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက တားဆီး ပိတ်ပင်မှုများကြားမှပင် ပညာသင်ယူကြရင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေးစိတ်ဓာတ်ကိုလည်း သမိုင်းစဉ်တစ်လျှောက် လက်ဆင့်ကမ်းနိုင်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ၄။ နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာကြာ ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည့် မြန်မာ့ဒီမိုကရေစီခရီးလမ်းတွင် အသက်၊ သွေး၊ ချွေးများဖြင့် စွန့်လွှတ်ပေးဆပ်ခဲ့ကြသော ဒီမိုကရေစီသူရဲကောင်း ကျောင်းသားလူငယ် များအား အသိအမှတ်ပြု တန်ဖိုးထားပြီး ယနေ့ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များသည် သမိုင်းပေး တာဝန်များကို ထမ်းရွက်လျက် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရေးနှင့် တိုင်းပြည်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးတို့တွင် ဦးဆောင်သွားကြရမည့် မျိုးဆက် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၅။ လွန်ခဲ့သော (၃၄) နှစ်ကသို့ပင် ယနေ့အချိန်တွင်လည်း လူသတ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ဦးဆောင်သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်တပ်က မြန်မာပြည်သူတို့အပေါ်၌ ဥပဒေမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ နေအိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုတို့ကို သိမ်းဆည်းခြင်း၊ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီး ခြင်းတို့ကို လူမဆန်စွာ ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိပြီး ပြည်သူတို့၏ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ တရားမျှတမှု၊ နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးစသည်တို့သည် လက်နက်အားကိုးဖြင့် ပိတ်ပင်တား ဆီးခြင်း ခံနေရပြီး ဆုံးရှုံးနေ သည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး မိမိတို့က စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာ ဆက်လက်ကြိုးပမ်း သွားကြရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် အသက်၊ သွေး၊ ချွေးများဖြင့် ကြိုးပမ်းခဲ့ကြသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ အပြီးတိုင်း ပပျောက်ရေး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများ အပြည့်အဝ ရရှိရေး၊ မိမိတို့၏ ဘုံရည်မှန်းချက်ဖြစ်သည့် အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ပြည်ထောင်စု ပေါ်ပေါက်ရေး တို့အတွက် ကျောင်းသားလူငယ်များ၊ ပြည်သူလူထုများ၊ တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစု၊ တိုင်းရင်း သား တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများဖြင့် အတူတကွ ဆက်လက် လက်တွဲကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည် ဖြစ်ပြီး အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်သစ်များအတွက် ငြိမ်းချမ်း၍ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်သော အနာဂတ် နိုင်ငံ တော်သစ်တည်ဆောက်ရေး ဝိုင်းဝန်းကြိုးပမ်းသွားကြပါစို့ဟု တိုက်တွန်းရင်း သဝဏ်လွှာ ပေးပို့ အပ်ပါသည်။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 321.7 KB
more
Title: လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ မတ်လ (၁၃) ရက် မြန်မာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနေ့ သဝဏ်လွှာ
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 471.43 KB
more
Title: Republic of the Union of Myanmar National Unity Government BUDGET 2021/22
Sub-title: Protecting the lives and livelihoods of the people of Myanmar
Description: "1. Introduction:This budget is a historic first budget of the National Unity Government, following a year of tumultuous and catastrophic change in our country brought on by the military junta. In delivering this budget statement, the National Unity government intends to present to our people and to friends of freedom around the world: • an assessment of our economy and of the military’s inability to arrest its unprecedented decline, • a statement on the efforts by the National Unity Government (NUG) to provide humanitarian relief directly by the NUG and through our partners across the country, • an enumeration of the NUG’s priority initiatives - to support the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), to expand access to life-saving assistance to those most impacted by the military’s actions, and to contain the spread of COVID-19 - which will be scaled up throughout this coming year, and • a vision as to how the NUG’s humanitarian efforts will support our people as they seek a return to peace, stability, and respect for the rule of law; as they set about rebuilding our country’s economy; and as we together bring about a democracy that embraces and serves all of our people. The release of this budget statement comes amid a period of chaos for people across Myanmar. Since 1 February 2021, the military has been solely responsible for creating a three-dimensional crisis - political turmoil and violence perpetrated by the military, an economy that has collapsed and remains paralysed, and the persistent threat posed by COVID-19. The military is actively manipulating each element of this crisis for its own enrichment and in ways that are exacerbating suffering throughout the country. The military’s only strategy is to wage a reign of terror. The military is failing and continues to fail in their attempt to break the people’s will and govern by fear. Against this backdrop, the people of Myanmar continue to stand alongside each other in solidarity. The people remain steadfast in their rejection of the military’s attempts to destroy our country’s future as part of their desperate efforts to preserve their own power and privilege. The NUG shall address each element of Myanmar’s present crisis in our role as the legitimate representatives of the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. The NUG is working to reduce the harm suffered by those most impacted by the military’s actions and to shift the economic cost of this attempted coup to the military and those who prop them up. Doing so will help to amplify our people’s resistance and deliver change, as those across the country continue to deny the military and demand the return of legitimate government. With the release of this budget statement, the NUG also reaffirms its commitment to a Federal Democratic Union - a fundamental basis for security and prosperity for all the people of Myanmar. Not only we are working to hasten the end of the military’s role in political life, but with this budget statement, we are also working to prepare for the return to civilian rule. The priorities that follow each aim to help our people and to turn their sacrifice for freedom into the basis for such a Federal Democratic Union..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 584.63 KB 4.95 MB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 11 March 2022)
Description: "According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022. As of March 11, 2022, (1652) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (10) fallen heroes today. These (10) fallen heroes from Shwebo Township, Kale Township and Khin-U Township in Sagaing Region, Hakha Township in Chin State, Loikaw Township in Kayah State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 11, 2022, a total of (9588) people are currently under detention. (837) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On March 8 at 12:30 pm, three children aged around 7 years old, 10 years old and 12 years older, living in Lwe Htae Village in Kayah State’s Loikaw Township, were killed on the spot by Junta’s heavy artillery shell which exploded nearby while they were playing. In addition, Hla Tun, father of the deceased, and his other daughter, aged 15 years old, got injured. On March 5, Rung Hu, who suffered from mental illness, was shot to death on the head and chest by junta soldiers, in Chun Kyune Village in Chin State’s Hakha Township. He stayed at home and did not run away when junta soldiers entered the village. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.65 MB 8.14 MB 1.11 MB
more
Title: Funding Revolution Important for the Victory: Prominent Myanmar Activist
Description: "Veteran democracy activist Min Ko Naing has delivered a message on the importance of financially backing the revolution to topple Myanmar’s junta as a new scheme to generate funds will be launched by the parallel, civilian National Unity Government (NUG). In a video message on Thursday, the well-known activist, who is also a key figure on the National Unity Consultative Council— the NUG’s political consultative body — said plans to fund essential weapons for revolutionary forces are underway and will be made public. Previous fundraising efforts by the NUG, including launching lottery tickets to support striking civil servants and raffle and bond sales, have raised millions of dollars. However, the costs of bringing down the regime are significant. “The victory of the revolution depends on finances,” Min Ko Naing said. The 1988 uprising leader updated the public on the revolution’s progress, saying the junta is struggling on the ground and thus escalating its attempts to distract the public. He reminded people not to believe the regime’s propaganda and to help the revolution where possible. “They are burning entire villages to threaten others who fear they might suffer the same attacks,” the activist said, regarding the rising numbers of arson attacks on civilian targets in resistance strongholds. Min Ko Naing said regardless of threats and violence, Myanmar’s people will not surrender because they know it will end with them living under junta rule and the control of Pyu Saw Htee militias, which are trained and armed by the military. “People understand the revolution has pushed the military to the stage where they dare not fight without air support,” Min Ko Naing said. The increasing number of senior military officers defecting and joining revolutionary forces and the successful sale of NUG bonds to fund the revolution are positive developments, he said. The population rejects military rule and the junta faces opposition in numerous forms, including flash-mob protests, armed resistance, economic pressure and advocacy. The regime has killed at least 1,642 civilians and over 12,000 people have been arrested, including elected government leaders, since last year’s coup..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: After a year of reporting on Myanmar’s military coup, I knew my luck would eventually run out
Sub-title: As one of the last western media journalists covering Myanmar I knew danger lurked – and there would be no James Bond to get me out
Description: "One hot morning last March I walked into Yangon’s St Mary’s Cathedral as the best man at a wedding. The European-Burmese couple had made a swift decision to tie the knot due to uncertainty about foreign marriage rules under Myanmar’s new military regime that had seized power just weeks earlier. They were also mulling plans to get out of the country as the army embarked on a shoot to kill offensive against peaceful protesters. Being a journalist chasing deadlines into the small hours, I complained about the early morning start to the wedding. “We want to wrap up the ceremony before we start to hear shooting,” the groom explained. A few pairs of slippers near the altar caught my attention – if soldiers raided the church the women could change out of their high heels and run, the bride told me. Her mother grimly added: “I don’t think I will make it [if soldiers break in], but hopefully my daughters can.” The risk was real as some religious buildings had provided cover for protesters. Opposite the neo-gothic cathedral stood the old and empty offices of the Myanmar Times, formerly the nation’s only private English-language daily. Operations halted a few weeks after the 1 February 2021 coup as staff resigned and readers boycotted the newspaper over its proprietor’s editorial policies, seen as sympathetic to the regime. Other media outlets also disappeared, some returning into exile in Thailand or operating underground, as Myanmar ended a decade of relative press freedom. By coincidence I had moved to the independent Frontier Myanmar on the day of the coup. “You’ve jinxed us all,” a colleague joked by phone as the junta cut off mobile and internet networks. Days after the coup I relocated to a hotel beside Yangon’s Kandawgyi Lake and relied on its military-owned wifi network to circumvent restrictions and keep reporting. I covered protests until the bullets rained down, and afterwards stayed in touch with activists, politicians, diplomats and businesspeople. Some of my Burmese colleagues took refuge in border jungle areas. From my room I could see the gilded Shwedagon, the most revered pagoda in Myanmar, under the moonlight as the city was put under a night-time curfew. The hotel bar thankfully stayed open. One foreigner after another held drunken goodbye gatherings around a pool lined with palm trees as the military carried out house-to-house arrests outside. Yangon turned from one of the safest cities in Asia to its most violent. An employee of the South Korean bank Shinhan was fatally shot in the company van. Bombs exploded across the country, including near my hotel. Over the past year an estimated 1,500-plus people have been killed by the regime. “You should read A Gentleman in Moscow,” an international non-governmental organisation leader told me over drinks, referring to the story of Count Alexander Rostov, who is ordered to live out the rest of his life under house arrest in the Russian capital’s Metropol hotel. I am no Rostov. In late July I returned to my apartment in the outskirts of Yangon amid Covid-19’s third wave and spent the rest of the year splitting my accommodation among various places. Carrying a jute tote bag from Marks & Spencer, my disguise as an innocent Hong Kong businessman paid off when soldiers stopped and searched my taxis. For months, risks of mobile phone searches and criminalisation of free speech made me leave my iPhone behind when going out. Activists, employees and even investors were eager to share – usually via encrypted channels – leaked information, and their own emotions and pleas to the world. But on the ground there was a genuine sense of despair and despondency, and of betrayal. As friends and colleagues lost loved ones and as Yangon residents remained defiant by the show of citywide strikes as recently as last month, the world has not offered much support beyond statements and words. Many businesspeople who spent the last decade courting the reformist administrations of Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi have had no problem shaking hands with the new autocratic regime. Chambers of commerce from China, India, South Korea and Malaysia greeted the regime without a fuss. Comparisons with South Africa’s apartheid era came to mind. The generals responded to the public’s mass opposition with sheer brutality. Entire villages were burnt or terrorised for supporting the resistance. They tried to control internet access, and considered developing their own digital currency while drafting a cybersecurity law to criminalise online gambling and VPN use. Reminiscent of North Korea, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing opened an underpass and inspected chicken and duck farms during the various crises. The coup leader expressed ambitions for Myanmar to make electric cars, domestic vaccines and an underground metro in the deserted capital Naypyidaw amid growing power outages and economic collapse. Beside Yangon’s beautiful Inya Lake I hosted an end-of-year garden party to thank readers and contacts. Diplomats and investors were among those gathering to chat and take stock of a tumultuous year. The sun painted the city sky golden red. Scotch eggs, lobster bisque, welsh rarebit were served. Life in the commercial capital went on – for some. But there was a constant sense of danger lurking for journalists. If the regime threw me behind bars, “there won’t be a James Bond to get you out”, one ambassador warned. The junta has killed at least three Burmese journalists since December; my US colleague Danny Fenster spent six months in Insein prison. I was one of the last foreign correspondents for western media outlets left in the country. Feeling the strain after nearly a year of covering the coup and sensing I had ridden my luck as long as possible, I decided to quit. Escorted by diplomats inside the airport, I paid my visa overstay fees and rushed to my plane. Many in Myanmar, however, are refusing to give up: journalists work in hiding, young people and formerly peaceful activists have joined new resistance forces in the jungles and ethnic communities have stepped up their decades-long struggles. The regime is inflicting heavy losses – but also incurring its own. Thompson Chau is editor-at-large of Burmese media outlet Frontier Myanmar and covers Myanmar for the Economist. He has lived and worked in Yangon since 2016, and was formerly associate editor and chief reporter at the Myanmar Times..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-10
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 10 March 2022)
Description: "According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022. As of March 10, 2022, (1642) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Mobye Town in Pekon Township, Shan State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 10, 2022, a total of (9571) people are currently under detention. (834) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On March 6, 2022, Lar Sa Ru, aged 10 years old, and Augustine, aged 17 years old, were arrested at home to be used as human shields, when the Junta raided Pwe Kone (1) Ward in Mobye Town in Pekon Township, Shan State. They were murdered near Warisu Palai Village. On March 4, 2022, activist Hein Min Ko Ko (aka Hein Lwin Htoo) was sentenced to 28 years imprisonment with hard labor by the special court in Dawei Prison. He was sentenced to 2 years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, and 26 years imprisonment under The Explosive Substances Act. He was arrested while participating in a protest at Bon Maw Ward, in Dawei Township, on May 11, 2021, and got shot in the arm and leg with rubber bullets. He was seriously injured. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-10
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.59 MB 8.01 MB 1.06 MB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 9 March 2022)
Description: "According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022. As of March 9, 2022, (1640) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (17) fallen heroes today. These (17) fallen heroes from Pauk Township in Magway Region, Mayangone Township in Yangon Region and Yinmarbin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 9, 2022, a total of (9559) people are currently under detention. (833) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On March 8, 2022, eight civilians, IDPs sheltering at the Lat Pan Taw Village monastery, were shot to death on the spot, when the military raided the Lat Pan Taw Village in Sagaing Region’s Yinmarbin Township and fired heavy artillery shells. Six civilians were from Lat Pan Taw villagers: Tin Nyunt, aged 93 years old, Than Maung, aged more than 70 years old, Moh Moh Win, aged 30 years old, her two sons named Myat Bhone Naing and Swan Htet Naing, aged 7 and 9 years old respectively, and her mother Thein Hla, aged more than 70 years old. The other two victims were from Kan Thar village, named Thein Maung and Ohn Hlaing who were more than 7o years old. On February 25, 2022 at around 5 pm, Junta military personnel opened fire and raided the homes in Ward (3) in Mayangone Township, Yangon Region, where members of the ABFSU (All Burma Federation of Student Unions) from different township unions in Yangon Region temporarily stayed. During the raid, eight students from ABFSU were arrested. The former chairman of the Basic Education Students’ Union (ABFSU), named Nyi Min Thu, was shot in the chest and died on the spot. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.63 MB 8.02 MB 1.09 MB
more
Title: US Honors Myanmar’s NUG Deputy Minister with Women of Courage Award
Description: "The US State Department has recognized the parallel National Unity Government (NUG)’s deputy minister for women, youth and children affairs, Ma Ei Thinzar Maung, for her human rights and pro-democracy activities with the International Women of Courage (IWOC) award. Established in 2007, the award honors women who have demonstrated exceptional courage, strength and leadership to bring about positive change to their communities, often at personal risk and sacrifice. The 27-year-old is one of 12 women to receive the IWOC this year. Other winners include lawyers, human rights defenders, women’s rights activists and parliamentarians from Nepal, Bangladesh, South Africa, Iraq, Brazil, Liberia, Libya, Moldova, Romania, Vietnam and Colombia. A human rights activist since 2012, Ma Ei Thinzar Maung was the first female president of the student union of Yadanabon University. She was among several students who were arrested and faced violent crackdowns in 2015 for seeking changes to an education bill that limited academic freedom. She has been involved in minority rights, including for the Rohingya, and has demanded an end to conflict in Kachin and Rakhine states. The State Department announced [on Tuesday which is also international women’s day] that Ma Ei Thinzar Maung is an inspiring and influential pro-democracy voice, who emerged as a symbol of peaceful public resistance after the February coup, who worked to support peaceful activism like the civil disobedience movement and engagement with young people after the coup. Ma Ei Thinzar Maung faces an arrest warrant and is in hiding but she remains committed to democracy and continues to work for a strong, inclusive and democratic Myanmar that respects human rights, the State Department said. The award will be presented virtually next week. The State Department has recognized more than 170 women from over 80 countries with the IWOC. Other IWOC recipients from Myanmar include the current NUG foreign affairs minister, Daw Zin Mar Aung, in 2012 and women’s rights activist Daw May Sabe Phyu in 2015..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 8 March 2022)
Description: "According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022. As of March 8, 2022, (1623) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Madaya Township in Mandalay Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed on March 5, 2o22 and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 8, 2022, a total of (9533) people are currently under detention. (833) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On March 1, 2022, the house of the village administrator exploded in Gwegyi Village, in Kyaung Kone Village Tract, Mandalay Region’s Madaya Township. When the junta soldiers arrived at the village, a civilian named Wai Phyo Aung, his three family members, and three other friends were arrested. On the night of March 5, soldiers brought Wai Phyo Aung to the village, searched the area, and shot him to death in a road nearby. On the night of March 5, 2022, the armed wing of the Junta raided and fired artillery shells at Inn Nge Daunk Village, in Magway Region’s Pauk Township. The military soldiers arrested Aye Aye Win, aged 42 years old, and her daughter Yati Moe, aged 3 years old, while they were preparing to run away. Aye Aye Win was raped then killed at a public resthouse in front of her home, a 3-year-old Yati Moe was also stabbed in the chest. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.55 MB 7.97 MB 1.08 MB
more
Title: Regressing Gender Equality in Myanmar: Women living under the Pandemic and Military rule
Description: "New UN study says fear, violence, and isolation prevents Myanmar women from accessing income and healthcare Bangkok -- Rising violence and insecurity are forcing women in Myanmar to stay away from jobs and healthcare services, says a new UN survey of over 2,200 women, which signals a deterioration of development gains in the country. "Regressing Gender Equality in Myanmar: Women Living Under the Pandemic and Military Rule", which launched today on International Women's Day, finds that women are losing ground on development gains, due to fear of violence. The survey conducted in December 2021 found that one-third of women are afraid of walking in their neighbourhoods, even during the day. This is a sharp departure from what women in Myanmar said in 2019, when only 3.5 percent of women reported feeling unsafe during the daytime, in their communities. Half of the women surveyed said they do not feel safe outside their neighbourhoods, and a full third reported feeling unsafe in their own homes, at night. "The survey sends a clear and chilling message that the fear of violence is preventing the women of Myanmar from living a normal life. This must be addressed right away," said Kanni Wignaraja, UNDP's Director for the Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific. The pandemic and heightened insecurity from the military takeover has gravely impacted women's finances and health. Without investments in their safety, agency, and capacities, women will be unable to take ownership of their lives and take care of their families. This will have a direct adverse effect on future generations and on the overall prosperity of Myanmar." The survey also paints a bleak view on the economic front. Nearly seven out of 10 women report that household income has fallen since the coup, exacerbated by the pandemic. Women living in rural areas are experiencing a continual decline in their incomes. With shrinking household incomes, women report skipping meals, taking out loans, and selling off anything valuable to make ends meet. This drastic fall in economic prosperity for women must immediately be halted and the wider health and welfare of women in Myanmar must be prioritized for the country to rebound following COVID-19. "The women of Myanmar have played a key role in the development of their country," said Sarah Knibbs, Officer-in-Charge for UN Women Asia and the Pacific. "Women drove the response to Cyclone Nargis in 2008 and the transition to democracy after 2012. They rushed to the front lines to help battle waves of COVID-19, and now they have been leading the peaceful movement demanding a return to democracy. They are the future of this country, as this report shows, and we need to give priority to their needs and concerns." Women's health is also affected by the rising insecurity in Myanmar. Half the women reported that access to healthcare services is becoming more difficult. One out of ten pregnant or breastfeeding women had a pregnancy or childbirth issue for which public or private health services could not be accessed. This is an extremely troubling statistic for infant mortality and maternal health in Myanmar. The report adds that the compounding effects of COVID-19 and the political unrest on women's security, finances, and health will not disappear quickly. Women are likely to face setbacks for years to come. It is important to reverse this trend quickly to recoup the gains that were being made towards gender equality..."
Source/publisher: UN Development Programme and UN Women via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.51 MB (Original version), 1.36 MB (Reduce version) - 70 pages
more
Title: ခုခံတော်လှန်ခြင်း- စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ တနှစ်အတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ရဲစွမ်းသတ္တိကို စမ်းသပ်မှု
Description: "ဆယ်စုနှစ်များနှင့် ချီသည့် ပဋိပက္ခ စစ်ပွဲများအတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အမျိုးသမီးများသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ ကြံ့ခိုင် သန်မာမှုကို ပြသခဲ့ကြသည်။ တိုင်းပြည်တွင် နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ အမြစ်တွယ်နေသည့် ဖိုဝါဒ ကြီးစိုး မှုကိုလည်း ပုံစံပြောင်းပစ်ကြသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် ရုပ်ပိုင်း၊ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ မှ ကာကွယ်ရန် ခိုင်မာသည့် ဥပဒေများ ပြဌာန်းပေးရန် တောင်းဆို စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ဆော်ကြသည်။ အသက် ရှင်သန် ကျန်ရစ်သူများအား အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိစေရန် အာမခံမည့် ဥပဒေများ ပြဌာန်းရန် ဆန္ဒမရှိသည်မှာ စိတ်ပျက်ဖွယ်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ ရန်လိုသော သက်သေအဖြစ် ပြည်တွင်းပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင် ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ မချိမဆန့် ခံစားရသည့် အခြေအနေအောက်တွင် အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် လုံမပျိုများမှာ ဝန်ထုတ်ဝန်ပိုးကို ထမ်းထားရသည်။ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုနှင့် ကြံစည်ထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ လွတ်မြောက်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသည့် အမျိုးသမီးများမှာ စစ်သားများ၏ ပစ်မှတ်ထား ခြင်း ခံရသည်။ အသက်ရှင်ကျန် လွတ်မြောက်လာသူများမှာလည်း စိတ်ဒဏ်ရာများ ရရှိထားပြီး လုံလောက်သည့် စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ နှစ်သိမ့်ဆွေးနွေး ပညာပေးမှုများ မရရှိပေ။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ လုပ်ရပ်ကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဘဝ တသက်တာလုံး မိသားစုနှင့်အတူ အရှက်တကွဲ အကျိုးနဲမှုကို ခံစားကြရ သည်။ တရားရုံးတွင် ဖြေရှင်းသည့် ကုန်ကျစရိတ် ကြီးမြင့်မှုနှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင် တပ်သားများအား အကာအ ကွယ် ပေးထားမှု အပါအဝင် တရားမျှတမှု ရှာဖွေရေး လမ်းကြောင်းများကိုလည်း ပိတ်ဆို့ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်မှုကို ရှောင်ကွင်းပြီး အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ထိုးစစ်ဆင်နေသည်။ နှစ် ပေါင်းရှည်ကြာ ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ဓလေ့ကြောင့် တရားစီရင်မှု စနစ်ကို အားနည်း သွားစေပြီး နစ်နာသူများ၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ချိုးနှိမ်ငြင်းပယ်ရာ ရောက်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေော်ဝါရီ ၁ရက် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်သားများက ၎င်းတို့အား ဆန့်ကျင် ခုခံသူ များအား နည်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဖြိုခွဲခဲ့ရာ ပြည်သူလူထုမှာလည်း နှိကွပ်မှုပေါင်းစုံ ခံနေရသည်။ စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက် ဖြိုခွဲမှုကြောင့် ပြည်သူ ၁၅၀၀ ကျော် သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး ရာနှင့်ချီ၍ ဒဏ်ရာရသည်ဟု မှတ်တမ်း တင်သည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက အစီရင်ခံကြသည်။ ထိုသို့ တင်းမာပြင်းထန်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ နောက်ခံတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ခုခံတွန်းလှန် လှုပ်ရှားမှုမှာ နေရာအနှံ့အပြားတွင် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ဆန့်ကျင် တွန်းလှန်နေသူများ၏ ရုပ်ပိုင်း၊ အသုံးပြုသည့် မိုဘိုင်းဖုန်းနှင့် အင်တာနက် ဆက်သွယ်မှု လုံခြုံရေး ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခံနေရသော်လည်း ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး စည်းရုံးလှုပ်ရှားမှု များ ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်များ နေရာယူ တပ်စွဲထားသည့်နေရာများတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ဘဝမှာ လုံခြုံစိတ်ချရမှု မရှိပေ။ မည်သို့ပင်ဆိုစေကာမူ အပြောင်းအလဲအတွက် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ အသံမှာ မဆုတ်မနစ် ထွက် ပေါ်နေပြီး ဆန့်ကျင်တားဆီးမှုများကို ကြံကြံခံလျှက်ရှိသည်မှာ အမှန်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုပူးတွဲအစီရင်ခံစာကို လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ (ND-Burma), မွန်ပြည်လူ့အ ခွင့်အရေး ဖောင်ဒေးရှင်း (HURFOM) နှင့် ကချင်အမျိုးသမီးအစည်းအရုံး ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံ (KWAT) မှ ပြုစုထားပြီး မြန်မာပြည်ရှိ အထူးသဖြင့် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်မြောက်ပိုင်း၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တနင်္သာရီ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး ရှိ အမျိုးသမီး နှင့် လုံမပျိုများမှာ လွန်ခဲ့သည့် နှစ်အတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ ခြိမ်း ခြောက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကို မည်သို့ ခံနေရကြောင်း ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် စနစ်တကျ ခြိမ်းခြောက်၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရမှုများကို လည်း မည်သို့ ကျော်လွှားခဲ့ကြသည်ကို ဖော်ပြထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.18 MB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 7 March 2022)
Description: "According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022. As of March 7, (1620) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (18) fallen heroes today. These (18) fallen heroes from Thaketa Township in Yangon Region, Kyunhla Township and Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region, Nattalin Township in Bagon Region and Butho Township in Hpapun District, Kayin State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 7, a total of (9523) people are currently under detention. (833) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On March 5, at around 7:20 pm, seven civilians, including three children, from Kalawday Village in Butho Township in Hpapun District, Kayin State, were shot dead by junta artillery shells based in Kayin State’s Hpapun Township. The seven victims were Naw Tar Lu, aged 2 years old, Naw Htoo Phaw, aged 5 years old, Naw Tin Nilar Win, aged 14 years old, Saw Day Poe, aged 19 years old, Naw Eal Moo, aged 22 years old, Naw Phaw Wah, aged 32 years old, and Saw Kay, aged 40 year old. Four other civilians were also severely injured. On the morning of March 4, the armed wing of the Junta raided Min Swe Hnit Village, in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township, and killed nine locals, who were guarding the village. Five of the victims, Aung Thu, Phoe Mae, Chan Myae Zaw, Bhone Naing and Pyae Phyo Aung were from Min Swe Hnit Village. The other four victims were from Myin Thu Gyi Village, Kyar Khet Village, and other village.pdated 7 March 2022 AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.59 MB 8.1 MB 1.09 MB
more
Title: Sagaing Region Internet Shut Down Amid Myanmar Junta Raids
Description: "Myanmar’s regime has cut internet access across Sagaing Region where armed resistance to the junta is strong. It is also launching airstrikes and torching villages. Residents said the internet was down across the sprawling region’s 34 townships other than four towns and cities, denying news about the fighting. A Tabayin resident told The Irrawaddy that the internet was cut three days ago and he heard only Sagaing, Monywa, Kale and Shwebo had access. Internet access was cut last September in Ayadaw, Yinmabin, Kani, Pale, Ye-U, Taze and Budalin townships in the region. The regime carried out an estimated 19 air raids on the region between last July and mid-February, according to the Institute for Strategy and Policy in Myanmar. There were clashes in 16 townships during that period and at least 140 civilians were killed by junta forces, the institute reported in February. The junta has torched at least 6,158 civilian homes in the 13 months since the coup, mostly in areas with heavy anti-regime resistance. Sagaing Region suffered nearly 60 percent of the damage, according to the independent Data for Myanmar research group. Residents fear the lack of internet access will limit their ability to avoid junta raids and find shelter after being attacked. “It is very difficult for the displaced, especially children and old people, to find safety if we don’t get the news,” said a Taze resident. He said they had previously asked for donations on Facebook but now they are left on their own. The regime uses airstrikes, artillery and allied Phyu Saw Htee militias to attack villages and burn houses..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Women fighters challenge Myanmar’s gender roles
Sub-title: s key members of the resistance, the women hope their sacrifices will break down barriers across society.
Description: "More than a year after Myanmar’s coup, women are joining the ranks of anti-junta paramilitary groups and assuming key posts within the opposition, a trend they say is crucial to ending military rule and rebuilding a more equitable country. Since the military seized power from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy on Feb. 1, 2021, life is worse in Myanmar by nearly every measure. The nation’s economy is in shambles, government services have ground to a halt, and rule of law is nearly nonexistent. Security forces have arrested at least 9,500 people and killed 1,620 – mostly during peaceful anti-junta protests, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Dozens of those killed were women, according to the group, while rights organizations have decried the military’s use of sexual violence as a weapon against its opponents since the coup. As the situation in Myanmar becomes increasingly desperate, women from all walks of life have assumed roles more typically associated with men in the effort to end military rule — whether by advancing the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, organizing street protests, or taking up arms as members of prodemocracy People’s Defense Force (PDF) paramilitary groups. Tin Tin Nyo, chairwoman of Burmese Women’s Union, told RFA’s Myanmar Service that women are more likely to sacrifice their families and even their lives to take part in the resistance movement because the stakes have never been higher. She said that women are needed in these roles if the opposition hopes to remove the junta from power and ensure that all stakeholders have a seat at the table when order is restored. “[Women] will not give up and will keep fighting to eliminate military rule — we need to acknowledge that as a nation,” she said. “Women are participating in the cause to build a better future for Myanmar. They need to participate in leadership roles. Their labor is crucial to advance our society, which is deteriorating in every area.” RFA spoke with several female leaders in the resistance movement who said that they were driven to action out of a sense of duty to protect their nation from junta misrule. They said that they hope their contributions will help to break down barriers that limit the role of women in society. Amaya joined the Myaung Women Guerrilla Group (MWGG) in Sagaing region’s Myaung township and regularly fights against the military alongside her male counterparts. She said she and other women paramilitaries could no longer stand by and watch while junta soldiers “shot and killed young people in the street,” particularly after those in Myaung township began “moving from one village to another, committing every crime imaginable, on a daily basis.” “We were protesting peacefully but they were killing us lawlessly, so we decided that armed resistance was the only option,” she said. “Slogans such as ‘Down with the fascist authoritarian regime’ and ‘Our cause is Federalism’ motivated us to participate in the movement.” MWGG members have told RFA that the group was launched in October to empower women who might otherwise be preyed upon by raiding troops. They said that MWGG fighters now regularly participate in operations using explosives and “exterminating military informers.” ‘Fighting to protect’ the people Htet Htet Naing, a female commando from a PDF group based in the seat of Sagaing region, said that after witnessing death and destruction in her region, she felt compelled to fight on the frontlines. “There are many challenges, and it is more challenging for women. It is very exhausting to take part in the training. The food we are eating is substandard,” she said. “We keep in mind that only by fighting, will we succeed. We remind ourselves that the people are behind us, and we are fighting to protect them.” Cinderella, a fighter from the Dove KK Southern Shan/Kayah PDF medics team of doctors and nurses from Kayah state, said it isn’t difficult to remind herself of why she joined the armed resistance. “This revolution has emerged to eliminate the reign of a class of people who rule by violence and lawlessness, in a time of injustice where human rights exist only in books,” she said. “All of Myanmar’s people, both men and women, must take part in this revolution. I am here to contribute physically and intellectually for our collective future. No matter what kind of challenges lie ahead, we will do whatever we can to succeed.” Mya Hnin Yee Lwin, a former actress who joined the armed resistance, said that she gave up a comfortable life to help motivate her countrymen “not to give up on the revolution.” “We are living a lifestyle that I could never have imagined, but I no longer think, ‘What’s in it for me?’ I can only think about how I can contribute to the revolution,” she said. “I believe [justice] always prevails in the end and I believe we will reach our destination one day.”..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar's plight still a global issue
Description: "As the Russian invasion of Ukraine dominates the headlines, the deteriorating situation in neighbouring Myanmar that has been dragging on for over a year must not be forgotten. In fact, there are still major issues that need reporting, such as the movement of refugees and regional efforts to secure peace. Mainstream media coverage of the Ukraine-Russia issue has highlighted the importance of upholding democratic principles as well as solving the problem of refugees. The public is being bombarded by news and images of destroyed buildings, troops deploying and Ukrainian civilians arming themselves to defend their country. Every day, we hear harrowing tales about the plight of the Ukrainian people in the face of Russian aggression. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky through his savvy PR campaign has become the face of resistance against Russian President Vladimir Putin's military might, resulting in support from the United States and its European allies. The coverage of Ukraine's conflict has been so thorough that even some people in Thailand are considering joining the fight in eastern Europe. Recently, the government in Kyiv opened a military legion for foreign nationals to join the resistance, but it is unclear whether the Thais will fight Russian troops in Ukraine. However, the message of resistance has resonated among people in other countries. According to Kyodo, 70 Japanese nationals answered Ukraine's call to use arms against the Russian invaders. Amid this shift in global news coverage, we must not forget about the atrocities perpetrated in our neighbourhood. As the crisis in Myanmar passed the one-year milestone, resistance towards the junta snowballed into guerrilla warfare involving civilians joining militia groups to fight the junta. The actions of the junta have driven about 300,000 from Myanmar, with hundreds of civilians arrested, beaten, tortured, or killed by the authorities, according to the United Nations. On top of that, the UN projects that up to 25 million people of the country's more than 55 million population will fall into poverty this year. One must surely understand that in a conflict between two sides, both parties must sit at the table for talks. Yet the Myanmar military sternly insists that it is the only legitimate governing body in Myanmar, denying access to Aung San Suu Kyi and her officials, who are sitting in detention on trumped-up election fraud charges and convictions no one believes to be true. Myanmar's military leaders are adamant about staying in power, claiming that ousting Suu Kyi's civilian-led government was the correct response to alleged fraud in her landslide general election victory at the end of 2020. The junta claims that new elections will be held at some point after the situation "stabilises". For two years, bringing the junta to the table for peace talks hasn't been easy -- officials have been blocking regional efforts to stop the violence and find a resolution to the political conflict. The junta has agreed to Asean's Five-Point Consensus peace plan "in principle" but its actions clearly show it moving in the opposite direction. Requests by Asean envoys to meet Suu Kyi were met with the cold shoulder. The junta is trying to delegitimise Suu Kyi's civilian government. The junta even fought over who gets to represent Myanmar in the Rohingya genocide hearings at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, where Suu Kyi personally defended Myanmar's generals when the case opened in December 2019. Now she is on house arrest and her officials are in disarray, with the world unsure of whether she will ever lead Myanmar again or whether democracy will return. Asean has its work cut out, and more news outlets should pay attention. Regional leaders are now taking the lead to ensure the junta in Myanmar follows through on the promise it made in April to fulfil the bloc's Five-Point Consensus peace plan. Cambodia has a chance to help return democracy to Myanmar, with Foreign Affairs Minister Prak Sokhonn's three-day visit on March 20. Prak Sokhonn is expected to try to inch closer to finding a solution. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen previously visited Myanmar but that was considered more a mere icebreaker than an attempt to make solid progress. The people of Myanmar need the world's attention as well as humanitarian help more than ever. The media, mainstream or otherwise, must continue to be the eyes and ears on the ground and ensure that the plight of the Myanmar citizenry is not buried beneath other major world headlines. After all, who will keep leaders in check if the world is looking away?..."
Source/publisher: "Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 4 March 2022)
Description: "According to AAPP documentation, at least (440) houses and buildings have been sealed off by the Junta since the 2021 coup up until February 2022. As of March 4, (1603) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (6) fallen heroes today. These (6) fallen heroes from Gangaw Township in Magway Region and Ye-U Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 4, a total of (9507) people are currently under detention. (827) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On February 28, three local PDF personnel, named Aung Win, Kalar Lay and Htaw Gyi, and a civilian named Naing Oo, were arrested and then burned alive by the armed wing of the Junta after the military entered Oakpho Village in Ye-U Township, Sagaing Region. On the evening of February 28, a designer named Soe Su Myat Lwin, living in Inntaw Town in Southern Shan State, was arrested by junta police for posting political content on Facebook. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-04
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.56 MB 7.94 MB 1.08 MB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 3 March 2022)
Description: "As of March 3, (1597) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Gangaw Township in Magway Region were killed on February 28 and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 3, a total of (9478) people are currently under detention. (810) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On February 28, the armed wing of the Junta and Pyu Saw Htee personnel assaulted villages in Gangaw Township, Magway Region. Seven locals from Shwebo Village were killed. Their names are Thar Nyi, Wai Yan Oo, Zin Min Htut a.k.a Pyar Tar Maung, Nyein Chan Maung, Latt Soe, Win Soe and Tun Zaw. Five of the villagers were arrested, hands tied and burned alive, and two others were shot dead. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-03
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.49 MB 7.93 MB 1.05 MB
more
Title: Myanmar Junta Frees Six Celebrities
Description: "Myanmar’s junta on Wednesday pardoned and released six celebrities, including acting couple Eaindra Kyaw Zin and Pyay Ti Oo, actor Lu Min and model-actor Paing Takhon, who were arrested for opposing military rule. The junta announced that the four, who have been detained for nearly a year, will be pardoned “to participate in state-building affairs with their performing arts”. Their families confirmed the releases. Eaindra Kyaw Zin, Pyay Ti Oo and Paing Takhon, 24, were arrested in April last year and Lu Min was seized in late February last year for participating in anti-regime protests and supporting the civil disobedience movement against the regime. They have been held in Yangon’s notorious Insein Prison with thousands of other political prisoners and sentenced to three years in prison in December under incitement charges. On Wednesday the junta also pardoned beauty blogger Win Min Than, who was jailed on incitement charges. She has been held in Insein since April last year and was given a three-year sentence in December. The junta’s announcement said Win Min Than still faces a case under the Unlawful Associations Act for joining the anti-regime movement. Award-winning film director Htun Zaw Win, also known as Wyne, who was arrested last month after returning from hiding to his Yangon home, was also released on Wednesday. The junta said it had dropped the case against him. Singers Saw Phoe Khwar and Po Po, actor Ye Tike and filmmaker Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi remain in custody. More than 9,400 people, including writers, activists, politicians, pro-democracy protesters and student activists, are still being held by the junta..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-02
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 1 March 2022)
Description: "As of March 1, (1589) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Yinmarbin Township in Sagaing Region and Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP. The actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of March 1, a total of (9437) people are currently under detention. (778) people have been sentenced in person, of them 45 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1973 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 84 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. The exact identities and total figure remains to be verified, but we will continue to confirm the recently released. On the midnight of February 25, Thein Htike Oo, living in Maung Mae Shaung Village in Tanintharyi Region’s Dawei Township, was shot dead by Junta soldiers at the checkpoint in Eain Shae Pyin Village, while he was crossing by motorbike. Thein Htike Oo suffers from mental illness. His body was not returned to his family and was cremated by the military. From February 26 for three days, the armed wing of the Junta has been stationed at, and raiding Chin Pone Village, in Sagaing Region’s Yinmarbin Township. They killed nine villagers, including Aung Maung, from Chin Pone Village, and Tun Tun and Myo Nyunt, from Pan Pa Htone Village. AAPP will continue to inform on verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update the lists with details of these alleged offenses. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against, CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent, please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-01
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.5 MB 7.98 MB 1.01 MB
more
Title: Myanmar Democracy Activists Hold Rallies in Support of Ukraine
Description: "Braving the junta’s brutal crackdowns, democracy activists in Myanmar staged protests over the weekend to show solidarity with the people of Ukraine as they attempt to repel the ongoing invasion of their country by Russia. Dozens of young protesters holding pro-democracy banners and Ukrainian flags held flash-mob protests in Myanmar’s commercial hub Yangon, as well as in Dawei in Tanintharyi Region in the country’s deep south and Kachin State in the north on Sunday, as their civilian counterparts in Ukraine grabbed automatic rifles to push back the invading Russians. Myanmar has been under a military dictatorship since February last year. Since then the whole country has been resisting the regime by all means at their disposal, from peaceful protest to armed struggle. So far, more than 1,500 civilians have been killed by the regime. Until May last year, Ukraine had links with the Myanmar military, with arms exports and technology transfers. Despite this, the Russian invasion of the second-largest country in Europe last week has enraged Myanmar democracy activists, who feel a connection with Ukraine’s civilians as they take up arms to defend their land. On the surface, Sunday’s protests in Myanmar were a denunciation of military bullying and an offer of encouragement from one group of civilians who have been fighting for freedom and democracy to another. Beyond the moral support, however, Myanmar and Ukraine have a common enemy. To the Ukrainians, Russian President Vladimir Putin is their invader. To the Myanmar people, Russia is a close ally of the Myanmar regime, supplying it with military hardware, among other kinds of support. Raising a three-finger salute, Raymond, a member of the Democracy Movement Strike Committee (Dawei), said Myanmar’s anti-regime movement, known as the Spring Revolution, felt solidarity with the oppressed people of Ukraine. “We are inspired by Ukraine’s war in defense of democracy. Like them, the Myanmar Spring Revolution will continue to fight for our freedom until we win,” he said in a video. Behind him a group of young activists held placards reading “Glory to Ukraine” and “Putin Must Fail.” He said if Putin won in Ukraine, it would give a boost to the military regime in Myanmar and to the enemies of democracy everywhere. “The world is a scary place right now. But we’re all in this together, and when people unite we can accomplish anything. Slava Ukraini! Democracy must prevail!” he said. In Yangon, a more challenging environment for protesters, given the regime’s brutal crackdowns in the city, a group of young activists staged a flash mob protest, shouting anti-regime slogans and waving placards bearing slogans like “In Solidarity with Ukraine.” Fortunately, the protest was uninterrupted and protesters successfully dispersed. In Kachin State in Myanmar’s north, more than a dozen ethnic Kachin young people held a rally to show their support for Ukraine. Some rally participants painted their faces in the Ukrainian flag while others held placards reading “Save Ukraine” and “Stop War.” Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government said on Friday that it condemned the Russian war against Ukraine and its people, adding “Myanmar stands in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.” While Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been globally condemned, the Myanmar regime has taken a different approach. In an apparent attempt to show its gratitude to Russia for its support, the regime said Russia was acting to maintain its sovereignty and praised Moscow for what it called its role in balancing global power..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar: Detainments escalate as press freedom continues to decline under Myanmar’s military junta
Description: "Attacks to press freedom and democracy continue to escalate in Myanmar, with two prominent writers and a student activist sentenced under an amendment to the Myanmar’s Penal code. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) strongly condemn the junta’s continued censorship and quashing of critical reportage and calls on the international community to do more to protect the livelihoods and safety of journalists in Myanmar. On February 22, Maung Tha Cho and Htin Lin Oo, two anti-junta writers, were sentenced to two and three years in prison respectively under Section 505(a) of the Myanmar Penal Code. Section 5050(A), an amendment introduced by the military junta, criminalises the circulation of any information with the intent to defame government employees. Maung Tha Cho was sentenced to two years for an article he wrote eight years ago, while Htin Lin Oo was charged after sharing an anti-junta video on his social media page. The writers were arrested on February 1, 2021, the day of Myanmar’s military coup and were placed in Insein Prison, where they have been detained for more than a year. This is not the first time a journalist has been charged under Section 505(A). In June 2022, the IFJ reported the sentencing of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporter Aung Kyaw, and freelance reporter Ko Zaw Zaw, who were the first journalists to be sentenced to two years in prison under Section 505(a). Student activist Yin Myat Noe Oo was also given a three-year prison sentence for incitement at a court inside Insein Prison last week. The student was arrested in Yangon in April 2021 after putting up posters that criticised the junta. According to the University Students’ Union Alumni Force (USUAF) who are in contact with detainees inside Insein Prison, inmates facing political charges have been tortured by prison authorities and denied medical treatment for their injuries. On February 22, the United Nations human rights expert on Myanmar, Thomas Andrews, said that Russia, China and Serbia were providing arms assistance, including fighter jets, to the military junta. These weapons were supplied with “full knowledge that they would be used to attack civilians”, said Andrews. The three sentencings come during a period of increasing restrictions on press freedom in Myanmar, one year on from the military takeover. According to Reporting ASEAN, at least 121 journalists and media workers have been arrested since the beginning of the military coup, with 47 currently detained as of February 9, 2022. At least 40 of the arrested journalists were charged with violating Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. In December 2021, Ko Soe Naing, a freelance photojournalist, died in custody after being arrested by military forces for covering silent protests by opponents of the coup. Naing was the first journalist confirmed to have died in custody since the coup. The IFJ said: “Journalists and media workers have suffered intensely throughout the first year of Myanmar’s military coup, actively persecuted and silenced for doing their jobs. The IFJ calls for the release of all detained media workers, including Maung Tha Cho and Htin Lin Oo, and strongly condemns the junta’s continued censorship and suppression of press and civilian freedoms. The IFJ urges the international community to heighten efforts to protect and support media workers and journalists working under the coup.”..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Journalists
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: The upcoming 5th BIMSTEC Summit on March 30 in Sri Lanka must respect calls from Myanmar democracy movement - သီရီလင်္ကာ ၌ မတ်လ (၃၀) တွင် ကျင်းပမည့် (၅) ကြိမ်မြောက် BIMSTEC ထိပ်သီး ညီလာခံ သည် မြန်မာပြည်ဒီမိုကရေစီလှုပ်ရှားမှု၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်များအား လေးစားလိုက်နာရမည်။
Description: "Statement in commemoration of the "222222" movement.....နှစ်ခြောက်လုံး လူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုနေ့တွင် #India4Myanmar က အောက်ပါ ကြေညာချက်အား ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: India For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-22
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 382.25 KB 543.3 KB
more
Title: Myanmar People Urged to Join ‘Six Twos Revolution’ General Strike Against Regime
Description: "Anti-regime forces have called on the Myanmar people to join a mass protest planned for Tuesday that is being referred to as the “Regathering for the Six Twos Revolution”, a reference to the date, 22.2.2022. The protest is also being referred to as “Revolt by the Rural, Defiance by the Urban.” Last year on Feb. 22 (22.2.2021), three weeks after the military seized power, protesters across Myanmar took to the streets in a general strike known as the “Five Twos Revolution,” in one of the largest nationwide shows of opposition to the military. People have been urged to take to the streets in the “Six Twos Revolution” wearing bamboo or other hats as well as Thanakha, a traditional face powder, and holding flowers and bouquets. People, if possible, are also urged to scatter papers bearing anti-coup slogans along with flowers, raise a three-finger salute and bang pots and pans at 8 p.m. Strike committees have urged the people to join the protest by any other means if they are not able to participate in said activities. “Millions of people took to the streets in last year’s ‘Five Twos’ revolution. And we want to organize a campaign on Feb. 22 this year in which millions of people can participate. We want to show that people still oppose military rule and that the anti-coup movements remain strong,” said Ko Khant Wai Phyo, a member of the Monywa General Strike Committee. “We always have trust in the people. People have time and again shown that they are totally against the coup and military dictatorship. I believe we will be able to show it again tomorrow. So, we have suggested those methods which we think can allow people to subtly show their opposition with minimum risk to themselves,” he said. Over 30 general strike committees from different parts of Myanmar led by the General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) have called for the strike. Myanmar expats in foreign countries, celebrities and activists have also called on the people to join the mass demonstrations on Tuesday. Activists and Buddhist monks in Mandalay took to the streets on Monday, urging the people to join the “Six Twos Revolution.” The leader of a women’s alliance in Mandalay, Ma Aye Myint Aung Aung, said: “At this time last year, many people across the country took to the streets. But, mass demonstrations can’t be held this year. So, we have suggested the ways people can participate in the protest. And I would like to urge the people to join the protest.” Meanwhile, pro-junta Telegram accounts issued threats against activists who show support for the “Six Twos Revolution”, urging the regime to arrest those who back the general strike on social media. GCSB spokesman Ko Nan Lin told The Irrawaddy: “The military regime and its pillars are really frightened by public campaigns. So, they have used threats to deter the people from participating in those campaigns. They are trying to instill fear in people because they are frightened by public campaigns. In no country are people arrested for holding flowers and wearing Thanakha. I want to urge the people not to worry about threats from the other side.” He added: “Every public activity is a serious blow to the military regime. Fighting is not the only answer in the Spring Revolution. There will be progress in this revolution only when we make collaborative efforts through military, political and diplomatic means and public campaigns...”
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more

Pages