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Title: Justice For Myanmar responds to Kirin’s 1Q 2021 results
Sub-title: Myanmar Beer boycott hitting generals’ pockets with sales down 46% YoY
Description: "May 12, 2021, Myanmar: Kirin’s 1Q 2021 financial results show a 46% decline in Myanmar Brewery year on year sales volume, providing new evidence of the impact of the popular boycott against Myanmar Beer following the illegal and brutal Feb. 1 attempted coup by the Myanmar military. According to Kirin, Myanmar Brewery’s normalised operating profit is down 49.6% compared to 1Q 2020, a difference of JP¥2.5 billion (32 billion MMK) with a 46.7% fall in revenue, a difference of JP¥5 billion (66 billion MMK). Myanmar Brewery is a joint venture between Kirin Holdings and military conglomerate Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). On Nov. 11, 2020, Kirin announced a suspension of dividend payments to the military and on Feb. 5, 2021, Kirin announced that they are terminating their joint venture partnership with (MEHL), although they have not yet provided details or a timeline. We call on Kirin to disclose the steps they are taking to end their relationship with the Myanmar military and their timeframe. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Kirin’s latest financial results provide clear evidence that the mass boycott of military products by the people of Myanmar is working, causing a direct hit to the hip pockets of the corrupt war criminals that led the February 1 attempted coup. Kirin’s figures show yet again that the people of Myanmar reject military rule and demand that democracy is restored. Kirin has attempted to explain the figures as a result of Covid and “political upheaval” but we know that it is evidence of a mass rejection of their abhorrent business model in Myanmar, which finances these killers. We call on Kirin to urgently disclose the steps they are taking to cut ties with their criminal business partners. Kirin must immediately stop supporting the operations of Myanmar Brewery, which aids the Myanmar military’s continued crimes against humanity that has involved the murder of 783 people and the arrest and detention of nearly 5000 in the first 100 days since the attempted coup..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-13
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Title: Myanmar: Time for business to take a stand against human rights violations - UN experts
Description: "As powerful actors in the current fragile and deteriorating context in Myanmar, businesses must uphold their human rights responsibilities and put pressure on the military junta to halt grave human rights violations, UN experts* said today. The coup of 1 February has placed businesses with operations or business relations in Myanmar in a challenging situation. While some businesses have reiterated their public support for the rule of law and human rights, and cut ties with the junta, many continue to engage in business with the military as if nothing has happened, they said. As the military junta is intensifying its campaign of repression against its own people in Myanmar, the experts urged companies to act in line with the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights to avoid contributing to human rights violations, or becoming complicit in crimes if they continue to operate in Myanmar. “Because the risk of gross human rights violations has greatly increased in Myanmar, action by States and human rights due diligence by business, and investors, should be rapidly and proportionately heightened,” said Surya Deva, Vice-Chair of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights. “Businesses, both individually and collectively, should exert the maximum leverage on the military in Myanmar to halt what the High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to crimes against humanity,” added the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews. Information suggests that the military’s economic interests, including access to arms and technology, remain largely untouched and unchallenged by other States, and businesses operating in the country. “The revenues that the military earns from domestic and foreign businesses substantially enhances its ability and capacity to carry out these grave violations,” Andrews said. The UN experts noted that measures taken by businesses, such as suspension of payments and financial flows that may aid the perpetration of widespread and systematic human rights violations, should target the military and have the minimum possible negative impact on the rights of employees and the general population. In 2019, the Independent International Fact Finding Mission on Myanmar concluded that no business should enter into an economic or financial relationship with the security forces of Myanmar, in particular the military, or any enterprise owned or controlled by them or their individual members, until and unless they are restructured and transformed. The experts also endorsed the Human Rights Council’s call for home States of businesses investing in, or with supply chains in Myanmar to take appropriate measures so that those businesses actively conduct heightened human rights due diligence and ensure their activities do not cause or contribute to any human rights violations. They added that States should also urge international financial and development institutions to exercise heightened due diligence and cut ties with the military. “There may come a point at which businesses might need to suspend operations or even consider exit from the country if risks of involvement in human rights abuse cannot be reasonably managed, while doing so in a manner to safeguard the well-being of workers and affected communities,” Deva said. Businesses which continue to operate in Myanmar should take all possible measures to protect their employees, support the exercise of all human rights by the people of Myanmar, including the right to peaceful protests, and speak up to preserve civic space and the independence of the media. All States, including leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and G20 countries, should take strong, decisive and coordinated action, and encourage their businesses operating in Myanmar to prevent further human rights violations, the experts added. The Working Group has addressed the topic of heightened action and human rights due diligence in its recent report to the General Assembly: Business and Human Rights in Conflict-Affected Regions: Towards heightened Action..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-13
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Title: Myanmar coup: Firms quit office block with military ties
Description: "A high-end office block in Myanmar linked to the country's military leaders is seeing an exodus of international organisations. Coca-Cola, the World Bank and McKinsey have told the BBC they have moved out or are reviewing their leases at the Sule Square complex in Yangon. The United Nations said the complex was built on land owned by the military. Myanmar's military seized power from the democratically elected government in February. It has been 100 days since the early morning coup, sparking mass protests across the country in which hundreds have died. How Myanmar coup caused its healthcare to vanish Could sanctions on Myanmar's military ever work? Myanmar coup: What is happening and why?. However, even before they took power on 1 February, Myanmar's military - which initially ruled the country for almost half a century after seizing power in 1962 - owned large areas of land and controlled companies involved in everything from mining to banking. The land on which the building stands was leased from the military, according to a 2019 United Nations fact-finding mission report. Last month, activist group Justice for Myanmar called on 18 tenants of the complex of offices and shops in the heart of Myanmar's commercial hub Yangon to stop indirectly supporting the army. "Sule Square has big-name tenants that continue to lease office space in the building, indirectly supporting the army," Justice for Myanmar said in a report. According to news agency Reuters, six of the companies have said they have moved out or were reviewing their plans, but only one mentioned the military link. Other firms cited various reasons, including business prospects. In a statement via email, Coca-Cola told the BBC that it would not renew its lease when it ends in the middle of next month due to "changing business requirements". "Our office-based employees at Coca-Cola Limited (Myanmar) will continue to work from home for the rest of 2021 as part of overall safety measures. We will be communicating our new office location at a later date," it added. In a statement sent to the BBC, consultancy McKinsey & Company said: "We no longer have space in a serviced office leased in Sule Square. We terminated our lease in early 2021." Reuters said it is not currently using its Sule Square office and was reviewing its tenancy. A spokesperson for the World Bank Group, which also has an office in the complex, told the BBC that it was "assessing the situation in Myanmar, according to internal policies and procedures". Norway's state-owned telecoms operator Telenor said it had known that the military owned the land Sule Square is built on before it moved in but it had picked the location due to a number of reasons, including safety. Telenor has not said whether or not it plans to move out of the building. Sule Square, which is close to the historic Sule Pagoda in Yangon, opened in 2017. It was developed by a local affiliate of Hong Kong listed Shangri-La Asia, which also manages the building and a neighbouring hotel. Shangri-La said in 2017 that it had invested $125m (£88.5m) in the development.
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
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Title: Australian-led mining company pushes ahead with large-scale gold exploration in eastern Shan State amidst military atrocities
Description: "On March 8, 2021, one of the bloodiest days of the military regime’s crackdown on nationwide anti-coup protests, staff of Australian-led Access Resources Asia (ARA) met with local officials in Mong Phyak, eastern Shan State, to push ahead with large-scale gold exploration. ARA’s initial exploration site covers 574 square kilometers, out of its total 1,800 sq. km. concession area in eastern Shan State. This giant gold mining venture is strongly opposed by local communities, due to the devastating environmental and social impacts of existing gold excavation in eastern Shan State, which has gutted mountains and poisoned farmlands and water sources over a wide area, particularly in Tachileik township. In 2017 and 2018, Mong Phyak residents sent petitions to the NLD government to stop the ARA project, but to no avail. On November 26, 2020, ARA was granted a 3-year exploration permit in Mong Phyak by Burma’s Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation. On January 6, 2021, ARA staff visited Mong Phyak to meet with local officials regarding the opening of a branch office. On January 24, 2021, Mong Phyak locals, including community leaders from 13 village tracts and 3 town wards, wrote a petition to the President and State Counsellor to stop the project signed by 3,883 people. ARA ignored this petition, and is now openly partnering with the new coup regime in pushing through its investment. Long before the coup, SHRF had called for Access Asia Mining Pte Ltd (the Singapore-based parent company of ARA) to end its exploration plans in Eastern Shan State, citing community opposition, the ongoing conflict and heavy Burma Army militarization. In April 2018, SHRF documented the rape and robbery of a 73-year-old woman by a Burma Army soldier in Mong Phyak, and urged Access Asia Mining (AAM) to stop planned mining exploration in the area or risk complicity in the military’s atrocities. In response to SHRF’s concerns, AAM sent a letter on May 14, 2018, to the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre, stating it had “never engaged with the Tatmadaw to solicit their support or to request security. We state this categorically and unequivocally. AAM has always found the areas of Myanmar that we operate in safe and secure with a welcoming people. We have never felt the need for security and indeed, as stated above, as we have no operations or permanent presence in Shan State there is nothing to be protected.” It is clear that ARA/AAM does indeed now have “operations” in Shan State, and, particularly following the February 1 coup, ARA/AAM is now undeniably partnering with the military authorities in implementing these operations. ARA/AAM is therefore directly complicit in the security forces’ atrocities against unarmed protesters across the country, as well as ongoing atrocities against villagers in ethnic conflict areas. Although registered in Singapore, the management of Access Asia Mining is comprised of Australian nationals, self-advertised as “principals behind several major Australian engineering firms,” who must realize the risks now far outweigh any potential benefits of staying in Burma. SHRF reiterates our call for Access Resources Asia/Access Asia Mining to immediately end their investments in Burma. SHRF urges foreign companies not to invest in Burma until there is peace and a new federal democratic constitution, enabling local communities to protect their lands and resources from predatory exploitation..."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
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Title: Amid Killing of Protesters, Myanmar Coup Leader Opens High-End Military-Run Hospital
Summary: "In an apparent attempt to expand his military conglomerate, Myanmar coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has opened a new military-owned hospital in Yangon 91 days after seizing power from the...
Description: "In an apparent attempt to expand his military conglomerate, Myanmar coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has opened a new military-owned hospital in Yangon 91 days after seizing power from the country’s democratically elected government. The opening of the new hospital came on Sunday, as the nation is still reeling from the brutality of his troops, who have killed more than 760 protesters across the country since the coup. On the same day, the regime’s forces killed at least five people and arrested several others for protesting against the junta. The newly opened MoeKaung Treasure Maternal and Child Hospital has become the second “private” high-end hospital owned by the military after Kan Tha Yar Hospital on the shore of Yangon’s Inya Lake. The new hospital will be the latest addition to the holdings of the military cartel in the country, where the men in uniform have enriched themselves through businesses ranging from banking to brewery to jade mines and more. Most of them operate free of civilian oversight. According to Justice for Myanmar, a covert group of activists campaigning for justice and accountability for the people in the country, Kan Thar Yar International Specialist Hospital, opened in 2017 by the senior general, is a private for-profit facility under the military conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC). Profits from the hospital are off-budget and the hospital operates without civilian oversight. The same is true of the newly opened MoeKaung Treasure Maternal and Child Hospital. The maternity and child hospital is located in the leafy compound of the Military Documentation Office in Yankin Township. The opening ceremony was joined by the coup leader’s wife Daw Kyu Kyu Hla. The senior general claimed the new hospital was built under his guidance to become an “internationally recognized” medical facility that could be relied on by citizens while promoting the “private health care” sector, according to military-owned Myawaddy TV. It said the hospital will provide maternal and child healthcare services such as in vitro fertilization procedures, storage of genetic items and genetic diagnostic work, among others. The broadcaster quoted him as saying that, “We will try to get a ‘Joint Commission International’ certificate of international recognition [for the hospital].” Given mounting global sanctions, including from the US and EU, against himself and his regime, and the fact that the junta has been shunned by the international community for its atrocities against its own people, it is not clear how the junta plans to obtain such certification. The putsch leader even said the new hospital aimed to act as a one-stop service center for patients with “reasonable service charges”. However, given the room rates—which include some that run as high as 100,000 kyats [US$64] per day—the cost of treatment at the new hospital is evidently far from “reasonable”, as the senior general claimed; the majority of the people in the country are struggling to get by, as the economy has collapsed since the February coup. So far, it’s not clear to what extent Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and his family are involved in the ownership of the hospital. In March, the US imposed sanctions on two adult children of the junta leader in response to the coup and the military’s use of lethal force against peaceful protesters, calling for the reinstatement of the democratically elected civilian government. The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) announced sanctions on Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon and six companies controlled by them. The OFAC said the pair controlled a variety of business holdings that have directly benefited from their “father’s position and malign influence”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-03
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Title: Double crises of coup and Covid could push half of Myanmar's population into poverty, UN warns
Description: "Almost half of Myanmar's population could be forced into poverty by the end of the year as the country teeters on the brink of economic collapse caused by the double shock of a bloody military coup and the Covid-19 pandemic, according to a new United Nations report. Rising food costs, significant losses of income and wages, the crumbling of basic services such as banking and health care, and an inadequate social safety net is likely to push millions of already vulnerable people below the poverty line of $1.10 a day -- with women and children among the hardest hit. Analysis from the UN Development Program (UNDP), published Thursday, warned that if the security and economic situation does not stabilize soon, up to 25 million people -- 48% of Myanmar's population -- could be living in poverty by 2022. That level of impoverishment has not been seen in Myanmar since 2005, when the country was an isolated, pariah nation ruled by a previous military regime, it said. UNDP administrator Achim Steiner said it is clear "we are contending with a tragedy unfolding." "We have fractured supply chains, (disrupted) movement of people and movement of goods and services, the banking system essentially suspended, remittances not being able to reach people, social safety payments that would have been available to poorer households not being paid out. These are just some of the immediate impacts," Steiner said. "The protracted political crisis will obviously worsen this." Myanmar had made solid progress in reducing poverty, particularly since the start of a democratic transition from military rule in 2011 that prompted economic and political reforms. Over the past 15 years, the country effectively halved its poverty rate from 48.2% in 2005 to 24.8% in 2017, according to the report. It was still considered one of the poorest countries in Asia, however, with an estimated third of the population subsisting on such a low or precarious income it was one economic shock away from being thrown back into poverty. For many, that shock came in the form of the global coronavirus pandemic. Lockdowns and containment measures disrupted supply chains, so businesses -- especially in retail, manufacturing and exports, as well as smaller businesses, market sellers, hairdressers and tailors -- suffered. By December last year, more than 420,000 migrant workers had returned home. By the end of the year, 83% of households in Myanmar reported their incomes had been slashed by about half due to the pandemic, the report found. The second shock came in the morning of February 1, when armed forces commander in chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing seized power, overthrowing the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party and installing a military junta. The following months have seen ongoing protests against his rule and the rise of a Civil Disobedience Movement in which thousands of blue- and white-collar workers including doctors, teachers, civil servants and factory workers have gone on strike with the aim of disrupting the economy and unseating the general. Security forces have brutally suppressed the protests with deadly and systematic crackdowns in which police and soldiers have shot dead people in the streets and arbitrarily detained perceived opponents. More than 750 people have been killed by security forces since the coup, and more than 4,500 arrested, according to advocacy group Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. The compounding economic crises of the pandemic and military takeover risk completely wiping out the progress Myanmar has made in reducing poverty, the report said -- and the number of people in poverty in the country is likely to double by next year. The impact of the pandemic alone would have raised Myanmar's poverty level from 24.8% to 36.1%, the UNDP estimated. If the massive economic and social disruption of the coup continues, that increases further to 48.2%. "By then, the shock from the crisis will have resulted in significant losses of wages and income, particularly from small businesses, and a drop in access to food, basic services and social protection," the report said. Urban poverty is expected to triple as the towns and cities have been hardest hit by Covid-19 and remain the focus of the most severe military crackdowns. According to the study, women and children will bear the heaviest brunt. Myanmar already has high child poverty rates and the combined crises are "putting an entire generation in peril," the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) said. Rising poverty means children are less likely to stay in school and the loss of key services in education and health care, for example, will lead to "profound physical, psychological, educational and economic impacts." Women-led households are more vulnerable, the report added, as women are more likely to be employed in sectors affected by the coronavirus, such as the garment industry. And women disproportionally bear the burden of household chores associated with Covid-19, such as caring for the sick or home-schooling children, which forces many to drop out of the labor market, the report said. The two crises are not independent of one another. The overthrow of the civilian government has already amplified the impacts of the coronavirus -- Covid-19 testing has collapsed since the coup, doctors say. Meanwhile, the takeover has "derailed" any hope for a post-pandemic recovery, the report said. The deteriorating security conditions have seen a further breakdown of supply chains already disrupted by Covid. Key ports are paralyzed as customs agents, dockworkers, lorry drivers and rail workers halt work. Some shipping firms have temporarily stopped services to the country, the report said. About 80% of Myanmar's trade is seaborne, and the UNDP estimated trade in ports dropped by up to 64% in the two months after the coup. About 70% of Myanmar's population are employed inthe agricultural sector, according to the World Bank. Similar disruptions to transport and the movement of labor and goods, as well as pressure on the country's currency, the kyat, has also hit Myanmar's agriculture industry, which 70% of the population depend on for their livelihoods. "Across Myanmar society this is a major setback, not only in development but also in terms of inequality and vulnerability," Steiner said. "People will struggle to survive." A humanitarian crisis is unfolding as a result. The UN World Food Program last week warned "hunger and desperation" are rising in Myanmar and predicted that up to 3.4 million people will be suffering across the country in the next six months. "Overall, Myanmar is on the brink of economic collapse and risks becoming Asia's next failed state," the UNDP report said. To reach its conclusions, the UNDP used a range of sources, including published data from the World Bank, the Brookings Institution, reports from other UN agencies, media reports and household surveys from Myanmar. Because real-time data is difficult to obtain, the UNDP said if the multiple crises of Covid-19, human rights, democratization and security extend even further, the estimates may be worse than predicted -- especially for vulnerable groups such as ethnic minorities and internally displaced people. "Much will depend on what's happening in Myanmar over the next two months," Steiner said..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
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Title: Dirty Secrets #3: Min Aung Hlaing's daughter in secret deal with MYTEL
Description: "The daughter of Myanmar’s #1 international criminal has had substantial business dealings with military-controlled mobile operator Mytel, new leaked documents obtained by DDoSecrets show, in a serious conflict of interest. Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of the leader of illegal coup d'état Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, was still a shareholder in Pinnacle Asia, a company that built mobile phone towers for Mytel when her father staged the coup illegally on February 1. She only resigned from Pinnacle Asia on March 17 – just days after the US government imposed Treasury sanctions against her in response to the violent attacks on unarmed civilians who are against the murderous regime.....Mytel and Min Aung Hlaing: Mytel was created during the military’s proxy government, led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. The government’s 28% share is allocated to Star High. Star High was created by Myanmar Economic Corporation, a military conglomerate controlled by Min Aung Hlaing. Star High’s remit is seemingly to hold the military’s stake in Mytel. This creates a serious conflict of interest as Min Aung Hlaing's family is profiting access to state business. Min Aung Hlaing personally played a key role in the establishment of Mytel, leading numerous negotiations with the Vietnamese military and presiding over the launch.....Pinnacle and Mytel: Pinnacle Asia appears linked to Mytel from its first inception. Pinnacle Asia was established in 2016, the same year that the military was awarded shares in Myanmar’s fourth mobile operator Mytel. Pinnacle Asia then entered into business with Star High to build towers for Mytel and, according to a Linkedin profile, also has contracts with Ooredoo, another mobile phone company. Pinnacle Asia’s managing director is Sao Sawm Zai, an Australian citizen. A third director is Mya Myitzu. Sao Sawm Zai and Mya Myitzu are both directors of Pinnacle Myanmar, a Singapore registered company. Little information is available about the Singapore business, which had links to publicly listed firm Singaporean Myanmar Investco to establish a Jones the Grocer franchise in Myanmar. The deal was called off in 2018......Bank complicity: Yoma: The tower business that Khin Thiri Thet Mon owned until last month is financed by internationally exposed Myanmar banks. This raises human rights and corruption concerns for their shareholders. In February 2020, Yoma Bank, a Myanmar lender, issued a loan to Pinnacle Asia, guaranteed against a tower contract with Mytel. Khin Thiri Thet Mon signed the loan as a guarantor. The loan specified that revenue from Mytel is to be routed to Yoma Bank until the loan is repaid. The loan was authorised by both Star High and Telecom International Myanmar. This was followed by a second loan guaranteed against Mytel towers.....International shareholder exposure: Even though Yoma Bank was doing business with Min Aung Hlaing’s family and financed towers for Mytel, Norway’s Norfund and Singapore’s GIC invested in the bank. The equity purchase was announced in April 2020. In 2019, the International Finance Corporation, part of the World Bank, converted an earlier Yoma Bank loan to 5% equity in the bank. Norfund, GIC and IFC stand to profit from Yoma Bank’s business with Mytel and the family of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and are exposed to the corruption and human rights implications of these loans. In July 2020, crony bank AGD, owned by Tayza, announced a project finance agreement with Pinnacle Asia for an undisclosed amount to increase tower holdings to 400 by 2021. Tayza is a close associate of Than Shwe who built his business through the preferential treatment he receives as a result of his close and personal ties with the military. In August 2019, the UN Fact-Finding Mission concluded that the military’s economic interests enable their atrocity crimes. It recommended that “no business enterprise active in Myanmar or trading with or investing in businesses in Myanmar should enter into or remain in a business relationship of any kind with the security forces of Myanmar, in particular the Tatmadaw, or any enterprise owned or controlled by them” and cautioned against business with family members of the military, which can be linked to or support the military. Yoma Bank and AGD disregarded these recommendations.....Family business: Khin Thiri Thet Mon’s business with Mytel shows how Min Aung Hlaing’s family profits from access to state resources. Star High was awarded the government’s lucrative share in Mytel but, before the brutal and illegal coup de’ tat, was unaccountable to parliamentary scrutiny. Khin Thiri Thet Mon’s business with Star High and Mytel is a clear example of a conflict of interest that is seen across military cartel businesses. Since the coup, the military has been deliberately attacking and killed more than 700 people including 49 children. Youngest killed was seven years old girl, whom before being shot, was scared because her father and brother were beaten by police who broke into their house. They have been using lethal weapons with sole aim to kill and these amount to crimes against humanity. The military has carried out indiscriminate air strikes against ethnic Karen and Kachin peoples in recent days, part of ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity the Myanmar military has been committing against ethnic communities for decades. Min Aung Hlaing and the junta leadership, who are seeking to profit from the coup, must be held to account and perpetrators of these crimes must be prosecuted. Khin Thiri Thet Mon and other children of top military generals have long profited from the systemic corruption of the Myanmar military, at the expense of the people of Myanmar. As long as the military maintains power, this corruption will continue. Min Aung Hlaing’s family must be investigated for corruption and any stolen assets returned to the people of Myanmar. The cartel must be dismantled..." ‍
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: Military coup clouds control over jade, gems in Myanmar
Sub-title: Opposition to the military’s coup has boosted ethnic armed groups, creating a new challenge to its lucrative jade and gems business
Description: "Life in Myanmar’s jade-producing regions was always difficult and precarious but since the military seized power from the civilian government on February 1, it has become even more dangerous. In Kachin State’s Hpakant township, which has the world’s largest and most lucrative jade mines, there are more soldiers and police, access to mining sites has become more difficult and local markets have stopped operating. “Many places are dangerous to dig jade now. There are only a few places where we can dig by hand or small machine,” said Sut Naw, a local miner who preferred to use a pseudonym for security reasons. Police and soldiers are now guarding company compounds, he added, patrolling roads day and night. They also stop people on the streets or in their vehicles, checking for jade and other valuables and searching through people’s phones for evidence of resistance to the coup. “I have seen many zombie movies, but never realised that I would be living in a similar environment,” he said. “People don’t go out at all unless they have to.” The military has long dominated Myanmar’s jade industry and continues to rake in immense profits. Myanmar’s annual jade and gems emporium, held from April 1 to 10, brought in $6.5m on the sixth day alone, according to state media.....Lucrative resource: In 2015, the environmental watchdog Global Witness valued Myanmar’s jade industry at $31bn and described it as possibly the “biggest natural resource heist in modern history.” Identifying the Tatmadaw and armed elites as the industry’s biggest profiteers, the exploitation of jade was “an appalling crime that poses a serious threat to democracy and peace in Myanmar,” it said. Keel Dietz, a Myanmar policy adviser with Global Witness, told Al Jazeera that with the Tatmadaw now in total control over the formal governance of natural resources, they were likely to step up that exploitation. “There is a huge risk that the military, in their desperate efforts to maintain control, will look to the country’s natural resource wealth to sustain their rule, to buy weapons, and enrich themselves,” he said. Escalating clashes between the Kachin Independence Army, the armed wing of an ethnic armed group in the resource-rich northern state and the military, known as the Tatmadaw, have raised questions over the control over the jade mines. Before a 1994 ceasefire, the Kachin Independence Organization, which has been fighting for federal rights to self-determination since 1961, controlled most of the mines and local people were able to enjoy a share of the wealth through small-scale mining activities. The KIA is its armed wing. The ceasefire saw most of the jade-mining region nationalised under a military government known for exploiting resources without regard for the social and environmental consequences. The state-owned Myanmar Gems Enterprise took control over the regulation of mining activity and issuing licences, which it signed over to itself and to companies that benefitted its interests, including proxy companies, companies run by military cronies and those connected to armed actors including the United Wa State Army, which runs its own special administrative region on the China border and has a history of links to drug trafficking. These companies levelled mountains, dug enormous trenches and dumped waste with impunity. Hundreds of thousands of migrants flocked to the area, dreaming of digging their way to prosperity but found themselves scavenging through company waste heaps; if they found a big stone, it was confiscated by soldiers. The natural environment was destroyed, landslides and mining accidents claimed hundreds of lives, and drug abuse skyrocketed – all while the Tatmadaw pocketed handsome profits. Shortly after winning elections in 2015, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi pledged to reform the industry and in August 2016, suspended the renewal of mining licences and the issuance of new ones. But companies bypassed the suspensions with impunity, and the NLD government was widely criticised by rights groups for failing to bring meaningful changes to the jade industry. In July 2020, more than 170 people were buried in a landslide in a Hpakant jade mine. “The government and military have never respected natural resources,” said Ah Shawng,* a land and Indigenous rights activist in Hpakant. “They extract resources as they wish and only for themselves. .. Our natural resources are all disappearing and being destroyed.” But since the coup, resistance to centralised policies and the exploitation of ethnic people and the land and resources in their states appears to be rising.....Shifting allegiances: The 2008 military-drafted constitution, which centralised land and resource management at the union level and entrenched Tatmadaw power, was abolished on March 31 by officials forced out by the military. In its place, they put forward an interim Federal Democracy Charter. Mainstream support for armed resistance to military rule has also increased, as the Tatmadaw arrests thousands and indiscriminately shoots civilians. Some 739 people have been killed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which is tracking the violence. With ethnic armed groups, including the KIO, in a position to offer protection and help fight back against the generals, ethnic minorities’ struggles for self-determination under a federal system, which were once largely ignored by the majority Bamar public, are now increasingly popular. Pro-KIA demonstrations have been held across Kachin State and even in central Myanmar, while the number of recruits is rising. Although the KIA and Tatmadaw have been at war since the ceasefire collapsed in 2011, fighting had slowed since 2018. But since the coup conflict has escalated. Clashes have been taking place nearly every day. The KIA, so far, appears to have the upper hand – it has taken several Tatmadaw bases and claims to have obliterated entire battalions, killing hundreds of soldiers. Some of the most intense fighting has occurred in and around Hpakant, where Ah Shawng, the local rights activist who also prefers to use a pseudonym for her security, says most locals support the KIA. “Now, when [junta] forces harm people, the KIA protects and stands with us,” she said, adding that the KIA had been successful in driving out some security forces from the area. On March 28, the KIA killed about 30 policemen who had raided a jade mining site operated by the Taut Pa Kyal mining company, according to Kachin State-based media reports. The company, according to a BBC Burmese article, is backed by the Kyaw Naing company, which has 64 licenced mining sites and failed to disclose a military crony among its beneficial owners in 2020. Days later, a photo circulated on social media of a police station, allegedly at another company jade mining site in Hpakant, bearing a white flag of surrender to the KIA. Al Jazeera contacted the KIO to verify the incidents but they declined to comment on matters related to Hpakant. The KIA may be fighting to gain control of other areas as well – including some areas beyond Kachin State. Local news agency Myanmar Now reported on April 15 that the KIA and Tatmadaw had clashed in Mogok, a city in Mandalay region hundreds of miles from Kachin State. Mogok’s mines possess the world’s most valuable rubies, as well as other lucrative gemstones. On April 16, a group of youth in Mogok staged a pro-KIA march and drew a large “Welcome KIA” banner on the street. The next day, the military forces gunned down at least two people in the city.....Sanctions, import bans: The United States has already imposed sanctions on Myanmar Gems Enterprise, as well as on two military holding companies, Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation Limited (MEC). This week, the European Union also added MEHL and MEC to its sanctions list. Dietz of Global Witness told Al Jazeera that while the sanctions were “hugely important,” they were likely to have only a limited effect on the jade sector without the support of China, which serves as the primary market for Myanmar’s jade, a highly prized luminous green stone. “Global Witness encourages the international community to place import bans on all jade and coloured gemstones coming from Myanmar,” he said. He also expressed concern that as the Tatmadaw finds itself squeezed of funds, it might try sell off resource concessions in exchange for fast cash. “The international community should make it clear to commodity trading firms and other investors in natural resources that now is not the time to be making large new resource deals in Myanmar – the military regime is not a legitimate government, and should not be allowed to sell away Myanmar’s remaining mineral wealth to sustain itself,” he said. Tu Hkawng the Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation under the newly-formed interim National Unity Government running in parallel to the generals’ administration, told Al Jazeera that it was time to bring natural resource management back into the hands of the local people. Appointed on April 16, he has already begun engaging with local stakeholders to reform natural resource management policy through the lens of Indigenous rights. “We are trying to build a collective leadership … to engage more with the grassroots-level community and solve the problems together,” he said. “This is a bottom-up approach. In order to achieve it, we have to build a network with every stakeholder and collaborate.” He hopes that by addressing natural resource governance, the civil wars that have plagued the country for the past 70 years can finally be brought to an end. “Every ethnic group has the right to manage and benefit from the natural resources on its own land. Right now we don’t have that,” he said. “If everyone gets to govern their own land, we won’t have to fight any more.”..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: Myanmar’s Economy in Freefall Under Military Regime
Summary: "Before last year’s November election, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank predicted that Myanmar would bounce back strongly from the economic impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic, with...
Description: "Before last year’s November election, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank predicted that Myanmar would bounce back strongly from the economic impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic, with the economy set to grow at around 6 percent in 2021. In the immediate aftermath of the military’s Feb. 1 coup, junta leaders sought to keep the economy on track by presenting themselves as business-friendly and saying that economic policies would remain unchanged during the state of emergency. The junta even appointed some individuals to Myanmar’s key economic ministries who were already well-connected and well-known to the international community. But now the World Bank’s latest forecast reveals that Myanmar’s economy is in dire jeopardy and is projected to contract by 10 percent this year due to the impact of the military takeover. 80 days after the coup, there are already many signs that the economy is in freefall, with new investment drying up, the withdrawal of existing investment and the halting of key international-backed infrastructure projects, as western countries sanction the military regime. Western business groups including the United States, United Kingdom, European, Italian and French chambers of commerce rejected the regime’s invitation to meet with its cabinet members in March. Moreover, nearly 50 international companies including Coca-Cola, Telenor and Heineken, signed a joint statement expressing their deep concern over developments in Myanmar. The impact of the coup has been to reverse the country’s economic reforms and the economic progress made during the last decade. The coup has pushed Myanmar—previously one of the region’s fastest-growing economies – back into dire poverty and left the economy on the brink of collapse. The Irrawaddy looks at what has happened to Myanmar’s economy since the military takeover and how that has impacted people across the country.....Number of new companies slumps: Company registration figures from the government investment agency, the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), reveal a huge slump in the number of new companies being registered. DICA data shows that the number of new registered companies was 1,373 in January, 188 in February and 163 in March. The figures reveal that the number of registered companies has declined nearly 87 percent compared with the same period last year. In 2020, under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government and even with the COVID-19 crisis, the number of new registered companies was 1,415 in January, 1,298 in February and 1,015 in March.....Internet restrictions cripple digital economy and Fintech market: The emerging digital economy and Fintech market collapsed after the military regime introduced large-scale internet restrictions across Myanmar. The internet blackouts have affected everything from mobile money to e-commerce and online food delivery services. Access to mobile money services including Wave money and KZB pay has been crippled since March, when the regime blocked mobile internet and broadband services. E-commerce business is down by 75 percent, while online food delivery services nationwide are down 80 percent following the coup, according to reports. The result is that thousands of young people are now out of work.....Garment sector in jeopardy: The garment sector has also been paralyzed after the largest foreign brands halted orders over concern at the politically unstable situation, while deadly crackdowns in industrial areas have also forced factories to close down and workers to return to their hometowns. Myanmar earned between US$4 billion and US$6 billion from cut, make and pack garment exports in 2020 and the industry employed 500,000 people before the coup. Now, over 80 percent of the garment sector has been forced to suspend operations since mid-February. Labour organizations say that over one-third [200,000] of garment industry workers have lost their jobs since the junta launched deadly crackdowns on anti-coup protesters and imposed martial law in industrial areas. Since the coup, the sector has also lost major foreign brands including Italy’s Benetton and Swedish Retailer H&M after they decided to pause new orders from Myanmar. H & M, the world’s second-biggest fashion retailer, has had around 45 direct suppliers in Myanmar for the last seven years. But the company has suspended new orders, citing “practical difficulties and an unpredictable situation”. Italy’s Benetton Group has also suspended all new orders from its suppliers in Myanmar, citing concerns over the increasing use of deadly violence against pro-democracy supporters.....Thousands of construction workers out of a job: Around 300,000 to 400,000 workers in the construction sector lost their jobs following the coup, according to the Construction Workers Union. The union said that the political instability since the coup has forced a halt on all major infrastructure projects in Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial capital, including the Korean Industrial complex, the Japan-backed Yangon-Thanlyin Bridge and the extension of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone.....Stock trading at a record low: The value of shares traded on the Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX) in March declined to its lowest level in history following the coup, according to YSX records. The records reveal that the value of stocks traded on the exchange in March was just 110 million kyats. In the same period last year, the value of stocks traded on the exchange peaked at 1.425 billion Kyats. The value of stocks traded in February this year also dropped drastically compared with the figures in February 2020. YSX records show that 442 million kyats worth of shares were traded on the exchange in February, compared to 1.48 billion kyats traded in February 2020.....South Korea suspends finance for infrastructure projects: In response to the military coup, the South Korean government has decided to halt financing for Myanmar government infrastructure projects until next year, according to Korean media reports. Korea’s Ministry of Economy and Finance has temporarily suspended financial support through its Economic Development Cooperation Fund (EDCF) for any new infrastructure projects by the military regime, according to the reports. The Korean government set up the EDCF to provide support for industrial development and economic stability in developing countries and to promote economic cooperation between Korea and those countries. The EDCF signed with the ousted NLD government to provide $1 billion worth of loans to Myanmar until 2022 to support industrialization and economic growth through various infrastructure projects. Under the agreement, the Export-Import Bank of Korea also agreed to support a nearly US$63 million loan to help Myanmar build a Korea-Myanmar Industrial Complex.....Banking and cash flow crisis: Myanmar’s banking system has been paralyzed since the coup as hundreds of branches of at least 31 local banks and 13 foreign ones have closed their doors due to staff strikes. All banking services have been halted in the country except for mobile banking and ATM services. As a result almost all trading companies, especially those engaged in sea-bound trade, have been forced to halt operations, as the banks are unable to issue the documents needed to import and export goods. Companies are also struggling to pay salaries, as banks are not providing payroll services. Businesses are also suffering from a cash shortage as bank branches have closed down and the regime has ordered limits on cash withdrawals for both individuals and companies. Moreover, businesses have been constrained by cash shortages for months. Foreign businesses are also suffering from a money shortage as both cash withdrawals from the local bank and importing new funding from abroad has become difficult. Under the previous government, the review process for new transactions from abroad took only a week. Currently, business people are not allowed to know how the review process works.....Foreign firms to exit: Large foreign firms are under pressure to pull out of any businesses which help bankroll the military regime, Australia’s Woodside Petroleum said it has decided to withdraw its 100-odd workers from an offshore drilling project in Myanmar. The company said the move is a response to human rights violations following the coup, with Woodside saying that it will keep all business decisions under review until they see the future outlook for Myanmar and that political stability has improved. The company completed pulling staff and machinery out of Myanmar in March. South Korean Steel Makers Coated & Color Steel Co Ltd, an affiliate of POSCO, said that a plan is underway to end its joint venture with Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Co Ltd (MEHL), one of the country’s two military-controlled conglomerates. The company is already discussing a plan to buy MEHL’s 30 percent stake so that it can continue operations as the sole owner. The joint venture company produces sheet metal for residential and factory roofing and made profits of around US$1.7 million in the last year. The move came after the company came under pressure from human rights group in both Myanmar and Korea to end its ties with military-linked companies in Myanmar.....World Bank forecasts 10 percent slump in growth: Myanmar’s economic growth is set to shrink by 10 percent this financial year as military rule hammers one of the region’s fastest-growing economies, according to the World Bank. The global financial institution forecast in December that Myanmar’s economy would start to recover from COVID-19 in March. But it said that since the coup Myanmar has been heavily affected by protests, strikes, military action, reductions in mobility and disruption to public services, like banking, logistics and internet access......ADB halts funding for government projects: One of the Myanmar’s biggest development partners, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), has also put on hold funding for Myanmar government development projects ranging from transport and energy, to education and information technology, following the lethal crackdowns on peaceful anti-regime protesters that have killed over 700 civilians. The ADB said in a statement that it remains “deeply concerned about recent developments in Myanmar, especially the loss of life during civil protests”. The bank stated that the change in the country’s circumstances will have a serious impact on Myanmar’s economic and social development. Under the latest loans agreement, the ADB approved a US$484 million loan in November 2020 to construct a new expressway connecting Bago Region and Mon State. Both areas lie along Japan’s planned East-West Economic Corridor, a grand infrastructure scheme for the Greater Mekong Subregion.....French energy giant halts hydropower project: French energy giant Électricité de France (EDF) has suspended a hydropower project worth more than US$1.5 billion in Myanmar’s Shan State over human rights concerns, as the military regime continues to use deadly force against anti-coup protesters across the country. EDF said that it has halted development of the Shweli-3 Project, including the activities of its subcontractors. Led by EDF, the 671 MW project was being jointly developed with Japan’s Marubeni Corporation and the locally owned Myanmar Ayeyar Hinthar Company. The companies received a Notice to Proceed in 2018 under the NLD government. It was expected to generate 3 billion kWh of electricity annually for the national grid and supply power to more than 8.5 million people nationwide.....Singapore’s businessman leaves: Prominent Singaporean businessman Lim Kaling has pulled out of a joint venture with ties to the Myanmar military-owned conglomerate MEHL. One week after the military staged their coup and detained State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, Lim said that recent events in Myanmar had caused him “grave concern”. Lim Kaling disposed of his one-third stake in the joint venture that owns RMH Singapore Pte Ltd. MEHL and RMH jointly operate Virginia Tobacco Co. Ltd. (VTCL). RMH owns a 49-percent stake in VTCL, while MEHL owns the remainder. It has been operated as a joint venture since 1993. VTCL has a virtual monopoly on the cigarette market in Myanmar, producing the country’s most popular cigarette brands, Red Ruby and Premium Gold.....Kirin cuts tie with Myanmar Military-owned firm: Five days after the coup, Japanese beverage giant Kirin cut ties with a Myanmar military-owned conglomerate saying it was deeply concerned by the recent actions of the military, which are against their standards and human rights policy. Kirin Holdings Co. Ltd. announced that it would end its joint-venture partnership with MEHL. Kirin held 51 percent of both the Myanmar Brewery and Mandalay Brewery, with MEHL holding the rest.....World Bank halts payments to Myanmar: The World Bank, one of Myanmar’s largest development partners, announced that it had put a hold on disbursements for its existing development operations in the country in sectors ranging from electricity and education to technical assistance, following the military takeover. The bank is involved in at least 24 ongoing projects in Myanmar worth billions of dollars, according to the World Bank’s development project list.....Singapore: wait and see: Singaporean conglomerate Sembcorp has decided to halt a plan to develop an industrial park in Yangon’s Hlegu Township. Sembcorp President and CEO Wong Kim Yin told media that his company would wait until the political situation stabilizes, saying the company also needs to see how its customers respond as well. The Myanmar-Singapore (Hlegu) Industrial Park is expected to be built on 436 hectares of land in Hlegu Township at an estimated cost of $230 million. The project received approval from the Myanmar Investment Commission in 2020. The project was a joint development by Sembcorp CSSD Myanmar Co.—a subsidiary of Sembcorp Industries — and Myanmar’s Pahtama Group and Myanmar Agribusiness Public Corp. The development was a priority project under the ousted NLD government’s plan to secure foreign investment to mitigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Myanmar’s economy......Toyota postpones plan to open new plant: Toyota, the world’s biggest car manufacturer, has delayed opening a vehicle production plant in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) on the outskirts of Yangon, with the company citing concerns over political instability following the coup. Toyota Myanmar announced its plan to build the US$52.6 million production plant in 2019, and said it anticipated employing more than 150 staff in Myanmar. The company said in 2019 that it expected the plant to produce around 2,500 Hilux trucks annually, starting from 2021.....US$1 billion industrial complex halted: One day after the coup, work on a US$1 billion industrial hub project backed by the Amata Corporation, Thailand’s largest industrial estate developer, was suspended due to possible sanctions by Western countries. Envisioned as an industrial complex on 2,000 acres of land near Laydaunkkan Village in East Dagon and South Dagon townships in Yangon, the project was one of a number launched by the former NLD government to mitigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Myanmar’s economy. The NLD government inaugurated the project in late December last year and it was expected to create 33,000 jobs, attract foreign investment and boost the Yangon Region’s industrial output and exports..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-22
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Title: EU Sanctions 10 More Myanmar Regime Members But Some Still Missing
Summary: "The European Union imposed sanctions on 10 more junta members, including its ethnic minority representatives, and two military-controlled conglomerates on Monday. The latest sanctions target nine...
Description: "The European Union imposed sanctions on 10 more junta members, including its ethnic minority representatives, and two military-controlled conglomerates on Monday. The latest sanctions target nine members of the State Administrative Council (SAC), the junta’s governing body, and its information minister, U Chit Naing, who is responsible for issuing military propaganda. The EU said the sanctions include asset freezes and visa bans on those involved in decision-making, undermining democracy and serious human rights violations. At least 739 people have been killed and 3,261 detained by the regime since the military takeover on Feb. 1, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The EU imposed sanctions on U Chit Naing, saying he was responsible for spreading disinformation through the state media. It said he was also “directly responsible for decisions that led to the crackdown on Myanmar media”. After taking over the ministry, he outlawed the words “coup”, “military regime” and “junta” in the independent media. On March 8 he removed the operating licenses of Mizzima, Myanmar Now, 7Day News, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Khit Thit Media, all of which had covered the protests against military rule. Seven ethnic-minority SAC members are included on the sanctions lists. Mahn Nyein Maung, a former Karen National Union leader and ex-political prisoner, ran unsuccessfully for the Lower House in Ayeyarwady Region’s Pantanaw Township for the Karen People’s Party in the Nov. 8 general election. Rakhine politician Daw Aye Nu Sein was on the Arakan National Party’s policy board and the party’s spokeswoman. Kayah politician Saw Daniel was the vice-chairman of the Kayah State Democratic Party until his dismissal from the party for joining the SAC. Dr. Banyar Aung Moe, a central executive committee member of the Mon Unity Party, was appointed to the SAC on March 17, leading to the resignation of many party members. Shan politician Sai Lone Hseng was a Shan State speaker representing the military-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party. Two other members of ethnic minorities on the SAC, Jeng Phang Naw Taung and U Moung Har, also face EU sanctions. New National Democracy Party chairman U Thein Nyunt and National Democratic Force chairman U Khin Maung Swe are on the sanctions list. Both are former National League for Democracy members who quit to take part in the military-organized 2010 general election and they served as MPs until 2015. Myanma Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation Limited (MEC) have been also been sanctioned by the EU. The two conglomerates are a key source of income for the junta. They control a range of banking, trade, logistics, construction, mining, tourism and consumer goods businesses. The EU said its decision is “a sign of the EU’s unity and determination in condemning the brutal actions of the military junta and aims at effecting change in the junta’s leadership”. The 27-member bloc said its sanctions targeted the economic interests of the coup leaders and aim to avoid harm to the people of Myanmar. Some are still missing In March, the EU issued a freeze on assets and a visa ban for coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and nine other senior officers who are SAC members and for the new head of the election commission. The EU’s latest sanctions on Monday target civilian members of the SAC and one minister. Other key SAC members have evaded sanctions. Foreign minister U Wunna Maung Lwin, a key member of the UDSP, also served as foreign minister under President U Thein Sein when he worked with his counterparts in Asean, a role he reprised on his recent trip to Thailand. He met the Thai and Indonesian foreign ministers weeks after the military coup. Also missing is the regime’s investment and foreign economic relations minister, U Aung Naing Oo. Despite his military background, he was appointed Myanmar Investment Commission chief under the ousted National League for Democracy government. With the experience he gained under the NLD government, he is now the economics czar for the regime. The junta’s minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement, Daw Thet Thet Khaing, was a military-friendly politician long before her ministerial appointment. Before the 2020 general election, she met Senior General Min Aung Hung to seek help if they were mistreated by the NLD during the election. She is a former NLD member. International cooperation minister U Ko Ko Haling used to be an adviser under U Thein Sein’s government in the early 2010s. He is a staunch supporter of China and he is an adviser to Yunnan University’s Center for Myanmar Studies. He has backed China’s policies towards Hong Kong and Taiwan. These ministers have all received severe criticism from pro-democracy supporters who have demanded western countries impose sanctions on them..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
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Title: Myanmar/Burma: EU imposes sanctions on 10 individuals and two military-controlled companies over the February military coup and subsequent repression
Description: "The Council today decided to sanction 10 individuals and two military-controlled companies, Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation Limited (MEC) in relation to the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the ensuing military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators. The decision was taken by written procedure. The individuals targeted by sanctions are all responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma, and for repressive decisions and serious human rights violations. The two sanctioned entities are large conglomerates that operate in many sectors of Myanmar’s economy and are owned and controlled by the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), and provide revenue for it. The adopted sanctions specifically target the economic interests of Myanmar’s military regime, which is responsible for the overthrow of Burma’s democratically elected government. Sanctions are crafted in such a way to avoid undue harm to the people of Myanmar. Today’s decision is a sign of the EU’s unity and determination in condemning the brutal actions of the military junta, and aims at effecting change in the junta’s leadership. Today’s decision also sends a clear message to the military leadership: continuing on the current path will only bring further suffering and will never grant any legitimacy. Restrictive measures, which now apply to a total of 35 individuals and two companies, include a travel ban and an asset freeze. In addition, EU citizens and companies are forbidden from making funds available to the listed individuals and entities. Pre-existing EU restrictive measures also remain in place. These include an embargo on arms and equipment that can be used for internal repression, an export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications that could be used for internal repression, and a prohibition on military training for and military cooperation with the Tatmadaw. EU restrictive measures add to the withholding of financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all assistance to government bodies that may be seen as legitimising the junta. The EU remains a steadfast supporter of Myanmar/Burma’s people and of the country’s democratic transition. As a tangible sign of this support, the European Commission has recently allocated a further EUR 9 million in emergency humanitarian aid to assist those in need. Since 1994, the EU has provided €287 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar, with €20.5 million allocated in 2021 so far. The EU works with trusted and independent humanitarian partners to address the protection, food, nutrition and health needs of the most vulnerable people, particularly in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin and Shan states..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-19
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Title: Myanmar: Military under ‘major pressure’ as steel giant cuts ties
Summary: "Responding to reports that South Korean steel giant POSCO will end the steel venture its Myanmar subsidiary shares with military-owned conglomerate MEHL, Amnesty International’s Business and Human...
Description: "Responding to reports that South Korean steel giant POSCO will end the steel venture its Myanmar subsidiary shares with military-owned conglomerate MEHL, Amnesty International’s Business and Human Rights Researcher Montse Ferrer said: “POSCO’s decision to cut this tie is the latest blow to Myanmar’s military, which continues to impose its rule through murder and heinous human rights violations. Since staging a coup in February, the military has reportedly killed around 700 people, including dozens of children. “Given the scale of POSCO’s operations in Myanmar, this announcement is a major step forward. It increases the military authorities’ isolation, and adds to the growing pressure on other companies to end their business links with MEHL. “POSCO has yet to announce the full details of its plans to disengage from its steel venture and whether it will continue to pay lease payments to MEHL. The company also has yet to address its broader footprint in Myanmar in other sectors. However, this is still a warning sign to all companies and investors who have business partnerships with MEHL. All of these businesses should do the right thing and responsibly cut these links immediately. “As pressure builds on businesses, and as the military continues to commit appalling human rights violations, the UN Security Council must stop lagging so far behind. It must impose, without further delay, a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar, as well as targeted financial sanctions on senior military officials responsible for atrocity crimes. The Security Council must also urgently refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.”.....Background ...On 16 April 2021, POSCO announced that its Myanmar subsidiary, POSCO C&C, would end its relationship with military-owned Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). This decision follows months of international pressure from Amnesty International and other organizations, who have engaged POSCO, its investors and stakeholders, calling on the company to cut ties with the Myanmar military. On 24 March 2021, the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution on the human rights situation in Myanmar by consensus, which highlighted that no company active in Myanmar or with business links to Myanmar should do business with the military (also known as the Tatmadaw) or one of their business entities, until and unless those businesses are restructured and transformed. In September 2020, Amnesty International’s Military Ltd. report demonstrated that POSCO, as MEHL’s business partner, was linked to the financing of Myanmar’s military units implicated in crimes under international law and other serious human rights violations. The Myanmar military staged a coup on 1 February 2021 and has been increasingly using lethal force, including battlefield weapons, against overwhelmingly peaceful protesters and onlookers, reportedly killing over 700 people, including dozens of children. It has also arbitrarily detained over 3,000 individuals, including government officials, human rights defenders, activists, journalists, artists, medical workers and others..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-19
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Title: Business revolt brewing in coup-crippled Myanmar
Sub-title: Western trade groups spurn coup regime's advances but nation's top business organization continues to engage the generals
Description: "Myanmar businesses are divided over how to respond to the new regime, even as the junta’s attempts to win legitimacy among investors have been rebuffed by major foreign business groups. Western business groups, namely European, American, British, Italian and French chambers of commerce, rejected the regime’s invitation to meet on March 4. At the same time, major Asian business groups such as the Thai, Hong Kong, Japanese and Chinese have not released any statements of concern since the coup and lethal crackdown on protesters. The Western chambers’ refusal comes at a time of widespread and rising condemnation against the regime’s brutal crackdown on unarmed protesting civilians, with more than 50 killed as of March 3, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), an independent monitoring group. Australian business group AustCham Myanmar said on Wednesday it has “serious concern over the increasing use of violence against the people campaigning for a return to democratic Government in Myanmar.” Yangon, the commercial capital, saw at least up to 32 killed in North Okkalapa township alone, in the eastern part, with witnesses saying they heard what sounded like continuous machine gun fire. Photos in Mandalay have shown fighter jets in the sky, which many citizens assume is to strike fear. Live ammunition was used in seven cities on Wednesday including Yangon, Mandalay, Myingyan, Mawlamyine, Monywa, Pyin Oo Lwin and Hpakant, said AAPP. “Myanmar will never be the same again,” Cardinal Charles Bo, the Catholic Church’s highest prelate in Myanmar, tweeted in response to the Wednesday massacre..."
Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of entry/update: 2021-03-07
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Title: Junta-drafted law keeps auditor general from investigating military finances
Sub-title: Military’s $2m lease to luxury hotel does not appear in defence budget, but auditor general’s hands tied
Description: "Myanmar’s auditor general is unable to probe a $2m-a-year military real estate deal because a law drafted by the former junta shields the defence ministry from scrutiny, a senior official has said. Two military offices are leasing a plot of land to a company for a luxury hotel project, Myanmar Now reported last month, but the money does not appear in the defence budget. Naing Thet Oo, permanent secretary of the auditor general’s office, said at a press conference in Nay Pyi Taw on Monday that her office had no power to audit the deal. “It’s not in our jurisdiction,” she said, responding to a question from Myanmar Now. “We don’t have the right to do it.” The Union Auditor General Law was drafted in 2010 by the State Peace and Development Council. It gives the auditor general the powers to investigate the finances of every other government ministry. Section 39, at the very end, reads: “the provisions contained in this Law shall not apply to the Ministry of Defence.” With its overwhelming majority in parliament, the NLD-led government could easily scrap the law. “There is no good reason, in principle or in practice, for the military to be exempt from any state oversight mechanism,” said Chris Sidoti, a lawyer who worked on a UN fact-finding mission that investigated the military’s business ties last year. “Why should it be? The military is as much a part of the state structure as any other state agency and should be subject to exactly the same kind of oversight and regulation,” he told Myanmar Now..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2020-06-10
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Title: Military conglomerate ignored “repeated requests” for financial disclosures, partner says
Sub-title: Beer giant Kirin has hired Deloitte financial advisers to investigate MEHL profits after the conglomerate proved uncooperative on due diligence
Description: "Japanese beer giant Kirin said it may cut ties with its joint-venture partner Myanma Economic Holdings (MEHL) after the military conglomerate repeatedly ignored Kirin’s requests for financial documents during a due diligence review, Kirin said Friday. Since February, Kirin has been asking MEHL for financial information as part of a “strategic review” of its Myanmar operations. The company said on Friday that MEHL, after first providing “insufficient” documentation, has been unresponsive. Kirin is the majority owner in joint ventures with MEHL of both the Myanmar Brewery and the Mandalay Brewery, together producing about 80% of the beer consumed in Myanmar. The review came after several human rights campaigns raised concerns about MEHL profits potentially funding a military accused of genocide. A detailed UN report from 2019 urged companies to stop doing business with MEHL, saying it and its associated businesses continue to help fund human rights abuses against ethnic communities across Myanmar. MEHL is headed by commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing, who the UN has recommended be tried for genocide for leading a campaign of mass murder, rape and arson against the Rohingya in Rakhine state in 2017. Kirin’s requests having gone unheeded, the company has now hired financial consultants from Deloitte “to determine the destination of proceeds” from its joint ventures with MEHL, it said in a statement Friday..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2020-06-07
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Title: The business of the Kayin State Border Guard Force
Sub-title: The economic ventures of the Kayin State Border Guard Force have gained notoriety, but the group insists its businesses benefit the Karen people.
Description: "COLONEL Saw Min Min Oo is the managing director of Chit Linn Myaing Co Ltd, a company owned by the Kayin Border Guard Force that oversees a growing stable of lucrative businesses. The ethnic Karen armed group’s readiness to partner with shadowy Chinese investors, and to undertake projects with seemingly little regard for Myanmar law, is deeply controversial. Its most audacious venture so far is the vast “new city” project next to the Kayin BGF’s headquarters of Shwe Kokko Myaing in Kayin State’s Myawaddy Township, popularly dubbed as a “Chinatown” because of the largely Chinese financing and workforce. However, Min Min Oo insisted that the profits from these ventures don’t only accrue to the armed group, which is aligned to the Tatmadaw, but are shared with “the residents of our Karen land”. Min Min Oo was a 55-year-old battalion commander in the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army nine years ago when it became a Border Guard Force under Tatmadaw command and he was appointed to run Chit Linn Myaing. The company’s board of directors is made up of officers from the BGF, he said. When Frontier met Min Min Oo briefly in Yangon in October, he was dressed casually in a Karen blue-and-red longyi. He spoke limited Burmese, and a later phone interview with him was done mostly in the S’gaw Karen language. The Kayin BGF, whose supreme commander is Colonel Saw Chit Thu, has about 6,000 troops and was formed in August 2010 with 12 battalions from the DKBA and one battalion from the Haungtharaw-based Karen Peace Front. It is one of several BGFs in borderland areas of Myanmar, which were formed at that time out of ethnic armed factions that had come to ally themselves with the Tatmadaw..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-12-16
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Title: Future of the Myanmar Defense Industry-Market Attractiveness, Competitive Landscape and Forecasts to 2022
Description: "The Future of the Myanmar Defense Industry – Market Attractiveness, Competitive Landscape and Forecasts to 2022, published by Strategic Defence Intelligence, provides readers with detailed analysis of both historic and forecast defense industry values, factors influencing demand, the challenges faced by industry participants, analysis of industry leading companies, and key news. This report offers detailed analysis of the Myanmar defense industry with market size forecasts covering the next five years. This report will also analyze factors that influence demand for the industry, key market trends, and challenges faced by industry participants. In particular, it provides an in-depth analysis of the following – – The Myanmar defense industry market size and drivers: detailed analysis of the Myanmar defense industry during 2018-2022, including highlights of the demand drivers and growth stimulators for the industry. It also provides a snapshot of the country’s expenditure and modernization patterns – Budget allocation and key challenges: insights into procurement schedules formulated within the country and a breakdown of the defense budget. It also details the key challenges faced by defense market participants within the country – Porter’s Five Force analysis of the Myanmar defense industry: analysis of the market characteristics by determining the bargaining power of suppliers, bargaining power of buyers, threat of substitution, intensity of rivalry, and barriers to entry – Import and Export Dynamics: analysis of prevalent trends in the country’s imports and exports over the last five years – Market opportunities: details of the top five defense investment opportunities over the next 10 years – Competitive landscape and strategic insights: analysis of the competitive landscape of the Myanmar defense industry. It provides an overview of key players, together with insights such as key alliances, strategic initiatives, and a brief financial analysis..."
Source/publisher: "Orbis" (New York) via "News Tribune" (Duluth)
Date of entry/update: 2019-12-16
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Title: Military-Linked UMEHL Transitions Into Public Company
Description: "The Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL) announced on Thursday that, after being linked to the military for more than two decades, the conglomerate has transitioned into a public company. According to state-run media, shares for UMEHL, which was founded in 1990 with two shareholder groups, will be consolidated into one group. This move by the board of directors and shareholders will effectively transform UMEHL from a special company, under the 1950 Special Companies Act, into a public one, under the 1914 Myanmar Companies Act..."
Kyaw Hsu Mon
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication: 2016-03-31
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-04
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Title: The politics of the emerging agro-industrial complex in Asia?s ?final frontier? - The war on food sovereignty in Burma
Description: "Burma?s dramatic turn-around from ?axis of evil? to western darling in the past year has been imagined as Asia?s ?final frontier? for global finance institutions, markets and capital. Burma?s agrarian landscape is home to three-fourths of the country?s total population which is now being constructed as a potential prime investment sink for domestic and international agribusiness. The Global North?s development aid industry and IFIs operating in Burma has consequently repositioned itself to proactively shape a pro-business legal environment to decrease political and economic risks to enable global finance capital to more securely enter Burma?s markets, especially in agribusiness. But global capitalisms are made in localized places - places that make and are made from embedded social relations. This paper uncovers how regional political histories that are defined by very particular racial and geographical undertones give shape to Burma?s emerging agro-industrial complex. The country?s still smoldering ethnic civil war and fragile untested liberal democracy is additionally being overlain with an emerging war on food sovereignty. A discursive and material struggle over land is taking shape to convert subsistence agricultural landscapes and localized food production into modern, mechanized industrial agro-food regimes. This second agrarian transformation is being fought over between a growing alliance among the western development aid and IFI industries, global finance capital, and a solidifying Burmese military-private capitalist class against smallholder farmers who work and live on the country?s now most valuable asset - land. Grassroots resistances increasingly confront the elite capitalist class? attempts to corporatize food production through the state?s rule of law and police force. Farmers, meanwhile, are actively developing their own shared vision of food sovereignty and pro-poor land reform that desires greater attention.... Food Sovereignty: a critical dialogue, 14 - 15 September, New Haven.
Kevin Woods
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication: 2013-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2013-09-04
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Title: Air Bagan?s High Fliers
Description: Air Bagan, the Burmese domestic airline owned by tycoon Tay Za, soared to new heights at this year?s Thingyan water festival in Rangoon, flying in foreign disc jockeys and dancers to keep the crowds entertained.
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 5
Date of publication: 2010-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2010-08-29
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Title: Power and Money: Economics and Conflict in Burma
Description: "...The regime?s persistent military targeting of ethnic peoples has significantly compounded the negative effects of economic mismanagement. Although the ethnic conflict in Burma is widely considered a human rights problem, many of the regime?s tactics are economic; in an attempt to starve them into submission, ethnic groups are routinely denied the ability to secure an income sufficient for survival... Continued conflict and human rights abuses have severely weakened the economy, to the detriment of both ethnic peoples and the general population, and made economic reform a practical impossibility in Burma. Although gross human rights violations and cultural destruction seem not to bother Burma?s government, perhaps the impossibility of sustaining the country on a continually deteriorating economic base will eventually force the ruling power to make concessions and respect the rights of Burma?s ethnic nationalities."
Laura Frankel
Source/publisher: "Cultural Survival Quarterly" Issue 24.3
Date of publication: 2000-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2010-08-17
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Title: A Different Breed
Description: "Burmese businessmen were once a force for positive political change in Burma; now they serve nobody?s interests but their own—and the generals?...Long gone are the days when Burmese admired their country?s most successful entrepreneurs. Burmese business empires were once a source of pride to a subject people living under British rule, and native-born tycoons were regarded as patriotic men of the people. How things have changed...Now, as Burma?s gross domestic product per capita remains at less than half that of Cambodia, millionaires mingle with generals over glasses of champagne, enjoying the fruits of a new economic order that has done nothing to lift the rest of the population out of grinding poverty..."
Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 9
Date of publication: 2008-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2008-11-13
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Title: Tracking the Tycoons
Description: "THREE years after profiling Burma?s most successful tycoons in its September 2005 issue, The Irrawaddy is again directing attention to the men who govern the country?s business world. They continue to prosper, and have been joined by others, yet they are coming increasingly under the international spotlight and critical scrutiny. Many of those who featured in our September 2005 issue found themselves on another list last year—penalized by US and EU sanctions because of their relationship with, and unquestioning support for, Burma?s military regime. The sanctions list contained such names as Tay Za and his elder brother, Thi Ha; Asia World?s director Tun Myint Naing; Aung Thet Mann, whose father is the regime?s third most powerful general; and Khin Shwe, who faithfully attended the regime-sponsored National Convention and is well connected to the top junta leaders. They were penalized by the US shortly after the regime they so assiduously back brutally suppressed demonstrations last September demanding changes that would advance prosperity and freedom for all, not just a favored clique..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 9
Date of publication: 2008-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2008-11-13
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Title: Tycoon Turf
Description: Burma?s business czars tread a wary path... "In today?s Burma, two groups of people command from the general population a mixture of envy, anger and a dose of admiration. The first group is, of course, the military leadership, the generals who have been governing the country since 1988. The rulers of Burma have so far somehow failed to persuade the public to accept the notion that the military government is there to serve the interests of the country and its citizens. The regime remains deeply unloved by most of the population. The second group is the tycoons who grow rich in their impoverished country. Since the regime introduced an ?open market economy? in 1989 and abandoned the ?Burmese Way to Socialism? introduced by the previous government, many have taken advantage of this change, and the country has seen a growing number of tycoons and entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs opened business offices and set up companies overnight as they became self-appointed CEOs or managing directors in newly-established companies. Chauffeured in their powerful SUVs and sleek Mercedes Benz limousines, they travel far, locally and internationally, to conduct business and find new markets. Their business interests cover export-import, construction, agriculture, transportation and communications, mining, hotels and tourism, and the garment trade..."
Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 9
Date of publication: 2005-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2006-04-30
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Title: Tycoon Te Za: Well-Connected, and Well-Heeled
Description: Profile of a modern Burmese empire-builder... "It wouldn?t be wrong to say many young men dream of a military career in military-ruled Burma. It promises both power and security. That may be what 20-year-old Te Za had in mind when he enrolled at the Defense Service Academy, Burma?s prestigious military academy, 20 years ago. If so, he shattered his own dream by eventually dropping out of the DSA to elope with his love, Thida Zaw, whom he later married. But Te Za (also spelled Tay Za) has no regrets. Today he is one of Burma?s most promising tycoons, a millionaire with both power and deep pockets. As president and managing director of Htoo Trading Company, Te Za is a major player in Burma?s tourism, logging, palm oil, real estate, hotel and housing development industries. He now controls 80 percent of the country?s legal timber production..."
Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 6
Date of publication: 2005-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2006-04-28
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Title: Befreiung des Handels aus den Fängen des Militärs
Description: Burma: Fairer Handel, ›Deglobalisierung‹ und andere Alternativen? Eine Diskussion von Walden Bellos Konzept der De-Globalisierung und Lokalisierung angewandt auf Burma. Warum sind die Ideen der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung derzeit auf Burma nicht anwendbar? key words: anti-globalisation, fair trade, military / state economy, neo-liberalism,
Alfred Oehlers, Deutsch von Gudrun Witte
Source/publisher: Südostasien Jg. 19, Nr. 1 - Asienhaus
Date of publication: 2002-12-31
Date of entry/update: 2004-01-08
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Language: Deutsch, German, English
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Title: Burmese Tycoons Part I
Description: Drug money and close ties with top generals are two of the not-so-secret ingredients in the success stories of some of Burma?s richest men. Using a variety of sources, this special report takes a look at what lies behind the rising fortunes of four of Burma?s leading businessmen of the past decade.
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 8, No. 6
Date of publication: 2000-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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Title: Burmese Tycoons, Part II
Description: Drug money and close ties with top generals are two of the not-so-secret ingredients in the success stories of some of Burma?s richest men. Using a variety of sources, this special report takes a look at what lies behind the rising fortunes of four of Burma?s leading businessmen of the past decade...Thein Tun (Myanmar Golden Star Co., Ltd., Crusher Drinks, Tun Foundation Bank); Michael Moe Myint (Myint & Associates Company Limited). Kyaw Win [May Flower] (Myanmar May Flower Bank Limited, Chin Su Plywood Industry); U Kyaw Win (Shwe Than Lwin Company); U Kyaw Myint (Golden Flower Co., Ltd., Shwemarlar Housing Project, Two Fish Brand Pure Groundnut oil)...
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 7
Date of publication: 2000-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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Title: Burmese Tycoons, Part III
Description: This is the last installment of our Burmese Tycoons series. We hope it has provided a useful overview of the Burmese business environment.
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 8, No. 8
Date of publication: 2000-07-31
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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Title: Fall from Fortune
Description: Business people in Burma gamble their fortunes -- and their freedom -- on picking the winners in the country?s power struggles.
Maung Maung Oo
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 9. No. 1
Date of publication: 2000-12-31
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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Title: No Sex Please - We?Re Burmese
Description: "Despite draconian laws and official denial, sex is big business in Burma. But brothel owners find it doesn?t pay to offend the morals of modest generals..."
Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy, Vol. 9. No. 2
Date of publication: 2001-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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Title: Used Car Salesman
Description: Following up on our Burmese Tycoons series, The Irrawaddy presents thispersonal account of the pitfalls of doing business in Burma.
Maung Maung Oo
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 9
Date of publication: 2000-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
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