Librarian's Choice
အဓိကအကြောင်းအရာ
Description/subject:
About 3,340,000 results for a search for "Antibiotic resistance" (August 2016)
Source/publisher:
Google
Date of publication:
2016-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-14
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
A large number of videos about antibiotic resistance from a search on Youtube for "antibiotic resistance"
Source/publisher:
Youtube
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-14
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Executive Summary: "Recently, much attention surrounding Burma has focused on the democratic reform, 2015 elections and the future of the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led Government, whilst a profound humanitarian crisis and continuing concerns of the ethnic minority communities in the southeast have been largely ignored. The recent story of political and economic reform has insufficiently addressed the ongoing struggles of internally displaced persons (IDPs), as they become an inconvenient truth rendered invisible by the larger reform narrative. Nearly 70 years of ethnic conflict has created a displacement crisis with over 644,000 internally displaced and over 479,000 refugees fleeing the country predominantly from ethnic areas. At present, over 100,000 refugees live in camps along the Thailand-Burma border, and approximately 400,000 IDPs live in protracted displacement in southeast Burma. As the continuing political and social transformation in Burma and the triumph of the NLD in the 2015 elections captivates local citizens and foreign observers around the world, optimism and the infectious idea that those displaced will soon begin to move back to Burma has led to further decline in donor funding along the Thailand-Burma border. This has deeply impacted the refugees and IDPs living along the border whose lives depend on international aid as well as essential services and programs offered by local ethnic service providers, which were traditionally funded by the international donor community. Many refugees are now feeling squeezed out of the camps, bearing a resemblance to the experience of Mon refugees who were pushed back across the border to Burma and became IDPs over 20 years ago. As expressed by many Mon IDPs interviewed for this report, they have yet to find durable livelihood solutions in IDP sites and continue to suffer from chronic poverty, debt and lack of medical care. Inside Burma, stagnation in amending repressive laws, military dominance in politics, the absence of an inclusive ceasefire and political dialogue, the presence of landmines and land confiscation that has become endemic throughout the country continue to render the definition of a safe and dignified voluntary return of refugees meaningless. As plans to repatriate over 100,000 refugees along the border continue to be discussed, there is an increasing need to reflect on the past and draw lessons that could prevent a future protracted IDP situation in the country. This report aims to shed light on lessons that can be learned from the past for all stakeholders involved in all stages of planning for the return of refugees and IDPs. While the IDPs interviewed for this report expressed their desire to stay in their current locations as opposed to relocation or return to their original location, they often cited two major obstacles to their possible return: not having land to return to and continuing considerations about safety including lack of sustainable peace in their place of origin. The plight of villagers and farmers in Ye and Yebyu Township in their struggle to preserve and protect their land from the Burma Army, the State and private investors indicate that refugees and IDPs are likely to face increasing housing, land and property (HLP) rights violations upon their return. These HLP rights violations must be resolved not only to ensure the durable return of IDPs and refugees, but also to end further displacement that is adding to the already vast number of displaced people inside and out of the country. Steps must also be taken to ensure that a genuine and inclusive peace process remains a priority, as it is only through an inclusive ceasefire and sustainable peace that a durable solution can be found for the disenfranchised and displaced communities in Burma. Community-based organizations (CBOs), ethnic service providers, and grassroots movements with decades of experience and knowledge that have worked side-by-side with their communities through difficult and challenging times are tackling these very issues and concerns that the IDPs, refugees and villagers are facing. As the new NLD-led Government has begun to take the reins of the political and economic reforms set in motion by the previous government, all parties must ensure that the efforts of those who have consistently worked alongside ethnic communities are supported and advocated, and not sidelined. HLP rights of refugees and IDPs must be restored, laws that are legacies of the past must be amended, landmines must be cleared from the land and an inclusive ceasefire followed by a political solution is needed to protect them from further abuse and possible secondary displacement before a durable livelihood solution can be achieved. National reconciliation is possible only when victims begin receiving the support they need to ensure that they can rebuild their lives in safety and dignity."
Source/publisher:
HURFOM, Burma Partnership, Burma Link
Date of publication:
2016-08-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Internal displacement/forced migration of Mon villagers
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
904.4 KB
Local URL:
HURFOM-2016-08-12-Invisible-lives-bu-red.pdf
HURFOM-2016-08-12-Invisible-lives-bu-red.pdf more
Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"Recently, much attention surrounding Burma has focused on the democratic reform, 2015
elections and the future of the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led Government, whilst
a profound humanitarian crisis and continuing concerns of the ethnic minority communities in
the southeast have been largely ignored. The recent story of political and economic reform
has insufficiently addressed the ongoing struggles of internally displaced persons (IDPs), as
they become an inconvenient truth rendered invisible by the larger reform narrative.
Nearly 70 years of ethnic conflict has created a displacement crisis with over 644,000
internally displaced and over 479,000 refugees fleeing the country predominantly from ethnic
areas. At present, over 100,000 refugees live in camps along the Thailand-Burma border,
and approximately 400,000 IDPs live in protracted displacement in southeast Burma. As the
continuing political and social transformation in Burma and the triumph of the NLD in the 2015
elections captivates local citizens and foreign observers around the world, optimism and the
infectious idea that those displaced will soon begin to move back to Burma has led to further
decline in donor funding along the Thailand-Burma border.
This has deeply impacted the refugees and IDPs living along the border whose lives depend
on international aid as well as essential services and programs offered by local ethnic
service providers, which were traditionally funded by the international donor community. Many
refugees are now feeling squeezed out of the camps, bearing a resemblance to the experience
of Mon refugees who were pushed back across the border to Burma and became IDPs
over 20 years ago. As expressed by many Mon IDPs interviewed for this report, they have yet
to find durable livelihood solutions in IDP sites and continue to suffer from chronic poverty,
debt and lack of medical care. Inside Burma, stagnation in amending repressive laws, military
dominance in politics, the absence of an inclusive ceasefire and political dialogue, the presence
of landmines and land confiscation that has become endemic throughout the country
continue to render the definition of a safe and dignified voluntary return of refugees meaningless.
As plans to repatriate over 100,000 refugees along the border continue to be discussed,
there is an increasing need to reflect on the past and draw lessons that could prevent a future
protracted IDP situation in the country. This report aims to shed light on lessons that can be
learned from the past for all stakeholders involved in all stages of planning for the return of
refugees and IDPs.
While the IDPs interviewed for this report expressed their desire to stay in their current
locations as opposed to relocation or return to their original location, they often cited two major
obstacles to their possible return: not having land to return to and continuing considerations
about safety including lack of sustainable peace in their place of origin.
The plight of villagers and farmers in Ye and Yebyu Township in their struggle to preserve
and protect their land from the Burma Army, the State and private investors indicate that refugees
and IDPs are likely to face increasing housing, land and property (HLP) rights violations
upon their return. These HLP rights violations must be resolved not only to ensure the durable
return of IDPs and refugees, but also to end further displacement that is adding to the already
vast number of displaced people inside and out of the country. Steps must also be taken to
ensure that a genuine and inclusive peace process remains a priority, as it is only through an
inclusive ceasefire and sustainable peace that a durable solution can be found for the disenfranchised
and displaced communities in Burma.
Community-based organizations (CBOs), ethnic service providers, and grassroots movements
with decades of experience and knowledge that have worked side-by-side with their
communities through difficult and challenging times are tackling these very issues and concerns
that the IDPs, refugees and villagers are facing. As the new NLD-led Government has
begun to take the reins of the political and economic reforms set in motion by the previous
government, all parties must ensure that the efforts of those who have consistently worked
alongside ethnic communities are supported and advocated, and not sidelined.
HLP rights of refugees and IDPs must be restored, laws that are legacies of the past must
be amended, landmines must be cleared from the land and an inclusive ceasefire followed
by a political solution is needed to protect them from further abuse and possible secondary
displacement before a durable livelihood solution can be achieved. National reconciliation
is possible only when victims begin receiving the support they need to ensure that they can
rebuild their lives in safety and dignity."
Source/publisher:
HURFOM, Burma Partnership, Burma Link
Date of publication:
2016-08-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Dialogue/reform/transition after the NLD election victory
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
1.03 MB 904.4 KB
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Description/subject:
"A commission headed by former parliament speaker Thura U Shwe Mann has been reviewing the nation?s laws, but some say more clarity ? and consultation ? is needed from the government on its legal reform plans..."
Thomas Kean, Nyan Hlaing Lynn
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2016-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"Open Hluttaw is a community initiative with a core mission: Making it easy for citizens and their parliamentary representatives to engage in an active and informed dialogue...
* Want to find out who your representatives are?
* Get in touch with them?
* Cross check some facts?
* Or Identify who belongs to a committee you care about?
* Open Hluttaw let?s you search through hundreds of parliamentary representative profiles..."
Source/publisher:
Open Hluttaw.com
Date of publication:
2016-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-11
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Hluttaw-related websites
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ) Some English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"...Second-guessing global policy over the next few years while trying to figure out the best way to adapt new infrastructure may in any case be something of a fool?s errand. Instead, planners and investors could reduce risk, as well as reducing social impacts, through design, by fundamentally rethinking electricity systems around the technological and environmental conditions of the 21st century.
It is a golden opportunity for Myanmar, where so much electricity infrastructure is yet to be built. This is seemingly recognised in the National League for Democracy?s 2015 election manifesto.
Technologies and principles are already well understood and being applied in rich and poor countries worldwide. Energy efficiency, batteries, solar modules and wind turbines are less vulnerable to climate change impacts and policy than conventional alternatives. Costs for renewable-energy technologies are falling fast. Meanwhile, the avoided health and environmental impacts will ensure people in Myanmar are better off with renewables.
The key to luring investment is clear long-term policy. Get that right soon and whether or not a moratorium comes to pass Myanmar will be on the way to climate-resilient, accessible and affordable electricity."
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2016-08-06
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-09
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Climate Change - Burma/Myanmar: general
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"As Myanmar?s new government begins defining its reform policies, arguably the biggest need is for good governance. Following decades of centralized military dictatorship, the country confronts dual challenges of trying to loosen the military?s grip on public administration as well as push government agencies to be more accountable and deliver better social services. Where the legacies of dictatorship overlap most significantly with hopes for change is in terms of local governance, namely the basic public administration of Myanmar?s districts and townships..."
Matthew Arnold
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-08
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sub-national administrative areas - general, Decentralisation (Decentralization) in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
English
Format :
htm
Size:
105.61 KB
more
Description/subject:
ယခုစာတမ်းငယ်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းဖြင့်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခံထားရသော အစိုးရအနေ နှင့် မူဝါဒရေးဆွဲပြဌာန်းသည့်လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို
မည်သို့ တိုးတက်ကောင်းမွန်အောင်ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည်ကို ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ မြန်မာပြည်တွင် မူဝါဒများမည်သို့ရေးဆွဲရမည်ကို မစဉ်းစားခင် ကောင်းမွန်သော
မူဝါဒများတွင်ပါဝင်သော နိုင်ငံတကာက သဘောတူလက်ခံထားသည့် အချက်များကို အကျဉ်းချုပ်ဖော်ပြထားပြီး လက်ရှိမြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ မူဝါဒချမှတ်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းအား
မည်သို့ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည်ကို ဆွေးနွေးထားသည်။ ထို့နောက်တွင်အနာဂတ်၌ကျင့်သုံးဆောင်ရွက်သင့်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကို အကြံပြုထားပါသည်။
.....
This note asks how Myanmar?s democratically elected government can improve policymaking processes. It summarizes internationally recognized properties of good policies before considering how policymaking happens in Myanmar and proposing measures to adopt in the future.
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
898.23 KB
more
Description/subject:
ယခုစာတမ်းတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ မူဝါဒရေးဆွဲချမှတ်ခြင်းလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို မူဝါဒရေးရာအင်စတီကျူများက မည်သို့စနစ်တကျနှင့်
ထိထိရောက်ရောက် ပံ့ပိုးကူညီနိုင်မည်ကို ဆွေးနွေးထားပါသည်။ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေးများနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်ကို တဖြည်းဖြည်း
စတင်ကျင့်သုံးနေသည်နှင့်အမျှ ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်သော မူဝါဒချမှတ်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များ ဖြစ်လာရေးအတွက် အခွင့်အလမ်းများ
ပိုမိုများပြားလာခဲ့သည်။ အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ်မှ နိုင်ငံအနံှ့အပြားတွင် အနိုင်ရရှိခဲ့သော ၂၀၁၅ နဝို ငဘ် ာလ ရေးွ ကောကပ် ဲ ွ
သည် မူဝါဒလမ်းစဉ်အသစ်များကို ပံ့ပိုးပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အခွင့်အလမ်းများ ထပ်မံဖြစ်ထွန်းလာစေသည်။ တပြိုင်နက်တည်းမှာပင်
အစိုးရသစ်အနေနှင့် တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးရှိပြည်သူများထံမှ ပိုမိုတိုးတက်များပြားလာမည့်တောင်းဆိုမှုများကို မည်သို့တုန့်ပြန်ဖြေရှင်းမည်
နည်းဆိုသည့် မေးခွန်းများစွာလည်း ပေါ်ပေါက်လာစေသည်။ လက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် စွမ်းဆောင်ရည်ပိုင်း၌ အကန့်အသတ်ရှိသည်
မှန်သော်လည်း မူဝါဒရေးရာအင်စတီကျူများသည် ပိုမိုပြည့်စုံကောင်းမွန်သော အချက်အလက်များပေးခြင်း၊ ဆန်းစစ်ခြင်းနှင့်
မူဝါဒများ ပြင်ဆင်ရေးဆွဲရာတွင် ပိုမိုကောင်းမွန်စေခြင်းအားဖြင့် အဆိုပါစိန်ခေါ်မှုများကို နိုင်ငံရေးခေါင်းဆောင်များ ကိုင်တွယ်
ဖြေရှင်းရာတွင် တဖြည်းဖြည်းချင်း ပံ့ပိုးကူညီပေးနိုင်မည် ဖြစ်သည်။
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Dialogue/reform/transition after the NLD election victory, General and National administration
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
929.52 KB
more
Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"This report provides historical background on militias in Myanmar and discusses the challenges
presented by militias to resolving the country?s ongoing conflict. Most militias are allied with Myanmar?s
armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw. A few other militias support ethnic armed organizations. The
primary duties of militias involve providing security for their communities, and some actively participate
in Myanmar?s armed conflicts. In 2011, a quasi-democratic government led by President Thein Sein
came to power and initiated a peace process aimed at resolving over sixty-five years of armed conflict.
The peace process has produced a significant number of ceasefires, and recently entered a stage of
political dialogue involving a broad range of actors. Yet despite their role in Myanmar?s ongoing
conflicts, the issue of militias remains marginalized in analyses of conflict and the peace process.
Militias pose several challenges for peacebuilding efforts in Myanmar. First, only limited information is
available about militias. In consequence, several basic features of militias, such as how they operate,
their numbers, and the roles they play in conflicts, are not well understood. Second, militias are armed
and numerous, and they play active roles in armed conflict, but engagement with militias and discussion
of their roles has been limited in the peace process. Often they are considered subordinate to either
the Tatmadaw or ethnic armed groups. Third, the Tatmadaw?s incorporation of ceasefire groups into
its militia system has made militias a political issue. The recent transformation of ceasefire groups into
militias involved a decrease in the military strength of ethnic armed organizations. But several ethnic
armed organizations did not accept the proposal to transform into militias, and have instead pushed
for political dialogue with the military. Understanding these challenges is important for peacebuilding
efforts.
Given the challenges presented by the multitude of militias operating outside of Myanmar?s formal
peace process, a more systematic look at militias and their role in the transition from conflict to peace
is in order. To do so, this report begins with a brief overview of militias and the challenges that militias
present for peacebuilding. The next section provides historical background on the roles played by
militias in Myanmar?s armed conflicts and political struggles. Section three presents a typology of
militias, as an analytical tool for understanding the complexity of the current array of militias operating
in Myanmar. The fourth section examines the roles played by militias in the economy, politics, conflict,
and the communities in which they operate. The final section draws on instances of peacebuilding in
other countries, and considers issues regarding militias in Myanmar?s current period of reform."
John Buchanan
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-07-11
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.38 MB
more
Description/subject:
စကားချီး
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ သဘောထားကွဲလွဲမှုများဖြစ်ပွားရာဒေသများတွင် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုအတွက် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများအား
အုပ်ချုပ်မှုစနစ် ပုံစံ ၂မျိုးဖြစ်သည့် အစိုးရ၏ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနမှ လည်းကောင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့်
ဆက်စပ်လျှက်ရှိသော ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးသူများမှလည်းကောင်း ပေးလျှက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၂ဝ၁၁ နှင့် ၂ဝ၁၂ ခုနှစ်များတွင် ပစ်ခတ်
တိုက်ခိုက်မှု လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးပြီးနောက်ပိုင်းတွင် နှစ်ဖက်အကြား ယုံကြည်မှုတည်ဆောက်ရန်ကြိုးပမ်းမှုများအပေါ်အခြေခံပြီး NLD
ဦးဆောင်သော အစိုးရသစ်သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ထိခိုက်ခံစားရမှုအများဆုံးသောသူများထံသို့ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုများ
ရောက်ရှိစေနိုင်ရန်အတွက် အဆိုပါ စနစ် ၂ခုအကြား ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ တိုးတက်လာရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ မကြုံစဖူးအခွင့်အလမ်း
များအား ဖော်ဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
အဆိုပါအခြေအနေတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ သဘောထားကွဲလွဲမှုများဖြစ်ပွားရာဒေသများရှိ ကျန်းမာရေး ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးအပ်ခြင်း နှင့်
ကျန်းမာရေးတန်းတူညီမှုဆိုင်ရာ သုတေသနအစီအရင်ခံစာအား အာရှဖေါင်ဒေးရှင်းမှ ဝမ်းမြောက်စွာဖြင့် တင်ပြအပ်ပါသည်။
ယင်းဒေသများရှိ လက်ရှိ လည်ပတ်နေသော ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးစု နှင့် ရပ်ရွာအခြေပြုကျန်းမာရေး
အဖွဲ့အစည်းနှစ်ခုစလုံး၏ ကျန်းမာရေးဝန်ဆောင်မှုအစီအစဉ်များအား ဤအစီအရင်ခံစာတွင် ခြုံငုံဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ အစိုးရ နှင့်
အစိုးရမဟုတ်သည့် အဖွဲ့ ၂ ဖက်စလုံးအတွက် မူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာ အကြံပြုချက်များ ၊ အဓိကအခွင့်အလမ်းများ ၊ ပေါင်းစည်းခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ
အယူအဆများအားလည်း ထည့်သွင်းဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။
အဓိကအချက်မှာ စနစ်နှစ်မျိုး စင်ပြိုင်ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေးနေသည့် လက်ရှိအနေအထားသည် အချိန် အတိုင်းအတာတစ်ခုအထိ
ဆက်လက်တည်ရှိနေနိုင်ပါသည်။ ပါဝင်လုပ်ကိုင်နေကြသူများအားလုံးသည် တဖြည်းဖြည်း ယုံကြည်မှု တည်ဆောက်လာနိုင်ရန် နှင့်
ပေါင်းစည်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်အတွက် အလားအလာကောင်းများ ပေါ်ထွက်လာစေရန် ၂ ဖက်အကြားတွင် ကောင်းမွန်သော ပူးပေါင်း
ညှိနှိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာစေရန် စိတ်ရှည်လက်ရှည်သတိထား ပံ့ပိုးပေးသင့်ပါသည်။ အထူးသဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်
၏ နိုင်ငံရေးဆိုင်ရာ တောင်းဆိုမှုများ နှင့် အခြားဆက်စပ်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များကြောင့် ကျန်းမာရေး တန်းတူညီမှု ရည်မှန်းချက်အား
ထိခိုက်နှောင့်နှေးစေမှု မဖြစ်စေရအောင် အာရုံစိုက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဤသုတေသန အစီရင်ခံစာသည် ရည်ရှည်တည်တံ့
သော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးရရှိရန်အတွက် ရည်ရွယ်လုပ်ဆောင်လျှက်ရှိသော ရှုပ်ထွေးလှသည့် ပြဿနာရပ်များအား ဆွေးနွေးရာတွင်
အထောက်အကူပြုနိုင်မည်ဟု မျှော်လင့်ပါသည်။
ဤသုတေသနစာတမ်းအား မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအခြေစိုက် အလွတ်တန်းသုတေသီများဖြစ်သည့် ဒေါက်တာ ဘီလ်ဒေးဗစ် နှင့် ကင်မ်ဂျိုလိဖ်
တို့မှ ရေးသားပါသည်။ ဘီလ်ဒေးဗစ်သည် ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေးကဏ္ဍအား အထူးပြုလေ့လာပြီး ကင်မ်ဂျိုလိဖ်သည် လုံခြုံရေး ၊
အထောက်အပံ့ဆိုင်ရာ မူဝါဒ နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား ပဋိပက္ခဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်များတွင် လေ့လာခဲ့ပါသည်။ သုတေသနစာတမ်းအတွက်
ရန်ပုံငွေထောက်ပံ့ပေးသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းမှာ ဗြိတိန်အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးဌာန (DFID) ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခုစာတမ်းတွင်
ဖော်ပြထား သော အယူအဆများသည် စာရေးသူသုတေသီများ၏ အယူအဆများသာဖြစ်ပြီး DFID သို့မဟုတ် အာရှဖောင်ဒေးရှင်းတို့၏
အယူအဆများဖြစ်သည်ဟု မမှတ်ယူနိုင်ပါ။
ဘီလ်ဒေးဗစ် နှင့် ကင်မ်ဂျိုလိဖ်
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.79 MB
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Description/subject:
Preface:
"In many of Myanmar?s contested regions, healthcare services are provided through two parallel
governance systems ? by the government?s Ministry of Health, and by providers linked to ethnic armed
organizations. Building upon efforts to build trust between these two actors following ceasefires signed
in 2011 and 2012, the new National League for Democracy-led government offers an unprecedented
opportunity to increase cooperation between these systems and to ensure health services reach
Myanmar?s most vulnerable populations.
In view of this, The Asia Foundation is pleased to present this research report on health equity and
healthcare provision in Myanmar?s contested regions. The report provides an overview of existing
health service arrangements in these areas, from both the Ministry of Health and from ethnic and
community-based health organizations. It then unpacks the concept of ?convergence”, highlighting key
opportunities and policy recommendations for both government and non-government actors.
The key message here is that given the reality of parallel service systems, and the likelihood that
they will remain in place for quite some time, the focus of all involved should be to carefully and
patiently support greater coordination and cooperation between them to build both trust and viability
for the challenging convergence process over time. In particular, attention must be paid to ensure that
the political demands of the peace process and any related timelines do not undermine the goal of
healthcare equity. We hope that this report will contribute to the ongoing discussion of the complex
set of issues that must be considered to achieve durable peace."
Bill Davis, Kim Jolliffe
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.77 MB
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Description/subject:
"This report presents women?s testimonies in respect of various issues during the reporting period of January 2012 to March 2016. These issues include the dangers posed to women by the presence of armed actors in communities; the effects of land confiscation and development projects on women?s livelihoods; women?s access to healthcare and education; the continued occurrence of gender-based violence; and the harms caused by landmines; forced labour; arbitrary taxation and extortion. Importantly, women?s actions and agency in the face of abuse and injustice are also documented in this report. These agency strategies are documented to highlight women?s actions as women are not passive recipients of abuse...KHRG presents the perspectives of local women on issues identified by them, including livelihoods, militarisation,health, education, and others. The report outlines human rights abuses that are of particular concern for women, including gender-based violence (GBV), and how continued human rights abuses in southeast Myanmar affect women and men differently, an aspect that is often overlooked. In addition, it highlights the agency strategies that women employ for self-protection, and the challenges they face when attempting to access justice for abuses. Finally, the report suggests ways to address the issues raised and improve the situation for women in southeast Myanmar, by giving concrete recommendations to the Government of Myanmar, ethnic armed organisations, local and international civil society organisations, and the international community supporting the peace process and in Myanmar. KHRG is confident that this report will provide a valuable resource for practitioners and stakeholders working on issues related to southeast Myanmar, and that it can be used as a tool in developing an awareness of local women?s concerns and agency. KHRG also believes that the report will be equally interesting for members of the general public who would like to learn more about women?s perspectives of the situation on the ground in rural southeast Myanmar..." pdf links in html version
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2016-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-04
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Women and armed conflict - Burma/Myanmar, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Karen (Kayin) State
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ), Karen
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"The Burmese Border Clinical Guidelines are specifically designed to assist medics and health workers practising along the Thailand-Myanmar border. These 2016 guidelines are an adaptation and update of the 2007 Burmese Border Clinical Guidelines (BBG) which was produced in conjunction with a number of organisations on the Thai-Myanmar border. The updated has been completed using resources such as Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) 2013 ?Clinical Guidelines Diagnosis and Treatment Manual,? and other international treatment guidelines and medical literature from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and Non-Government Organisations (NGOs). These guidelines have been updated and approved by physicians working at Shoklo Malaria Research Unit (SMRU). Mae Tao clinic kindly contributed their pharmacy handbook which has been created using MSF 2013 ?Clinical Guidelines Diagnosis and Treatment Manual,? and the ?British National Formulary? (BNF) 2014. In addition, some parts of the ?Mae Tao Clinic 2015 Chronic Guidelines? are included. There may be minor discrepancies between the pharmacy handbook and the guidelines due to slightly different practices. Please follow local protocols for your organisation if available. Specific guidelines for malaria, obstetrics and paediatrics/neonates exist so most duplicated information has been removed from this guideline to avoid conflicting advice. For information regarding these topics, please see separate guidelines. Where possible each chapter follows the following format: EMERGENCY CONDITIONS, DEFINITION, CAUSES, SIGNS AND SYMPTOMS, DIAGNOSIS, TREATMENT and PREVENTION. The information within each chapter may not be an extensive list but the most relevant aspects for clinics on the border are included. The guidelines are written in simple English to allow for understanding, and the language has been checked and approved by medics at SMRU clinics. SMRU gives permission for the reproduction and translation of these guidelines for use by other health organisations on the border. These guidelines are recommendations only, SMRU and Mae Tao clinic cannot be held responsible for the use of these guidelines by other organisations..."
Source/publisher:
SMRU (Shoklo Malaria Research Unit)
Date of publication:
2016-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-03
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Medical handbooks and manuals, Burmese Border [clinical] Guidelines, Burma Border Guidelines, Health of migrants from Burma, Online health resources
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.06 MB
Local URL:
Burma_Border_Guidelines-2016-04-19-red.pdf
Burma_Border_Guidelines-2016-04-19-red.pdf more
Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"The multi-donor Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT) commenced operations in Myanmar in 2010, supporting implementing partners (IPs) to assist poor families to increase their food availability and incomes in three of the country?s main agro-ecological zones: the Uplands, Dry Zone, and Delta Zone. LIFT programming was later initiated in Rakhine State in the Coastal Zone. LIFT has funded a consortium of Save the Children (SCI), Action Contre la Faim (ACF) and Helen Keller International, to implement the LEARN project. The goal of this three-year project (December 2012 ? December 2015) is to build the capacity of IPs and to provide technical support to LIFT to maximize the nutritional impact of their food security and livelihoods (FSL) programming throughout the country.
In 2013, LIFT contracted ICF International, Inc., which worked with Myanmar Survey Research, to carry out its second household survey that included 2,400 LIFT households and 800 comparison households in 200 villages. In order to better understand the contributing factors of undernutrition in LIFT program areas and the links between child nutritional status and independent variables of programmatic importance to LIFT (such as income, livelihoods, food security, and water, sanitation and hygiene [WASH]), LEARN commissioned a secondary analysis of nutrition-related data from the 2013 LIFT Household Survey. The purpose of this report is to present the findings of this analysis."
Zaw Win, Jennifer Cashin
Source/publisher:
LIFT-Fund
Date of publication:
2016-02-29
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-02
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.56 MB
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Description/subject:
Abstract:
"Despite improvements in recent years, the prevalence of undernutrition among women and children in Myanmar remains unacceptably high. One in three children are stunted and about 8% are acutely malnourished. Micronutrient deficiencies are common among infants, young children and pregnant women. In fact, more than 80% of children 6 to 23 months of age and 70% of pregnant women are anemic. To better understand the determinants of undernutrition and the linkages between food security, livelihoods and nutrition in Myanmar as a whole as well as in specific geographic areas where programs supported by the Livelihoods, Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT) are being implemented, the LEARN project has reviewed food and nutrition security data from the past five years and synthesized relevant findings into this user-friendly report.
Guided by the conceptual framework of the determinants of undernutrition initially developed by UNICEF and adapted by the authors of the 2008 Lancet Series on Maternal and Child Undernutrition, this report presents what is known about the immediate determinants of undernutrition and how they are affected by underlying food security, caregiving, and environmental conditions, which are in turn shaped by income poverty, lack of access to capital and basic economic and social conditions. As the purpose of this report is as much to present what is known about food and nutrition security in Myanmar as it is to identify what is not known, the structure of the report is intended to highlight gaps in knowledge and areas for further research. Following the Introduction, Section 2 presents national level data on the food and nutrition security situation in Myanmar in the past five years. Sections 3, 4 and 5 present data on food and nutrition security from the various agro-ecological zones that are of interest to LIFT, namely the Coastal/Delta, Dry, and Uplands. Each section is organized in the same way, beginning with data on the prevalence of undernutrition in the geographic area, followed by findings on potential causes of undernutrition, organized according to immediate, underlying and basic determinants.
This report will contribute to the overall knowledge base of the food and nutrition security sector as well as inform decisions related to the selection of interventions aimed at improving the nutritional status of families and communities in Myanmar."
Jennifer Cashin
Source/publisher:
LIFT-Fund
Date of publication:
2016-02-29
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-02
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.36 MB
more
Description/subject:
Lists back to 2005
Source/publisher:
Lift fund, partners etc.
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-01
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"The ultranationalist Buddhist organization, the Ma Ba Tha also known as the Association of the Protection of Race and Religion, has received considerable pressure during the past two weeks. Criticism of the group likely stems from its role in promoting hate speech and inciting violence against Burma?s Muslim minorities, which it had not experienced under the previous government of Thein Sein..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Partnership
Date of publication:
2016-07-18
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
Executive Summary: "Myanmar is giving increasing attention to gender inequality as
an impediment to development and the attainment of human
rights. In the National Strategic Plan for the Advancement
of Women (NSPAW) 2013 ? 2022, the Government has
signalled its commitment to promoting and protecting the
rights of women. There is increasing momentum within civil
society networks and organisations to promote programming
and advocacy for women?s rights and gender equality. The
emerging global recognition of the strong relationship
between social norms and women?s and men?s opportunities
and actions is also beginning to be discussed in Myanmar,
particularly as media is opening up. However, little information
is available on this topic.
This study was conceived by the Gender Equality Network
with the objective of furthering the understanding of social
and cultural norms in Myanmar and their impact for men
and women in relation to family and community life, work,
health and education. By generating an up-to-date mapping
of the diverse social and cultural norms at a time of rapid
political and economic transition, the study aims to inform
programmes and policies about underlying norms that impact
on the attainment of gender equality..."
Source/publisher:
Gender Equality Network (GEN)
Date of publication:
2015-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
3.89 MB 8.18 MB
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Description/subject:
"LIFT is a multi-donor trust fund that improves the lives and prospects of rural poor people in Myanmar, with generous contributions from the United Kingdom, European Union, Australia, Denmark, France, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Switzerland, Sweden, and the United States of America. From the private sector, the Mitsubishi Corporation is a donor. To date, the donors have committed more than USD 400 million to LIFT.
LIFT is much more than a funding body. Aside from financing 147 projects to date, LIFT provides technical expertise, targeted research and its position of oversight to improve programme design and cohesion for better overall impact. LIFT also works closely with the Government of Myanmar to promote pro-poor policies.
LIFT?s goal is to sustainably reduce the number of people in Myanmar living in poverty and hunger, and to ensure that Myanmar?s rural transformation is inclusive. We work to achieve these four outcomes:
*Increased incomes of rural households
*Increased resilience of poor rural households and communities to setbacks and change
*Improved nutrition of women, men and children
*Improved policies and effective public expenditure for pro-poor rural development"
Source/publisher:
Lift Fund
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-31
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Abstract: "Land is the most vital natural resource in Myanmar it is essential to livelihoods, particularly for the most vulnerable. Seventy percent (70%) of Myanmar?s population rely on land and agriculture for their livelihoods. A long history of various governing structures in Myanmar has enabled the capture and control of land by colonial, government or elite powers to the detriment and neglect of smallholder and subsistence farmers. This has impacted negatively on vulnerable populations, significantly contributing to, and shaping the current occurrence of poverty. Myanmar is currently at a juncture, where poor-centred approaches to development can be fundamental in shaping a future of inclusive prosperity as the government has opened to foreign investment and commenced significant reform change. One of the most important reform changes required to reach this goal is Land Reform. A National Land Use Policy (NLUP) is currently in final stages of drafting, for this policy to facilitate people-centred goals it is imperative that the reform consider the voices of vulnerable communities."
Claire Burgess
Source/publisher:
Actionaid Myanmar
Date of publication:
2015-08-07
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Law and policy on land in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
919.01 KB
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"Four months into the new government?s five-year term is too early to come to definitive
judgements about its performance. Nevertheless, its priorities and approach are
becoming clearer, and there are some initial indications of how national politics is
adjusting to changed realities. These provide the basis for an initial assessment as
Myanmar?s transition enters a new phase under a democratically-elected government
that has set a positive initial tone and taken important steps to address the authoritarian
legacy. Some of the remaining political detainees were quickly released,
and several oppressive and outdated laws have been repealed or are being amended.
Perhaps the most important observation, however, is that Myanmar has passed
through a year of considerable uncertainty and change with no major political turmoil.
Aung San Suu Kyi?s National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in
a broadly credible election with almost no violence; there was an orderly handover of
power from the military-backed government, and the new administration has now
entered an awkward cohabitation with the military, as dictated by the 2008 constitution,
without significantly compromising key principles or prompting any fundamental
rift with the soldiers. Navigating these difficult waters has been a key early
success for all concerned.
The difficulty and uncertainty of that task has left its mark. Suu Kyi, the leader of
a long-repressed grassroots change movement, has only partial executive authority
under the constitution ? both because she is formally barred from the presidency,
and because of the military?s significant constitutional power. This appears to have
amplified longstanding tendencies, leading her to concentrate power in her own
hands and delegate little. She is state counsellor, foreign minister, president office
minister and in personal charge of the peace process and addressing the situation in
Rakhine state.
While there have been no major failures, there have been missteps, including on
the peace process and Rakhine state, both of which relate to a failure to appreciate
the complex details and a lack of consultation in advance of announcing important
decisions or initiatives. Relations with the military have not always been sensitively
handled. Though there appears to be good cooperation and a convergence of views
on the peace process ? even to the extent that armed group leaders are worried they
may have to negotiate with a formidable united front of Suu Kyi and the military ?
relations in other areas have been strained, particularly around Suu Kyi?s appointment
as state counsellor and the manner in which that bill was pushed through the
legislature in April. It is essential for the success and stability of the transition that
cooperative relations with the military are maintained, and more broadly that the
military sees some benefits from the substantial concessions it feels it has made.
The government faces daunting tasks. After decades of authoritarian rule and civil
war, many key challenges are structural problems ? some dating back to independence
in 1948 and the incomplete process of state-building ? that cannot be fixed
simply by adopting more enlightened policies. The government must find ways of
moving the peace process forward, addressing the situation in Rakhine state and
continuing the delicate process of rebalancing external relations, particularly vis-àvis
China. As state counsellor, foreign minister and chair of the high-level committees
Myanmar?s New Government: Finding Its Feet?
Crisis Group Asia Report N°282, 29 July 2016 Page ii
in charge of the peace process and Rakhine state, leadership on all these fronts falls
on Suu Kyi?s shoulders, a huge responsibility and potentially overwhelming workload.
Success depends on twin policy and personal challenges: developing not only
considered and consultative approaches, but also her ability to delegate.
The international community can help in several ways. Western countries are
rightly giving the government strong political backing, but should not shy away from
offering frank and honest advice. Financial and technical support are much needed,
though there is significant risk of uncoordinated aid projects and overlapping and
inconsistent technical assistance overwhelming government capacity and potentially
doing harm. Donors also need to keep in mind that projects should be carefully
designed and closely monitored to reflect that the state and government remain absent
or contested in many conflict-affected areas. For two reasons, it is also vital that
the West in particular explores appropriate avenues of military-to-military cooperation.
It is essential for sustainability of the transition that the military sees institutional
benefits from its decision to give up significant power; and socialisation of a
generation of military officers with their peers in democratic countries can make an
important contribution to reform of the institution."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (ICG) Asia Report N°282
Date of publication:
2016-07-29
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
373.46 KB
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Description/subject:
The document contains 56 paragraphs of comments and recommendations regarding the situation of women in Myanmar, based on Myanmar?s 4th and 5th combined report to CEDAW, received in February 2015, the meetings held on the 6th July 2016 and information submitted to CEDAW from civil society organisations and other sources.
Source/publisher:
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW/C/MMR/CO/4-5) - ADVANCE UNEDITED VERSION
Date of publication:
2016-07-22
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-28
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) - UN/Myanmar documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf docx
Size:
167.1 KB 88.41 KB
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Description/subject:
"Early signs from the Yangon Hluttaw suggest that the state and region parliaments will do a better job of holding local governments to account than their predecessors...Myanmar?s state and regional legislatures have been slow to find their feet during the country?s transition. While lawmakers in Nay Pyi Taw cut ministry budgets and reshaped draft legislation, the 14 sub-national parliaments have been largely bit players in the reform process. Rarely have they challenged the state and region governments on which they are supposed to exercise oversight.
The Yangon Region Hluttaw is a case in point. Over the past five years it largely acted as a rubber stamp for the regional government, signing off on budget requests and bills, and ignoring widespread complaints about service delivery and unpopular projects. Scrutiny was minimal, and brought to bear by only a handful of mostly opposition MPs.
But the sub-national legislatures are important institutions for political decentralisation, which is a key issue in negotiations toward a peace settlement and broader reconciliation with ethnic minorities. They also play a significant role in service delivery in urban areas, as they approve municipal budgets and enact laws for local elections.
So is the role of these new lawmaking bodies likely to develop over the coming five years? And what are the early indications from the Yangon parliament?
Before considering these questions, it?s important to understand some of the reasons behind why the Yangon hluttaw and other sub-national legislatures were largely ineffective over the past five years..."
Hein Ko Soe & Thomas Kean
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2016-07-22
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"...This report shows that Buddhism is the faith professed by the great majority of people in Myanmar,
followed by Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Animism, and all other faiths, which are equally entitled to
freely profess and practice their religion without discrimination. Hence I would invite you to welcome
the release of census data on religion as an insight into the diverse array of faiths that characterize our
country..."
Source/publisher:
Department of Population Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population MYANMAR
Date of publication:
2016-07-21
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
2014 census
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
645.68 KB
Local URL:
2014-Census-Volume2C-Religion-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
Executive summary:
In this submission, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
provides information concerning human
rights issues
affecting women
in
southeast Myanmar.
The time period covered in this submission
is from January 2012 to March 2016, which is a period characterised by dramatic and substantial
changes in Myanmar, including the political reform process; the 2012 preliminary ceasefire
agreement between the Karen National Union
(KNU)
and the
government of Myanmar; the 2015
Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement; and the November 2015 general election, in which the National
League for Democracy won a landslide victory, marking a change of course from the previous
reign of consecutive military-backed governments.
2.
Organisational information will be addressed first in a brief summary of KHRG and its operations
and then
KHRG?s research and data collection methodology will be detailed.
After these initial
sections, KHRG?s key findings related to human rights and discrimination of women in southeast
Myanmar
will be
presented. The key findings will address the issues
of gender inequality of
(rural) women in political and public life; gender-based violence (GBV); rural women and girls?
access to education
and healthcare, in particular
maternal healthcare; and land confiscation and livelihood issues
affecting
rural women.
Each
of the key findings will start with a relevant quote
from a local woman which is
in line with KHRG?s
mission
to project the voices of
villagers.
The
sections will
conclude with concrete recommendations to the
government..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2016-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
252.09 KB
Local URL:
Myanmar-CEDAW64-Session-KHRG-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"In late 2013, the Government of Burma/Myanmar (?the Government”) issued a National Strategic Action Plan for the
Advancement of Women 2013-2022 (NSPAW) based in part on its obligations under the Convention to End All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Heralded as a ?historic and essential step towards substantive equality between
women and men,” NSPAW was released amidst a flurry of other governmental plans, strategies, promises, and
actions ostensibly aimed at transforming the country into a democracy. However, conspicuously missing from these
reforms, including NSPAW, were deeper systemic overhauls of the many legal, political, cultural and socio-economic
barriers to the full enjoyment of human rights in Burma which must underpin any true democracy.
The issuance of NSPAW invites assessment of the state of gender equality in Burma, the prospects for NSPAW?s success
in meeting its goals, and a comparison between NSPAW and Burma?s international legal obligations under CEDAW.
Taking note of the need for such an assessment, as well as the opportunities presented by the forthcoming review of
Burma by the CEDAW Committee in July 2016, this report by the Global Justice Center (GJC) and Leitner Center for
International Law and Justice (Leitner Center) evaluates NSPAW against the reality for women on the ground in Burma
and the Government?s legal obligations under CEDAW.
In short, the critical analysis in this report reveals that NSPAW?s provisions are aspirational and ambiguous, without
clear guidance on implementation or benchmarks for meaningful evaluation. This report further demonstrates how
NSPAW fails to meaningfully grapple with the structural barriers precluding gender equality—including the 2008
Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, decades of armed conflict and the continuing power of the
military, antiquated laws and legal frameworks, and the difference between discrimination ?in law” and discrimination
?in effect”—all of which must be addressed in order to achieve substantive gender equality in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
Global Justice Center, Leitner Center for International Law and Justice
Date of publication:
2015-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.13 MB
Local URL:
Myanmar-CEDAW64-PSWG-GJC2.pdf
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Description/subject:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:
"Myanmar is a party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) and, as such, must fulfill its obligations to ensure both
de jure
and
de facto
equality
for women. Yet, despite these obligations, women and girls across Myanmar face serious obstacles
to realizing their rights to substantive equality and non-discrimination. In this Report, the Gender
Equality Network (GEN) and Global Justice Center
(GJC) highlight multiple barriers facing women
and girls in Myanmar and offer key areas where reforms are necessary in order to promote women?s
rights and the equal enjoyment of freedoms. This report can be read as a baseline of the situation on
key indicators that affect the situation of women and girls in Myanmar, and therefore offers
a
starting point for dialogue with the newly elected government. The goal of such dialogue is to jointly
tackle the systemic hurdles that impede the achievement of women?s
equality and reverse some of
the repressions under previous regimes.
This report highlights general inequalities and discrimination
faced by all women in Myanmar, but it must be noted that certain marginalized groups, such as
ethnic women, rural women and
older women,
are not specifically discussed herein,
but nonetheless
experience additional and intersecting forms of discrimination.
While it is encouraging that Myanmar?s transition to a quasi-civilian government in 2011 has led to
limited democratic reforms, increasing engagement with the international community and a sharp
increase in foreign direct investment, women have in large part not been the beneficiaries of these
reforms. Advances to ensure women?s rights and improve the situation of women in Myanmar have,
in general, been noticeably absent from reform efforts, in part due to the absence of women from
decision-making positions and in politics. Even the Government?s reporting to this Committee
identifies efforts to improve women?s rights as prospective rather than on-going, demonstrating the
Government?s lack of political will to prioritize women?s issues. Gender equality continues to be
viewed as a marginal area in ongoing democratization and development processes, as well as the
peace process resolving
decades of ethnic conflict. The Government must make actual progress, and
not just present promises,
to promote women?s rights and fulfill its obligations under CEDAW.
A number of factors contribute to the current, and historical, lack of focus on
women?s rights.
Decades of military rule since a military coup in 1962 have marginalized women and deeply-embedded gender stereotypes see women as nurturers rather than leaders in society. As a result,
women have historically been excluded from politics and positions of power. Achieving advances to
ensure
women?s equality in Myanmar is
difficult because of an unchanged landscape shaped by a
deep history of patriarchy, decades of oppressive military dictatorship and the continued power and
influence of the military throughout society. Today, these legacies remain very much alive in the
form of fundamental structural barriers that impede genuine legal reform, demonstrated through the
presence of legal structures that discriminate against women (including in the Constitution), the lack
of legal provisions that guarantee gender equality and the absence of adequate funding to promote
policies and programmes that could contribute to women?s empowerment.
The newly-formed government of
Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi?s Nationa
l League for Democracy (NLD), which took office at the end of March 2016, offers an opportunity to refocus attention on
the achievement of equal rights for women in Myanmar. Encouragingly, the NLD Election Platform
on Women committed to, among other things, effectively implement existing laws to promote
women?s rights, take action to end violence against women and ensure access to justice for women
victims.
While there are expectations
that the situation of women in Myanmar will improve, it is crucial to
be
clear now about the significant work that needs to be done and to detail the steps necessary to
ensure compliance with CEDAW. To
achieve
full
compliance with CEDAW, the Government must
formulate, in consultation with a broad array of civil society actors and women?s groups, and
implement concrete, immediately-effective and well-funded policies, regulations, laws and other
measures to ensure women?s
de jure
and
de facto
equality. Such a comprehensive effort will require
coordination, commitment and significant political will, the dismantling of legal and other structures
that discriminate against women and a significant reduction in the power and influence of the
military"
Source/publisher:
Gender Equality Network (GEN) and Global Justice Center (GJC)
Date of publication:
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
874.01 KB
Local URL:
Myanmar-CEDAW64-Session-GEN&GJC.pdf
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Description/subject:
"This briefing examines the changing political
and economic landscape, outlining the key
histories, developments and strategies in
recent Myanmar-China relations. A particular
concern is the continuing conflict in the ethnic
borderlands in Myanmar, which are in the
front-line of contention and where many of the
country?s most valuable natural resources are
located. History has long warned that instability
and political failure will continue until there is
inclusive peace and reform in these territories.....
Key Points:
" •• The changing socio-political landscape in Myanmar since the advent of a new system of
government in March 2011 has brought significant challenges to China?s political and
economic relations with the country. From a previous position of international dominance,
China now has to engage in a diversified national landscape where different sectors of
society have impact on socio-political life and other foreign actors, including the USA and
Japan, are seeking to gain political and economic influence.
•• China has made important steps in recognising these changes. In contrast to reliance on
?government-to-government” relations under military rule, Chinese interests have begun to
interact with Myanmar politics and society more broadly. A ?landbridge” strategy connecting
China to the Bay of Bengal has also been superseded by the aspiring, but still uncertain,
?One Belt, One Road” initiative of President Xi Jinping to connect China westwards by land
and sea with Eurasia and Africa.
•• Many challenges remain. Government change, ethnic conflict and the 2015 Kokang crisis
raise questions over political relations, border stability, communal tensions, and the
security of Chinese nationals and property in Myanmar, while Chinese investments have
been subject to criticism and protest. Mega-projects agreed with the previous military
government are subject to particular objection, and resentment is widespread over
unbridled trade in such natural resources as timber and jade that provides no local benefit
and is harmful to local communities and the environment.
•• Chinese interests prioritize stability in Myanmar. While keen to develop good relations
in the country and support ethnic peace, Chinese officials are concerned about the
sustainability of the present system of governance and what this will mean for China. A
continuing preoccupation is the USA, which often dominates strategic thinking in China to
the detriment of informed understanding of other countries and issues. These uncertainties
have been heightened by the advent to government of the civilian-led National League for
Democracy in March.
•• Given their proximity and troubled histories, it is essential that good relations are developed
between the two countries on the basis of equality and mutual respect. Initiatives to
engage with public opinion, communities and interest groups in both countries should
be encouraged. Based upon its own experiences, economic change, rather than political
change, is China?s primary focus. Chinese officials, however, need to understand that
Myanmar?s challenges are political at root. Criticisms should not be put down to a lack of
knowledge or ?anti-Chinese” sentiment. Good projects that will benefit the local population
will be welcomed: bad projects that ignore their priorities and vision for development will
not."
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2016-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
515.02 KB
Local URL:
TNI-2016-07-chinas_engagement_in_myanmar.pdf
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Description/subject:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "From 1962 to 2011 in Burma, the combination of repressive rule by a male-dominated military and a traditional cultural patriarchy had insidious and pervasive long-term negative effects on women?s equality. Decades of repression adversely impacted women?s health, well-being and welfare, ability to participate in politics and political decision-making, and educational, economic and employment opportunities. Moreover, during those six decades the military also waged war in several regions of Burma against various Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and conflict continues to this day. These long-running conflicts h ave been characterized by human rights abuses against ethnic communities, including se xual violence against ethnic women, and have had a devastating negative impact on the rights and opportunities available to ethnic women. In 2011, the military instituted a process of reform as part of a carefully-orchestrated plan to continue military rule under the guise of democracy. Since this nominally- civilian government (the Government) took power in 2011, women in Burma have experienced limited improvements with respect to fundamental human rights and freedoms but are far from enjoying the rights required by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), to which Burma is a party. After years of ?reform,” significant economic, political and social problems for women remain: widespread poverty and underdevelopment; a lack of legal, administrative and institutional capacity; a governing system that continues to lack true accountability and transparency; ongoing ethnic conflict, including continued human rights abuses and sexual violence by military forces; and pervasive gender inequality. The failure, after five years in office, of the Government to improve women?s rights to substantive equality and non-discrimination demonstrates a disregard for CEDAW?s mandates and compares unfavorably with troubling actions such as continuing sexual violence by the military, the swift passage of the discriminatory Laws on Race & Religion, and the failure to enact a comprehensive violence against women law. This Report focuses the women?s human rights situation in Burma?s ethnic areas, in particular in remote and conflict affected areas where most of WLB?s member organisations are operating. We highlight the ways in which rural and ethnic women in Burma are denied the equality and non-discrimination guarantees provided by CEDAW. While all women in Burma face the same struggle to enjoy their rights under CEDAW, rural and ethnic women face additional hurdles and specific harms such as trafficking, unequal access to education and healthcare, land insecurity and the devastating impact of drug production and trade. Moreover, rural and ethnic women are directly implicated by armed conflict and the quest for peace. This gap between the experiences of women in cities and urban settings versus those of ethic women in rural areas must be understood and taken account when analyzing the status of women?s rights in Burma. This Report seeks to highlight certain significant factors impeding women?s rights throughout the country. First, the military continues to play a powerful role in society and politics. This deeply-entrenched power is provided, in part, by the 2008 Constitution which grants the military complete legal autonomy over its own affairs, placing it outside of any civilian oversight by the executive or legislative branches. Further, the Constitution provides immunity to the military and Government officials for any misdeeds, including conflict-related sexual violence, in office and ensures that all military matters are to be decided solely by the military. Other provisions, such as Parliamentary quotas, ensure that the Military will retain a significant role in the legislative and executive branches. Therefore, the power and domination of the military at all levels of government is guaranteed in the Constitution, and, because the Military enjoys a veto over all Constitutional amendments, this power is unlikely to be reduced in the near future. Second, continued conflict has caused additional suffering for ethnic and rural women. The military has committed human rights abuses, including sexual violence against ethnic women, as part of its offensives in ethnic areas. Part of the conflict stems from a desire to control the vast natural resources in ethnic areas, and the military and its cronies have long-standing and extensive business interests in ethnic regions. Continuing conflict, and the web of military presence and business interests in ethnic areas, has had a devastating effect on women and women?s rights, especially in rural and ethnic areas. Third, part of the lack of progress on women?s equality is due to the woefully inadequate legal system in Burma. First and foremost, the Constitution itself establishes structural barriers to equality, and discriminates outright against women through failing to provide a CEDAW-compliant definition of discrimination and limiting job opportunities for women. It also discriminates against women indirectly by establishing the Parliamentary quotas for the military. Most of the laws that relate specifically to women are outdated, such as the Penal Code of 1861, and many laws, regulations, and policies (including customary law) are disadvantageous and discriminatory towards women. Laws passed since 2011 often did not take women?s concerns into account and some, such as the Laws on Race & Religion, are discriminatory outright. Women also do not enjoy protection from anti-discrimination legislation or a comprehensive violence against women law, which is of particular concern for women victims of conflict-related sexual violence. Moreover, even legal and other rights that are available on paper are often not enforced due to corruption in the legal system, the police force and other governmental authorities. These failures are compounded by a judiciary that is unreliable, susceptible to military influence and corruption, and often unwilling to enforce the rule of law. Outside of the formal legal system, the application of customary laws which are prevalent in rural and ethnic areas can also impede women?s access to justice. These factors present serious obstacles to women?s ability to know or enforce their rights. It is hoped that ensuring women?s equality will be a greater focus of the new NLD-led Government that came to power in April 2016. Given the structural barriers established by the military, including those in the Constitution, reducing the power and influence of the military will be a challenge. To encourage the new Government on the path to ensuring human rights, and women?s rights, it is crucial to provide it with guidelines and signposts for action. Forums such as this CEDAW review are essential to establishing benchmarks for women?s rights and equality, as promised by CEDAW. Rights under CEDAW should be made available, without restriction or further delay, to every woman and girl in Burma, regardless of her region, religion, or ethnicity."
Source/publisher:
Women?s League of Burma
Date of publication:
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Myanmar Documents submitted to CEDAW by civil society organisations, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Women and armed conflict - Burma/Myanmar, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.73 MB
Local URL:
WLB-2016-07-CEDAW_Long-Way-To-Go-bu.pdf
WLB-2016-07-CEDAW_Long-Way-To-Go-bu.pdf more
Description/subject:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "From 1962 to 2011 in Burma, the combination of repressive rule
by a male-dominated military and a traditional cultural patriarchy had insidious and pervasive
long-term negative effects on women?s equality. Decades of repression adversely
impacted women?s health, well-being and welfare, ability to participate in politics
and political decision-making, and educational, economic and employment
opportunities. Moreover, during those six decades the military
also waged war in
several regions of Burma against various Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and
conflict continues to this day. These long-running conflicts h
ave been characterized
by human rights abuses against ethnic communities, including se
xual violence
against ethnic women, and have had a devastating negative impact on the rights and
opportunities available to ethnic women.
In 2011, the military instituted a process of reform as part of
a carefully-orchestrated
plan to continue military rule under the guise of democracy. Since this nominally-
civilian government (the Government) took power in 2011, women
in Burma have
experienced limited improvements with respect to fundamental human rights and
freedoms but are far from enjoying the rights required by the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), to which
Burma is a party. After years of ?reform,” significant economic, political and social
problems for women remain:
widespread poverty and underdevelopment; a lack of
legal, administrative and institutional capacity; a governing system that continues
to lack true accountability and transparency; ongoing ethnic conflict, including
continued human rights abuses and sexual violence by military forces; and pervasive
gender inequality. The failure, after five years in office, of
the Government to improve
women?s rights to substantive equality and non-discrimination demonstrates a
disregard for CEDAW?s mandates and compares unfavorably with troubling actions
such as continuing sexual violence by the military, the swift passage of the
discriminatory Laws on Race & Religion, and the failure to enact a comprehensive
violence against women law.
This Report focuses the women?s human rights situation in Burma?s ethnic areas, in
particular in remote and conflict affected areas where most of
WLB?s member
organisations are operating. We highlight the ways in which rural and ethnic women
in Burma are denied the equality and non-discrimination guarantees provided by
CEDAW. While all women in Burma face the same struggle to enjoy their rights
under CEDAW, rural and ethnic women face additional hurdles and
specific harms
such as trafficking, unequal access to education and healthcare, land insecurity and
the devastating impact of drug production and trade. Moreover,
rural and ethnic
women are directly implicated by armed conflict and the quest for peace. This gap
between the experiences of women in cities and urban settings versus those of ethic
women in rural areas must be understood and taken account when
analyzing the
status of women?s rights in Burma.
This Report seeks to highlight certain significant factors impeding women?s rights
throughout the country. First, the military continues to play a
powerful role in
society and politics. This deeply-entrenched power is provided, in part, by the 2008
Constitution which grants the military complete legal autonomy
over its own affairs,
placing it outside of any civilian oversight by the executive or legislative branches.
Further, the Constitution provides immunity to the military and
Government officials
for any misdeeds, including conflict-related sexual violence, in office and ensures
that all military matters are to be decided solely by the military. Other provisions,
such as Parliamentary quotas, ensure that the Military will retain a significant role
in the legislative and executive branches. Therefore, the power
and domination of
the military at all levels of government is guaranteed in the Constitution, and,
because the Military enjoys a veto over all Constitutional amendments, this power is
unlikely to be reduced in the near future.
Second, continued conflict has caused additional suffering for
ethnic and rural
women. The military has committed human rights abuses, including sexual violence
against ethnic women, as part of its offensives in ethnic areas. Part of the conflict
stems from a desire to control the vast natural resources in ethnic areas, and the
military and its cronies have long-standing and extensive business interests in
ethnic regions. Continuing conflict, and the web of military presence and business
interests in ethnic areas, has had a devastating effect on women and women?s rights,
especially in rural and ethnic areas.
Third, part of the lack of progress on women?s equality is due
to the woefully
inadequate legal system in Burma. First and foremost, the Constitution itself
establishes structural barriers to equality, and discriminates
outright against women
through failing to provide a CEDAW-compliant definition of discrimination and
limiting job opportunities for women. It also discriminates against women indirectly
by establishing the Parliamentary quotas for the military. Most
of the laws that
relate specifically to women are outdated, such as the Penal Code of 1861, and many
laws, regulations, and policies (including customary law) are disadvantageous and
discriminatory towards women. Laws passed since 2011 often did
not take women?s
concerns into account and some, such as the Laws on Race & Religion, are
discriminatory outright. Women also do not enjoy protection from anti-discrimination legislation or a comprehensive violence against
women law, which is
of particular concern for women victims of conflict-related sexual violence.
Moreover, even legal and other rights that are available on paper are often not
enforced due to corruption in the legal system, the police force and other
governmental authorities. These failures are compounded by a judiciary that is
unreliable, susceptible to military influence and corruption, and often unwilling to
enforce the rule of law. Outside of the formal legal system, the application of
customary laws which are prevalent in rural and ethnic areas can also impede
women?s access to justice. These factors present serious obstacles to women?s ability
to know or enforce their rights.
It is hoped that ensuring women?s equality will be a greater focus of the new NLD-led Government that came to power in April 2016. Given the structural barriers
established by the military, including those in the Constitution, reducing the power
and influence of the military will be a challenge. To encourage the new Government
on the path to ensuring human rights, and women?s rights, it is
crucial to provide it
with guidelines and signposts for action. Forums such as this
CEDAW review are
essential to establishing benchmarks for women?s rights and equality, as promised
by CEDAW. Rights under CEDAW should be made available, without
restriction or
further delay, to every woman and girl in Burma, regardless of
her region, religion,
or ethnicity."
Source/publisher:
Women?s League of Burma
Date of publication:
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Myanmar Documents submitted to CEDAW by civil society organisations, Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Women and armed conflict - Burma/Myanmar, Discrimination/violence against women: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.09 MB
Local URL:
WLB-2016-07-CEDAW_Long-Way-To-Go-en.pdf
WLB-2016-07-CEDAW_Long-Way-To-Go-en.pdf more
Description/subject:
The Myanmar documents are about half-way down the page. - Myanmar report, annexes etc, plus the 2 summary records from the Myanmar sessions
Source/publisher:
CEDAW
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-16
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) - UN/Myanmar documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
CONCLUSION:
"A developing country like Lao PDR is struggling to gain recognition from other countries
in the world. This requires that the country applies a human rights perspective to
governance of land. In this case the land rights are the rights of the ethnic groups in the
uplands that practice customary communal tenure. These groups would like the
government to accept and register their communal land use legally. The first step
towards this is in the development of the National Land Use Policy which is still in draft.
This study provides evidence-based arguments for the inclusion of a respect for
customary communal tenure in the land policy.
The field study on communal tenure in Houaphan can serve the government in terms of
integration of local land governance aspects into its development planning process. The
research has brought an increased understanding on biological characteristics of the
common resources and how communities use and manage such resources in a way that
everyone including how the poor share benefits and responsibilities to keep the
resource sustainable and thus contribute to the national land management process.
The research analyzed how local ethnic group farmers in Houaphan view the resources
that they have traditionally used as the property of their community. They have
communally organized institutions that provide sufficient incentives to ensure equity in
access to land and for the farmers to invest in enhancing the productivity of the
resource system through internal rules that assign rights to individual households,
while protecting the outer boundaries. These rules are oral internal rules. They are
collectively created, used and developed by generations of villagers. The internal rules
include characteristics of natural and social aspects and they support the improvement
of local life in terms of protection of the resources for future use.
The research has found that the communal tenure system in Houaphan is slowly
affected by legal land and forest management activities of the government, particularly
where the government does not integrate local practice of use and management of local
resources of local ethnic people.
Currently, many international and local business investors are looking at natural
resources in Houaphan province as business destination. Evidence-based research
result shows that it is necessary to protect the land of the ethnic groups to safeguard
against land loss to business activities which may be planned without considering
existing communal tenure. Many local communities will lose their customary rights to
their common property resources and the country will at the later stage have to address
more complicated political issues if local communities see that they are losing land to
outsiders.
The evidence-based findings of this research suggest an option that communal tenure
rights of local communities in Houaphan should be legally recognised along with
provision of clear set of management rules and the formation of the village as a legal
entity to fully exercise the management of the resources through an issuance of
communal titles to the land parcels that make up the common property of the village.
The communal tenure should include the fallows of the shifting cultivation uplands and
all the customary communal tenure of upland and lower land communities. The cultural
and social dimension of communal land use is a critical aspect to consider in order to
work out strategies for the future development of rural life in the province. This will lay
a foundation for local people to improve their social-economic condition and ensure
their participation in the country?s development process.
The study has applied selectively the theory of Thomas Højrup to form a macro view of
the country?s development process in the remote areas. As part of the interpellation
conditions highlighted by Højrup, the country is experiencing a profound process of
transformation. The Government of Laos organizes local societies and re-arranges land
and forests in order to transform a traditional subsistence economy to a market
economy.
In practice, interpellation does not always turns out successfully because many
economic development activities destroy a local practice that is worth preserving in
terms of livelihood and human rights of the communities. This happens in particular
where traditional common property systems are found and the systems that have
existed long before Lao PDR came into being.
The transformation means change and this change is a question that needs to be clearly
answered before communities agree to participate in the development process. Where
such change is proposed by outsiders, local people need to know that it brings to them
better results in comparison to what they already have. Otherwise they are reluctant to
participate in the country?s transformation process as they value their own customary
ways. This reveals that not only the country?s worldview, but also the view of local
people towards how communal resources should be managed is important for the
transformation. So far the local perceptions and practices of communal tenure is not
widely understood by government officers and the more studies that are carried out to
feed into the finalization of the land policy and new land law the better."
Luck Bounmixay
Source/publisher:
Universidad de Murcia, Escuela Internacional de Doctorado
Date of publication:
2016-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Customary tenure - global and regional
Language:
English
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
5.07 MB 9.31 MB
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Description/subject:
"Towards the end of 2015 I travelled to Myanmar and was struck by the vibrancy and beauty of a country that has gone through long periods of conflict, where the people seem to reflect an optimism and an inspirational enthusiasm for a new way of living.
Rivers are the lifeblood of Burmese society, and yet coming out of years of political and economic isolation it is perhaps not surprising that the rivers are not well researched or understood. So much of Burmese culture is tied to these big rivers for transport, food and livelihoods. Many of the people live in close contact with the rivers and have a thriving boat culture, with boats and barges of all shapes and sizes navigating hundreds of kilometers up the river.
With Myanmar opening up and development of its water resources occurring at a fast rate, there is an urgent need to understand the river situation and to ask questions of how best to manage these rivers so that they continue to provide services to a society that appears destined to grow. An issue that is already suggesting that things are not as good as they could be, is that the fish stocks that people are so dependent on, appear to be in serious decline. Why is this? Have the fish and the rivers themselves been used too much? Are the rivers polluted or are they suffering some other form of stress? What can be done to protect the fish stocks so that they continue to provide for the people of Myanmar?
It is from questions such as these that a project was born looking at the health of the rivers in Myanmar, concentrating on the lower reaches of the Ayeyarwady (Irrawaddy), a ?working river” at the heart of Myanmar?s national prosperity; and the Thanlwin (Salween), a near-pristine system with large potential for development, shared with China and Thailand..."
Chris Dickens
Source/publisher:
Consortium of International Agricultural Research Centers (CGIAR)
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-14
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"CGIAR is a global research partnership for a food-secure future. CGIAR science is dedicated to reducing poverty, enhancing food and nutrition security, and improving natural resources and ecosystem services. Its research is carried out by 15 CGIAR centers in close collaboration with hundreds of partners, including national and regional research institutes, civil society organizations, academia, development organizations and the private sector..."
Source/publisher:
CGIAR
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-10
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
SUBMISSION TO THE COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN (CEDAW)
For the Examination of the combined 4th and 5th periodic State Party Reports (CEDAW/C/MMR/4-5)
- MYANMAR -
June 2016.....RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE CEDAW COMMITTEE:
"The Committee should urge the Government of Myanmar:
* To take immediate steps to eradicate all discriminatory policies and practices against the Rohingya population;
* To combat all acts of incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence against religious and ethnic minorities, in particular against the Rohingya, condemn such acts publicly and take swift legal action against perpetrators;
* To take all necessary measures to establish the rule of law in Rakhine State, end impunity, and provide security and equal protection of the law to all, including Rohingya women;
* To engage in a confidence-building process with all communities in Rakhine State, inclusive of women, and to promote interfaith and intercommunal dialogue;
* To ensure that any Action Plan for Peace and Reconciliation in Rakhine State is in line with international human rights principles, especially those relating specifically to women...
On Citizenship and birth registration:
* To review the 1982 Citizenship Law in accordance with international standards in order to prevent and eradicate statelessness in Myanmar, to bring Myanmar law into compliance with the universally respected prohibition of racial discrimination and with Myanmar?s obligations under Article 7 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) with the intention of granting citizenship and associated rights to the Rohingyas;
* To urgently resolve the legal status of Rohingyas through a transparent process that will provide incentives to all stakeholders to participate in the process in order to grant citizenship and associated rights to the Rohingyas;
* To issue birth certificates to all Rohingya children born in Myanmar in compliance with domestic law and Myanmar?s obligations under the CRC (Article 7.1);
* To immediately register all Rohingya children by removing burdensome requirements which make it difficult to insert their names in their parents? family list.
* To abolish without delay all local orders restricting movement and marriage, and which seek to limit the number of children a family can have, orders which are exclusively applied on the Rohingya in Rakhine State...
On freedom of movement:
* To revise and repeal all orders and regulations that restrict the freedom of movement of the Rohingya;
* To lift the curfew still in place in Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships;
* To establish conditions conducive to the voluntary return of the displaced Rohingyas to their place of origin or to other places of voluntary resettlement in safety and dignity, and to ensure adequate reintegration and security...
On access to livelihood and basic services:
* To substantially improve access to quality health care and education services to Rohingya children, in IDP camps as well as in all other locations;
* To guarantee unhindered humanitarian access to all Rohingya communities in Rakhine State;
* To withdraw the Population Control Healthcare Bill in particular, as this law could result in new restrictions targeting Rohingya women as it allows authorities to impose 3-year birth spacing in any region of the country, in particular as it could further increase discrimination against Rohingya women;
* To conduct extensive teacher training among Rohingyas, including for women, and to restore access to higher education, including university education, to Rohingya students;
* To ensure access to food and eradicate malnutrition so that women and children can meet their physical and mental needs and responsibilities...
On violence against women and access to justice:
* To establish support mechanisms for women victims of all forms of violence, including sexual and gender-based abuses;
* To increase training, capacity-building and awareness-raising for all actors involved in assisting women subject to violence, including police forces, health practitioners and teachers, community volunteers and other service providers;
* To provide legal aid and effective access to justice to encourage women victims of violence to seek redress;
* To take legal action against perpetrators of sexual violence against women, and, in particular, investigate and prosecute members of State authorities committing rape and sexual harassment against Rohingya women...
On ratifying other international human rights treaties:
* To accede to the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness;
* To become a State Party to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women; and,
* To accede to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and other relevant human rights instruments."
Source/publisher:
The Arakan Project
Date of publication:
2016-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Myanmar Documents submitted to CEDAW by civil society organisations, Burmese and other stateless people in Burma, Bangladesh and India, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.3 MB
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Description/subject:
"Conclusion:
"Myanmar is at a historic crossroads where rapid land polarisation means that a major rethink is needed of how land and associated resources are regulated and for what purposes. The good news is that there is a lot of thinking about and rethinking of land policy happening both inside and outside the corridors of state; many people are putting serious time and energy into thinking about what should be done, and at least for the time being, the political space exists for previously excluded voices to weigh in and be heard.
Both the NLUP and the KNU Land Policy are positive examples of what can be achieved when policy making processes are opened up and public participation and consultation is encouraged. Both policies have shown how it is possible to acknowledge and take steps to address the fundamental concerns and aspirations voiced by real people, especially those who have been most harmed by past policy and law. Both policies, for example, have taken on board the aspirations of many IDPs and refugees who want to return to their places of origin, or at least be given a chance to explore if that possible and if so under what conditions. Both policies have also taken on board the need expressed by many to take steps at the policy level to guarantee respect for the right to land of all, especially the most vulnerable and marginal and including the customary land rights of ethnic nationalities. The KNU policy goes further by recognising the importance of addressing existing land inequality through land redistribution and recognising the possibility of preventing serious land inequality in the future through a land size ceiling.
The NLD does not yet have (or has not yet made public) a detailed land policy, but only its election manifesto, which has several weak points with regard to land related issues and was also not part of consultation process. Ironically, the NLUP adopted under the previous government is far closer to the VGGTs than the NLD election manifesto. Those hoping for change in a better direction will likely have to struggle on. The future remains uncertain especially for ethnic nationalities whose right to land and tenure rights are not recognised by current laws, for landless and near-landless rural working people, and for IDPs and refugees who wish to return.
Yet there may still be some time and cause for hope that in the future, the new NLD government will unveil a more detailed position (and take actions) on land that take on board these and other good points found in the NLUP and the KNU land policy. After all, solving the land problem is tied to the country?s prospects for peace. In the end, moving forward meaningfully in the peace process and on the land front will require an approach that puts state-led initiatives at the service of community-defined and community-led processes of negotiation and collective decision-making, and opening political space particularly at the ground level for those most affected to debate and negotiate amongst themselves their own visions of the future. This can only be done with real public consultation, where the actual needs and aspirations of those who have been most affected in the past and will be most affected in the future are finally heard and reflected in law and policy."
Jenny Franco
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2016-07-05
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-06
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Law and policy on land in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"Justice Base, with support from UN Women, led a participatory action research
project over eight months in 2014 to examine women?s access to justice in
the plural legal system of Myanmar. Situated in the constellation of various
justice studies being conducted in the country, this report places fundamental
importance on documenting women?s experiences with and perceptions of the
formal and informal legal systems.
Researchers sought to identify the formal and informal processes,
decision-makers, and institutions that play a role in resolving disputes
involving women in Myanmar. In communities with little access to government
legal institutions or where the formal system is not used or not functioning,
the project emphasised recording customary legal processes and how they
impacted women?s justice claims. The intent was not to determine which system
was ?better” or more favourable to women, but rather to illuminate the justice
obstacles and enablers in each.
This qualitative study was conducted in four geographic target areas that included
urban and semi-rural areas of Chin State, Mon State, Kachin State and the city
of Yangon. Local research teams used focus group discussions, key informant
interviews and participatory mapping activities to collect information from over
400 community members, legal practitioners, local administrators and other key
stakeholders. Consultations and data validation sessions were iteratively held
with partner organisations to further ensure that women and peer groups could
articulate their positions and preferred strategies for improving their access to
justice.
The project did not focus on specified thematic issues (for example, land rights or
domestic violence), but rather provided a broad space for women and men from
target communities to self-identify what they saw as women?s most pressing
legal concerns. Research participants identified domestic violence, sexual assault
and traditional inheritance practices as the most prevalent injustices women
faced. Women also described these issues as the least likely to be submitted for
adjudication by formal or informal legal mechanisms. The avoidance of justice
systems in response to these events was explained in part by several women and
men respondents who defined family matters ? those between a husband and
wife or parents and children ? as situated outside the jurisdiction of law..."
Source/publisher:
Justice Base, UN Women
Date of publication:
2016-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-05
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Legal Pluralism - Burma/Myanmar-specific, Reports about women of Burma by national, regional and international NGOs, Laws and decrees related to women (commentary)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.48 MB
more
Description/subject:
Executive summary:
"In January 2016 the government adopted a National Land Use Policy, which included the recognition
of customary land management practices. While this is a welcome first step in the necessary
integration of Burma?s customary land management systems with the national-level system,
there is an urgent need for constitutional reform and devolution of land management powers
prior to any such integration.
This report by the Ethnic Community Development Forum (ECDF) presents how Burma?s diverse
customary land management systems in seven ethnic communities are structured, and
provides ideas for how these systems could be supported and potentially integrated into a future
devolved federal national land management system.
Customary land management systems have co-existed with the national land management system
in Burma for centuries.
The national land management system is highly centralized and has facilitated widespread
land grabbing for natural resource extraction and agribusiness projects, resulting in loss of livelihoods
and environmental degradation throughout the country. Updated Land Laws adopted
in 2012 were based on poorly defined land classification and despite some democratic reforms,
the military maintains a central role in land management through the General Administration
Department. Upland agricultural lands ? mainly tilled by ethnic nationalities practicing shifting
cultivation ? are defined by law as either forest lands or as vacant, virgin and fallow lands. Lands
defined as ?vacant, virgin and fallow” are particularly problematic as these are designated for
?State Economic Development” and contracted to extractive industries, agribusiness and infrastructure
development projects.
Customary land management systems have operated independently of the national government
since colonial days and independence, due to lack of government access into remote ethnic
areas and decades of civil war. In recent years, ethnic resistance governments in Karen and Mon
States have developed their own land registration and management systems in order to protect
the land rights and interests of ethnic farmers in areas governed by these ethnic governments.
These systems, in contrast to the national land management systems, are decentralized and have
evolved/adapted to local situations and needs, prioritizing sustainable livelihoods and environmental
protection.
The ECDF has conducted grassroots participatory research and issued publications on customary
land systems in Burma?s ethnic states since 2014. This has included: conducting a household
survey in 26 townships; commissioning a report on international experiences with customary
land management systems; and facilitating participatory community research in order to document
the land management systems in seven ethnic villages located in six states. Summary findings
of this research include:
a) Customary practices have been passed on for many generations and have sustained
strong connections between villagers and their lands:
Communities that are practicing customary land management have been living on their lands
for many generations, passing their lands and traditions onto their children and grandchildren.
Community members regard land as more than just a commodity which has no spiritual connection
to the nature that has produced these resources. The administrative and cultural institutions
that have arisen among ethnic groups over numerous generations of living on their lands are tied
closely to the geographic features of their lands, as well as the experiences about how to best
conserve surrounding natural resources in order to survive and prosper. Everyday customs and
traditions, including the roles of those governing customary lands, are woven into the natural
environment where communities are based and the corresponding worldview that community
members have received from their ancestors.
b) Customary practices provide sustainable environmental protection:
Nearly all communities practicing customary land management reside in forests, and therefore
are dependent upon the health of these forest lands for their survival and livelihoods. Customary
communities have developed land use rules and regulations which have allowed sustainable use
of the forest for food, shelter and medicine without endangering long-term ecological health.
Villagers also preserve their natural resources by respecting the spirits of the trees, lakes, water
resources, animals and lands on ?auspicious? days each year and through composing stories and
poems in order to teach the new generations about protecting the community?s natural resources.
Customary Land communities have established a number of land use zones (community forests,
protected forests, reserved forests, use forests, watersheds, conservation areas and wildlife
conservation zones) ? each with explicit rules that regulate the use of the lands and natural resources.
There is a wide range of classifi cations for these conservation areas.
c) Customary practices provide self-reliant and ecologically sustainable livelihoods:
A vast majority of community needs are produced or collected from local lands, forests and waters.
Apart from organized production of foods ? through lowland and hillside agriculture as well
as livestock breeding ? forest resources provide supplementary foods (wild fruits, vegetables
and animals); materials for housing and clothes; and herbal medicines. These communities have
regulations that prioritize ecologically sustainable, equitable and needs-based production rather
than extraction for sales and profit.
d) Customary practices provide local communities with eff ective decentralized and participatory
governance and judiciary systems:
Governance, judiciary and administrative systems exist in the communities that have evolved
over generations and are both participatory and resilient. Community members view the rules
and regulations as their own, and therefore adhere to them much more closely than a set of
regulations imposed upon them by outsiders. Elected village committees (including specific
committees for land, water and forest management) update, arbitrate and enforce village land
regulations. Important decisions are made with the participation of a majority of the villagers.
Customary land management systems are holistic and incorporate all lands, waterways and forests
within specified village boundaries.
Customary land management structures and policies have been integrated nationally in countries
on every continent. International institutions ? including the World Bank ? have stated the effectiveness
and effi ciency advantages of communal and customary tenure over formal individual
titles. The World Bank has also urged caution about state-led intervention in land tenure systems,
suggesting building on existing systems.
Protection and recognition of ethnic customary land management systems is an important component
in achieving sustainable peace and must be enshrined in a future federal constitution
and decentralized legal framework ? one example of this is outlined at the end of this report. In
order to protect these lands and systems until peace accords, constitutional amendments and new
land legislation formalizing these systems have been fi nalized, there should be a moratorium
on land acquisition in areas where customary land management systems are being implemented
or were implemented before displacement due to armed conflicts."
Source/publisher:
Ethnic Community Development Forum
Date of publication:
2016-07-05
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-05
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Law and policy on land in Burma/Myanmar, Customary tenure (Myanmar), Legal Pluralism - Burma/Myanmar-specific, Customary laws related to land, Laws, decrees, bills and regulations relating to land, property and planning (commentary)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
9.08 MB
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