Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma

expand all
collapse all

Individual Documents

Title: Released American journalist says Myanmar military using torture to hunt down opposition leaders
Description: "Myanmar's military junta is using torture to extract information from detainees on the whereabouts of senior opposition members and activist leaders, according to an American citizen and journalist who was recently released from a Yangon prison. Nathan Maung, 44, was detained for more than three months in Myanmar before being deported to the United States on June 15. During that time, he said he endured two weeks in a secretive military-run interrogation center in the country's biggest city Yangon. Speaking to CNN Business on Wednesday from Washington, DC, Nathan Maung described his time in the facility as "hell" and said he prepared himself to die there, believing the soldiers would kill him. He is one of more than 6,200 people arrested since Myanmar's military, led by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, seized power in a coup on February 1, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The military overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and embarked on a bloody crackdown on dissent and on any perceived opposition to its rule. Mass street protests have been suppressed with deadly force. Former inmates, lawyers and family members of those held have previously told CNN the detainees have been subjected to torture during interrogation and held out of contact from loved ones. Some — including members of the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) Party — have died while in custody, their bodies showing signs of brutal torture. CNN Business has reached out to Myanmar's military for comment. Despite months of escalating violence, the junta has said it is using restraint against what it called "riotous protesters," who it accuses of attacking police and harming national security and stability. Nathan Maung is co-founder and editor in chief of the Myanmar online news site Kamayut Media. He was arrested on March 9 alongside co-founder and news producer Hanthar Nyein, 39, as security forces raided their office. Though now living in the United States, Nathan Maung said he is "not happy" and feels an overwhelming guilt he was released because of his American citizenship, while his friend and colleague Hanthar Nyein, a Myanmar national, remains incarcerated in the notorious Insein Prison. "We've been through the hell together. So, we should be released together," Nathan Maung said, his voice cracking with emotion. "I really want him to know that we are not forgetting him. He's not alone." Danny Fenster, another American journalist who was prevented from boarding a flight out of Myanmar on May 24, remains in detention, also in Insein Prison. Weeks of 'hell' Nathan Maung knew something was wrong when a convoy of military trucks full of soldiers pulled up outside Kamayut Media's office in Yangon. Security forces barged through the door and raided the office, seizing equipment and taking Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein with them as they left. "They sent us to the interrogation center in Mingaladon," he said, referring to a suburb of Yangon. There, Nathan Maung said they were beaten, denied water for two days and food for three. They were handcuffed and blindfolded nearly the entire two weeks they were there, he said. "They started with a blindfold and handcuffs and then started questioning. They kicked our face, hands and shoulder, all the time. For every answer, they beat us. Whatever we answered — whether correctly or incorrectly — they beat us. For three days, non-stop," he said. Nathan Maung said the facility had five houses and one big office. Within the buildings, he said, there were four interrogation cells. He said his blindfold was removed on his final day there so he got a look at the room and the buildings. "In the room there is a CCTV camera, there's no bed, only a small table and a chair so you sit all day and night," he said. "You are blindfolded and there is no time to sleep. They won't let you. They put the handcuffs in front so you can try and sleep like that, but every five minutes they show up and start the questioning." This torture carried on for eight days, during which the detainees would be moved between the houses and cells. His colleague Hanthar Nyein bore the brunt of the torture, Nathan Maung said. "Hanthar was badly treated because he was Burmese national. He had to kneel down on the ground for like two days. His skin was burnt with a cigarette," he said. Nathan Maung believes the soldiers were pressuring Hanthar Nyein to hand over his phone password, which would give them access to his encrypted communications and phone records with high profile opposition and activist leaders. For days, Hanthar Nyein held out from revealing the password, offering them false numbers in the hope his phone would automatically lock anyone out of using it. But the final straw came when the guards threatened to rape him. "Hanthar couldn't stand for this and so he surrendered his password and they stopped beating," Nathan Maung said. Nathan Maung's phone broke during the arrest. The beatings stopped for him on the fourth day, he said, when the soldiers discovered he was a US citizen. "They stopped beating me and started asking questions about why the US government sent me and were giving me US funding, if I was working for the CIA — those kind of stupid questions," he said. "I said no, I'm a journalist, no one gave me money." So, the line of interrogation focused instead on his media company Kamayut Media. He said the soldiers asked about budgets and finances. "They are looking for any fundraising or where we got it," he said..."
Source/publisher: CNN Business
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-29
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 28 June 2021)
Description: "As of 28 June, (883) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 28, a total of (5202) people are currently under detention; of them (221) are sentenced. 1966 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Zaw Moe Naing, a policeman of Pauk Myoma Police Station of Pakokku District of Magway Region, and Naing Naing Toe a.k.a Yan Naing Toe, a policeman of Min Ywa Police Outpost in Gangaw Township, who are involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), were beaten and arrested on June 26 by the terrorist junta. On June 24, Pe Tin, a protest leader and NLD member of Kokkar Village of Gangaw Township in Magway Region, was arrested at home by junta troops because of a military informer. At Mogok Township in Mandalay Region, a wife and two daughters including four years old daughter of protest leader Soe Htay were arrested as hostage on June 13 when the junta did not find Soe Htay. They are currently detained at the Mogok Detention Center. An arrest warrant has been issued against Soe Htay. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 4.71 MB 1.03 MB
more
Title: Mental Health in Myanmar: Challenges Pre- and Post- Coup
Description: "Before the coup, mental health was a neglected issue in Myanmar. Now, the situation is even worse. In this article, I look at the financial, legislative, structural and cultural challenges that have limited the provision of mental health services in Myanmar in the past – and how the coup continues to create shocks within this landscape. Mental health in Myanmar is a critical issue. It is an unstable country, both in terms of political and economic factors. Decades of protracted conflict – the longest-running civil war in the world – combined, more recently with the economic impact of COVID-19, which according to a study in October 2020, saw the proportion of the population living in poverty rising from 16% to 63% over the past 8 months. Moreover, since the February 2021 coup, violent crackdowns have already had, and will continue to have, a significant impact on citizens’ mental wellbeing. Senior UN officials warn of an ‘impending humanitarian crisis’ and have also argued that ‘Myanmar is spiralling into becoming something like a failed state’ with ‘potentially massive humanitarian ramifications’. As Myanmar continues to exhibit more characteristics of a failed state, there will be serious ramifications for its population’s mental wellbeing. These ramifications can be seen in other conflict afflicted countries. According to a global WHO synthesis of 129 studies done in numerous conflict-affected contexts, ‘one in five people in conflict-affected populations have mental health conditions’. Conditions identified among these populations include depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, bipolar disorder, and schizophrenia. The report concludes that, ‘given the large numbers of people in need and the humanitarian imperative to reduce suffering, there is an urgent need to implement scalable mental health interventions to address this burden.’ In Myanmar, the mental health burden is being placed on an extremely strained system. A 2019 HelpAge International study further demonstrated the seriousness of mental health issues in Myanmar with the following findings: legally, ‘There is, [effectively], no mental health policy in Myanmar; preventing access to professional support through the primary healthcare system.’ While, as we shall see, some care is given through the private sector, this is limited in scope. Regarding state mental health provision, including funding, staff and infrastructure, the HelpAge study found that ‘staff are not adequately trained and there is little infrastructure to facilitate these services, particularly in rural areas’. As we shall see, much of this stems from a chronic lack of sufficient funding. Finally, the study pointed out that stigma and cultural understanding are also key issues: ‘while there is no data in Myanmar on how stigma impacts mental health, studies from other, similar countries suggest it has serious consequences.’ Going forward, the key challenges facing Myanmar’s mental health landscape are a lack of legislative support, a lack of funding, and misunderstandings about the nature of mental health. I shall explore these issues below..... Legislation and funding: Myanmar’s mental health legislation is outdated, to say the least. The nation’s mental health policy — I’m not making this up — is legislated by The Lunacy Act, dating from 1912. Violate this law at your peril – you’ll face a fine of 50 Indian rupees – a currency that has been obsolete since 1952. That Myanmar’s current mental health law focuses on criminalising ‘lunatics’ who pose a danger to society through incarceration at asylums goes a long way to explain the stigma that mental health currently has in the country, as we shall see later. To give an interesting parallel example, The Lunacy Act was also used in India, yet was replaced in 1987 by the Mental Health Act (where, among other changes, lunatics were referred to as mentally ill persons, and asylums as psychiatric hospitals), and then again in 2017 by the Mental Healthcare Act, which explicitly stated the need to implement ‘programmes to reduce stigma associated with mental illness’, along with more generally empowering those affected by mental health issues – which it was felt that the 1987 act failed to do. In Myanmar, a new bill has ‘been discussed by relevant ministries and agencies [The Ministry of Health and the WHO] since 2013 but has not reached parliament,’ according to the Myanmar Times. Myanmar’s mental health landscape is also shaped by its Mental Health Policy, which is part of its National Health Policy. Last revised in 2006, the National Health Policy sees 0.3%of total health care expenditures spent on mental health, versus a global median of 2% – in other words, mental health in Myanmar is woefully underfunded. Especially once you consider that up until 2012, Myanmar had one of the lowest rates of healthcare spending in the world. While spending since then has risen significantly, Myanmar’s national healthcare expenditure as a percentage of GDP is the lowest in the ASEAN region, and outside of Africa, remains one of the lowest in the world. Furthermore, one has to keep in mind how badly funded and managed healthcare was in Myanmar for so many years. According to DFID: ‘even with the increase, a much larger injection of funds is necessary to reverse decades of neglect and mismanagement.’ How the ongoing Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and the junta’s approach to healthcare governance will affect the healthcare system is yet to be seen, though it the impact of these shocks is unlikely to be positive. As we have seen, military rule in the past has coincided with chronic government underspending on healthcare, and their recent behaviour against any health workers who are deemed to be threatening the stability of the government does not bode well. As of early May, at least 97 healthcare workers have been arrested and 10 killed since the coup, while arrest warrants have been issued for 400 health workers participating in CDM. Thousands continue to strike, bringing the country’s public health system – which accounts for 80% of the hospitals and clinics in the country – to its knees. Striking doctors have set up their own clandestine clinics, yet these are overloaded and face the risk of arrest if discovered. ‘The public health system is near collapse,’ Dr Mitchell Sangma, who is on the ground for humanitarian organisation Medicins San Frontiers told the BBC. “It’s a grim situation”. Those who cannot afford private care, simply are going without any healthcare. Though no research is currently available, given how limited the public provision of mental health support is at the best of times, now, when even life-saving care is unavailable, it must be close to non-existent..... (Mis)understandings of mental health: Public understandings of mental health are also an issue of concern. I recently spoke to Nay Chi Soe (pseudonym), a student who graduated with a BA in Psychology from East Yangon University a few years ago, about mental health. Two things stood out. Firstly, how unpopular the course was: of approximately 4,000 students who graduated from the university in her year, she had three other course mates. It was the least popular course in her year. Even Library and Information Studies had around 10 students, while more popular courses such as Engineering and Law had hundreds of graduates. The second thing that stood out from our conversation was the reaction from friends, extended family members and even fellow students when she told them what she studied; ‘Oh do you want to go to a Ywa Thar Gyii?’ (Yangon mental hospital).’ ‘So can you tell me, were the crows black or white originally?’ (a Burmese equivalent of whether the chicken or the egg came first). These comments go some way to show how misunderstood the subject is. Indeed the crow comment is a philosophical question: the chicken/egg or white crow/black crow is a philosophical paradox about the nature of causality that has nothing to do with psychology at all. And even when people don’t confuse psychology with another subject, they tend to associate psychology with extreme mental illness. The subject is deeply misunderstood..... Promising signs: There are, however, more promising signs, most notably in the private sector provision of mental health. One of the most active groups in the mental health field in Myanmar is the Yangon-based, UNFPA-funded Mental Health Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) Working Group, which has half a dozen suppliers in its list of available services. Aung Min Thein, the founder of Counselling Corner, a private mental health CSO based in Yangon, explained how they address the problems facing the provision of mental health services in Myanmar. According to him, ‘we have found that Myanmar people are not very familiar with counselling and generally don’t want to burden the system. This is the result of two main factors, the lack of information and stigma that mental health currently has in the country, and arr nar dal – the feeling of not wanting to impose oneself. It is therefore vital that we take a pro-active approach to mental health provision – while passive techniques have an important role to play, real results require real and meaningful interaction between the target groups and mental healthcare professionals. We have found that interactive workshops offer the best environment for therapy as they encourage people to talk freely in small groups about themselves – often realising that they share the same emotions, feelings and experiences..... Mental health in the wake of the coup: Looking forward, addressing these financial, legislative, structural, and cultural changes will take time, particularly given the current political situation. The junta government has made it clear that it will not accept any criticism of its rule, which causes a problem for any mental health campaign. While mental health was certainly an issue in Myanmar before, it is an issue that has wholly been exacerbated by the military coup and the subsequent, and ongoing, destruction that has followed. Even for those who have not directly experienced extreme traumatic experiences (like being imprisoned, physically attacked etc.), anyone with a Facebook account will have been exposed to content that poses severe mental health risks. Factor in stresses related to the severe economic implications of the coup, such as mass unemployment and financial insecurity, may also act as triggers on top of the previous existing challenges caused by Covid-19, past traumas, or even the normal difficulties in a person’s life. The coup puts mental health at an impasse: many of the mental health issues people will be experiencing will be caused directly by the coup, yet any treatment likely cannot explore these issues or place any blame, lest they run the risk of censorship – or worse. However, as Aung Min Thein tells me, the importance of therapy is not about placing the blame on somebody or something, rather about working on one’s own issues. His approach is to focus on the feelings of the individuals rather than the stimuli that caused them. This strategy does not legitimise the coup, but rather a recognition that the resilience people require to resist the regime depends on their mental wellbeing. While the situation seems bleak, the first step at least is clear: we need to deal with the stigma associated with mental health in Myanmar, and to help people realise that asking for mental health support is both completely normal and healthy. Only then can mental health issues in Myanmar be truly addressed..... Resources: A number of both national and international volunteer-based counselling groups have sprung up since the coup. Readers may also refer to MHPSS’s list of available services. Charlie moved to Yangon in 2014 to work at UNODC. After winning the war on drugs, he worked at BRAC. Then he realised he didn’t like working for INGOs and started running music events. Fast-forward 2 years, he started a record label with local artists. Now, he works with celebrities and influencers in social media campaigns that communicate socially beneficial messages. He speaks pretty good Burmese. He also runs a watch company. Charlie has written on Microfinance and the Ultra-poor, the War on Drugs , Suu Kyi and Islamophobia, and the hip hop scene in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Taking Aim at the Tatmadaw: The New Armed Resistance to Myanmar’s Coup
Sub-title: Across Myanmar, militias are forming to counter deadly repression of demonstrations against the 1 February coup. In response, the military has deliberately targeted civilians, displacing tens of thousands. Outside actors should press the regime to respect international law and allow humanitarian aid to the displaced.
Description: "What’s new? Following Myanmar’s 1 February coup, newly organised militias have launched attacks in several parts of the country in response to regime killings of demonstrators. These lightly armed bands have inflicted significant casualties on the security forces, who have struck back with heavy weapons and bombardment of residential areas. Why does it matter? The regime’s heavy-handed, indiscriminate retaliation has displaced tens of thousands of men, women and children. Local networks and humanitarian agencies are unable to adequately assist these people, due to security and access restrictions, including military arrests, confiscation of supplies, and killings of those trying to deliver aid. What should be done? International actors – including in the UN Security Council – should press Myanmar’s regime to respect its legal obligations regarding the principles of proportionality and distinction, which its counter-insurgency strategy deliberately violates, and allow humanitarian access to all displaced people. Newly created militias must also refrain from abuses, particularly killing detainees..." I. Overview The Myanmar junta’s crackdown on protesters and the broader civilian population after the 1 February coup d’état has triggered violent resistance, including the formation of militias in parts of the country. Some such militias, armed with hunting rifles and other makeshift weapons, have used their numbers and knowledge of local terrain to inflict serious casualties on Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw. Security forces have responded with indiscriminate attacks on populated areas, using artillery, airstrikes and helicopter gunships. Tens of thousands of men, women and children have fled to the forest, with the regime blocking relief from reaching them. The Tatmadaw must meet its international obligations to respect the proportional use of force, distinguish between combatants and civilians, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access to those displaced. Outside actors have a responsibility, including in the UN Security Council, to ensure the regime faces consequences for international law violations. The militias, for their part, should not take the Tatmadaw’s grave abuses as an excuse to commit their own. Citizens in many parts of Myanmar watched in dismay as the regime unleashed deadly violence against protesters and residents in major cities from late February. Determined to continue demonstrating against the coup, but also concerned that they faced the same threat from security forces, they began forming militias to defend themselves. Such groups have emerged in several areas of the country, responding to the security forces’ attacks with determined campaigns of armed resistance. They have been most effective in places with existing militias or ethnic armed groups, or strong traditions of hunting – where many men have access to weapons and know the terrain intimately. Many of these areas have seen no active conflict in years or decades, meaning the Tatmadaw has little established military and intelligence capability there. With ground troops proving to be easy targets for ambushes, [the military] has unleashed long-range artillery, airstrikes and airborne assaults on populated areas. Facing rising casualties, the military has responded with overwhelming force. With ground troops proving to be easy targets for ambushes, it has unleashed long-range artillery, airstrikes and airborne assaults on populated areas, such as the towns of Mindat (in Chin State) and Demoso (in Kayah State). The Tatmadaw is using its long-established “four cuts” counter-insurgency strategy in these areas, a cruel approach that deliberately targets civilians in an effort to deprive insurgents of food, funds, recruits and intelligence on troop movements (hence the four cuts). Attacks on populated areas are an integral part of this strategy, along with the looting of food stores and denial of relief supplies, in clear violation of international humanitarian law. The fast emergence of these militias, and their capacity to evolve from loosely coordinated groups of local people into more structured, better armed and sustainably funded forces, likely marks a new phase of Myanmar’s decades-old civil war. Given the deep grievances in areas such as Chin and Kayah States – about the coup, but also over decades of neglect, ethnic discrimination and denial of rights – these militias are unlikely to simply disband or quickly fade away. They constitute new fronts for the Tatmadaw, which will probably keep blindly lashing out at civilians, as it has done repeatedly in the past when fighting many of the country’s ethnic armed groups. While these militias generally express support for the National Unity Government (NUG), the civilian body that has emerged to contest the junta’s claim to rule, they are not under its command or control. In a context of national economic collapse and local penury, these new militias will have privileged access to resources and rent-seeking opportunities, such as other armed actors in the political economy of Myanmar’s conflict have long secured. Experience from other parts of the country shows that such groups can provide protection for residents but can also become a source of insecurity for them, as well as an economic burden. Addressing these conflict dynamics and their impact on non-combatants is difficult without a return to more democratic and accountable civilian government, which the regime appears determined to prevent. Nevertheless, some steps can be taken now that would help meaningfully improve the situation: The Tatmadaw must cease attacks on civilians in line with its international legal obligation to respect the principles of proportionality and distinction. The security forces must also stop impeding humanitarian access to displaced populations. Outside actors should do what they can to ensure that the regime is held accountable for its violations of international law. UN Security Council members inclined to act could request that the UN secretary-general report in more detail on the extent of violence and any obstruction of aid in Myanmar, thus ensuring that the Council discusses these issues. All countries should stop the supply of weapons to the regime. Humanitarian agencies and donors should use all available channels to press the regime for timely access to displaced people. Asian countries, which are likely to have the most influence, should also advocate for expeditious humanitarian aid as a matter of priority. The militias likewise have an obligation to refrain from committing abuses, including killing of detainees and attacks on civilians and civilian property. All parts of the resistance must refrain in particular from targeting schools and medical facilities. Even if it does not have command and control of these groups, the NUG should take steps to strengthen and further disseminate its military code of conduct, continue to publicly signal the priority it gives to this code and press all elements of the resistance to adhere to the provisions. II. Opposition to the Coup Takes a Revolutionary Turn The military regime has responded to the anti-coup resistance with extreme violence, killing more than 870 people and detaining more than 6,000. The dead include protesters – many of whom were shot in the head – bystanders, random civilians shot in their houses and others tortured during interrogations. The crackdown has been effective in clearing the streets of the mass protests seen in the coup’s immediate aftermath, but it has provoked greater anger toward the regime. Mass protests have been replaced with flash mobs, which disperse before security forces can intervene, and strikes, boycotts and other forms of civil disobedience continue on a large scale. The anti-regime resistance as a whole is diverse, organic and organised locally by professional groups (such as medical workers, engineers and teachers), pre-existing civil society networks, labour unions and others. Some of the members of parliament elected in the November 2020 polls, who were due to take their seats on the day of the coup, have come together to form a legislative body, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH). It is composed mainly of members of Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) who are now in hiding, either in areas of the country controlled by ethnic armed groups or in exile. On 16 April, the CRPH established an executive body, the National Unity Government, with a diverse ethnic composition, especially at the deputy minister level. The resistance has taken on an increasingly revolutionary character, with most dissidents no longer aiming for restoration of the status quo ante, but for the Tatmadaw’s disbandment and its replacement by a new armed force that is not dominated by the Burman ethnic majority. The CRPH/NUG has articulated its wish to create a “federal army”, under civilian control, with a more diverse ethnic composition and without the Tatmadaw’s institutional culture of violence against civilians. On 1 March, the CRPH went as far as to declare the regime a terrorist group, and the NUG did the same on 7 June. This revolutionary agenda requires the Tatmadaw’s defeat or capitulation. The NUG first endorsed violent self-defence on 14 March and then announced the formation of its own armed wing, the People’s Defence Force (PDF), on 5 May. This step represents a decisive break with the policy of non-violence that the NLD adopted in its long years of opposition to military rule (1988-2011), which was a defining principle espoused by Aung San Suu Kyi herself. The regime responded on 8 May by declaring the CRPH, NUG and PDF to be “terrorist groups” under the Counter-terrorism Law. The PDF is still a work in progress, with an aspirational structure on paper. Some young people, whom the NUG hopes to bring under its command, are being trained by ethnic fighters and some Tatmadaw deserters in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups. So far, three separate strands have emerged in the efforts at armed resistance: First, the NUG attempted to convince existing ethnic armed organisations in Myanmar to join forces to fight the Tatmadaw under the banner of a new federal army. While several armed groups have expressed their support for the resistance and NUG, and in some cases provided sanctuary to fleeing dissidents, none has so far been willing to enter into a military alliance. Secondly, the NUG announced the PDF, a tacit acknowledgement that it had been unable to form an alliance with ethnic armed groups and would instead form its own fighting force de novo. The challenges involved are enormous, however. The NUG does not control territory, and it is unlikely that ethnic armed groups would allow it to operate autonomously from places they control – for chain-of-command reasons, and because of likely regime retaliation; the Kachin Independence Organisation, for instance, has already said it will not do so. Al­though ethnic armed groups are providing military training to hundreds of young dissidents who have fled to areas under their control for sanctuary, these groups are not organised by the NUG and are not under its command, although they may share its objectives. Thirdly, locally organised militias have been forming spontaneously in many places across Myanmar, in response to Tatmadaw violence. Groups such as the Chinland Defence Force (in Chin State), Kalay Civil Army (in Sagaing Region) and Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (in Kayah State) have clashed with the security forces – both repelling Tatmadaw attacks and going on the offensive to take control of towns or rural areas. The NUG’s announcement of the PDF was intended in part to unify these various local groups under its umbrella. But while many of them are supportive of the NUG and some have pledged allegiance to it, they are not under its command. Some of the largest groups have had no contact at all with the NUG (see Section III.C below). In addition to organised militias, networks of civilians have responded to the regime’s use of brutal violence with asymmetric attacks on government and other targets in Yangon, Mandalay and elsewhere – including with improvised explosive devices, arson and killings of administrative officials and suspected regime informants. These networks include some people who have been trained in ethnic armed group areas and have subsequently returned to the cities. Since early April, there have been hundreds of explosions in various parts of the country, with the largest concentration in Yangon. Bomb and arson attacks have struck educational institutions, local administration offices, the homes of regime-appointed officials, police and military personnel and installations, and banks. Schools have been particularly hard-hit, with dozens across the country targeted in an apparent effort to deter parents from registering their children ahead of the new school year starting 1 June, which anti-coup forces have called upon the population to boycott. On 26 May, the NUG issued a set of ethical rules for resistance forces, inter alia prohibiting attacks on schools, medical facilities and other civilian targets. Since then, attacks on schools have declined but not stopped. III. The New Armed Resistance As the regime began to use increasingly deadly violence against protesters and the broader civilian population from late February, city residents began to take measures to protect themselves from the security forces and deter their night-time raids. They barricaded access roads, appointed nightwatchmen to give early warning of the security forces’ incursions and formed defence groups made up of mostly young men and women armed with makeshift weapons and shields. As the military deployed front-line troops to force residents of Yangon, Mandalay and other towns to remove these roadblocks over the month of March, many members of these improvised defence forces either went underground or fled to ethnic armed group-controlled areas seeking weapons and training. Some of these underground cells, and networks of people who have now returned to the cities after receiving limited training, have begun carrying out opportunistic attacks, including bombings. In other parts of the country, the situation has evolved differently. With the regime focused on quashing dissent in the main cities, people in many provincial towns and rural areas were able to continue demonstrating without facing violent crackdowns. As they saw the death toll mounting in other areas, however, some of these communities began organising themselves to resist the security forces. When protesters began to be arrested or shot in their areas, they were ready to retaliate. A. The Battle for Mindat On 4 April, resistance cells from all nine townships of Chin State came together to form the Chinland Defence Force (CDF). Located in the country’s north west, bordering India, the mountainous state is Myanmar’s poorest. On 24 April, CDF members in the southern town of Mindat clashed with the security forces for the first time, after officers refused to release seven people, three men and four women, detained for putting up anti-regime stickers in town. Residents said the detentions violated an informal agreement between security forces and the townspeople that troops would take no action against protesters as long as they remained peaceful. Protesters had gathered in the town centre to demand the detainees’ release, and when a police officer fired into the crowd, the defence force retaliated, reportedly shooting dead three members of the security forces. The situation escalated rapidly from there. The army attempted to bring in troops by road to reinforce the overwhelmed local battalion in Mindat. On 26 and 27 April, CDF fighters ambushed military convoys on the roads leading to the town, reportedly killing more than 30 troops, destroying army trucks and looting weapons. Although the CDF fighters were only lightly armed with traditional flintlock rifles, they were experienced at using these for hunting, had intimate knowledge of the terrain and outnumbered their targets – amassing hundreds of fighters to strike the convoys. Seemingly taken aback by the level of resistance it was facing, on 27 April the military initially tried to negotiate with Mindat town elders, seeking an agreement that attacks on troops would end in return for the release of detained demonstrators; the truce broke down after a few hours when the security forces failed to release all the seven detainees. Further negotiations were held on 1 May and 9 May, aiming to reach agreement on the withdrawal of fighters from both sides from the downtown area, the withdrawal of troops from outside medical facilities and banks, permission for CDF fighters to return home with no retaliation, and the release of five remaining detainees. Discussions broke down on 12 May, with the military still refusing to release one of the detainees. The military was able, however, to negotiate safe passage for a convoy of troops through Mindat, on 7 May, in order to resupply its bases in Paletwa township further south. Paletwa had been the site of some of the most intense conflict between government forces and the Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine rebel force, from January 2019 until the informal ceasefire in November 2020. Chin people were caught in the crossfire of that conflict, and were at times targeted by the Arakan Army, so the CDF may have had some interest in allowing the convoy to proceed. After negotiations collapsed on 12 May, CDF fighters attacked soldiers posted outside a bank in the downtown area. The following day, the regime declared martial law in Mindat and began shelling the town. On 13 and 14 May, the military sent two convoys of reinforcements, which were again ambushed by the CDF. Tatmadaw troops fled, and CDF fighters seized large quantities of weapons from the trucks before destroying nine of them. With the CDF controlling all roads into Mindat, on 15 May the military launched an airborne offensive, first shelling the town, then flying in several hundred troops by helicopter to seize control. The CDF retreated into the surrounding hills, and most townspeople also fled; thousands remain in makeshift settlements in the forest. The military now controls the town, but clashes continue in the surrounding areas, including Tatmadaw attacks in areas that civilians have fled to. The CDF told Crisis Group it is regrouping and preparing for new attacks, but in order to protect civilians, it will no longer base itself in urban areas..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-28
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.16 MB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 27 June 2021)
Description: "As of 27 June, (883) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kale Township and Monywa Township in Sagaing Region were killed on the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 27, a total of (5183) people are currently under detention; of them (221) are sentenced. 1966 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Zaw Htet, was arrested with his father in the evening of June 25 at Kale Township in Sagaing Region by junta troops, his family was informed on June 26 he died from COVID-19. Zaw Htet was in good health, he was killed from torture according to his friends. On June 25 at 9 pm, Naing Win Oo was shot dead by the terrorist junta without question while he went back to collect a garage key he had forgotten. In the evening of June 26, Saw Pyae Chan Thar, a reporter from Sagaing City, was arrested by junta troops. On the night of June 25, San Lwin, an engineer, and his son Linn Latt Aung were arrested and beaten on the false information they were carrying explosive materials. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 4.67 MB 999.56 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (3-9 MAY 2021)
Description: "The pro-democracy protests continued across the country in different townships despite the continuing lethal attacks by the junta forces and arrested of protests and the youth. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) figures showed that as of 9 May, 780 people have been killed by the junta, 3,826 are currently under detention while 84 were sentenced. 1,540 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment. The military junta also said that it would not agree to a visit by a Southeast Asian envoy until it could establish stability. Maj. Kaung Htet San, a spokesperson for the junta’s State Administration Council said in an online news conference: "Whether we will follow the suggestions of ASEAN or not will depend on the situation of the country." Explosions and killings have been reported in several states and regions including Yangon in the past week while growing numbers of clashes between the military and the civilian defense forces are also reported in Chin State state, Magway and Sagaing regions. Four administrators appointed by the junta were killed in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing regions, while a NLD MP and four other people were killed in the explosion of a parcel bomb in Bago region. Local media also reported the fighting between the military and the KNLA and KIA in Kachin and Kayah States and the military air raids in those areas left dozens of civilians injured. It is also reported more than 7,000 people in Papun district in Karen State are hiding as their villages are being attacked while more than 3,000 fled into Thailand. People of Salween River Basin Network, a civil rights group based in Mae Hong Son, urged the Thai government not to push the refugees back. The CSOs also repeatedly requested humanitarian organisations and relief agencies to take part in the distribution. In addition, more than 200 local and the international NGOs called on the UN to impose Myanmar arms embargo. The junta also banned three media outlets including Myitkyina Journal, The 74 Media based in Kachin state and Tachileik News Agency from Shan state, totaling up to 8 abolished media outlets since the coup. The detained Japanese journalist, Yuki Kitazumi, was charged for spreading “fake news”. The National Unity Government (NUG) set up a “people’s defence force” to protect civilians and outlined 35-point basic principles for its defense ministry, after the junta announced that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People Defense Force (PDF) are terrorist organizations..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 716.59 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (5-11 APRIL 2021)
Description: "The protests continued for the 10th week that protesters have used different methods to express their resistance towards the military coup such as “bleeding dye strike”, “marching shoes strike”, “flash strike” while the internet shutdown also continued at night time and all the wireless and broadband services were shut down since last week throughout the country. In Bago region, more than 80 protesters have been killed by the junta with use of heavy weapons on 9 April and the residents in Bago also fled their homes following the attacks. On the other hand, 19 people have been sentenced to death at courts under the martial law declared by the junta. There are a high number of Myanmar people displaced from their villages to ethnic army areas and Thai-Myanmar border. Currently, there are shortages of basic necessities, food, shelter, medicine in the displaced persons communities. UN’s special envoy for Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener has arrived in Thailand to start a tour in Asian countries to step up diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. However, it was reported that Myanmar's military has turned down her request to visit Myanmar. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners 706 people have been killed by the junta as of 11 April and 3059 people are currently under detention, 64 are sentenced and 657 arrest warrants have been issued targeting pro-democracy activists, political party leaders, government officials, celebrities and social media influencers..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 241.18 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (8-14 MARCH 2021)
Description: "As the people of Myanmar continue the civil disobedience movement including nationwide street protests, the total number of deaths has doubled to at least 126 in the past week. The anti-coup protests saw another record-breaking surge in deaths on 14 March alone when at least 38 civilians were killed by security forces. The exact number could be higher as many casualties are yet to be confirmed. After several Chinese-owned factories were burnt and a large number of deaths were reported in clashes between civilians and security forces in Yangon on 14 March, the military junta imposed martial law in Yangon’s Hlaing Thar Yar and Shwe Pyi Thar townships. In the past week, the military junta also raided the offices of three independent news outlets and detained two media personnel following the ban of five news outlets. In addition, six journalists who were detained while covering anti-coup protests were charged for incitement. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a total of 2,156 people have been arrested, charged, or sentenced in relation to the military coup of February 1. Three of them were convicted, 73 have been charged with a warrant and are evading arrest, 319 were released..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 179.26 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (12-18 APRIL 2021)
Description: "The protests continued for the 11th week despite the brutal crackdown by the junta forces. Ko Wai Moe Naing, a prominent leader of the pro-democracy protest movement in Monywa, Sagaing region, was beaten and dragged away after a vehicle hit his motorbike. 26 citizens were killed by the junta forces during the Thingyan period, habitually the country’s most joyful and auspicious holidays. Mobile data was cut in Myanmar for the 35th consecutive day according to Netblocks while nighttime internet blocking continues. Wireless and broadband services were also shut down throughout the country. Youth are fighting the junta's internet shutdown and information suppression with underground printed newsletters such as Molotov, The Voice of Spring, and The Milestone of Spring that they are secretly distributing across communities in Yangon and other cities. This week, pro-democracy politicians, including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) announced a shadow National Unity Government (NUG) formed under the terms of the Federal Democracy Charter. Mahn Win Khaing Than, an ethnic Karen and former House Speaker was appointed as the prime minister, while Duwa Lashi La, president of the Kachin National Consultative Assembly is the vice president. President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi retain their positions. The special ASEAN summit on Myanmar is scheduled to take place on 24 April in Jakarta and Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing will attend the summit as his first known foreign trip since he staged the coup. The National Unity Government officials responded that ASEAN has to negotiate with the newly formed legitimate government if they want to help resolve the current situation. They also urged ASEAN to provide a seat at the summit for the NUG and not to recognize the junta as the legitimate representative of Myanmar. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, 737 people have been killed by the junta as of 18 April and 3,229 people are currently under detention. 75 have been sentenced and 930 arrest warrants have been issued targeting pro-democracy activists, political party leaders, government officials, medical officers, celebrities and social media influencers. An art and culture concert called “Myanmar Spring”, to be held on 24 April at the Bangkok Art and Culture Center. The charity event is organized by Myanmar students in Thailand, in the hope of raising awareness and raising funds in support of the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), internally displaced individuals, and families of those who have lost their lives in the conflict in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 181.25 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (15-21 MARCH 2021)
Description: "In the past week, the military junta shut down mobile internet and wireless broadband internet (except for fibre internet) indefinitely. Crackdowns against the media were also intensified, with three journalists arrested in a week. Since the military’s Feb. 1 coup, a total of 40 journalists have been arrested by the junta, with 22 of the 40 had been released and 18 still under detention as of March 19. The closure of The Standard Time following The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven also marked the end of independent print media in the country. As of March 21, at least 250 people are now confirmed killed by Myanmar’s police and military. A total of 2,665 people have been arrested, charged, or sentenced in relation to the military coup on February 1, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Of them, 15 were convicted; 109 have been charged with a warrant and are evading arrest, 375 were released. A total of 2,290 are still under detention or have outstanding charges/evading arrest, including the 15 sentenced..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 186.69 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (19-25 APRIL 2021)
Description: "The protests continued for the 12th week across the country despite the brutal crackdown. After a weeks-long absence, protesters returned to the streets in downtown Yangon ahead of the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. The media also reported that more than 110 people, many of them student activists and youth protesters, were abducted by the junta. Some of the protest leaders’ houses were raided while some of them fled to avoid the arrests. The ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting was held on 24 April in Jakarta, Indonesia and was represented by junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing despite strong objection from the people of Myanmar and both local and international CSOs. The calls to invite the National Unity Government (NUG) to the meeting in order to address the issue of Myanmar were not fulfilled. The meeting ended with the issue of a “Five Points of Consensus”, which was criticised for not including the call for the release of political detainees in Myanmar. Deadly crackdowns on the protesters and the attacks on ethnic communities by the junta continued even during the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. The World Bank forecast the Myanmar economy will decline by 10 percent this year due to the impact of the military coup. Around 200,000 workers in the garment industry have lost their jobs and nearly a third of the garment industry jobs have been wiped out with many other industries. The World Food Program (WFP) analysis also shows up to 3.4 million or more people will struggle to afford food in coming months with urban areas worst affected as job losses mount in manufacturing, construction and services and food prices are in rise. As air raids and the continuing fights between the Myanmar military led thousands of people to cross the border to Thailand and India. The humanitarian organizations also stressed the importance of unfettered access to everyone fleeing Myanmar to provide lifesaving aid and other services, including healthcare, food and water. There are nearly 250,000 displaced persons inside Myanmar or neighbouring countries like Thailand, India. However, there is no proper humanitarian assistance for these victims and it was discussed in many CSOs forums for immediate actions, specially from the Thai government, UN and other international relief groups. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners figures show that as of 25 April, 751 people are confirmed killed by this junta. 3,431 are currently under detention while 79 are sentenced. 1,159 arrest warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 222.47 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (22-28 MARCH 2021)
Description: "As the Tatmadaw marked the Myanmar Armed Forces Day on March 27, at least 114 people were killed by the military junta, the bloodiest day so far since the military coup on February 1. The mass killings came a day after the military junta warned the protesters that they will face the risk of getting shot through state owned television. As of 28 March, at least 459 people have been confirmed killed by the junta. Among them, at least 38 were children. A total of 2,559 people have been detained since the coup, of which 37 of them are sentenced and 119 have been issued arrest warrants. Internet shutdown also continued in the past week including mobile internet and wireless broadband internet (except fibre internet). Crackdown targeting the media also continued, leading to more than 50 journalists being detained so far. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), meanwhile, has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for 2022..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 250.62 KB
more
Title: MYANMAR SITUATION UPDATE (29 MARCH – 4 APRIL 2021)
Description: "Protests continued over the past week across the towns and cities in Myanmar despite the strong crackdown by the military and the police. The people of Myanmar protested using innovative ways, such as “garbage strikes”, “flower strikes” and “Easter egg strikes” throughout the week. Due to the air strikes in the Kayin state and severe crackdowns nationwide, thousands of civilians flee to Thailand and India to seek refuge. However, the Thai authorities reportedly blocked them at the border and India’s border state of Manipur issued an order to turn away refugees crossing over from Myanmar (the order was withdrawn later). Nightly internet shutdown continues along with the nationwide mobile internet cut. The media reported that the military junta ordered internet service providers on 1 April 2021 to shut down all the wireless services and telecommunications which started on 2 April 2021. Only fiber connections are functioning at the moment. In the past week, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CPRH) declared the abolishment of the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar and replaced it with the Federal Democracy Charter as the Federal Democracy Interim Constitution. The move was supported by the ten ethnic armed groups who signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement. As of 4 April 2021, 564 people have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Save the Children reported that among those killed at least 43 are children. There are 2,667 people currently under detention and 38 among them have been sentenced. The junta has issued 425 arrest warrants including the recent list of at least 60 celebrities and social media influencers..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 215.07 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 25 June 2021)
Description: "As of 25 June, (881) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Kale Township in Sagaing Region was killed on the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 25, a total of (5156) people are currently under detention; of them (218) are sentenced. 1965 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 24 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Mai Nuam Za Thiang, 19 years old, died on June 23 at around 10pm after she was arrested with a left thigh injury shot by terrorist junta’s soldiers on June 23 at around 9pm at Kale Township in Sagaing Region. Her family was informed in the morning of June 24 that she died due to COVID-19. It is reported that lots of blood was found on her body. On June 23, Kyaw Htwe, Dawei Protest Leader in Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, was sentenced to (2) years and (4) months imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and Export and Import Law by the special court in Dawei Prison. Likewise Kyaw Htwe, Aung Waiyan Kyaw, a protest leader from Dawei, was sentenced to (4) years imprisonment on June 21. On the night of June 23, three youths named Kyaw Tayzar Oo, Kaung Kyaw Htet and a youth from Padeegone Town in Bago Region’s Thegon Township, were arrested at their homes by the terrorist junta’s troops for sharing a post of the Thegon People’s Defence Force (PDF). Moreover, La Chake Lwan Nwal, head of nursing in Kachin State, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested at her home in Chipwi Town on the night of June 23. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 4.68 MB 1.18 MB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 26 June 2021)
Description: "As of 26 June, (881) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 26, a total of (5174) people are currently under detention; of them (221) are sentenced. 1966 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 40 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 25 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, 1 to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of June 26, De Myat Nyein, reporter at Zeyar Times News Agency based in Sagaing City, was arrested at his home. On the night of June 25, seven youths named Hein Thant Zin, Thiha Tun, Hein Min Oo, Sabel Htoo, Aung Paing, Wai Phyo Aung and Aung Htet were arrested by soldiers and police pretending to check overnight guest registration in North Okkalapa Township, Yangon Region. On the night of June 24, Than Than Aye, NLD Chairman of the ward and village in Aye Thar Yar Town in Shan State’s Taunggyi Township, was arrested by soldiers. Kyaw Swar Win, former Major in the military, who had previously been sentenced to two years imprisonment for signing a constitutional amendment, was arrested at his home in Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Region on June 22. On June 25, Thaw Gyi, NLD executive member of Thazi Township, was sentenced to three years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by the court in Meiktila Prison in Mandalay Region. Over 60 people, who have been sentenced under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code in Myeik Prison in Tanintharyi Region, are being forced labor for 8 hours a day from Monday to Friday, 10 hours across Saturday and Sunday. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.21 MB 5.56 MB 1002.58 KB
more
Title: International Day in Support of Victims of Torture - ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသူများကို ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ရေး အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာနေ့
Sub-title: The Burma Military's use of torture is an international crime - it must be stopped!
Description: "On this International Day in Support of Victims of Torture, we call for an immediate end to the brutal torture of civilians in Burma, and for perpetrators to be brought to justice. To mark this important day, we created a video series called "Stop Torture", showing how the Burma military is using various forms of torture against its own people following the 1 February coup. The video links are available on AJAR's YouTube channel (click here) and on the website/Facebook pages of AAPP, ND-Burma and Women's League of Burma. The post-coup repression shows how the Burma military will not shy away from using its decades-old patterns of cruel treatment of civilians in a widespread manner, as a mean to terrorize and subjugate the population into obedience. While people all over the country continue to defy the military junta through courageous acts of resistance, mostly peacefully, security forces respond with ruthless and nasty force. At least 880 people, including children and youth, have been killed by security forces since the coup. Almost 6,300 have been arrested, with 5,104 currently in detention as of June 24th, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). The crackdown targets any perceived opponent to the coup, including politicians, peaceful protesters, journalists, celebrities, striking workers, and even children and bystanders. Many of those arrested are subject to various forms of torture and ill treatment. There are reports of widespread and systematic mistreatment in detention, including beatings, sleep deprivation, and being denied the use of a bathroom. During interrogation, detainees are being blindfolded with their hands tied behind them and forced to kneel on a concrete floor or to lie on their belly, and then beaten repeatedly with the goal to extract information or forced confessions. Some report being beaten with dangerous objects such as cables, the butts of guns, and glass bottles. Particularly concerning is the differential treatment of women during interrogation and detention, in the form of sexual and gender-based violence, sexism and misogyny. There are reports of sexual abuses behind bars, including beatings on genitals and sexual threats. Some detainees do not survive. Civilians arrested after being shot by security forces are often denied medical treatment and subsequently die from their injuries. There are reports of people tortured to deaths in custody, their bodies returned to their families with a fabricated story as to the cause of death, but with obvious signs of torture and mutilation. Some bear the marks of organs removal. Others are returned to their families alive, only to die a few hours later from their injuries. The AAPP has accounted for at least 24 of such deaths following torture. These vicious tactics employed by the Burma military are meant to install fear among the public and create an environment of terror, in order to suppress popular resistance to the coup and maintain their control over the country. The use of torture, however, is not new to the recent political developments. As long documented by civil society groups, torture has always been commonplace during interrogation and imprisonment in Burma. This included also mistreatment of LGBTIQ. people in police detention. In ethnic areas, torture and other forms of illtreatment were used against civilians to obtain information or confessions regarding the activities of ethnic armed organizations, or as punishment for perceived sympathy for the Tatmadaw's opponents. In its reports to the United Nations, the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar ("FFM") concluded that " the manner in which torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence, occurred often indicated the dehumanisation of ethnic minorities in Kachin and Shan States, with Tatmadaw soldiers verbally denigrating their religions and ethnicities". Indeed, the FFM found that the targeting of civilians, including through torture and ill-treatment, was a hallmark of Tatmadaw operations in at least Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan States. Torture has profound, long-lasting consequences for survivors and their families. While they struggle with physical injuries, psychological trauma, social exclusion and economic hardships, access to basic support services is largely lacking in Burma, in particular in the current context. Torture survivors and their families require access to health and medical care, psycho-social support, legal assistance and livelihood opportunities. Plans need to be made to address their immediate as well as long-term needs, which should also include acknowledgement of survivors' experience and efforts to ensure non-repetition. The use of torture by security forces is a violation of international law, as well as Myanmar domestic laws. In some circumstances, torture can be considered a crime against humanity when it is part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population. As we have repeatedly stated in the past, decades of impunity have emboldened the Burma military to continue perpetrating these heinous crimes without any accountability. This must stop. The time for justice has come. The Burma military must immediately end violence against civilians and bring perpetrators of torture to justice. We therefore make the following recommendations: To the international community: • Do not recognize the junta's State Administration Council (SAC) and put pressure on the Burma military to immediately end violence against civilians and respect the Geneva Conventions • Make a referral of the Burma situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC) • Strengthen the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) • Establish a coordinated arms embargo against Myanmar • Issue further targeted sanctions against the Burma military's businesses • Participate in providing acknowledgment and recognition to victims of torture • Support victims of torture and their families, including human rights defenders, through programs aimed at providing material, medical and psycho-social assistance, in order to address both immediate and longterm needs • Provide cross-border humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by the violence To the Association of South East Asia Nations (ASEAN): • Issue a timeframe for the implementation of its "five-point consensus" on Burma and hold the Burma military accountable to it in an effective and transparent manner • Call for the immediate release of political prisoners • Support the establishment of an arms embargo by the international community To the National Unity Government (NUG): • Document the use of torture by security forces • Cooperate with the IIMM • Commit to bringing perpetrators to justice, including by acceding to the ICC Rome Statute and making a declaration accepting ICC jurisdiction for past crimes • Commit to signing and ratifying the UN Convention Against Torture (CAT) • Commit to preventing torture by providing awareness trainings to security forces under NUG's authority • Commit to establishing meaningful transitional justice mechanisms to address victim's rights to truth and reparations, in particular rehabilitation programs for survivors 1. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) 2. Women's League of Burma (WLB) 3. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma) 4. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) 5. All Arakan Student's and Youth Congress (AASYC) 6. Ta'ang Civil Society Organization (TCSO) 7. Burma Civil War Museum (BCM) 8. Union Of Karenni State Youth (UKSY)..."
Source/publisher: Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) , Women's League of Burma (WLB) , Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma) , Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) , All Arakan Student's and Youth Congress (AASYC) , Ta'ang Civil Society
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 50.99 KB 998.75 KB
more
Title: Legal Perspective Information Sheet 18 June 2021, Permanent Mission of Myanmar, New York
Description: "Preface The purpose of publishing this information sheet is to increase the awareness of people over the Crimes Against Humanity committed by the military junta terrorists on a daily basis and to keep record of their brutal acts for future reference and proceedings. Committed crimes are selectively stated in this information sheet due to space limitations. Arbitrary Detentions and Enforced Disappearance As the terrorists junta in Myanmar continue to arrest and shoot at unarmed civilians baselessly and unlawfully, one university student named Maung Chit Thae was shot dead on the scene while passing through the front of Yenangyaung Government Technical Institute (GTI) on 10th of June, 2021, and another man was shot twice at his chest and eventually died on the spot when help pushing a pick-up truck. On the next day, a man was shot dead while bringing food back to his village from a displaced camp in Demoso Towndship in Kayah State. Besides, a photographer and a filmmaker were arrested at home and while leaving their houses respectively. On 11th June, an Obstetrician-Gynecologist from Myingyan Hospital was also arrested. But most of all, the military junta has also been arresting lawyers in Karen State, especially if they found out lawyers tried to represent political detainees. In an instant case, two lawyers representing the Karen State Chief Minister Nan Khin Htwe Myint were filled for a lawsuit under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Adding their atrocities, terrorists junta have also been arresting people charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, including monks and disabled person. Systemic and targeted attacks on the civilians On evening of 14th June, 2021, a man named Aung San from the Boke Village in Depayin Township was shot dead in the chest, and the village also suffered from the open fires of the terrorist junta. Their actions mainly came after the incident when the two daughters of a coup council-appointed village Administrator in Kyi Village, Depayin Township were stabbed to death. The heaviest destruction took place on 15th June in Kingma Village, Magway Region. As the village was almost completely burnt down by the forces of the terrorist junta, many villagers, including elderly, ninety children under the age of 5 and 27 breastfeeding babies, people suffering from pre-existing severe health conditions, either had to flee or hide in the forests. They are all now in desperate need for medical supplies and other household supplies as basic household goods were destroyed along with the fire set by the junta forces. It is clear from both incidents in Depayin and Kingma that the actions of the terrorists consists a sense of retaliation for their losses and casualties during the clashes with the people. They have never been help maintaining peace in the country since the beginning, but instead, creating more instabilities and damages to its own people. The widespread and systematic murdering of the civilian population in Myanmar by the military shows no signs of stopping. In fact, it is evident that attacks against peaceful protesters across Myanmar have progressively intensified. State sponsored crimes A full-blown conflict was developed in Kanbalu Township, Sagaing Region when USDP, armed members of the military junta, openly carried guns, sticks and knives kinds of harmful and life threatening weapons to the NLD party’s office in Yi Dway village. According to the local sources, houses of pro-NLD were destroyed under fire, and polices responsible for the region have not been taking any effective measures or searching for perpetrators. Violations on Freedom of Speech and Fundamental Human Rights Up to this date, the inhumane terrorist junta has not only been committing atrocities, but also sentencing youths and reporters to imprisonment. On 16th June, 2021, a university student from Magway University was sentenced to 3-year imprisonment with hard labour, and a freelance reporter also faced the same sentence under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. According to the local sources, many young student activists including Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Aung Hpone Maw, Lay Pyay Soe Moe, Thuta Soe, and Hpone Htet Naung are now facing charges of incitement under Section 505(a) simply because of their participation in the anti-coup protests. In addition, they have been seriously mistreated in the prisons. Based on the sayings of their relatives, unlike political prisoners, these groups of students and reporters are mistreated as criminals, being drained mentally and physically. U Lwin Maung Maung, who would have represented the Meiktila Constituency 1 if not for the military coup which took place on February 1, 2021, was arrested on Aril 28th, 2021. He is now sentenced to three years imprisonment by the terrorist junta. During his detention, it was said that his family members were barred from visiting him in the prison located in Meiktila, and latest supplies for him were made on last May 12th, 2021. While detaining of this lawmaker found no legal basis, the terrorist junta even failed to state the charges against U Lwin Maung Maung and yet, put him into prison. When media outlets contacted the terrorist junta’s information department for detailed explanation and comment, no single response were made by the junta. The Myanmar military is violating fundamental and peremptory norms of international law on a daily basis. In carrying out these atrocities, the military’s conduct confirms that it does not and has no intention of abiding by its international law obligations. Though, United Nations and International organizations call Myanmar military for end of violence and immediate release of the political prisoners, the junta always fails to listen and respect accordingly. In this case, only a proper collaborative and immediate international intervention can save the lives of innocent civilians in Myanmar. Ref : Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) : Myanmar Now..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 72.05 KB
more
Title: Letter dated 25 June 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, H.E. U Kyaw Moe Tun, addressed to the Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, on the current deteriorating situation in Myanmar, together with the weekly information update on current situation in Myanmar as of 18 June 2021 and the legal perspective information sheet of 20 June 2021.
Description: "I am writing to you again to apprise you o f the current deteriorating situation in Myanmar. More than 144 days after the unlawful coup, there is no sign o f easing the brutal crackdown and the violence committed by the military against its own people. As o f 20 June 2021, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a total o f 6.219 people has been arrested whereas 5,033 people are still under detention, 1,950 people been issued with warrants and 871 people ruthlessly murdered by the military since 1 February 2021. I wish to reiterate that the brutality, inhumane acts, arbitrary arrests, and tortures committed by the military are clearly amounting to serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity. A six-day-old baby has reportedly died o f cold due to lack o f shelter, blankets, and medical supplies at a camp for displaced people in Pekhon in Shan State. The people o f Myanmar are facing humanitarian crisis and the State Administration Council (SAC) continues ignoring the calls from the international community to ease the violence and committing further atrocities. Those displaced in the remote areas are also short o f shelters, medicine and drinking water. On 11 June 2021, it is reported that soldiers set fire to food rations, medical supplies, an ambulance and a vehicle in Lwal Yin village where people have fied. Taking this opportunity. I wish to again draw your kind attention to this continued disturbing situation in Myanmar, particularly in Demoso and Loikaw o f Kayah State. Because o f the irrational tortures and inhumane treatments o f the military, the Karenni People’s Defense Force (PDF) in Kayah Slate has been triggering the armed resistance with homemade guns. Since then, the military has been responding with heavy artillery and airstrikes onto the residential areas, which has led to the displacement o f around 1 million o f local people. This is evidently a systematic brutal attack against civilians using weapons o f war in order to hold onto power and control. The situation in my country has not gotten better and regretfully even getting worse. The situation in Myanmar can only be addressed through multilateral efforts, and to stop killing o f innocent civilians, the urgent and decisive action from the international community is more than critical ever. Allow me to underline the facts mentioned in the General Assembly Resolution "The situation in Myanmar" adopted on 18 June 2021 at the Seventy-fift h session o f the United Nations General Assembly. The resolution clearly urged to respect the will o f the people and to allow the sustained democratic transition o f Myanmar, to immediately release all detainees including President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to stop all violence. And it also calls upon the member states to prevent the flow o f arms into Myanmar and calls for unhindered humanitarian access. The United Nations and the international community must minutely monitor the implementation o f the adopted resolution by all member states to ensure the restoration o f democracy in Myanmar. On my personal note, I hereby, wish to appeal again the international community and the United Nations, by pursuing the principle o f responsibility to protect, to take a decisive action against the military without further delay. As usual. I enclose herewith the weekly information update on current situation in Myanmar o f 18 June and the legal perspective information sheet issued on 20 June for your kind attention. Please accept, Excellency, the assurances o f my highest consideration..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 200.53 KB 1.07 MB
more
Title: Statement on United Nations International Day in Support of Victims of Torture - ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းခံရသူများအား အကူအညီပေးရေးဆိုင်ရာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာနေ့ အထိမ်းအမှတ် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "Despite the fact that no exceptional circumstances whatsoever can be invoked to justify torture under international law, Myanmar’s military and security forces continue to torture and commit degrading and inhuman treatment against its people every day. Since its coup in February, the military regime has increasingly tortured anti-regime protesters and those opposing th e ju n ta However, it is not a new crime; torture is one o f its cruel tactics Myanmar’s military has carried out against ethnic people in armed conflicts over the past five decades. Ethnic people were subject to detention on suspicion o f having ties to ethnic armed organizations, torture during interrogation, forced confession and wrongful imprisonment. Evidence showed that the junta unnecessarily displayed force and beat the people including youths and women in their arrests and tortured them during interrogation. At least 22 civilians were tortured to death during military custody since February coup. On this International Day in Support o f Victims o f Torture, the Ministry o f Human Rights strongly condemns the State Administrative Council, which is how the junta describes itself, and its security forces for their acts. The ministry here reiterates that it is trying to hold those responsible for torture accountable both under national and international laws. According to international conventions, not only those who carry out but also those who authorize torture are responsible for torture. The ministry will ensure those who authorized torture also receive fitting punishments. The ministry will ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Convention Against Torture as soon as possible to prevent torture against innocent civilians in the future. It will continue its efforts to prevent Myanmar civilians from torture and to bring those responsible for torture to justice..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 22.54 KB 238.63 KB
more
Title: Weekly Updates on Current Situation in Myanmar (20-6-2021)
Sub-title: Deaths and Arbitrary Arrests
Description: "As of 20 June 2021, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a total of 6,219 people have been arrested whereas 5,033 people are still under detention, 1,950 people been issued with warrants and 871 people ruthlessly murdered by the military since 1 February 2021 when the military unleashed systematic and targeted attacks and violence against innocent civilians. Nearly 140 days have passed since the coup, the military terrorist group has not stopped its inhumane acts and arbitrary arrests against the unarmed civilians until today. Military’s Unstoppable Brutal Actions Violent Crackdowns in Kinma village: The terrorist military forces set on fire Kinma Village in Pauk Township of Magway Region on 15 June 2021, whereby the entire village was burned to the ground. The incident broke out when the plate number of the motorbike of a suspect involved during the shooting at the house of the junta-allied administrator of Deedotekwin village on 12 June 2021. According to the witnesses, 88-year-old U Mya Maung and 82-year-old Daw Kyee Hmain were perished in the fire, 80 percent of the homes in the village were burnt down and the residents fled their homes in order to avoid the raid of the military. According to the credible reports, there are five pregnant women, two of whom are close to giving birth, are among the hundreds hiding in the forest after burning down Kinma Village by the military. Moreover, there are also about 90 children under the age of five and 27 breastfeeding babies. The fleeing villagers have to sleep roughly under the trees or in tents and they are in desperate need of foods and medical supplies. Open Fire in Depayin: In Depayin Township in Sagaing Region, it is reported that after a former local administrator and the daughters of a current junta’s administrator were killed by unknowns on 13 June 2021, the military forces stormed and opened fire on residents in Satpyarkyin and Boke villages on 14 June 2021. A 21-year-old man was shot dead and another 22-year-old man was seriously injured due to the violence. Hundreds of soldiers also reportedly stormed the villages Kyi, Inpin, Nyaung Hla and Yin Kyay and shot at locals. According to the information received, there were clashes between military forces and local People’s Defence Force (PDF). On 15 June 2021, around 300 military forces in 22 military trucks reportedly opened fire in Nyang Hla village in Depayin township. Military’s Inhumane Destruction against Humanitarian Actions On 13 June 2021, the military and security forces set fire to and destroyed an ambulance and a supply of humanitarian aid in Moe Byae Township, between Southern Shan and Karenni States. Eighty rice bags and medicines, and medical supplies, which were contributed by the people all over the country for internally displaced people, were destroyed. The military forces have been terrorizing and arresting community organizations and individuals who have been providing aid and support to internally displaced people and those affected by the conflict. During the last week, a six-day-old baby has reportedly died of cold due to a lack of shelter, blankets, and medical supplies at a camp for displaced people in Pekhon in Shan State. The family of the baby was relocated from the Sacred Heart church in Pekhon when it was attacked by the military with artillery shells late last month that led people to seek shelter elsewhere. According to a witness who was among those displaced, other IDP camps in the state are also short of shelters, medicine and drinking water. On 11 June 2021, it is reported that soldiers set fire to food rations, medical supplies, an ambulance and a vehicle in Lwal Yin village where people have fled. More than 100,000 have already been displaced in Kayah and southern Shan State in recent months and the military has repeatedly attacked civilians in those areas. Military’s Continuous Arrests Since the military coup happened on 1 February 2021, the military have never ceased arresting those who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement, and taken charges to those who defied the coup and involved in pro-democracy movements. Targeted to Medical Personnel: On 10 June 2021, Dr. Htar Htar Lin, Director of National Programme on Immunization, together with her husband and her seven-year-old son were arrested. She joined the Civil Disobedience Movement following the coup and was charged under Article 505 (a) of the Penal Code. Dr. Htar Htar Lin was the head of the country’s COVID-19 vaccine rollout and before she joined the CDM, it is reported that there was about 100,000 USD (161 million kyats) allocated for the immunization effort in a government account. She set about distributing the funds to local health departments across the country so that the money would not be in the hands of the military groups. Since then, she was one of the most wanted people by the junta. Following the arrests of Dr. Htar Htar Lin and her family, the military-controlled newspaper announced on 13 and 14 of June 2021 that 26 doctors including her were charged with high treason for colluding with an illegal organization. The announcement also stated that she failed to clear 161 million kyats balance for COVID-19 vaccine immunization rollout and 22 of the doctors on the list had evaded arrest. It also stressed that she led the Public Health Team on behalf of Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the Health Minister of the National Unity Government (NUG), drafted plans for the NUG’s health policy, and helped Dr. Zaw Wai Soe. Similarly, Dr. Maung Maung Nyein Tun, a professor at Mandalay Medical University and his wife Dr. Swe Zin Oo from Mandalay General Hospital who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement were arrested in Mandalay on 13 June 2021. After the arrests, the military-controlled newspaper published a picture of him with bruises on his face. On 10 June, two lawyers who are representing political detainees including Karen State Chief Minister Nan Khin Htwe Myint, were arrested in Myawaddy township in Karen State under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. On 11 June 2021, Ms. Mar Mar Khaing, MP for No.2 constituency in Thaton Township, Mon State and her husband Mr. Nyan Tun, Executive Committee member of NLD of Kyaikmaraw Township, under detention in Kyaikmaraw Prison, were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Unstoppable Anti-Military Resistance Movement More than 130 days after the military coup, protests and demonstrations against the military throughout the whole country are continuing despite the brutal crackdowns. On 19 June 2021, pro-democracy supporters across the country wearing flowers to mark the 76th birthday of State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who is still detained. Flower is a significant style of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and in Burmese saying “still wearing flowers” means to be defiant in the face of adversity. Announcement by the National Unity Government on the incident in Kinma The National Unity Government released an announcement on the incident in Kinma Village. It condemned in the strongest ways of the arson committed by the military and local police against the residents of the village on 15 June 2021. It stressed that the junta forces continue to ignore the law, violate human rights and commit crimes against humanity and urged local, national and international stakeholders to continue recording the crimes committed by the junta forces. International Pressure on the Illegitimate Military Group On 11 June 2021, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet issued a strong warning that further escalation of violence in Myanmar must be halted to prevent even greater loss of life and a deepening humanitarian emergency. For the immediate cessation of violence and ongoing human rights violations, the High Commissioner encouraged the intensification of regional diplomacy, including by ASEAN and other influential States, and remarked that dialogue is urgently needed with the National Unity Government and civil society stakeholders. In the statement by the Group of Seven (G 7) issued on 13 June 2021, the leaders of G 7 condemned in the strongest terms the military coup in Myanmar and violence by the security forces of Myanmar and called for the immediate release of those detained arbitrarily, as well as urged the swift implementation for Five Point Consensus of ASEAN. G 7 member states also expressed concern for the devastating humanitarian situation and called for humanitarian access to vulnerable and displaced people. On 17 June 2021, the United Nations in Myanmar issued the statement, expressing alarm over the recent acts of violence and serious human rights violations in Myanmar, particularly in Myawaddy Township in Kayin State and Kinma Village in Pauk Township of Magway Region. The UN in Myanmar reiterates its call on all actors to respect international human rights norms and standards, and calls for those responsible for human rights violations to be held accountable. At the 83rd Plenary Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly on 18 June 2021, the Assembly adopted a resolution that calls on the military junta of Myanmar to end the state of emergency, respect all human rights of the people, allow the sustained democratic transition and immediately and unconditionally release all detainees, as well as calls on all member states “to prevent the flow of arms to Myanmar”. The resolution was adopted by a recorded vote of 119 in favour to 1 against (Belarus), with 36 abstentions. The Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations expressed his sincere thanks to cosponsors of the resolution and to those delegations who supported the resolutions. He viewed that the resolution will to some extent contribute to put pressure on the military to their inhumane acts against the people and to further consolidate the people’s efforts for the restoration of democracy in Myanmar. ***** Date: 20 June 2021 Permanent Mission of Myanmar, New York..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-26
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 103.72 KB
more
Title: At Least 64 Myanmar Protesters, Two of Them Underage, Sentenced to Death by Military Courts
Sub-title: Most were arrested in townships in the former capital Yangon, where martial law was declared following the army’s coup against the elected civilian government on Feb. 1, 2021.
Description: "At least 64 Myanmar citizens detained in protests against the country’s Feb. 1 military coup have been sentenced to death by junta courts, with the condemned list including two boys below the age of 18, according to sources in the country. Most were arrested in townships in the former capital Yangon, where martial law was declared following the army’s takeover on Feb. 1, sources say. None of those sentenced are believed to have been executed, though, with no death sentences known to have been carried out in Myanmar since 1998. Writing in a letter to his mother sent from prison, one of those condemned—17-year-old Nyein Kyaw Thein, formerly a student at the Thanlyin Youth Training School—denied his guilt in the case of a coup supporter, Zaw Min, who was murdered and set on fire in Yangon’s South Dagon township at the end of March. “They have called me a killer, but it isn’t true. I didn’t kill anyone,” Nyein Kyaw Thein said, asking his mother to stay strong and look after herself and his father. “Everything’s fine with me. I’ve made you miserable, Mom, and I’d like to make it up to you when I come back, I promise,” he added. Speaking to RFA, Nyein Kyaw Thein’s mother said she was surprised when soldiers came to arrest her son on April 17, a little more than two weeks after Zaw Min was killed. “I asked him if he had been involved, and he said he didn’t know anything about it,” she said. “There had been a lot of shooting that day, and the boys went into hiding that night, but we were able to keep in touch by telephone.” Arrested that same day, 15-year-old Min Thu, a 7th grade student in the school attended by Nyein Kyaw Thein, turned himself in to authorities after being told that his brother-in-law had been detained to force his surrender, his sister said. “I asked my brother if he had been involved in the killing, and he denied it,” the young woman said. “But someone told him that the police had arrested my husband because they couldn’t find him, and so he gave himself up.” “He’s a good boy, not a bad kid at all,” she said. “He tells us that [the police] have stopped beating him now, but he’s still being abused by others,” she added. Four brothers who were working on security duty in their ward of the city on the night of the killing were later taken away from their home at gunpoint after they went to see the murder scene out of curiosity, their mother said, also speaking to RFA. “At the time, I couldn’t say anything, but it was heartbreaking to see my boys taken from their home in handcuffs,” she said. “We heard nothing about them after that, but later learned that they had been sentenced to death.” “How am I supposed to take that?” she asked. “If they had been given prison terms, I would know at least that I would see them again some day after their release, and I could still have some hope for the future,” she said. “But now I can’t do anything but pray every night for their safety.” “It’s unbearable that they’re in this situation now without having done anything wrong.” Of the 18 defendants sentenced to death in the Zaw Min case, 11 are now in prison and seven were sentenced in absentia, sources say. 'I suffered in silence' Bo Bo Thu, sentenced to death in a separate case involving the killing of two soldiers in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township, has now had his sentence commuted to life, his mother told RFA, saying “At least he’s lucky not to be on death row.” When her son was first sentenced she couldn’t eat or sleep, and would not tell her husband what had happened, she said. “I just kept it in my heart and suffered in silence.” “I prayed and prayed that my son would not end up on death row—and not only him, but everyone else who had been arrested,” she said. Myanmar defendants sentenced to death can appeal their sentences within 15 days, but only prison officials are allowed to submit their appeals, lawyers say, with one lawyer telling RFA that officials assigned by prison authorities to submit the documents prepare them according to statements made by the prisoners themselves. “And we don’t know whether what they’ve written is in accord with the law or not,” he said. Speaking on condition of anonymity, a spokesperson for the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said the death sentences imposed by military courts in Myanmar have been handed down “out of resentment.” “People don’t support their coup and are opposing it in any way they can. And amid all the arbitrary arrests and beatings, the people are fighting back in self-defense. The military then holds a grudge against the people, and they are handing down these death sentences out of resentment,” he said. Nickey Diamond, a human rights specialist with the Southeast Asian rights group Fortify Rights, said that in recent years death sentences formerly imposed in Myanmar were changed under new laws to sentences of life in prison. “But there are fears now that the [ruling] Military Council might ignore this fact.” “These [death sentences] are the junta’s attempt to intimidate those who are opposing the dictatorship and to make them afraid,” he said. According to data gathered by AAPP and RFA, of the 64 persons sentenced to death in Yangon since the Feb. 1 coup, 20 were sentenced in North Okkalapa, 18 in South Dagon, five in Shwepyithar, seven in Hlaing Thar Yar, and 14 in Shwe Paukkan Myothit..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Ex-U.N. chief Ban urges Guterres to engage directly with Myanmar army
Description: " Former U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon urged his successor on Monday to engage directly with Myanmar's military to prevent an increase in post-coup violence and said southeast Asian countries should not dismiss the turmoil as an internal issue for Myanmar. U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres' special envoy on Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, has communicated with the military since it ousted an elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi on Feb. 1, but the army has not allowed her to visit. "Given the gravity and urgency of the situation, I believe the secretary-general himself should use his good offices to engage directly with the Myanmar military, to prevent an escalation of violence," Ban, secretary-general from 2007 to 2016, told a U.N. Security Council meeting. Guterres is "very actively involved" on Myanmar and "has been for a long time," said U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric, adding: "His good offices, along with his special envoy, are always available. We all want to see an end to the violence." Guterres told the Security Council on Monday that a "robust international response grounded on a unified regional effort" was needed, urging "regional actors to leverage their influence to prevent further deterioration and, ultimately, find a peaceful way out of this catastrophe." The 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been trying to find a way out of the violence tearing at fellow member Myanmar. Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing is due to attend an ASEAN summit in Indonesia on April 24. "ASEAN must make it clear to the Myanmar military that the current situation is so grave that it cannot be regarded only as an internal matter," said Ban, a former South Korean foreign minister who is now a member of The Elders global leaders group. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners activist group, 737 people have been killed by security forces since the coup and 3,229 remain in detention. "The military's use of lethal force and the gross violations of human rights being perpetrated against the civilians are not compatible with the ASEAN Charter," he said. "These actions are clear violations of international law, and constitute a threat to the peace, security and stability of the region." Ban also urged the Security Council to move beyond statements to collective action. However, some diplomats say Russia and China are likely to prevent any stronger action..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Man with a tattoos of Suu Kyi and her father killed in regime custody
Sub-title: Villagers say Zeyar Lin was not involved in with any guerilla groups, but he may have been singled out because of his tattoo of the detained leader
Description: "A man died in regime custody earlier this week after troops raided his village in Sagaing Region and detained him on suspicion of starting a fire at a local school. Zeyar Lin, 33, was among six men arrested in the raid on Lelzin village in Monywa Township on Monday. The others were Kyaw Nanda, Aung Aung, Kyaw Myo Htwe, San Min Htet, and Ba Chit, who also goes by the name Chit Tun Naing. Their whereabouts and condition is unknown. On Tuesday, volunteers from the morgue at the Monywa Public Hospital told Zeyar Lin’s wife to come and retrieve his body, which bore signs of torture. “The back of his head was split open. There were about three inches of bruises all over his cheeks, chin and forehead,” a Lelzin villager who is now in hiding told Myanmar Now. The roughly fifty soldiers who came to the village also viciously beat about 15 people who they saw in the street, according to locals. “Their hands were bruised. One person… had bruises all over his back and it was pretty bad. He couldn’t even sleep laying on his back,” another Lelzin local said. Several villagers said the fire that prompted the soldiers’ arrival was accidental. “The snitches in our village called them even though it was just a small fire. We didn’t even see the flames,” the second villager said. Unidentified attackers have targeted schools across the country in recent weeks with arson and bomb attacks, in what may be attempts by anti-regime groups to bolster a nationwide boycott of the junta’s education system. But villagers said Zeyar Lin, who leaves behind a 10-year-old daughter and five-year-old son, had not taken part in any guerilla activity. “The guy killed was not involved in anything. But he had tattoos of Amay Suu and Bogyoke Aung San,” the first villager told Myanmar Now, referring to the detained civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her father, the independence hero of the Bamar majority. Zeyar Lin’s wife, Ohnmar Khine, said hospital staff told her that the body arrived in a military truck at around 3am on Tuesday. Her husband was arrested while on his way to visit his mother, who lives near the school where the fire broke out, she added. The military council announced in several newspapers on Wednesday that security forces arrested six men in relation to the fire and also seized weapons. The report was accompanied by a photograph of the men, including Zeyar Lin, after their arrest. He did not appear to have any life-threatening injuries in the picture and the report did not mention that he later died. On Wednesday, a local guerrilla group responded to the raid by shooting at the home of an alleged informant in the village. The target was not injured but his daughter was killed, according to several Lelzin locals. Myanmar Now was unable to confirm the details. The attack led to another raid by the military, during which four more people were arrested as soldiers fired their guns repeatedly. The village now lies virtually abandoned, with only those who support the military left behind. “They opened fire so many times at the entrance to the village,” said the second villager. “Everyone in the village fled.”..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar security forces arrest prominent leader of anti-coup campaign
Description: "Myanmar security forces on Thursday arrested one of the main leaders of the campaign against military rule after ramming him with a car as he led a motorbike protest rally, friends and colleagues said. Opponents of the Feb. 1 coup that ousted an elected government led by Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi have kept up their campaign against the military this traditional New Year week with marches and various other shows of defiance. "Our brother Wai Moe Naing was arrested. His motorbike was hit by an unmarked police car," Win Zaw Khiang, a member of a protest organising group, said on social media. Wai Moe Naing, a 25-year-old Muslim, has emerged as one of the most high-profile leaders of opposition to the coup. Earlier, Reuters spoke to him by telephone as he was setting off to lead the rally in the central town of Monywa, about 700 km (435 miles) north of the main city of Yangon. Video posted on social media showed an oncoming car swerving into a group of motorbikes. A spokesman for the junta could not be reached for comment. Monywa has been one of main centres of the pro-democracy campaign with big rallies day after day and repeated crackdowns by the security forces. Some colleagues said they feared for Wai Moe Naing's safety. The Swedish embassy said it was following his case and urged that all detainees be allowed proper health care and their human rights be respected. The U.S. Embassy also condemned the reported incident. "This appalling act further demonstrates why the people of Myanmar do not accept the military regime," the embassy said in a post on Twitter. PROTESTING MEDICS In Yangon, security forces detained Myo Aye, director of the Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar, activist Ei Thinzar Maung said on Facebook. Myo Aye has also played a major role in organising the protests. State media said a famous actor, Zin Wine, and singer Po Po, both known for their support of the democracy movement, had also been arrested. The coup has plunged Myanmar into crisis after 10 years of tentative steps toward democracy, with, in addition to the daily protests, strikes by workers in many sectors that have brought the economy to a standstill. An activist group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, says the security forces have killed 715 protesters since the overthrow of Suu Kyi's government. Earlier on Thursday, soldiers opened fire in the city of Mandalay to disperse protesting medical workers and one man was killed and several wounded when security forces fired in a nearby neighbourhood, media reported. Some medical workers have been at the forefront of the campaign against the coup, which for many people has dashed hopes of a more open society after tentative steps towards democracy since the military initiated reforms a decade ago. State television announced that 20 doctors were among 40 people wanted under a law that makes it illegal to encourage mutiny or dereliction of duty in the security forces. Some 200 people are now wanted under the charge. The military says the protests are dwindling but thousands joined protests marches and motorbike rallies in several towns, according to pictures posted by media outlets. The United States and other Western countries have imposed limited sanctions focused on the military and called for the release of Suu Kyi and others detained by the new authorities. Leaders of Southeast Asian neighbours, which have been trying to encourage talks between the rival Myanmar sides, are due to met in Indonesia on April 24 to discuss the situation, Thai PBS World reported. Junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is due to attend, the broadcaster said, on what would be his first known trip abroad and contact with foreign leaders since he seized power..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-25
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 23 June 2021)
Description: "As of 23 June, (877) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Monywa Township in Sagaing Region and Kyaingtong Township in Shan State were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 23, a total of (5088) people are currently under detention; of them (210) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Zayar Linn from Lalzin Sanpya Village in Monywa Township’s Sagaing Region was arrested and beaten on the night of June 21. His family was informed on the morning of June 22 that he died. He was found with wounds consistent with torture, one large on the back of his head and all over his body. In addition to this, on the night of June 19 at Kyaingtong Town in Shan State, Than Soe Aung, a local, was injured and his one year and six month old daughter was killed when they were hit by a car driven by Deputy Officer of the General Administration Department (GAD) in Kyaingtong Township. This was after Than Soe Aung did not stop when told by the junta forces when riding his motorcycle to go to a clinic for his ill daughter. Moreover, Than Soe Aung is being detained at the Kyaingtong Myoma Police Station and has been charged with two lawsuits against him at the station. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.2 MB 4.54 MB 1000.71 KB
more
Title: Leader of resistance force in Magwe Region shot dead
Sub-title: Former student activist Kyaw San Oo was shot in the head at close range when he wasn’t able to flee police following a shootout
Description: "A leader of a resistance group based in Magwe Region’s Gangaw Township was killed during a clash with regime forces on Sunday, according to family members. Kyaw San Oo, a 24-year-old former member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), was shot dead during the clash near the village of Bawpyin in Gangaw. “We were told that he was fatally shot in the head after getting injured in the thigh. When he was no longer able to run due to his injury, a member of the regime’s police force shot him in the temple at close range,” said a relative of Kyaw San Oo. Regime forces attacked the Gangaw People’s Defence Force (PDF) after their location was revealed by an informant. Two PDF fighters, including Kyaw San Oo, and two regime troops were killed in the shootout, according to Gangaw locals. Regime police took the body of Kyaw San Oo after the clash and told his family on Monday afternoon to retrieve it from the Gangaw Hospital, the relative said. “We had to go get his body right away and had it cremated at around 4pm at a village cemetery,” he added. Further information about the other person killed in the clash was not available at the time of reporting. Executing an injured enemy at close range violates the code of conduct for soldiers, said army defector Tun Myat Aung, who was a captain before leaving the military. “We can’t kill prisoners of war and detainees. It’s part of the code of ethics for soldiers regarding treatment of their enemies,” he said. The regime has not released a statement regarding the clash or the death of Kyaw San Oo. Kyaw San Oo was an active member of the Pakokku University Student Union and participated in the ABFSU’s activities from 2012 to 2019, said Min Htet Myat, who is also a student activist from Meikhtila. “He regularly led the organisation’s activities. He did many things for the Gangaw region even after he finished university,” Min Htet Myat told Myanmar Now. “It is such a great loss of a comrade and a good friend. I am really sorry that he died halfway through the journey, even though he could do so much more,” he added. Kyaw San Oo’s family said they were proud of him and his firm political stance. “We wish 10 more people like him could emerge even though he was killed,” said one relative. According to a tally by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 875 people have been killed by regime forces since the military seized power in a coup on February 1. The vast majority have been unarmed protesters and bystanders killed in crackdowns and raids..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar Situation Update (7-13 June 2021)
Description: "Myanmar’s ousted State Councilor, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi faced her second in-person court hearing on 7 June in Naypyitaw that court announced the charges filed against her will finish within 180 days. Media also reported on Thursday the junta charged her under the anti-corruption law, bringing to seven the number of legal cases brought against her since the military coup on 1 February, 2021. UNDP estimates that the poverty level is increasing rapidly which is 48.2% at present, and assumes reasons were COVID19 pandemic and the military takeover. This was not seen since 2005. Almost a quarter of all factories in the Japan-backed Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Yangon have suspended operations amid post-coup turmoil. The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the brutal crackdown by the military junta and the unsettled situation continued even in the fifth month after the coup. The clashes between military and the civilian resistance forces and ethnic armed organizations also emerged in several places in Myanmar, such as in Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Bago, Magway, Shan, Mandalay, Sagaing and Yangon States/Regions. Three Indian states including Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland are currently sheltering around 16,000 people from Myanmar, civil society groups and government officials estimate, with the number expected to rise in coming months as the situation in Chin state has not improved over the last couple of months. Five DVB journalists who were charged and convicted for illegal entry to Thailand were reported to have arrived in a “third country” to seek asylum. There were intense fighting reported in Demoso, Loikaw and Hpruso townships during this week. The Junta has carried out airstrikes on civilian resistance fighters and used artillery on civilian areas. It has also brought hundreds of reinforcements into Kayah State. The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), which is over 60 years old, is backing the civilian resistance of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) and People’s Defense Force (PDF). According to Progressive Karenni People Force (PKPF), 50 civilians were killed from March 19 to June 11 in Kayah State following the coup According to the aid groups, more than a quarter of a million civilians in seven regions of Myanmar have been displaced by clashes between the military and militias or fighting between ethnic armies. IDPs in Kayah and Chin States are in shortage of food supplies and medicines as the junta blocked all the routes to Kayah and Mindat of Chin State, destroying supplies of rice and medicine intended for IDPs. The United Nations calls on the security forces in Myanmar to allow safe passage of humanitarian supplies and personnel and to facilitate the direct provision of relief assistance by the UN and its partners to all those in need in Kayah, as well as other states and regions across the country where there are urgent humanitarian needs while the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet stated this week that credible reports indicate that security forces have used civilians as human shields, shelled civilian homes and churches in Loikaw, Phekon and Demoso in Kayah state and blocked humanitarian access. According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 37 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 9 people were injured. The most high-profile interaction between the Myanmar military and China took place this week during talks in Chongqing, China between Southeast Asian foreign ministers and China. Junta’s appointed foreign affairs point person Wunna Maung Lwin attended the meeting involving the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and also the meeting with the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation group, the body that China and the five Southeast Asian countries part of co-chaired by China and Myanmar. Following the G8 Summit last week, the Myanmar community across the world has increased the number of protests in different parts of the world calling from the world leaders for their support to fight against the military junta that staged the coup on 1 February. Around 400 Myanmar people who live in the UK joined a protest against the Myanmar coup in Cornwall where the G7 summit is being held and some more were held in USA, Italy, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Belgium, Australia, Netherland, Canada, Finland, Norway, Ireland and Czech Republic on 12th and 13th of June. The Burma Spring Benefit Film Festival, which features more than 30 films from or about Myanmar, will run until June 20 aiming to draw attention to Myanmar’s political crisis while raising money for groups inside the country striving to restore democracy and alleviate hardship. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 13 June, 863 people were killed by the junta. 4,863 people are currently under detention and 178 are sentenced. 1,936 warrants have been issued. 31 were sentenced to death, 14 people to three years, 39 people to 20 years, 5 people to 7 years imprisonment. There were at least 21 deaths after bodies were returned to families bearing the marks of torture, although the exact number is unknown. Among them were active members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), election officials, pro-democracy activists and young people..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 307.9 KB
more
Title: Myanmar Situation Update (14-20 June 2021)
Description: "Nearly five months after the coup, the junta has begun the trial of the leaders of NLD. Ousted State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi appeared in a special court in Naypyitaw on 14 June to hear three cases for possession of illegally imported walkie-talkies, violations of the Telecommunications Law and Natural Disaster Management Law. Furthermore, the junta has charged Ye Min Oo, a former Naypyitaw Mayor with article 409 of Penal Code (criminal breach of trust by a public servant) and violation of the Anti-Corruption law as he allegedly misused his power to allow the “La Yaung Taw” project of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under Daw Khin Kyi’s foundation. A detained Mandalay region MP from the National League for Democracy (NLD) also has been sentenced to three years in prison by the junta without a trial according to his family members that media reported this week. UNHCR reported that more than 680,000 people are currently internally displaced in Myanmar, including more than 200,000 in the last four months. Most of the recent IDPs are from the states of Kayah and Kayin, where ethnic groups and the Myanmar military engaged in fighting. The reports also revealed more than 100,000 people have been displaced by the fighting in Kayah State, with Demoso Township having the highest number of IDPs. It also mentioned that food and medicines run out faster. Dry food, medicine, and water are the major needs. IDPs in southern Shan State also reported due to the heavy fighting between The Shan Nationalities Progressive Party (SSPP/SSA) and the Shan State Reconstruction Council (RCSS/SSA). People are in dire need of emergency medical treatment, according to a relief team. Strong winds destroyed around 600 houses in refugee camps in Rakhine state making it more difficult for refugees to live, according to the Rakhine Nationalities Association. People face food shortages and international organizations are no longer able to provide assistance due to political instability. More than 100,000 refugees are still reluctant to return to their homes although no fighting in Rakhine for about eight months. The junta-controlled Ministry of Health and Sports (MOHS) announced that three “highly transmissible and more severe” coronavirus variants have been detected in Myanmar. With more than 600 COVID-19 cases reported in Yangon in the last two weeks, the second highest coronavirus hotspot after Sagaing Region. The junta has been struggling to maintain COVID-19 prevention, control and treatment as thousands of government medical staff and numerous volunteers have refused to work for the junta. Two elderly civilians were burned to death alive after junta troops set the whole Kin Ma village on fire and burnt it to ashes in Pauk Township of Magway Region. On June 20, the junta condemned the actions of local/foreign media outlets and organizations spreading false information on the Kinma Village fire case that further the state media accused People Defense Forces (PDF) for setting fire to the house of U Kyaw Htay, who did not support the PDF which spread to other houses due to the wind. The junta’s propaganda newspapers published an article on neighboring Thailand’s proportional representation (PR) system of elections and parliaments crafted by the Thai military after the 2014 coup, an indicator that the Myanmar junta is considering enacting a similar system in future elections. Frontier Myanmar’s managing editor arrested by the junta at the Yangon International Airport is facing a charge under section 505-A of Penal Code, which carries a potential three-year prison term while a DVB reporter, was sentenced to 3-year imprisonment with 505-A of Penal Code in Minhla, Bago Region. There are four reporters arrested by the junta in the Bago region, and among them two have been sentenced to 3-year imprisonment. Ye Chan Naing, editor-in-chief of the DVB in Burma is selected for the International Press Freedom Award for 2021. The United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution with the support of 119 countries to call for a stop to the flow of arms to Myanmar and urge the junta to respect November election results & release political detainees, including leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Belarus requested the text be put to a vote and was the only country to oppose it, while 36 abstained, including China and Russia with Thailand, Cambodia, Brunei and Laos from the ASEAN regional block. The junta chief arrived in Moscow on 20 June by a special international Myanmar Airlines flight to attend a security conference, marking his second known trip abroad since he seized power in a coup. Junta appointed Deputy Minister of Investment and Foreign Trade U Than Aung Kyaw, Nay Pyi Taw Council chairman Dr Maung Maung Naing, Directors-General from various government departments and senior military officers joined the trip. The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the crackdown by the junta. The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters or Ethnic Armed Organizations also emerged in several places in Myanmar, such as in Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Shan, Mandalay, Magway and Yangon States/Regions. According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 56 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 19 people were injured and at least 4 died. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 20 June, 872 people were killed by the junta. 5,033 people are currently under detention and 196 are sentenced. 1,950 warrants have been issued. 31 were sentenced to death, 14 people to three years, 39 people to 20 years, 18 people to 7 years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 327.1 KB
more
Title: Soldiers in Kalay kill four members of a family in their home, say local residents
Sub-title: A young man, his parents and his uncle were shot dead–the reason for the attack is unclear
Description: "Myanmar military soldiers raided a home in the Sagaing Region town of Kalay over the weekend, killing four members of a family and injuring another, local residents said. Ten soldiers arrived at the house in Nyaung Pin Thar ward at around 8pm on Saturday. They shot Win Zaw Oo, 50, and his 23-year-old son, Thiha Aung, after they emerged from their home. They then went inside and shot Zaw Zaw, 35, and San San Maw, 48, who were Win Zaw Oo’s brother-in-law and wife respectively. They also shot and injured his daughter, San Shwe Oo. The reason for the attack is unclear. The military has denied the killings and blamed “NLD supporters and terrorists”. The family had business ties to military authorities in the town through a sawmill that they owned, but maintained good relations with residents, locals said. Thirty minutes after the shooting, six cars including a Toyota Mark II sedan, a Toyota Hilux Surf jeep, and a military-issue FAW arrived to take away the bodies and other items, locals said, adding that the cars left around 12:30am. “They took the bodies, some rice bags, cooking oil and furniture. They destroyed all the CCTV cameras,” a local resident told Myanmar Now. “By the looks of the uniforms and the wraps on their necks, and the cars that followed, it was the military.” The Kalay branch of the People’s Defense Force issued a statement on Sunday saying it had nothing to do with the killings and that the military regime must take responsibility for what it had done. A report on the killings published in military-owned newspapers on Monday said that NLD supporters were committing “inhumane assassinations” and bombings meant to “intimidate the people living in peace.” The killers of Win Zaw Oo and his family would be identified and punished, the report said. Win Zaw Oo was shot in the left side of his chest. His wife, son and brother-in-law were shot in the face, back and chest, while his daughter was shot in the stomach and sent to a military hospital for treatment, the report added. The four bodies were brought back to the family home on Sunday at around 10am. They were buried at the Doe Wine Chaung cemetery that evening..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-23
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 22 June 2021)
Description: "As of 22 June, (875) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Bahan Township in Yangon Region and Singu Township in Mandalay Region were killed in previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 22, a total of (5053) people are currently under detention; of them (198) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of June 20, Kyaw Kyaw Myo, a bridegroom from Lat Pan Hla Village Tract in Mandalay Region’s Singu Township, was shot dead on spot while delivering wedding invitations with his friend by riding a motorcycle. His friend was beaten and also arrested. In addition to this, on the night of June 19 in Bahan Township, Yangon Region, Phoe Thingyan a.k.a. Phoe Sein, a 13 year-old, was shot in the back and taken injured by terrorist junta soldiers when he ran away after seeing them, he had been playing. On June 21, his family was informed that he had died. Ngwe Soe a.k.a San Chote, father of Upper House MP for Yebyu Township of Tanintharyi Region Kyaw Zay Yar Soe, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code by Special Court in Dawei on June 21. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-22
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.2 MB 4.51 MB 1007.56 KB
more
Title: Myanmar: Teenager Describes Torture, Mock Burial
Sub-title: Many Tell of Beatings, Ill-Treatment in Detention
Description: " Myanmar’s security forces have arbitrarily detained thousands of people and, according to numerous credible sources, subjected many to torture, routine beatings, and other ill-treatment since the February 1, 2021 military coup, Human Rights Watch said today. Myanmar’s military and police often hold detainees in custody for extended periods, in overcrowded and unhygienic interrogation centers and prisons. Those detained are frequently kept incommunicado, unable to contact relatives or legal counsel. The victims, among them a 17-year-old boy who spoke to Human Rights Watch, described beatings, burnings from lit cigarettes, prolonged stress positions, and gender-based violence. “Since the coup on February 1, Myanmar’s authorities have been using torture without fear of repercussions,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The sheer brutality of the beatings and abuse shows the lengths to which Myanmar’s military authorities are going to silence anyone opposing the coup.” The 17-year-old boy said he was beaten for days while blindfolded and was forced into a pit, then buried up to his neck in a mock burial. The military arrested him in early May during a night raid of his home and accused him of being the ringleader of a protest group. He said that he was beaten on his head with a rifle butt during the arrest, blindfolded, and then taken to an interrogation center at a location he couldn’t identify. Over the following four days, military interrogators repeatedly hit him with a bamboo stick filled with cement, as well as grinding the rod against his shins during questioning, he said. “On the third day, they drove me to a forested area about an hour away from wherever the interrogation place was,” he said. “They forced me to lie down into a pit while I was blindfolded, and my hands tied. They also planned to hit my head with a mattock, and I thought I was going to be buried alive when they started covering me with the dirt.” The boy said he and others arrested with him were denied food and water for four days, and drank toilet water to survive. Authorities held him at the interrogation facility for seven days total before transferring him to Insein prison. There, the authorities finally acknowledged that he is a child and sent him to a juvenile detention center. He was eventually released after he signed a false confession, he said. Human Rights Watch found his statement credible because of multiple similar accounts from other people arbitrarily detained by the military. Other sources interviewed said security forces often transported detainees to police precincts or military interrogation facilities, where they would be beaten and forced to stand, kneel, or lie in stress positions for hours. Han Thar Nyein and Nathan Maung, both journalists, were arrested on March 9, and taken to the Ye Kyi Ai interrogation center, near Insein township, where authorities tortured them for two weeks, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported. The journalists were severely beaten, burned with cigarettes on their belly, thighs, and buttocks, and forced to kneel on blocks of ice during interrogations. The authorities later transferred them to Insein prison, where both were charged under penal code article 505A for “spreading fake news.” On June 14, the authorities dropped all charges against Nathan Maung, who has now left the country. However, Han Thar Nyein remains in custody and faces up to three years in prison under the charge. All charges against Han Thar Nyein and other journalists arrested in the wake of protests since the coup should be dropped, and they should be immediately released, Human Rights Watch said. Police arrested Yuki Kitazumi, a Japanese journalist, on April 19, and held him at Insein prison. After his release and deportation to Japan on May 15, Kitazumi told Human Rights Watch that other prisoners he was incarcerated with told him they were brutally tortured at a military-run holding facility before being sent to Insein prison. Kitazumi said they described torture, including beatings during interrogations that continued for days, and not being permitted to sleep. Kitazumi said the experience took a heavy toll on him mentally. “There were times when I became unstable, because there’s no one to stop you from thinking negatively, and no friends,” he said. On April 17, the police arrested a woman they accused of involvement in a series of bomb attacks against security forces during raids of homes in Yangon. Local media reported that the woman was taken to a police station in Yankin township, where she was severely beaten during interrogation, including on her genitals, causing extensive injuries. The woman was later taken to an interrogation center in Shwe Pyi Thar township, where she was again beaten. By the time she arrived at the Shwe Pyi Thar interrogation center, she had vaginal bleeding due to her injuries, and she could not easily eat or urinate, according to her cell mate – who also described to Human Rights Watch how she was molested, threatened with a gun, and slapped during her own interrogation at another police precinct in Sanchaung township. Under international human rights law, the use of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment is prohibited under any circumstance. Articles 330 and 331 of Myanmar’s penal code expressly prohibits the use of torture during interrogations and states that anyone who “voluntarily causes grievous hurt for the purpose of extorting from the sufferer” shall be punished with imprisonment up to 10 years, and a fine. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), at least 870 people have died since the coup. Of those killed, at least 22 died from torture in custody. “The number of tortured to death while in custody is likely to be higher than confirmed,” the group said in a statement issued on June 11. “Myanmar’s military authorities cannot be trusted to undertake serious investigations of allegations of torture, let alone to prosecute the police and military abusers,” Maung said. “The United Nations and concerned governments should publicly demand an end to torture and other abuse of detainees and make clear to the military that failure to comply will mean redoubled efforts to impose additional targeted sanctions on senior military and police officials, and military-owned enterprises.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-22
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 20 June 2021)
Description: "As of 20 June, (871) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. from Kani Township in Sagaing Region was killed on June 19. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 20, a total of (5033) people are currently under detention; of them (196) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the evening of June 19 at Mi Kyaung Twin Village in Kani Township in Sagaing Region, junta forces shot to arrest a local villager called Sein Min. When Sein Min was lying down injured, they shot him dead and put a rifle beside his body, took the photo to conspire that Sein Min was an armed group member. A 15 year-old Kyaw Min Khant Maung, and a CDM staff at Myanma Economic Bank were arrested, as was a 12-year-old boy, who suffers from illness and was taken as hostage when his father and brother were not found in Kale Township, Sagaing Region on the night of June 19. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.36 MB 992.51 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup (Updated 21 June 2021)
Description: "As of 21 June, (873) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Chaungzon Township in Mon State were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of June 21, a total of (5045) people are currently under detention; of them (196) are sentenced. 1950 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 18 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of June 20, Moe Zaw Oo and Zaw Min Oo, two youths from Abaid Village in Chaungzon Township, Mon State, were shot dead by junta soldiers when they did not stop riding a motorbike at a checkpoint in Mawlamyine, Mon State. In the morning of June 21, Nyein (Bago) a.k.a. Aung Ko, a writer from Bago and columnist at the Bago Weekly Journal, and his nephew Zaw Lin Htwe, a 16-year-old, were arrested at home in Bago. In addition to this, after a bomb blast near Pathein Hotel, Pathein Township in Ayeyarwady Region on the night of June 20, Tun Lin Aung, living in a nearby ward, was arrested on suspicion of involvement. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.2 MB 4.6 MB 989.18 KB
more
Title: Destruction & Displacement: Civilian Safety and Security at Risk Post-Coup in Myanmar - ဖျက်ဆီးခံရခြင်းနှင့်ရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် လူထုဘဝလုံခြုံရေးအတွက် အာမခံမှုမရှိသည့် အန္တရာယ် အနေအထားတွင် ရောက်ရှိနေခြင်း
Description: "Myanmar has been embroiled in decades of internal warfare. It is a country, though vast in resources and diversity, has been oppressed by authoritarian leaders who have squandered political dissent in exchange for more power and profit. Victims of human rights violations across Myanmar’s 70-year civil war have not received reparations. Before and after the failed coup, junta soldiers continue to brutally crackdown on peaceful protesters. They are also responsible for arbitrarily arresting and detaining civilians, torturing them, killing them and committing acts of sexual violence against young women and girls. Moreover, shelling in ethnic areas is ongoing, which has resulted in widespread internal displacement. The coup by the military has only exacerbated brewing conflict in the borderlands as the junta’s quest for power and control has blinded them from justice and meaningful reforms. Moreover, the perpetrators must be brought to justice. Displacement is rampant and widespread in Myanmar as intensified clashes between the Tatmadaw and armed groups force thousands to flee. The establishment of various People’s Defense Forces (PDF) in ethnic areas left civilians with no other choice but to take up arms in self-defense. Junta security forces have been relentless in their offensives, particularly in civilian areas. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has put internal displacement in Myanmar at over 330,000.[1] Yet, the junta continues to block aid and urgently needed supplies to displaced groups. This short briefing paper will detail the impacts on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in ethnic areas of Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah and Shan States from 1 May to 15 June and make strong recommendations to the international community to put an end to decades of entrenched military impunity, which has contributed to prolonged conflict. It is based on accounts from local and international media, and from reports and briefing papers from ND-Burma members.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်နှင့်ချီသည့် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ပြဿနာနှင့် ငြိတွယ်ခဲ့ရသည်။ သယံဇာတ အမျိုး မျိုးထွက်ရှိသော်လည်း နိုင်ငံရေးအရ သဘောထားကွဲသူများအပေါ် ဖိနှိပ်ပြီး အာဏာနှင့် အကျိုးအမြတ် ကိုသာကြည့်သည့် ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်သော အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအောက် ကျရောက်ခဲ့ရသည်။ စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်း ထိန်းချုပ်စဥ်အတွင်း မတရားဖမ်းဆီး ထိန်းသိမ်းခံရသူ၊ ပျောက်ဆုံးသွားသူများ၊ ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသူများနှင့် အသတ်ခံရသူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှု တစုံတရာ မရှိဘဲ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆိုးရွားလာစေပြီး စစ်တပ်က လိုချင်တပ်မက်သည့် အာဏာနှင့် ချုပ်ကိုင်လိုမှုက တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသည့် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို ဖုံးအုပ်သွားစေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုနှင့် ကြီးစိုးလွှမ်းမိုးမှုအောက် ပြန်ရောက်သွားမည်ကို အထူးစိုး ရိမ်ကြသည်။ စစ်တပ်နှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များကြား ပြင်းထန်သည့် တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် အရပ်သား များ ထောင်နှင့်ချီ၍ ထွက်ပြေးရသည့် ပြောင်းရွှေ့မှုများ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဖြစ်ပွားလာသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (PDF) များ ဖွဲ့စည်းလာကြခြင်းက ပြည်သူလူထုသည် စစ်တပ်ကို မဖြစ်မနေ လက် နက်ကိုင်၍ ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန် အခြေအနေသို့ တွန်းပို့ခြင်းခံရ၍ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာရှင်တပ်များ၏ စစ်ဆင်မှုများတွင် အထူးသဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုနေထိုင်ရာ ရပ်ရွာများတွင် အညှာအတာကင်းမဲ့စွာ တိုက်ခိုက်ကြသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းရေးရုံး (OCHA) က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးနေရသူ ၃၃၀,၀၀၀[1] ကျော်ရှိသည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ သို့သော် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုက ထွက်ပြေးရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေရသူများအား အကူအညီနှင့် အရေးပေါ် လိုအပ်ချက်များ မပေးပို့နိုင်စေရန် ပိတ်ဆို့ထားသည်။ ယခုစာတန်းငယ်တွင် မေလ ၁ ရက်မှ ဇွန်လ ၁၅ ရက်အထိ ချင်း၊ ကချင်၊ ကရင်၊ ကယားနှင့် ရှမ်းပြည် နယ်တို့ရှိ စစ်ပြေးဒုက္ခသည်များ အပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် အခြေအနေများအား ဖော်ပြထားပြီး ခိုင်မာစွာ အမြစ်တွယ်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခြင်းမှ ကင်းမဲ့နေသည့် ဓလေ့အား အဆုံးသတ်စေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းအား အားကောင်းသည့် အကြံပြုချက်များ ပါဝင်သည်။ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခြင်း ကင်းမဲ့နေမှုကြောင့် ကြာရှည်နေသည့် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ဖြစ်ပေါ် စေပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအပေါ်လည်း စိန်ခေါ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ရှိနေသည်။ ယခုစာတန်းကို ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ သတင်းများနှင့် ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ အစီရင်ခံစာများ စာတန်းငယ်များအပေါ် အခြေခံ ရေးသားထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 857.67 KB 592.14 KB
more
Title: Myanmar Junta Kills 13 Civilians Over Weekend
Description: "Around 13 civilians, including three social workers, were killed by Myanmar’s security forces in Mandalay, Sagaing and Magwe regions and Mon State during the weekend. On Sunday night, two civilians on a motorbike were shot dead in Mawlamyine, Mon State, after they reportedly refused to stop at a checkpoint. The security forces opened fire on two citizens near a school in Letpanhla village in Singu Township, Mandalay Region, on Sunday night. Ko Kyaw Kyaw Myo, who was due to marry soon, was killed. The security forces retrieved his body and detained another man. “He was inviting friends to his wedding. He was shot while passing a school where junta forces were deployed. His friend was beaten and taken away,” a friend of the victim said. Last Thursday, the security forces opened fire on young people playing football in Minywar village in the township and detained a villager who was shot in the thigh. On Saturday night, junta troops in three vehicles raided a house in Kale, Sagaing Region, and killed four residents without providing a reason, according to residents. A witness told The Irrawaddy that he heard gunfire after about 10 troops entered the house. U Win Zaw Oo, 50, Daw San San Maw, 48, Ko Thiha Aung, 23, and Ko Zaw Zaw, 35, were killed. An injured female relative was reportedly detained. Around 40 million kyats (US$24,300), a car and other possessions were reportedly seized. The People’s Defense Force in Kale said on Sunday that the junta must take responsibility for killing the family. On Saturday evening, three members of the Sanpya Social Organization based in Yesagyo Township, Magwe Region, were shot dead in Myaung Township, Sagaing Region, while returning home in an ambulance. Myaung resistance groups accused the junta of killing the three volunteers. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners said at least 873 people have been killed by the junta since the February coup. Junta torture Nine civilians, including three villagers in their 70s, were allegedly tortured by junta forces during a raid on Kin village in Kani Township, Sagaing Region, on Saturday afternoon. The three older villagers – U Aung Thaung, U Khin Maung Lin and U Kyaw Myint – were kicked by soldiers after being forced to kneel. A young female villager, Ma Khine Mon Htet, was also beaten, according to villagers. Two villagers, Ko Aung Thet Min and Ko Lone Chon, were seriously injured after being tortured and stabbed with knives by soldiers. Troops in three vehicles and several members of a Pyu-Saw-Htee vigilante group allegedly looted houses and destroyed Kin’s shops. Pyu-Saw-Htee militias, named after a semi-legendary Bagan period king, have been formed and armed by the military to counter the anti-regime movement. A villager told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the security forces appeared to mainly target the property of villagers who opposed the regime. They also killed a village cow during the raid. Around 3,000 Kin Kin villagers have fled their homes since early May to avoid fighting and raids. Troops killed an injured man and looted houses in nearby Michaungtwin village on Saturday evening, according to residents. The junta-controlled media said the security forces were attacked by rioters near Michaungtwin on Saturday afternoon and a rioter’s body was found with a homemade hunting rifle. Residents said there was no shooting that day and the junta forces killed a 50-year-old villager who returned to the village to collect water. Leaked photos appear to show the villager was shot dead by junta forces after being injured. One photo shows the man alive but with a leg missing. A bucket and medicine are near him. The second photo shows him shot through the head beside a homemade rifle. The photographer’s arm in uniform is visible in the photo. Michaungtwin was abandoned in early May after junta raids. On Saturday, two resistance fighters were killed and five others detained during shootouts in Khin-U Township, Sagaing Region..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: The Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma Calls for An End to Junta Violence in New Briefing Paper: “Destruction & Displacement: Civilian Safety and Security at Risk Post-Coup in Myanmar” - လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ)မှ ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် “ဖျက်ဆီးခံရခြင်းနှင့် ရွှေ့ ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် လူထုဘဝလုံခြုံရေးအတွက် အာမခံမှုမရှိသည့် အန္တရာယ် အနေအထားတွင် ရောက်ရှိနေခြင်း“စာတန်းတွင် စစ်အာဏာရှင် များ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ် ရပ်တန်းကရပ်ရန် ဖော်ပြထားသည်။
Description: "Widespread internal displacement is on the rise in conflict-torn Myanmar. Following the failed military coup on 1 February, civilians in rural and urban areas have been forced to abandon their homes as they flee junta violence. A new briefing paper by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma), ‘Destruction & Displacement: Civilian Safety and Security at Risk Post-Coup in Myanmar,’ condemns the failed military coup, which has exacerbated brewing conflict in the borderlands as the junta’s quest for power and control blinds them from justice and meaningful reforms. Since the coup, over a quarter of a million people have been forcibly displaced. Our members demand an end to military rule in Myanmar and for immediate consequences against the leaders of the regime who are responsible for crimes against humanity. ND-Burma’s latest briefing paper concludes that civilians are not safe anywhere in Myanmar. Junta security forces are acting with lawlessness as they evoke a culture of fear throughout the country. Civilians are being arrested and detained under draconian policies. While in detention, they are subject to torture, which has resulted in the death of several senior level officials. Women and young girls are subject to sexual violence. Meanwhile, conflict is being waged in urban and rural areas resulting in growing numbers of internal displacement. The junta is acting without a shed of humanity, as those in remote parts of the country who are starving and without life-saving necessities are denied humanitarian aid. The consequences of conflict have been carried by our communities for far too long. The current situation overall demands civilian security and livelihoods are preserved and protected, especially amid a raging pandemic. Victims deserve justice for the crimes that have been perpetrated against them prior to the coup, and after. Without such steps forward, the people in Myanmar will be forced to reconcile with a future that they do not deserve. They are entitled to prosperous futures which grant them security and safety. Further, the international community must hold the junta to account to ensure peace and democratic stability for all. Humanitarian aid organizations must be supported with the funding and resources needed to provide aid to their communities directly. Any facilitation of aid through the junta assumes recognition of the regime, which should not be legitimized. The preservation of basic human rights and freedoms must be upheld in Myanmar for the present and for the generations to come.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် ပြည်တွင်း ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရမှုများ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ရှိနေသည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ရက် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုမှ လွတ်မြောက်စေရန် တောရော မြို့ပါမကျန် ပြည်သူများသည် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးကြရ သည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) ND-Burma မှ ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် “ဖျက်ဆီးခံရ ခြင်းနှင့် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် လူထုဘဝလုံခြုံရေး အတွက် အာမခံမှုမရှိသည့် အန္တရာယ် အနေအထားတွင် ရောက်ရှိနေခြင်း” စာတန်းငယ်တွင် နယ်စပ်ဒေ သတလျှောက် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆိုးရွားလာစေပြီး စစ်တပ်က လိုချင်တပ်မက်သည့် အာဏာနှင့် ချုပ်ကိုင်လိုမှုက တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသည့် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို မမြင်တွေ့နိုင်တော့လောက် အောင် ၄င်းတို့အား ဖုံးကွယ်သွားစေသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ပြစ်တင်ရှုံ့ချထားသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ချိန်မှစ၍ တသန်း၏ လေးပုံတပုံကျော်သော လူဦးရမှာ အတင်းအကြပ် ထွက်ပြေး ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေရ သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှု ရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ပြစ်မှု ကျူးလွန်သူ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ခေါင်းဆောင်မျာအား ချက်ခြင်းအရေးယူရန် ကွန်ရက် အဖွဲ့ဝင် များက တောင်းဆိုထားသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ပြည်သူများ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် နေထိုင်စေကာမူ လုံခြုံမှုမရှိကြောင်း စာတန်း တွင် နိဂုံးချုပ်ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တပ်များက လူထုအတွင်း အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းမိုးစေရန် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ကြမ်းတမ်းစွာ ဖြိုခွင်းပြကြသည်။ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားစဥ် ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းကြောင့် ထိပ်ပိုင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်တချို့ သေဆုံးကြရသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် မိန်းမပျိုလေးများမှာလည်း လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ခံရသည်။ တိုက်ပွဲများက ကျေးလက်တောရွာနှင့် မြို့ကြီး ပြကြီး မကျန် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အတွက် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးရမှုများ အမြောက်အများ ဖြစ်နေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုမရှိစွာ ပြုကျင့်ကြသဖြင့် ဝေးလံခေါင်သီသည့် ဒေသများရှိ ပြည်သူများမှာ ငတ်မွတ်မှုနှင့် လိုအပ်သည့် အသက်ရှင် ရပ်တည် ရေး အကူအညီများမှာ ငြင်းပယ်ခံနေရသည်။ ပဋိပက္ခများ၏ အကျိုးဆက်များကို ရပ်ရွာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းက အချိန်ကြာမြင့်စွာ ထမ်းပိုးထားရသည်။ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေအရ ပြည်သူများ၏ဘ၀ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းလုပ်ငန်းများကို အထူးသဖြင့် ယခုလို ကမ္ဘာ့ကပ်ရောဂါ ကာလအတွင်း ထိန်းသိမ်းစောင့်ရှောက် ကာကွယ်ပေးရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာမသိမ်းမီနှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသည့် နစ်နာသူများသည် ၄င်းတို့အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမရှိ ပါက မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ၄င်းတို့ မလိုလားသည့် အနာဂတ်နှင့် အတင်းအကြပ် ပေါင်းစပ်ပေး ခြင်း ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူများ၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံ စိတ်ချမှုကို အာမခံသည့် စည်ပင်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးသော အနာဂတ်ကို ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ယန္တရားများမှ တဆင့် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝန်းမှ ဖိအားပေး ရမည်ဖြစ် သည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများပေးနေသော အဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ လူမှုအသိုင်းအ ဝိုင်းသို့ အကူအညီ အထောက်အပံ့များ တိုက်ရိုက် ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကူအညီများပေးရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ၄င်းတို့အား တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရာရောက်သည့် လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများ မပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် လက်ရှိနှင့် အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်များကို ထိန်းသိမ်းမြှင့်တင်ပေးရမည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 143.2 KB 124.39 KB
more
Title: Pregnant woman miscarries after beating by soldiers
Sub-title: The woman was one of more than 40 people arrested following an arson attack on a village primary school
Description: "A woman from Yangon Region’s Hmawbi Township who was beaten by soldiers after they found protest photos on her phone has had a miscarriage, according to local residents. The woman, who was two months pregnant, was one of more than 40 people arrested in connection with a fire that broke out at a primary school in the village of Sein Shwe Kone on June 14. She was arrested and beaten later the same day when a photo of her at a protest was discovered on her mobile phone. “They found that picture and took her away. They used a device to check her phone, so that even deleted pictures were recovered,” a resident of the village said. “She took photos during protest rallies. The authorities asked for the home addresses of those in the pictures. They used the phone to hunt the protesters,” the villager added. The woman was released on June 16 and is currently receiving medical treatment, residents said. Myanmar Now was unable to contact her directly at the time of reporting. A female resident said that the soldiers arrived a few hours after the fire broke out and demanded to know who in the village had ties to the National League for Democracy (NLD). “The soldiers came and rounded everyone up. They asked a few people about the arson attack. When the villagers said they didn’t know anything about it, the soldiers wanted to know who in the village was associated with the NLD and who participated in protests. The soldiers beat the villagers until they got the answer,” the woman said. Residents said that 10 people were arrested on the day of the fire and more than 30 others were taken into custody two days later. Anyone who was found to have liked posts about the NLD on Facebook was arrested, according to residents. Many others in the village of roughly 1,000 people were also subjected to questioning. “They said they would interrogate everyone until they found out who the arsonist was,” said one young resident who was among those who were temporarily detained. “They said that if we tried to evade arrest, they would give our parents trouble. At night, I just had to sit at home and wait for my turn,” she said. Another resident said that soldiers also examined the list of households in the village to see which ones had children who were not enrolled in school. “Whenever they found a child who was not enrolled in the school, they beat the child’s parents,” said the villager. Most of those who were detained were also subjected to beatings, residents said. “First they hit them five times with a bamboo stick and asked them who the arsonist was. If they said they didn’t know, they were beaten 10 times with the stick. Then 15 and 20 times if they still said they didn’t know,” said one villager. An activist in Hmawbi said that he could not confirm how many people had been released because some were reluctant to share information out of fear of re-arrest. A state-run newspaper reported on June 18 that 56 textbooks, three dozen notebooks, and several pieces of furniture were destroyed in the fire. Junta-controlled media has accused alleged terrorists with links to the NLD of bombing schools and carrying out attacks against teachers and students. Local People’s Defence Forces loyal to the ousted NLD government have denied targeting civilians in their campaign to pressure the regime to give up power..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Unprovoked shooting by the Junta since the coup
Description: "Since the military coup on February 1, universal security in Burma has completely disappeared. Across the country, junta troops and so-called police continually threaten civilians with weapons and unprovoked shooting. Many innocent civilians, including children and the elderly have lost their lives as a result of this brutality. This arbitrary violence occurs even more frequently in remote ethnic areas, where access to transportation and information are restricted. Records and reports on these senseless crimes reveal that areas such as Kachin, Karen, Karenni, northern Shan State, Tanintharyi and Sagaing Region, are the most affected. Similar violations have been seen in areas of Yangon, Mandalay and other places. In Karenni State, the junta is using military planes, armed vehicles and heavy artillery to carry out unprovoked shelling upon civilians. Many innocent people have died as a result. According to a Progressive Karenni People Force’s (PKPF) report, out of the 55 civilians killed by junta forces and so-called police on 13 June, 21 were killed as a result of arbitrary and unprovoked shooting. One of these civilians was killed after being tortured in detention. On 24 May, the junta opened fire on a Catholic church, completely destroying the building and killing four civilians. One civilian was shot dead inside a religious building and a further two were killed in their home by artillery shelling. The junta has also been murdering people in the street. Four civilians were shot dead while they were helping to deliver food to internally displaced persons (IDPs). One of these individuals died on the spot, and another died whilst in detention. For 5 days, from 20 May, there were constant clashes between local forces and the junta. This led to a high number of casualties on both sides. Junta forces raided homes across the town, occupying the area so that nearly 10,000 local civilians were forced to flee their homes. These people are now hiding in the jungle and in IDPs camps. The junta has also been carrying out unprovoked attacks on areas in Karen State. Free Burma Rangers (FBR) reported on 5 April, that in the first week of April in northern Karen State was viciously attacked by airstrikes, alongside ground operations. These occurred despite the junta announcing a one month ceasefire on 1 April. The FBR reported that on the very same day, in Karen National Union (KNU) brigade area, Mudaw (5) District, in Doilo Township was attacked by a series of airstrikes. They also reported that Luthaw Township was targeted by the junta’s ground operations, where artillery shells were fired into villages. The junta’s artillery shelling resulted in the death of a 35 years old woman, and injury to the left shoulder of her husband, Saw Mya Aung, after their house was hit. Large numbers of forces were sent to the area to partake in relentless airstrikes and shootings. Many civilians were killed and thousands were forced to flee from their homes into hiding. On 3 May, in Bhamouk, in Kachin State, junta forces carried out a series of unprovoked shooting and airstrikes, killing a monk and 3 local civilians, including one child. As a result of these plane and helicopter attacks, many civilians fled their homes. Due to recent clashes between junta troops and local forces in Mindat, Chin State, military forces have occupied the main areas in the town, setting up camps. On the night of 17 May, the junta’s artillery shelling on houses resulted in a nine year old boy being hit in his home. Continuous junta shooting meant he was unable to receive medical treatment. Thousands of local were fleeing the city and hiding. There are only three IDPs camps in the city, meaning tens of thousands of local civilians have been forced into the jungle. These civilians face huge instability and are forced to move from one area to another. They face health problems and worsening food shortages. On 27 March, in Dawei, Tanintharyi Division, in front of No 3 High School, the military shot at three young people who were on a motorbike on the opposite side of the road. 17 year old Mg Kyaw Min Latt, was shot and arrested. He later died in the military hospital. On 23 March, in Aung Pin Lal Ward, Mandalay City, a seven year old girl was killed when her house was raided by junta troops. The 7 year old girl, Ma Khin Myo Chit, died from the gunshot wound as she held her father’s hand. On 5 June, near Hlay Swe Village, Kyonpyaw Township, in Irrawaddy Division, the junta shot and killed a young man simply for refusing to stop his motorbike. The same day, at around 3am, a group of 50 junta soldiers carried out arbitrary shootings across Ban Bwe Village, Yinmabin Township, in Sagaing Division. Thousands of villages fled into the jungle. Following a clash between junta troops and local forces in Kinma Village, Pauk Township, in Magway Division, on the evening of June 15, junta forces set fire to the entire village. Some elderly people were unable to escape the village in time, and died in the blaze. Among these were 88-year-old U Mya Maung and his wife, 82-year-old Daw Gyi May. Both suffered pre-existing health conditions and were unable to flee the village in time. The whole village was destroyed, devastating livestock and food supplies. The above incidents are just some examples of the inhumane, unprovoked armed force which junta troops use against civilians every day. Such unprovoked killings are not only human rights violations, but are clearly also international crimes. The examples above show clear evidence of the junta committing genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, all of which all classified as international crimes. The junta’s targeted attacks on regional and ethnic groups are clear evidence of their ingrained practices of genocide. Their arbitrary arrests, torture, murders and forced violent movement of large populations are all crimes against humanity. Targeted attacks on civilian and welfare workers, and attacks on religious and cultural buildings are both war crimes. The junta regime targets these groups, and commits these acts with intent. These severe crimes require an urgent and effective response from the international community. Inaction puts the lives and livelihoods of thousands more innocent civilians in Burma at risk. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 239.88 KB
more
Title: More than 20 locals arrested after explosion in Bago
Sub-title: Troops raid homes in Hpa Do in search of alleged suspects, arresting family members and neighbours when the individuals in question could not be located
Description: "More than 20 locals were arrested over two days following an explosion outside the military council’s ward administration office in Hpa Do, Bago Region this week. Soon after the explosion occurred on Tuesday morning, police and soldiers arrived at the scene. A second explosion then took place, damaging the armed forces’ vehicles. “Not long after the bomb went off, police cars showed up. They were shooting. Usually it would take about 10 minutes to get to the administrator’s office from the police station, but they showed up really quick,” a local told Myanmar Now. “In the evening, they started arresting people they suspected [of being behind the explosion],” he added. The military raided a home in Ward 5 at 2am on Wednesday. When they could not find the individual they were looking for, they reportedly arrested his brother and sister. In the afternoon, former Hpa Do administrator Hla Aye and a local volunteer were also arrested. The military raided Ward 1 in search of another man and detained his neighbours when he could not be located, the local source explained. “They surrounded the house, carrying guns. When there was no one there, they took people from the house next door—for no reason,” he said. Locals say the military raided several houses in Hpa Do again on Friday. Family members of those detained say that they have had no contact with their relatives in junta custody. “Why they were arrested, where they are now, we don’t know anything. Absolutely nothing,” a family member told Myanmar Now. The military council has not made any statements regarding the arrests. The military council’s armed forces crushed a protest held in Hpa Do on March 27, now known as Anti-Fascist Revolution Day. At least one civilian was killed and many more injured. The momentum of the town’s anti-dictatorship movement decreased after the crackdown. At least 10 young people were arrested by the regime’s forces after another explosion occurred on the Yangon-Mandalay railway in Bago’s Kanyutkwin Town on June 10. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has reported that 4,999 civilians have been arrested and 196 sentenced as of June 19 since the coup..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-20
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar coup: UN calls for arms embargo against military
Sub-title: The UN has issued a rare call to halt to arms sales to Myanmar in response to this year's violent military coup.
Description: "The General Assembly adopted a resolution condemning the military junta, which overthrew the country's elected government in February. The UN also called for the release of political detainees, such as elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and an end to violence against peaceful protesters. While not legally binding, the resolution is politically significant. "The risk of a large-scale civil war is real," UN special envoy on Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, told the General Assembly. "Time is of the essence. The opportunity to reverse the military takeover is narrowing." It was supported by 119 countries, with Belarus the only one to vote against it. Another 36 countries abstained, including Russia and China - Myanmar military's two biggest arms suppliers. Some of the abstainers said the crisis was an internal issue for Myanmar, while others said the resolution did not address a brutal military crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim population four years ago, which forced almost a million people to flee the country. The EU's UN ambassador, Olof Skoog, said the resolution "delegitimises the military junta, condemns its abuse and violence against its own people, and demonstrates its isolation in the eyes of the world". But Myanmar's UN ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, who represents the country's elected civilian government, said he was disappointed by how long it took for the General Assembly to pass what he called a "watered down" resolution. Ms Suu Kyi, 75, has been held under house arrest since the coup, and little has been seen or heard of her, with the exception of brief court appearances. The military has justified seizing power in February, alleging voter fraud in general elections held last November. But independent election monitors say the election was largely free and fair, and the charges against Ms Suu Kyi have been widely criticised as politically motivated. The coup triggered widespread demonstrations, and Myanmar's military has brutally cracked down on pro-democracy protesters, activists and journalists. Security forces have killed more than 860 people and detained nearly 5,000 to date, according to the monitoring group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Last month, Human Rights Watch had urged the UN General Assembly to pass a resolution calling for an arms embargo, saying that "while not legally binding on states, such a resolution would carry significant political weight". "Governments should recognise that arms sold to Myanmar's military will likely be used to commit abuses against the population," the organisation added. "Arms embargoes can help prevent such crimes."..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-19
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Letter dated 17 June 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, H.E. U Kyaw Moe Tun, addressed to the Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.06 MB
more
Title: Letter dated 17 June 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, H.E. U Kyaw Moe Tun, addressed to the Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, on the recent serious situation in Kinma Village, Myanmar, and the announcement (7/2021) from the National Unity Government of Myanmar.
Description: "Excellency, i am writ ing to you to draw your urgent attention to the recent serious situation in Myanmar. On 15 June, Myanmar military forces burned an en tire village called Kinma , in Pauk Township, Magway Region to the ground and those who could not run for their lives burned to death. Elderlies and sick people were left in the villages when the others had to flee from their homes d u e to the threatening entering o f the military men. For y our kind reference. I enclose herewith the Announcement o f the National Unity Government o f Myanmar dated 17 June 2021 condemning it in the strongest possible terms. These horrific acts committed by the military continue amounting to crimes against humanity. It clearly constitutes the violation o f Article 3 o f the Fourth Geneva Convention on the Protection o f Civilian Persons in Time o f War o f 12 August 1949. Protecting civilians must always be a top priority under every circumstance, not only in armed conflicts. But in total disregarding international laws and principles. Myanmar military has been terrorizing the civilians since the illegal coup on I February 2021. It is no doubt that the military will continue to show a total disregard for human life, with no humanity. The United Na tio n s' call to " spare civilians and civilian infrastructure and ensure safe and unhindered humanitarian access" has been completely ignored by the military. There have been on the dire need for medical aid in vulnerable areas o f the country, and the military has been arresting the healthcare workers who volunteered to provide medical assistance to the injured. These are clear violations o f international humanitarian law and international human rights law. In the aft ermath o f the military coup, collapsing economy, unrest, breakdown o f public health system, g rowing internal displacement, and difficulty to access aid in need are leading to a humanitarian c risis in Myanmar. The World Food Program suggests that some 6.2 million people in Myanmar will face a severe hunger c risis in the coming months. Despite all the real situations, the military continues blocking and destroying humanitarian assistance. On 13 June, an ambulance, food, medical supplies, and basic needs for the civilians were destroyed and set fire. Those supplies were contributed by well-wishers a cross the country for internally displaced persons. We are still amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, and the military evidently fails to manage the pandemic. The National Unity Government o f Myanmar has been taking necessary measures to contain the spread o f the virus and engaging with the people. The people o f Myanmar do not accept any form o f military rule, and the people have made their voices loud and clear. Continued military brutal crackdown on the civilians and pro-democracy movements are being conducted in a systematic and targeted manner. The National Unity Government together with the people o f Myanmar have been calling on the United Nations and the international community to take timely collective and decisive actions on the military to ease violence, to stop killing its own people and to restore democracy in Myanmar. Please accept, Excellency, the assurances o f my highest consideration..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 675.15 KB
more
Title: UN in Myanmar Alarmed at Sharp Deterioration of Human Rights Environment
Description: "The UN in Myanmar is alarmed at recent acts of violence that illustrate a sharp deterioration of the human rights environment across Myanmar. One such case is the discovery of two mass graves in Myawaddy Township (Kayin State), containing the human remains of twenty-five people who had reportedly been detained on 31 May by the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO). Another case is the reported burning by security forces of more than 150 homes in Kin Ma Village in Pauk Township (Magway Region) on 15 June, leaving two dead and approximately 1,000 people homeless. The United Nations in Myanmar reiterates its call on all actors in the current crisis to ensure that international human rights norms and standards are respected. This includes upholding the obligation to minimize collateral harm to civilians and to civilian infrastructure, and prohibiting the application of collective punishments against communities, families or individuals. The United Nations in Myanmar calls for those responsible for human rights violations to be held accountable, including the perpetrators and their chain of command. လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်းကျင်အခြေအနေ လျင်မြန်စွာ ယိုယွင်းကျဆင်းလာမှုအပေါ် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ စိုးရိမ်ထိတ်လန့် (ရန်ကုန်) – မကြာသေးမီက ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များ သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းရှိ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများဆိုင်ရာ ဝန်းကျင်အခြေအနေ လျင်မြန်စွာ ယိုယွင်း ကျဆင်းလာမှုကို ဖော်ကျူးနေသည့်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် အထိတ် တလန့်ဖြင့် စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်လျက် ရှိပါသည်။ ဖြစ်ရပ်တစ်ခုမှာ မြဝတီမြို့နယ် (ကရင်ပြည်နယ်) တွင် လူ (၂၅) ဦး၏ ရုပ်ကြွင်းများကို မြှုပ်နှံထား သည့် နေရာနှစ်ခုအား တွေ့ရှိရခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထိုသူများသည် ကရင်အမျိုးသားကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့ (KNDO) မှ မေလ (၃၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်းခံခဲ့ရသူများ ဖြစ်သည်ဟုဆိုပါသည်။ နောက်ဖြစ်ရပ် တစ်ခုတွင် ရရှိသည့် သတင်းများအရ ဇွန်လ (၁၅) ရက်နေ့က လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် ပေါက်မြို့နယ် (မကွေး တိုင်းဒေသကြီး) ရှိ ကင်းမရွာတွင် လူနေအိမ်ခြေပေါင်း ၁၅၀ ကျော်ကို မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့မှုကြောင့် လူ နှစ်ဦး သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း ၁,၀၀၀ ခန့် အိုးမဲ့အိမ်မဲ့ ဖြစ်ခဲ့ရခြင်းပင် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် လက်ရှိအကျပ်အတည်းတွင် ပါဝင်ပတ်သက် နေသူများအားလုံးအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံများနှင့် စံချိန်စံညွှန်းများကို လေးစားလိုက်ကြရန် ထပ်လောင်းတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာလူ့အခွင့်အရေးစံနှုန်းများကို လိုက်နာမှုဟု ဆိုရာတွင် စစ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများအတွင်း အရပ်သားများနှင့် အရပ်ဘက်ဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံအဆောက် အအုံများကို ထိခိုက်မှုများ နည်းနိုင်သမျှအနည်းဆုံးဖြစ်အောင် လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည့် တာဝန်နှင့် ရပ်ရွာလူထုများ၊ မိသားစုများ သို့မဟုတ် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအပေါ် သိမ်းကျုံးရောနှော၍ အပြစ်ပေးခြင်းကို တားမြစ်ရန် တာဝန်တို့အား စောင့်ထိန်းခြင်းလည်း ပါဝင်ပါသည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများအတွက် ကိုယ်တိုင်ကျူးလွန်သူများ နှင့် အမိန့်ပေးစေခိုင်းသူများအပါ အဝင် တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့များမှ တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-18
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 123 KB 129.19 KB
more
Title: Buddhist Monk Takes up Arms Against The Myanmar Junta
Sub-title: Monk Kaythara goes from preaching not to kill to learning how to kill.
Description: "A Buddhist monk has undergone armed training to fight with the popular resistance against the military junta in Myanmar, giving up his vows against killing in response to the deaths of peaceful protesters. Former monk Kaythara, who now goes by the name George Michael, left the monkhood and took up arms in response to the arrests and killings of fellow monks who joined protests against the military regime that overthrew the elected government in February. Kaythara, 33, became a monk when he was 20 years old and had been involved in humanitarian work. He served as head monk of the Dhamma Darna monastery in Hlaingthaya township, an area dominated by garment factories on the outskirts of Yangon, where he oversaw an orphanage. In the early days of the military coup, Kaythara said he had actively participated in peaceful protest marches. “We’ve been organizing the protests in Hlaingthaya since Feb. 6,” he told RFA in an interview. “Since then, we marched on the streets to protest every day until Feb. 14 when the authorities begin to crack down on the protests.” A violent suppression of protesters by security forces that day left more than 60 people dead. Many residents, including thousands of factory workers, fled the area, which authorities placed under martial law. Kaythara was not among the protestors that day because he went into hiding after authorities issued an arrest warrant for him. During his time in hiding, his mother died, but he wasn’t able to attend her funeral. Kaythara said he later learned that many fellow protestors had been killed during the crackdown, the event that prompted him to join the popular armed rebellion against the military junta. “We had resisted the military council’s rule peacefully, without even bearing a single needle, but after I learned about the forces shooting down fellow protestors, I changed my mind,” he said. “I decided to join the armed training when I arrived in this ‘liberated area.’” Liberated area is a general term used in Myanmar to refer to territory unpenetrated by the Myanmar junta’s rule, including rebel-controlled ethnic areas along the borders of Thailand, India, and China. “We were required to refrain from killing when we were Buddhist monks, but now we are in training to kill,” he said. Buddhist monk Kaythara participates in a peaceful protest against Myanmar's military junta in Yangon in an undated photo. Photo courtesy of Kaythara Authorities in the liberated area where Kaythara went for military training argued against his participation because he was a veteran monk. But they eventually relented, and he began training with an ethnic armed group in a location he declined to disclose for fear of endangering other soldiers. “I remained a monk for 13 years,” Kaythara said. “I am still using the pronouns designated for monks. I remind myself I am no longer a monk and that I am a soldier now, so I try to eat and live like other soldiers do.” Now that he has completed his military training, Kaythara is a ranking officer, though he said he is reluctant to confront Myanmar soldiers in battle because of his previous religious vow not to kill. “I wonder if I am really capable of killing someone in battle,” he said. “I used to preventing others from killing, let alone killing someone myself, but now I am required to eliminate them as a soldier.” Kaythara said he would have remained a monk had the military coup not occurred. “I had an ambition to establish a Buddhist university,” he said. “I wanted to build a three-story facility. I aimed to build something as big as a landmark for Buddhists. This was my dream, but now it’s been destroyed.” Other monks contacted Kaythara after they saw online photos of him in his military uniform, he said, but added that he doesn’t want them to follow in his footsteps. “Although the armed rebellion is essential for this revolution, there are many things we can do as Buddhist monks,” he said. “I want to appeal to other Buddhist monks not to give up the monkhood to join the armed forces. There are many other ways you can help by remaining as a monk inside the country.” At least 18 monks have been arrested by security forces for participating in protests since the Feb. 1 coup, according to the Dhamma and Peace Foundation, an online group set up in 2019 by prominent domestic and international Buddhist monks. More than 860 people have been killed by the junta, and 4,480 remain in detention since the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a Thailand-based monitoring group and NGO..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 17 June, (865) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 17 June, a total of (4962) people are currently under detention; of them (183) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On June 15, Yamin Htike a.k.a. Htike Htike, a middle school teacher at the Basic Education High School in Mi Kyaung Ye Town, Magway Region, who was involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested in Magway. A protest strike in Thayet Hna Khwa Village, Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, was cracked down by a private car. Six policemen sped by and opened fire into the air on the evening of June 14. During this crackdown, Thi Thi Mar, a local villager was arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.4 MB 985.47 KB
more
Title: Myanmar village destroyed amid clashes between military and anti-junta group
Sub-title: Residents say 200 homes in Kin Ma burned to ground after opponents of junta fought with regime’s forces
Description: "A village in central Myanmar has been torched by the military junta, killing at least two people and reducing about 200 homes to piles of ash and rubble, residents have told local media. Security forces set fire to the Kin Ma village, in Magway region, on Tuesday afternoon after fighting with opponents of the junta, according to residents. More than 1,000 people are sheltering in the forest and nearby villages, while at least two elderly people, who had been unable to flee, were burned to death, villagers told the Irrawaddy news site. MRTV state television blamed “terrorists” for the fire, and said that media who reported otherwise were “deliberately plotting to discredit the military”. MRTV said 40 “terrorists” set fire to a house in Kin Ma, starting a fire that spread to 100 of the village’s 225 homes. However, residents told Reuters that only 30 houses in the village remained, while some 200 homes had been burned to the ground. The blaze was large enough to be recorded by Nasa’s satellite fire-tracking system at 9.52pm on Tuesday, the news agency reported. Photographs of the village showed a haze of smoke above piles of rubble, where homes once stood. Burnt planks of wood, sheet metal, bricks and cooking pots were scattered around, with only a few trees left standing. Some images showed animal carcasses. Dan Chugg, the UK ambassador to Myanmar said in a statement: “Reports that the junta has burned down an entire village in Magway, killing elderly residents, demonstrate once again that the military continues to commit terrible crimes and has no regard for the people of Myanmar.” Myanmar’s military is already accused of burning hundreds of villages in 2017, during a brutal crackdown that that drove about 700,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh, and which has since led to a genocide case in the Hague. Security forces denied setting fires, and even blamed Rohingya for doing so in some instances. According to interviews given to the outlet Myanmar Now, security forces arrived at Kin Ma on Tuesday, searching for a man who was suspected of shooting at the house of a junta-allied official in another village. After fighting with opponents of the coup outside the village, and apparently losing 15 soldiers, the junta forces set fire to the village, local people told the outlet. The Guardian was unable to verify the claims. The military’s seizure of power initially prompted huge protests, where millions took to the streets to call for the return of democracy. However, security forces unleashed brutal forces on protesters, repeatedly opening fire on peaceful marches and rounding up activists during night time raids. As street demonstrations have waned, some have taken up arms to protect their communities and oppose the junta. UN special rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, warned earlier this month of a rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in parts of the country, where he said junta bombs had displaced more than 100,000 people. People who had been forced to flee their homes were at risk of mass deaths from starvation and disease, he said in a grim warning. The military has killed more than 860 civilians since seizing power in a coup on 1 February, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a rights group that tracks casualties and arrests..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar: State of Fear - 101 East exposes a secret interrogation centre and claims of torture
Description: "Since a military coup in February, a climate of terror has engulfed Myanmar. Disappearances, detention without charge, alleged torture and mysterious deaths are just some of the actions under the spotlight following widespread protests against the military takeover. 101 East uses witness testimony and forensic analysis to expose a secret interrogation centre in the country's biggest city, Yangon. This investigation also reveals how Western tech firms have sold surveillance software and data extraction tools to the country. In a special collaboration with Lighthouse Reports and Forensic Architecture, we reveal how the military is creating a state of fear..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera English" (Qatar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Protect Shan State’s lifeblood, Save the Salween River
Description: "Shan Human Rights Day marks the day in 1997 when the Burma Army massacred 56 villagers in Kunhing, during a brutal scorched earth campaign in which hundreds were killed, and over 400,000 uprooted in central and southern Shan State. We reiterate our calls for justice for those killed then, and all killed since by the military now terrorizing the entire country. The regime’s scorched earth operations in Shan State over two decades ago were aimed to crush the Shan resistance and seize control of the area’s rich natural resources. Since then, the Burma Army has continuously expanded into Shan State, selling off our lands, forests and rivers to the highest bidder. This process has accelerated since the February 1 coup, and now the generals are pushing through long-held plans to sell off the mighty Salween River, the lifeblood of millions in eastern Burma, to hydropower investors. In May, the regime gave the go-ahead for China’s Hanergy to build the first dam on the Salween, at Kunlong in northern Shan State. 90% of the 1,400 megawatts produced will go to China. Damming the Salween will be a death knell for our beloved river, its fragile ecosystem and the livelihoods of millions relying on it. We urge all foreign investors to immediately cancel their dam plans, or be complicit not only in the regime’s past and present atrocities to secure the dams, but also in the ecocide they will unleash on eastern Burma. .."
Source/publisher: Shan Human Rights Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-17
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 267.34 KB 325.65 KB 308.01 KB
more
Title: Airstrikes Kill in Karenni State While an Estimated 100,000 Flee
Description: "On 31 May at 1700hrs, the Burma Army attacked Demoso Town in Karenni State; they shot on and off for two hours, with two different helicopters. One was a Russian attack helicopter Mi 35. One person was killed in the attacks and six were wounded. Almost every villager in Demoso and Hpru So have evacuated and are now displaced in the jungle. The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) estimates that there are nearly 100,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) now in Karenni State since these attacks. KNPP estimates of IDPS: Eastern Loikaw – over 10,000 Western Loikaw – over 10,500 Demoso – over 65,000 Hpru Soh – over 11,000 The Burma Army has sent reinforcements into Demoso area. They have started to burn the houses of suspected sympathizers believed to be involved with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) or People’s Defense Force (PDF). IDPs are in need of food, shelter and medicine as the rainy season has begun. We are also sad to inform you all that we lost one of our Karenni Rangers. All Lo Sein was killed by the Burma Army on 27 May as he was rescuing civilians trapped under fire by the Burma Army in Demoso Town. All Lo Sein joined FBR in 2017 when he was 19 years old and told us that he wanted to learn how to help his people more. He was the second son and had nine brothers and sisters. He conducted relief missions after his initial training and also helped organize community support efforts. He was a kind, intense, dedicated and brave man who loved others more than his own life. He was gunned down by Burma Army troops when he placed himself between the troops and the townspeople they were attacking. Read more about him in the following FBR field report..."
Source/publisher: Free Burma Rangers
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 16 June, (865) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region was killed the previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 16 June, a total of (4911) people are currently under detention; of them (182) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of June 14, Su Paing Htwe a.k.a Paing Paing, died from severe bleeding when he did not receive adequate medical treatment after being shot in the stomach by junta’s forces while riding a motorcycle at Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region. After junta forces set fire to homes in Kingma Village in Magway Region’s Pauk Township on the evening of June 15, Some elderly and a disabled villager were killed, and buffalos and cattles died. In addition to this, a villager was shot in the thigh and some villagers arrested. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.26 MB 981.72 KB
more
Title: Junta police set fire to Magwe Region village, reducing it to ‘mounds of ashes’
Sub-title: The remains of two bodies believed to belong to an elderly husband and wife are discovered after regime troops burn down the village of Kinma, house by house
Description: "The remains of two burned bodies believed to belong to an elderly husband and wife—Mya Maung, 85, and Kyi Hmein, 83—were discovered by the villagers on Wednesday. While other residents—including their eight children—fled, the couple had stayed behind and hid in their home. “The old man was in really poor health. He couldn’t even walk anymore. All of his children were fleeing so none of them could save him from the fire. I think the old woman chose not to run and to die with her husband,” a neighbour of the couple told Myanmar Now. Kinma’s residents left their homes on Tuesday in anticipation of the raid by regime soldiers, leaving food and water for five elderly people who were unable to run with them, a Pauk Township local said. They had planned to return to check on them the following day. Once the fire started to engulf the village, residents hiding nearby were able to return and save three of the elders, but not Mya Maung and Kyi Hmein, a local said. Kinma is home to some 1,000 residents and is 18 miles from Pauk, a town in central Magwe Region bordering Chin State. By Wednesday morning, images posted on social media by Pauk locals indicated that much of the village had been burnt down. One of the residents who returned to the village on Wednesday told Myanmar Now that he had witnessed Mya Maung and Kyi Hmein’s son crying amidst the ashes of his parents’ home. He added that only around 50 houses—out of some 230—were still intact. Conflict in the area intensified after June 12, when gunmen on motorbikes shot at the house of the junta-allied administrator of Deedotekwin village, more than 12 miles from Kinma. One of the motorcycles broke down and was left behind in Deedotekwin by the gunmen. The regime authorities traced the bike’s licence plate to Kinma, according to a local. Policemen and plainclothes soldiers then went to the village in search of the suspect. Kinma’s villagers fled when they got word of the junta’s armed forces’ arrival. Seeing no one in the village, the troops then set fire to the village, said the Pauk resident. Be Tu, a man from Pauk who had contact with the civilian resistance in Kinma, said that gunfire was exchanged between local fighters and the regime troops outside of the village as they arrived in the area on Tuesday. He said that the shootout ended at around 4pm, and estimated that up to 15 junta soldiers were killed and one local was injured. Myanmar Now was not able to independently verify the number of casualties. After the clash, around five policemen set fire to Kinma, starting with a house near the village school. Dozens more policemen then set fire to the other residences, according to a resident in hiding who witnessed the community burning. “The fire did not spread from the first house. They set nearly every house on fire—in the middle, west and north of the village,” U Kin, another Kinma resident, explained on Wednesday. “What I saw at the village today were just mounds of ashes.” Editor’s Note: This article was updated on the evening of June 16 to include further details concerning the fire and the two victims killed in the attack..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Military shoots, kills civilian in Depayin following murder of administrator’s daughters
Sub-title: After three deaths of alleged regime allies in the area, the junta’s armed forces storm villages and open fire on locals
Description: "Regime soldiers opened fire on villages in Sagaing Region’s Depayin Township on Monday after both a former local administrator and the daughters of a current junta-allied administrator were killed by unknown assailants one day earlier. One villager was killed and another was seriously injured in Monday’s attack. On Sunday evening, locals in the Depayin Township village of Kyi found the bodies of two women—Than Than Sint, a school teacher in her 30s, and San, in her 40s—with visible stab wounds near a creek. Their father, Thein Zaw, the village’s administrator under the military regime, fled the area soon after. Junta-run newspaper Kyemon alleged on June 15 that “armed terrorists” were responsible for the women’s deaths. Bo Tint, the former administrator of Inpin village, also in Depayin, was shot in the head on Sunday evening as well. He had been accused of being a military informant regarding anti-coup activities due to his close ties to the army. After the three deaths on Sunday, 16 military trucks were subsequently deployed to villages throughout the township. On Monday afternoon, the junta’s army first opened fire on residents of Satpyarkyin and Boke, two miles west of Kyi. “They stormed the villages for no apparent reason. They used a lot of force,” a Boke resident said. Twenty-one-year-old Boke local Aung San was shot in the chest and died immediately. Thike Htwe, 22 was shot in the abdomen and in the pubic region and is seriously injured. Villagers feared Thike would be arrested and tortured if he were taken to the hospital, so he was being treated in a safe house at the time of reporting, according to residents. Hundreds of soldiers then stormed the villages of Kyi, Inpin, Nyaung Hla and Yin Kyay, reportedly chasing and shooting at locals. At around 6pm on Monday, fighting broke out between the army and the local People's Defence Force (PDF) near Inpin. The clash lasted more than 30 minutes. Two regime soldiers were killed and seven were injured in the fighting, according to the local PDF. On Tuesday morning, around 300 soldiers in 22 military trucks opened fire in Nyaung Hla. Further information about the incident was not available at the time of reporting. Since April, the junta’s troops have been deployed to the Sagaing Region villages where there have been anti-coup activities in Depayin, Yinmabin, Kani, Taze, Ayataw and Mingin townships..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Mindat becomes a ghost town under military rule
Description: "Mindat, a small town in a remote and mountainous region of southern Chin State, is more isolated than ever these days. A full month has passed since martial law was imposed on the town and the surrounding area, and it now lies virtually empty, according to some of its few remaining residents. “There are no open shops, no hawkers—just dogs and pigs on the streets,” said one person who spoke to Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity. “People even left their pets behind when they fled. The pigs broke their fences and now they’re roaming the streets looking for food,” he added. Martial law was imposed on Mindat a day after talks between the military and local resistance forces collapsed on May 12. Since then, more than 90% of the town’s roughly 11,000 inhabitants have fled as the military continues to tighten its grip, according to residents. At least 10,000 people have been displaced, with most seeking shelter in neighbouring villages or in the forest, according to the Mindat People’s Administration Team, which negotiated with the military to end the fighting. A town in terror Mindat’s resistance movement was among the first in the country to take up arms against regime forces cracking down on anti-coup protesters. The Chinland Defence Force (CDF), formed in early April, claimed multiple casualties in its clashes with junta troops, but suspended fighting later in the month as it called for the release of detained protesters. However, it wasn’t until the military suffered even greater losses after fighting resumed a few days later that it agreed to negotiate. This led to 10 days of relative peace that ended abruptly on May 12. The resistance forces initially defied the imposition of martial law, but were forced to retreat when the military sent reinforcements to occupy the town two days later. Anyone who was still in Mindat after troops took control of the town on May 15 has been forced to stay there due to the heavy military presence, according to residents. Soldiers have taken over all major roads and public areas, making most fearful of encounters that could end in arrest or worse, they said. “They interrogate everyone very strictly, so no one dares to go out. They’re suspicious of young people, so it’s even worse for them. They want to know if you’re a local and tell you to show them your ID and phones,” said one man still living in Mindat. Another danger is stray artillery shells, which sometimes hit residential neighbourhoods. The junta has blamed such incidents on local resistance forces, despite the fact that they are not believed to possess any heavy weaponry. On May 26, the regime released a statement claiming that its troops were under orders to act only in self-defence. However, with soldiers taking over houses and public buildings, including churches and other places of worship, few believe that they are in the town simply to keep the peace. Meanwhile, the regime has portrayed the resistance forces variously as “rioters” and “terrorists”, citing ambushes targeting military columns and other guerrilla tactics. Armed only with hunting rifles and improvised weapons, the CDF has been accused by the military of “terrorising” its heavily armed troops. The regime has made no mention, however, of the thousands of civilians who have fled in terror of the troops that have taken over their town. Targeting IDPs While there has been no fighting in the town since it was placed under martial law, the surrounding area continues to see clashes. Since the third week of May, villages housing internally displaced persons (IDPs) have increasingly come under fire, according to relief workers. On May 21, the CDF attacked some soldiers in plain clothes who had entered the village of Pukun, where a number of IDPs had been hiding, amid fears that regime forces were trying to infiltrate camps for the displaced. In another incident that took place on May 30, troops opened fire on an IDP camp in the village of Asakan, despite the fact that a white flag had been raised at the site to indicate that its inhabitants were not engaged in the conflict. “The moment they hear that IDPs are arriving in a village, it becomes a target. It’s pretty obvious. They are clearly intent on cracking down on civilians, even when the CDF hasn’t made the first move,” an IDP camp administrator told Myanmar Now. The IDPs live in a constant state of insecurity, as the military steadily widens its area of control to include more and more villages in the area. “They always have to be ready to run. The moment they hear the word ‘Tatmadaw’, they start getting nervous,” said the secretary of one IDP camp committee, referring to the Myanmar military. In addition to direct attacks, the military has also moved to block shipments of food and other supplies to the IDPs. Since June 7, when clashes broke out along the main road from Kyaukhtu, the town in Magway Region that has been the chief source of supplies, most villages located near the road have come under military control, according to relief workers. “The rations mostly come from Kyaukhtu. Since the military is blocking the road from there, there’s no other way to transport rations. It’s the only route,” said one IDP camp official. Besides food and clothing, many of the IDPs, including children, pregnant women, and the elderly, are in need of medicine support, he added. White flags On May 29, military officials announced that Mindat residents who registered with the authorities would be free to return to their homes or stay in one of eight churches or two monasteries designated as shelters. Few, however, have taken them up on their offer. “Some who can’t stay in the forests have gone back, but the vast majority haven’t. They just don’t trust the military,” said a member of the Mindat People’s Administration Team. Some who were unable to leave in the first place have entered the military-sanctioned shelters, but only because the alternative seemed too dangerous. “We stayed at home before, but we kept hearing all these shots, so we didn’t dare go outside. [Soldiers] would just start shooting if they heard a sound or saw someone, so we moved here because we were told it would be safe,” said a member of one family now living in an official shelter. “We can go around town now, but only if we’re holding a white flag,” he added, noting that, to avoid taking unnecessary risks, he only goes to his home once a week. Other residents also expressed similar concerns about the efficacy of white flags as a form of protection. “Even when we’re just going out to get vegetables, we need to carry a white flag. That’s still no guarantee, but we have to take our chances so we don’t just starve to death,” said one local. To make matters worse, the town’s mains water supply has been cut off since May, making trips to collect water a daily necessity. “There’s no water, so we have to go to the streams to get it. We don’t even have enough water to maintain hygiene,” said another resident. A member of the Mindat People’s Administration Team said it was difficult to know how many people were still living in the town. Among them, however, are elderly people who were too frail to flee before the military arrived. In some cases, it is almost certain that they haven’t survived the challenges of meeting their basic needs on their own in a town under siege. Meanwhile, as fighting spreads to other villages in the area, many are worried that Mindat could once again become a battle zone. But for some, the greater fear is what will happen to the town if the military ultimately prevails in the ongoing struggle. “This is the poorest town in the poorest state. Even if our revolution succeeds, it will be difficult for us to get back on our feet. So I want to urge everyone to please be active before the entire population gets wiped out,” said one defiant resident..."
Source/publisher: A month after coming under martial law, the town in southern Chin State has been all but emptied of its inhabitants
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Student activists, journalists being mistreated in Insein prison, say family members
Sub-title: Relatives of seven young detainees say they are at risk since being separated and placed in cells with hardened criminals
Description: "Family members of seven detainees in Yangon’s notorious Insein Prison say that they are being mistreated by prison authorities for not complying with orders. The seven prisoners—five student activists and two freelance journalists—had been locked up together since their arrest in late February and March, but were separated on April 22 for refusing to read out the prison rules. They spent the next week in solitary confinement, and have since been placed in different cells with criminal prisoners, the family members said. “They each have to share a cell with more than a hundred criminals who are facing long years of imprisonment. They have been separated and can’t see each other,” said a relative of detained activist Hpone Htet Naung. Student activists Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Aung Hpone Maw, Lay Pyay Soe Moe, Thuta Soe, and Hpone Htet Naung are facing charges of incitement under Section 505a for taking part in anti-coup protests. Freelance journalists Soe Yarzar Tun and Banyar Oo were arrested while covering the protests. They have also been charged with incitement, which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison. All seven are being tried by a special court inside Insein Prison, according to relatives, who say that they have denied access to the prisoners. The family members said that the young detainees have received threats from criminal prisoners and are completely at the mercy of prison officials to resolve conflicts. “They aren’t being treated like political prisoners. They’re being treated like criminals. This is not right. They’re drained mentally and physically,” said a relative of one of the prisoners. Thet Naung, a lawyer representing Wai Yan Phyo Moe and Hpone Htet Naung, said his clients have also expressed concern about their current situation. “They told me at a hearing that they’ve been worried about their safety since they were placed with criminals,” he told Myanmar Now. One of the relatives said that the prisoners were being mistreated because of their strong political stance. “They were fighting for the truth. Student leaders like them are being oppressed so that they can no longer defy the military. It’s like a warning. It’s political persecution,” he said. However, the family members said they were confident that the detainees would not give in to pressure. “The military puts dissidents in prison, barely keeping them alive. It is killing their futures. But I believe my son will keep fighting until his last breath. He is strong-willed and has a strong stance,” said Wai Yan Phyo Moe’s mother..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Villagers Displaced By Conflict in Demawso Township Find Homes Looted and Destroyed
Description: "After the military invited civilians displaced by fighting to return to their villages in Demawso Township, many were horrified after discovering that armed forces had completely looted and destroyed their homes. “My house was hit by shells and riddled with bullet holes…They (soldiers) destroyed everything inside it. There is nothing left,” The man explained the Army destroyed his TV, refrigerator, cabinet and ruined all of his clothing. He said soldiers even took his new cooking pots, pans and plates. The military stayed in people’s homes during the conflict against the People’s Defence Force (PDF). Civilians also found live shells and ammunition around their dwellings. Burma Army artillery fire destroyed many homes during weeks of indiscriminate attacks on the villages in the township. The Army made villagers who had secretly returned to their homes in western Demawso Township work for them. “Soldiers forced some to carry their food ration and military equipment,” a villager from western Demawso Township told Kantarawaddy Times. Soldiers ordered residents on their knees before beating them, the person explained. After seizing their phones, they put them to work. A military column shot at residents keeping guard of Patan Kho village in Myalae village tract on June 11. Local groups appealed to military leaders not to fight in western Demawso Township. PDF listened but Burma Army sent soldiers to patrol the area. They looted homes and killed and ate people’s chickens and pigs. No one dared to stay in their villages with the soldiers. According to recent reports on social media, the military arrested some civilians who returned home after hiding out in the jungle camps..."
Source/publisher: Kantarawaddy Times (Deemawso Township)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-16
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 15 June, (864) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Depayin Township in Sagaing Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 15 June, a total of (4893) people are currently under detention; of them (182) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the evening of June 14, Aung San from Boke Village in Sagaing Region’s Depayin Township was shot dead in the chest when the junta troops opened fire on villages after two daughters of a coup council-appointed village administrator in Kyi Village, Depayin Township were stabbed to death. The terrorist forces searched for youth protestors to arrest in Patheingyi Township after two police were shot dead in Mandalay Region’s Patheingyi Township. A mother, who is not in good health, elder sister and brother were taken as hostages on June 11 when the junta forces did not find the two brothers who are pro-democracy demonstrators in Patheingyi Township. Lwin Maung Maung, Regional Hluttaw MP for Meiktila Constituency No.1, currently detained in Meiktila Prison, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on May 12 without trial. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.32 MB 982.07 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 14 June, (863) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 14 June, a total of (4880) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1937 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Doctor Maung Maung Nyein Tun, lecturer of surgery at the University of Medicine in Mandalay, and Swe Zin Oo, a specialist doctor at Mandalay Public Hospital, were arrested on June 13 in Mandalay City. Mar Mar Khaing, MP for No.2 constituency in Thaton Township, Mon State and her husband Nyan Tun, Executive Committee member of NLD of Kyaikmaraw Township, under detention in Kyaikmaraw Prison, were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on June 11 by the Thaton Township Court. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.48 MB 974.1 KB
more
Title: Myanmar: As Aung San Suu Kyi goes on trial, ASEAN’s indecision is enabling military rampage
Description: "The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must stop shielding the Myanmar military from international pressure and accountability, Amnesty International said today as the country's human rights crisis continues to worsen dramatically. With the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi having started on 14 June, the organization further urges all ASEAN member states to finally get behind calls for the release of all those arbitrarily detained in the country and support measures to stop the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military. “ASEAN’s usual commitment to non-interference is enabling the military’s deadly rampage, fuelling a human rights and humanitarian crisis that will sink both ASEAN’s credibility and the very stability it seeks to uphold,” said Emerlynne Gil, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research. “Millions of people in Myanmar are losing faith in ASEAN. The regional bloc must change course and offer a lifeline to people in Myanmar by getting behind international efforts to protect civilians and urge the release of all those arbitrarily detained, including Aung San Suu Kyi.” Aung San Suu Kyi is currently facing a total of seven charges. If found guilty, she can face decades in prison and will effectively be barred from holding office again. Her charges include violating Section 55 of the Anti-Corruption Law, the Official Secrets Act, Section 67 of the Telecommunications Law and the Export and Import Law (possessing walkie talkies in her home). She also faces two charges under Section 25 of the Natural Disaster Management Law and “incitement” under Section 505 (b) of the Penal Code. “The military is digging deep into its arsenal of repressive laws, including those from the colonial-era, in a desperate attempt to silence Aung San Suu Kyi, opposition leaders and many other vocal critics who have been arbitrarily detained,” said Emerlynne Gil. The Myanmar security forces continue to kill, injure and arrest civilians. Since the 1 February coup, an estimated 863 civilians, including 58 children, have been killed and a countless number of people have been injured, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPPB). Reports of torture and deaths in custody keep emerging. Internet restrictions remain in place, and media freedom is severely restricted. Meanwhile, fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and groups of protesters taking up arms is escalating and spreading across the country, killing or injuring civilians, damaging civilian properties, and displacing hundreds of thousands of women, men and children. Recent clashes, including air raids, in Karenni or Kayah State alone has displaced estimated 100,000 civilians who are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Approximately 200,000 civilians have been displaced so far this year, adding to over 300,000 existing displaced persons reliant on humanitarian aid. High-level meeting exposes faltering ASEAN diplomacy On 4 June, a high-level delegation comprised of ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Pehin Yusof, the second minister for foreign affairs for Brunei, the current chair of ASEAN, met with coup leader and head of the Myanmar military authorities, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar’s capital. The high-level meeting in Nay Pyi Taw reported little tangible progress on ASEAN’s “Five-Point Consensus” on the Myanmar crisis, including calls for the cessation of violence, humanitarian access and the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar. ASEAN must implement a call for Myanmar to release arbitrary detainees In one welcome advance, in a statement after the meeting, the Chairman of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, Erywan Pehin Yusof, called for the release of political detainees in Myanmar. According to AAPPB, as of 13 June, 4,863 people are currently detained or have been sentenced in in the wake of the 1 February coup, including the country’s elected civilian leadership. “The belated commitment of a senior ASEAN official to the release of the political opposition is welcome and essential and we hope that this view is adopted as consensus by ASEAN,” said Emerlynne Gil. “It should also be clear that ASEAN’s mediation efforts would be all but impossible if key stakeholders are all behind bars.” “ASEAN should place top priority on demanding that the Myanmar military immediately release not only prominent political detainees, but all of the thousands of people arbitrarily detained, and call for their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly,” said Emerlynne Gil. Shocking lack of progress since ASEAN emergency summit The Five-Point Consensus was agreed at an emergency summit in Jakarta attended by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on 24 April, but the Myanmar military authorities have since repeatedly stated that it would not act upon the plan until the country had reached “stability.” Between the ASEAN summit and 13 June, 115 more people have been killed and 1,474 more people are arbitrarily detained or sentenced. "Myanmar's generals are making a mockery of ASEAN's meek efforts to lead the international response - continuing to kill, jail, and drive the country into the ground before the ink had dried on ASEAN's 'Five Point Consensus'," said Emerlynne Gil. “The regional bloc must get behind efforts at the UN to protect civilians, ensure their humanitarian needs are adequately met, urgently stop the flow of weapons to the military and secure the release of all those arbitrarily detained.” Growing calls at the UN for a global arms embargo on Myanmar ASEAN states continue to negotiate with the states sponsoring a UN General Assembly resolution to address the human rights crisis in Myanmar, of which only some of the ASEAN members are supportive of a comprehensive arms embargo. “ASEAN must support the passing of a UN General Assembly resolution calling for a halt of weapons transfers to the Myanmar military. Anything less is an abdication of ASEAN’s leadership role on the Myanmar crisis, and shows ASEAN is siding with a military that is continuing to kill and imprison unarmed protesters and other civilians. Even if adopted, a call for halting transfers by the UNGA has only moral force and may not deter the major arms suppliers to the military – including China, Russia and India. The UN Security Council must urgently then make a comprehensive global arms embargo on Myanmar mandatory for all states to stop the military's killing spree against its own people. “Whether through willful obstruction or internal disagreement, ASEAN has become the Myanmar military's shield at the highest levels of global diplomacy. Instead, ASEAN states must stand together against rampant military atrocities and urgently get behind the calls for a global and comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Teachers, students keep protests alive in ‘f***ing stubborn’ Monywa
Sub-title: Despite the dangers, protesters in the Sagaing Region capital say they will keep hitting the streets – to send a strong message to the people, the junta and the world, and to honour fallen comrades.
Description: "The 36-year-old private school teacher grimaced as she lowered herself to the floor of the safe house. It was one of many she had called home in recent months, since the security forces put out a warrant for her arrest. The brace enclosing her waist hinted at her bruising escape from a crackdown in early April, when the security forces pummeled her with batons. If the teacher went to hospital, she risked arrest, so instead she met her family doctor in secret. Still, she considers herself lucky. “Some others weren’t able to get away that day,” said the teacher, who asked not to be named for security reasons. Despite the near-constant pain, the teacher spoke with steely determination about the protest movement in her hometown of Monywa, the Sagaing Region capital, where teachers and students have led opposition to the Tatmadaw’s February 1 coup. She insisted that the violent crackdowns since late February, including the shooting of unarmed protesters, have failed to subdue opposition to military rule. “Some people think Monywa is getting quiet now, but they’re the ones who are doing nothing for the revolution – the ones who are at home, scrolling through their phones and reading news,” said the teacher, a mother of two children. “We keep doing as much as we can. There are now a lot of restrictions in Monywa that make it very hard for us to protest. But we understand that every part of this revolution needs to stay strong.” Even as resistance has shifted to armed struggle, including in the Dry Zone countryside around Monywa, residents still organise near-daily protests against the regime. Today it one of the few major towns where demonstrations continue on a regular basis. During a visit to Monywa in May, resistance leaders emphasised to Frontier the importance of maintaining street protests in tandem with the public sector strikes under the Civil Disobedience Movement, and alongside the work of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, a body formed by ousted lawmakers in February that has since appointed a parallel National Unity Government. Because its protest movement has endured in the face of extreme violence, young resistance leaders proudly refer to their town as “sauk kyaw tin Monywa” (fucking stubborn Monywa). On May 4, Frontier observed a flash protest in which more than 100 people converged from different areas onto a ward where the security presence was light. Scouts first observed the ward, including major roads, for signs of police or soldiers, and once they gave the all-clear the participants marched quickly through the streets, chanting slogans loudly to catch the attention of nearby residents. Many people emerged from their homes to clap or join the chanting, sometimes presenting energy drinks and water bottles to the marchers. The protest lasted less than 20 minutes, and afterwards the participants gathered briefly in a narrow residential street to listen to protest leaders. “The street protests that triggered this Spring Revolution … have not disappeared yet,” Ko Than Kyaw Oo, the chair of Monywa University Students’ Union, told them. “These protests are like a fist punch to the vulnerable sternum of the military council. It causes them a lot of trouble. However much they want to, they can’t control the town,” he said. “We will keep on protesting and our town will still be known as ‘fucking stubborn Monywa’.”.....Everything ‘gone to waste’: On the day of the coup, teacher Daw Mya San Kywe was in Monywa helping to mark exam papers. “I cried that day,” the 42-year-old mother of three told Frontier. “But I was also angry – so were many other people here in Monywa.” She resolved to do whatever she could to oppose the military. On February 6, she and other teachers from her school, Basic Education High School Nyaung Phyu Pin, launched a photo campaign, posing in their green and white uniforms and giving the three-finger salute that quickly became a symbol of opposition to the regime. Two days later, 31 of the 45 teachers from the school took part in a protest. Sources in Monywa estimate that around two-thirds of all teachers in the district, which includes three other townships besides Monywa, have gone on strike and joined the CDM, a relatively high rate. NLD lawmaker U Myint Htwe, who won the Sagaing Region Hluttaw seat of Ye-U 2 in the November election, said local teachers had been invaluable in resisting military rule. “We are all grateful and thankful for their efforts in this revolution,” he said. Although Mya San Kywe no longer takes part in demonstrations, she remains active in the resistance movement, helping to raise and distribute donations for striking workers who have joined the CDM. Mya San Kywe’s younger sister, Daw San San Lin, also teaches at a school in Monywa. They had both been optimistic about the future of education in Myanmar, particularly the prospects for further reform during the National League for Democracy’s second term, which was meant to start this year. They said they knew straight away that the military’s power grab had put paid to any chance of that. “It felt like everything we had been trying to achieve had gone to waste,” said Mya San Kywe. When she got news of the coup, San San Lin was waiting for her husband-to-be to arrive in Monywa for their wedding, due two days later on February 3. The communications shutdown meant that she was unable to reach him for most of the day, and she wondered whether the ceremony would still go ahead. Although they were able to marry as planned, the couple were in no mood to celebrate. From the following day, they dedicated themselves to the Spring Revolution, joining the CDM and participating in protests. She said teacher strikes had helped to sustain opposition to the coup in multiple ways. “The number of teachers in Myanmar is higher than the number of military personnel. That’s why I feel our CDM is as important as the others,” San San Lin said, referring to other public sector walkouts. “Other government employees also don’t have contact with students like we do. So if teachers participate in the revolution then youths get more involved too. If a teacher is in danger or threatened with arrest, the students will stand by them.” Despite their determination, San San Lwin and Mya San Kywe have both been shocked at the regime’s brutality, particularly towards young protesters. Figures from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners show that security forces have killed 27 people and arrested 80 in Monywa from April 3 to June 7. Mya San Kywe said she’s tired of the loss of life and hopes the Spring Revolution will succeed soon, so that fewer people have to die. “When I saw young people dead on the road, even though I didn’t know them personally, my heart was broken,” Mya San Kywe said, before adding with grim humour: “Even when my ex-husband left me to marry another woman, I wasn’t that sad.”.....Fallen heroes: After several weeks of swelling protests in which tens of thousands of people marched through the streets of Monywa, the security forces launched their first major crackdown on February 27. About 200 people, mostly teachers and students, were surrounded by security forces near Zaung Kyan Bin monastery, in the middle of town. At first security forces started shooting with teargas and stun grenades, but around 11am opened fire with live rounds. A restaurant owner was shot in his thigh and a teacher was shot in her abdomen but both survived, said U Myo Min Oo, a member of the Thumaydar volunteer organisation that has helped transport and treat those injured in the protests. He said he was shocked at the violence, but it would soon get much worse. Just seven days later, he watched as police and soldiers opened fire on a protest organised by the town’s General Strike Committee. “The protest group was taking a break in the afternoon at the corner of Aung Mahar and Pyidaungsu roads, near Hpayani Pagoda. The protesters had some food and then when they started moving to resume their march the security forces emerged and shot them immediately with live rounds,” said Myo Min Oo. The nine fallen heroes that day included poet and educator Ma Myint Myint Zin, 34. Better known to many by her penname, Kyi Lin Aye, she started writing poems and novellas in high school. After graduating with a degree in mathematics, she dedicated herself to education, volunteering as a teacher at monastic schools in the area. She and her younger brother, Ko Win Min Latt, also co-founded a social welfare association, Myitta Dika, that funded teachers, books and meals for orphans and other children whose parents could not afford to send them to school. Win Min Latt said that immediately after the coup, his sister began organising small protests in their neighbourhood, during which residents banged pots and pans, sung revolutionary songs and chanted slogans condemning the coup. “Even though she had never been involved with political parties or political movements before, she knew this the coup would be bad for the country,” he said. From February 6, Myint Myint Zin began organising larger demonstrations, encouraging her friends and students to take part. “From that day until the day she died, she was involved [in the revolution],” Win Min Latt said. Like many protesters, she knew the risks she was taking. On the day she was shot dead, she had written her blood type and her mother’s phone number on her arm with a marker, along with a message that her body was to be donated to Mandalay General Hospital. Win Min Latt got the news about his sister just a few minutes after she was shot. Not long after, he learned she’d died in the ambulance on the way to the hospital. “My heart felt totally empty,” he said. “She was such an amazing person, I just felt it was such a waste. We weren’t just siblings; we were great friends. So, I’ve lost not only a sister but also a friend.” The next day, Monywa residents renamed Aung Mahar Road, where Myint Myint Zin and eight others had died, as Arzani (martyrs) Road..... Honouring sacrifice: Students have also been integral to Monywa’s resistance movement; and as the security forces have grown more violent, they’ve also borne the brunt of the casualties. “Some of our comrades have died in our arms,” said Ko Khant Wai Phyo, a student activist and leading member of the Monywa General Strike Committee. “We feel we’re responsible for sustaining the movement and making sure their hopes are fulfilled.” Ko Aung Kyaw, another student activist who is also part of the strike committee, echoed his words. “Every revolution requires sacrifice, but we don’t want these sacrifices to be in vain,” he said. “We will keep on fighting until we achieve the goal these fallen heroes were striving for.” Like the teachers, the students are committed to ensuring that protests continue in Monywa, despite the risks. They and other activists said this was important for a number of reasons: to show that the people still reject military rule, to maintain hope that the revolution will succeed, and to remind the world that the people of Myanmar are still under dictatorship. To maintain the momentum, activists try to organise at least one protest a day. This can take the form of motorcycle rallies in areas of Monywa town with a light security presence, but when there are too many soldiers or police in the town, they demonstrate in nearby villages instead. Teacher Ma Soe Myint Htwe, who had to flee with her family into a forest when clashes erupted between a civilian militia and the Tatmadaw, said she would “stay with the CDM until the dictators fall”. “There’s no way I can work under them,” said the 24-year-old, who had shelved plans to pursue a master’s degree in order to join local protests. “I want them to be annihilated as soon as possible – the longer they’re in power, the more likely we are to return to the dark days of the past...”
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-15
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Legal Perspective Information Sheet
Description: "Preface The purpose of publishing this information sheet is to increase the awareness of people over the Crimes Against Humanity committed by the military junta terrorists on a daily basis and to keep record of their brutal acts for future reference and proceedings. Committed crimes are selectively stated in this information sheet due to space limitations. Arbitrary Detentions and Enforced Disappearances On 27th May, Soe Linn Htet, a second year student majoring in Civil Engineering at the Technological University Meiktila, was arbitrarily detained at home at Pyawbwe Township in Mandalay Region. A village administrator, involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was also arrested at Nayin Village, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region on 29th May. On 30th May, a former member of All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) in Monywa District andwho is currently assisting IDPs was arrested at gunpoint by the junta troops wearing civilian attires. On 31st May, Khin HmwayLwin, a member of Sagaing Region and elected regional parliamentary representative fromMinkin Township constituency and Hein Win Latt, NLD executive member of Bhamo Town in Kachin State, were arrested respectively. On 2ndJune morning, former village administrator of Pan Lin Village inPyaungKhaung Village Tract of Mogok Township in Mandalay Region, was arrested by the junta troops. A lawyer who is representing pro-bono and arrested people for staging anti-dictatorship protests in Myitkyina, Kachin State was also arrested and on 3rdJune, a leader of Sanay Charity Group, Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested by the junta troops. Murders On 27th May, two youths from Demoso Township in Kayah State were shot to death by terrorist junta while they were delivering food toKarenni IDPs. On the same day, a 14 year old boy was shot dead in the head while running away from the junta forces in ThabyayKone, in Loikaw Township, Kayah State. Later on 28thMay, at Pauk Taw Wa in Insein Township, Yangon Region, a youth was brutally killed when a military vehicle intentionally crashed into him for not being stop for checking. In early morning, 30 May in Baganmyothit in Nyaung-U Township in Mandalay Region, Moe Myint Aung was shot and died when the junta raided the Yonetan Ward and Hman Cho Ward. Later, sources said that Moe Myint Aung waswrongfully shot while capturing others six youths. On 30th May, in Loikaw Township in Kayah State,a man was shot dead by the junta troops while riding a motorbike. During the night of 4th June, Thaw Zin, who is a LGBT, was shot by the junta troops deployed at Township Education Office in Kyaukpadaung Town in Mandalay Region onhis way back home with a motorcycle with two of his friends. Thaw Zin eventually died from not receiving medical treatment in time. While around 80 villagers in Ayeyarwady Region clashed with soldiers as they tried to prevent the arrest of a man accused of transporting weapons, at least three civilians were killed by the junta force. The widespread and systematic murdering of the civilian population in Myanmar by the military shows no signs of stopping. In fact, it is evident that attacks against peaceful protesters across Myanmar have progressively intensified. Intention to destroy the whole ‘Kayan’ tribes The Kayan are a sub-group of Red Karen (Karenni people), Tibeto-Burman ethnic minority of Myanmar lives around Phekhone, Moebyel, Demoso, and Seebu. The estimated Kayan population is about 2 millions. In the early days of May, some young generations residing in these regions have been resisting against the military’s repression with homemade guns. Since then, the military have beenoperating systematic and targeted attacks on the entire ‘Kayan’ people including civilians who are not directly taking part in the hostilities. About 1 million of ‘Kayan’ are displaced directed towards Seebuu Township, due to the heavy artillery and Airstrikes of the military. Therefore, about 85% of the ‘Kayan’ people would become displaced persons and nowhere to hide since the geographical position of these regions are not interconnected with international borders, and if the military continues their strikes in Seebuu township. Since the military have been cutting off humanitarian aids to this particular region, people urgently need foods, water and medicines.The Myanmar military has been violating the fundamental and peremptory norms of international law on a daily basis. In carrying out these atrocities, the military’s conduct confirms that it does not and has no intention of abiding the obligations laid under the international law. In a world governed by the rule of law, the military cannot legitimately represent Myanmar. The international community must act immediately to stop the military’s indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Violations on Freedom of Speech and Fundamental Human Rights On 27th May, a reporter of Ayeyarwaddy Times News Agency based in Ayeyarwady Region was arrested and beaten while interrogating. Moreover, on the same day, Myo Thiha Kyaw, a photojournalist for the Myanmar Press Photo Agency, was arrested in Mandalay. Also in Kyaukme Township in Shan State, a photographer was arrested. To silence the widespread opposition against the military’s actions since 1st February 2021, it has targeted, attacked and arbitrarily detained dozens of journalists reporting on the protests. As a result, most editors and reporters inside the country currently refrain from identifying themselves as members of the press. Indeed, the military has also revoked licenses of a number of independent media outlets. Nevertheless, the National Unity Government planning to hand over documentary evidences of these crimes against humanity being committed by the military against the civilian population of Myanmar to relevant human rights bodies of the United Nations. Ref : Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) : Myanmar Now..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 297.32 KB
more
Title: Letter dated 15 May 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General
Description: "I would like to draw your urgent attention to the horrible situation in Myanmar, in particular in Mindat, Chin State. After the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) staged the coup d’état on 1 February 2021, it killed over 800 people and arrested over 4,000 people. The murderous military and security forces have persistently committed irresponsible, irrational and disproportionate actions against the civilians. Despite the continued calls by all relevant stakeholders, including the international community, the military has failed to end all forms of violence against the innocent people. It instead has accelerated acts of terrorism in many places acr oss Myanmar. In this regard, I wish to enclose herewith an announcement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Unity Government of Myanmar dated 15 May 2021 calling for immediate attention on Mindat (see annex). Owing to the Tatmadaw’s terrorist actions against the innocent people of Mindat, Chin State, the Chinland Defense Force, by exercising the right to self-defence, has been defending the defenceless people of Mindat. Since 14 May 2021, the Tatmadaw has been sending more forces to the areas near Mindat, while attack helicopters are hovering about the houses of the people in Mindat. The military is shooting inside the town using heavy artillery. Within the next 48 hours, Mindat could potentially become a battleground and thousands of people are facing the danger of being displaced. There have been 5 innocent people killed by the military actions against the civilian population and 10 people injured. Many more are potentially under the threat of fatalities and serious injuries. The military has arrested the health workers who were volunteering to provide health-care assistance to the injured people. Therefore, we would like to urge the international community to take immediate action to end all violence of the Tatmadaw and protect the defenceless people of Mindat, Chin State. I would like to echo the announcement by calling for your urgent attention to the situation in Mindat and for immediate and decisive action from the United Nations and the international community to save the lives of civilians in Mindat and to protect the people of Myanmar. I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda items 34 and 72 (c). (Signed) Kyaw Moe Tun Permanent Representative..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 97.42 KB
more
Title: Myanmar: Stop Holding Family, Friends Hostage
Sub-title: Detaining People to Coerce Others is Collective Punishment
Description: "Myanmar security forces are arbitrarily arresting and detaining family and friends of activists, protesters, and opposition members, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities should immediately and unconditionally release all those wrongfully held and end all collective punishment, which violates fundamental principles of international human rights law. Since the February 1, 2021, military coup in Myanmar, security forces have detained at least 76 people, including an infant, during raids when they were unable to find the person they sought to arrest, according to documentation by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). At least 48 of those people are still in detention, with some now held for more than three months. “Seizing family members and friends as hostages is a thuggish tactic by Myanmar’s security forces to terrorize the population and coerce activists to turn themselves in,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director. “The authorities should end the practice of collective punishment immediately and release everyone held on this illegal basis.” Security forces unable to find specific suspects have arrested their parents, children, other relatives, and friends who happened to be present during the search. Cases include: On March 8, security forces searching for lawyer Robert San Aung seized his daughter and brother-in-law and held them for 18 days before releasing them. On April 22, security forces searching for Pu Do Sian Pau, a member of the opposition Civil Disobedience Movement, seized his mother and his 70-year-old father, a retired pastor of the Cope Memorial Baptist Church. Both are still in detention. On April 29, security forces searching for Salai Bawi Uk Thang, the editor-in-chief of the Chinland Post newspaper, detained his father. He is still in detention. On May 23, security forces arrested the parents and younger brother of a striking worker from the fire department. All three relatives are still in detention. In some cases, witnesses allege that the security forces beat the relatives before detaining them. Tin Htut Paing, an activist who is in hiding, told the media that, on May 2, security forces searching for him and his brother beat his 90-year-old grandmother and 64-year-old mother. Security forces detained his mother and charged her with “incitement.” On May 28, she was sentenced to three years in prison. According to the AAPP, security forces searching for Associate Judge Kaung Myat Thu of Chaung-U Township Court beat his mother before arresting her. His mother is still in detention Young children and even an infant have also been detained, at least temporarily. Security forces detained five relatives of strike leader Ko Jay Lah, including two girls aged 2 and 4. Similarly, forces searching for protest leader U Tan Win detained his wife and 20-day-old baby. While in both cases the family members were released later the same day, the arrests send a chilling message to activists and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement that no member of their family is safe, Human Rights Watch said. The detention of people based solely on their relationship to another person is a form of collective punishment, which violates the right to liberty and security of person and the right to a fair trial, Human Rights Watch said. “Myanmar’s junta has taken unlawful detention to a noxious new level by detaining those close to people who themselves should not be facing arrest,” Robertson said. “Concerned governments should urgently impose targeted sanctions and a global arms embargo or expect the junta to continue to raise the stakes on abusive actions.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Myanmar’s Coming Revolution
Sub-title: What Will Emerge From Collapse?
Description: "Myanmar is at a point of no return. The army’s February coup, meant to surgically shift power within the existing constitutional framework, has instead unleashed a revolutionary energy that will be nearly impossible to contain. Over the past four months, protests and strikes have continued despite the killing of more than 800 people and the arrest of nearly 5,000 more. On April 1, elected members of parliament from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), together with leaders from other political parties and organizations, declared a “national unity government” to challenge the authority of the recently established military junta. And through April and May, as fighting flared between the junta and ethnic minority armies, a new generation of pro-democracy fighters attacked military positions and administrative offices across the country. The junta could partially consolidate its rule over the coming year, but that would not lead to stability. Myanmar’s pressing economic and social challenges are too complex, and the depth of animosity toward the military too great, for an isolated and anachronistic institution to manage. At the same time, the revolutionaries will not be able to deal a knockout blow anytime soon. As the stalemate continues, the economy will crumble, extreme poverty will skyrocket, the health-care system will collapse, and armed violence will intensify, sending waves of refugees into neighboring China, India, and Thailand. Myanmar will become a failed state, and new forces will appear to take advantage of that failure: to grow the country’s multibillion-dollar-a-year methamphetamine business, to cut down the forests that are home to some of the world’s most precious zones of biodiversity, and to expand wildlife-trafficking networks, including the very ones possibly responsible for the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in neighboring China. The pandemic itself will fester unabated. The task now is to shorten this period of state failure, protect the poorest and most vulnerable, and begin building a new state and a freer, fairer, and more prosperous society. A future peaceful Myanmar can only be based on both an entirely different conception of its national identity, free of the ethnonationalist narratives of the past, and a transformed political economy. The weight of history makes this the only acceptable outcome but also a herculean task to achieve. The alternative, however, is not dictatorship, which can no longer achieve stability, but rather ever-deepening state failure and the prospect of a violent, anarchic Myanmar at the heart of Asia for decades to come.....A COLONIAL INHERITANCE: Myanmar is a colonial creation. Over the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the United Kingdom conquered the coastline from Bengal to the Malay Peninsula, the valley of the Irrawaddy River (home for a millennium to Burmese-speaking Buddhist kingdoms), and then the surrounding uplands (regions that had never before come under external control). Myanmar—then called Burma—was forged through a military occupation and governed as a racial hierarchy. Imperial census administrators complained that the many and varied identities of its inhabitants were too fluid and contingent and that the country was “a zone of racial instability.” They nonetheless divided everyone into neat racial categories, with some races deemed “indigenous” and others “alien.” The British also established an incredibly unequal and exploitative colonial political economy, based on the large-scale immigration of Indian labor and the export of primary commodities—mainly rice, oil, and timber—to global markets. Modern Burmese politics emerged a century ago, and at its core was an ethnonationalism rooted in the notion of a Burmese-speaking Buddhist racial identity. In 1937, ten years before Pakistan was partitioned from India along religious lines, the British partitioned Burma from India on the basis of perceived racial difference. After winning independence in 1948, the new Burmese state tried to incorporate those non-Burmese peoples of the country also deemed indigenous, such as the Karens and the Shans, but within a framework of Burmese racial and cultural supremacy. Those peoples categorized as “aliens,” such as the more than 700,000 people from the Rohingya Muslim community viciously expelled to Bangladesh in 2016 and 2017, have fared worse. Myanmar’s nation-building project has failed for decades, leaving behind a landscape of endemic armed conflict and a country that has never truly been whole. The Burmese army has been the self-appointed guardian of this ethnonationalism. It is the only army in the world that has been fighting nonstop since World War II: against the British and then the Japanese, and, after independence, against an extraordinary array of opponents, including Washington-backed Chinese nationalist armies in the 1950s, Beijing-backed communist forces in the 1960s, drug lords, and ethnic armed forces struggling for self-determination, all the while taking as well as inflicting enormous casualties. Since the 1970s, most of the fighting has been confined to the uplands, where the army became an occupation force imposing central rule on ethnic minority populations. But every now and then, the army would descend into the cities of the Irrawaddy River valley to crush dissent. The ranks of the armed forces have grown to over 300,000 personnel. In recent years, the military has acquired new Chinese and Russian combat aircraft, drones, and rocket artillery. It is led by an officer corps that cannot imagine a Myanmar in which the military is not ultimately in control..."
Source/publisher: Foreign Affairs
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 298.24 KB
more
Title: Weekly Updates on Current Situation in Myanmar (8-6-2021)
Description: "Deaths and Arbitrary Arrests As of 8 June 2021, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a total of 5,858 people have been arrested whereas 4,704 people are still under detention, 1,936 people have been issued with warrants and 857 people ruthlessly murdered by the military since 1 February 2021 when the military unleashed systematic and targeted attacks and violence against innocent civilians. Already more than 120 days have passed since the coup; the military terrorist group has not stopped its inhumane acts and arbitrary arrests against the unarmed civilians until today. Military’s Unstoppable Brutal Actions Arbitrary Arrests: On 2 June 2021, a 62-year-old mother and wife of a man whom the junta was searching for were arrested when the junta forces did not find him at home. On 2 June 2021, in Myitkyina, Kachin State, Mr. Thet Tun Oo, a lawyer who is taking pro-bono case for people was arrested for staging anti-dictatorship protests. On 3 June 2021, a man was shot to death when he did not stop his motorcycle for inspection by junta troops in Monywa, Sagaing Region. On 4 June 2021, Mr. Thaw Zin who is LGBT was shot and killed. Junta troops hit him with three bullets in arm and rib when he and his two friends were on the way home riding a motorcycle. On 4 June 2021, in Monywa in Sagaing Region, Mr. Khant Zin Ko, who is a member of Monywa University Student Union, was arrested when the junta forces did not find his father at home. On 8 June 2021, Mr. Marn Zar Myay Mon, a protest leader of Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region was shot and arrested by the military forces. He was issued with warrant under Penal Code Section 505(a) before the arrest. On 8 June 2021, in Hlaing township in Yangon, when the junta forces cracked down a protest, about 4 youths including 2 males and 2 females were arrested. According to a protester involved in a rally, plains-clothed wearing police turned up into the rally and arrested the youths. Clashes between Villagers and Military Forces: On 5 June 2021, in Kyonpyaw Township in Ayeyarwady region, it is reportedly clashes between villagers and military forces after a villager named Mr. Kyay was taken into custody on early morning. The junta accused Mr. Kyay, who sells bananas to Yangon, of transporting weapons. Shootout between two sides lasted for about an hour and three civilians were shot dead including a 19-year-old youth. According to the information received, the military took control of Hlay Swel village and villagers from eight neighbouring villages fled their homes. Violent Crackdowns in Moebyel in Shan State: According to the information received from the local residents, the military used heavy forces, set fire the houses and buildings, broke into houses and took the properties since four days ago. Deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State: In the early days of May, some young generations residing in Phekhone, Moebyel, Demoso, and Seebu townships have been resisting against the military’s repression with homemade guns. Since then, the military have been operating systematic and targeted attacks on the entire ‘Kayan’ people including civilians who are not directly taking part in the hostilities. Now, around 1 million of ‘Kayan’ are displaced directed towards Seebuu Township, due to the heavy artillery and Airstrikes of the military. The estimated Kayan population is about 2 millions. Therefore, about 85% of the ‘Kayan’ people would become displaced persons and nowhere to hide since the geographical position of these regions are not interconnected with international borders, and if the military continues their strikes in Seebuu township. Targeting the members of NLD party The junta has more targeted to arrest the members of the National League Democracy (NLD) party. On 4 June 2021, Mr. Khin Maung Shwe, NLD Chairman of Shwebo Township, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code was sentenced to three years imprisonment. On 5 June 2021, Mr. Kyaw Ohn, NLD Chairman of Man Ywet Village of Mogaung Township of Kachin State, was arrested at his home by the junta forces who were wearing plainclothes. Moreover, on 6 June 2021, in Taungyi Township, Mr. Tin Myint, Taunggyi Township, Executive Committee Member of NLD was beaten and arrested at his home by junta forces. On 7 June 2021, Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, former Magway Region Chief Minister, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under 505(b) of the Penal Code and a new charge on natural disaster management law was opened. Issuing Warrants for the Members of Trade Unions At the end of May 2021, under the Myanmar Penal Code 124 (A), the junta issued warrants for 28 members of the Central Committee of the Confederation of Trade Unions Myanmar (CTUM). The passports of all members were also declared null and void at the same time. Anti-Coup Resistance Movements Despite tight security and violent actions against the civilians by the junta, anti-coup resistance movements are still gaining momentum across the country. On 8 June 2021, members of the Mandalay Society of Engineers which is one of the most consistent groups protesting the dictatorship, organized a motorcycle rally. On the same day, members of student union from townships in Mandalay marched to call for democracy and boycotted the military’s slave education system. In addition to rallying every day across Dawei, on 8 June 2021, young people handed out anti-junta leaflets in markets. Policy Position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar issued the policy position on the Rohingya in Rakhine State on 3 June 2021. The salient points in the statement are as follow: - The National Unity Government will consider the opinions and views of the entire people of Myanmar including those in Rakhine State, in drafting a new Constitution that can resolve problems caused by the 2008 Constitution. - The process of repealing, amending and promulgating laws, including the 1982 Citizenship Law, by the new Constitution when the drafting is completed will be beneficial in resolving the conflict in Rakhine State. - The new Citizenship Act must base the citizenship on birth in Myanmar or birth anywhere as a child of Myanmar citizens. - The National Unity Government further commits to abolishing the process of issuing National Verification Cards, a process that the military has used against the Rohingyas and other ethnic groups coercively and with human rights violation. - The Rohingyas are entitled to citizenship by laws that will accord with fundamental human rights norms and democratic federal principles. Announcement on Counter terrorism and designation of terrorist organizations On 7 June 2021, the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar issued the announcement on counter terrorism and designation of terrorist organizations. In the statement, the National Unity Government (NUG) designated the Tatmadaw and its affiliated organizations as terrorist organizations under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter-Terrorism Law. The National Unity Government (NUG) also highlighted the following acts of terrorism that the Tatmadaw and affiliated organization have perpetrated towards innocent civilians to create public fear and to control the region: - Killings of more than 800 civilians using lethal weapons - Arbitrary detentions of more than 5,000 people, many of whom have been tortured and sexually abused - Decimation of the economy with the near collapse of the banking system and the threatening of people’s savings and property - Disregard for a food security crisis, with the number affected set to increase from 1 to over 3 million people in the coming months - Abandonment of Myanmar’s COVID CERP program along with an overall collapse of the healthcare system - Massive money laundering operations International Pressure on the Illegitimate Military Group On 3 June 2021, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) issued the statement regarding the visit of ICRC President Peter Maurer to Myanmar to meet with the Chief of military group, who staged the coup and seized the power in Myanmar since 1 February 2021. In the statement, it is expressed that during the meeting, ICRC president emphasized that people in Myanmar are in need of urgent assistance and protection in the current situation. He also stressed the importance for the ICRC to resume its purely humanitarian visits and activities in places of detention in Myanmar which are essential to secure humane treatment and conditions of detention for all detainees and to restore communication between detainees and their families. Entering to the fifth month of crippling unrest and chaos following the military coup in Myanmar, there are reports that ASEAN envoys arrived in Myanmar on 3 June 2021 to meet with Myanmar military leader. On the same day, ASEAN Secretary-General and Second Minister for Foreign Affairs of Brunei, who is ASEAN Chair for 2021 arrived in Myanmar. During the visit to Jakarta, European Union Foreign Affairs Chief, Mr. Josep Borrell said on 3 June 2021 that the EU is planning a new round of sanctions on the ruling generals of Myanmar and their economic interests and these third row of sanctions on Myanmar will be approved in the coming days. He also told the journalists that the leadership to find a political solution for the situation of Myanmar belongs to ASEAN. On 7 June 2021, envoys from ASEAN called on Myanmar’s military group to release all political prisoners and urged to implement the ASEAN’s five-point-consensus to end the turmoil in the country following the coup. On 7 June 2021, the U.S welcomed the commitment to address discrimination and human rights abuses against Rohingya in the statement of NUG. Secretary of State of the US said the NUG’s pledge to address discrimination and human rights abuses against Rohingya is an important signal to all those working for an inclusive, democratic future. The United Nations in Myanmar issued the statement on 8 June 2021, expressing the concern about the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in Kayah State and other areas in southeastern Myanmar. The statement highlighted the recent violence by the Myanmar security forces against civilians in Kayah states, which resulted in massive internal displacement of an estimated 100,000 people including men, women and children, and incidents of seeking safely by those in host communities and neighbouring Shan State. It also reiterated its earlier calls for all parties to urgently take the necessary measures to protect the civilians and protected objects including medical units and personnel. On 8 June 2021, Mr Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar also called for immediate action to avoid a massive loss of live in Kayah State. He urged all the regional actors, INGOs and civil society organizations to do all that can avoid a catastrophic loss of life, and the neighbouring countries to support the cross-border displacement of Myanmar. He also called international community to cut off the resources access which the junta needs to continue the brutal attacks on the people of Myanmar. ***** Date: 8 June 2021 Permanent Mission of Myanmar, New York..."
Source/publisher: Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-14
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 104.21 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 13 June, (863) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Demoso Township in Kayah State was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 13 June, a total of (4863) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of June 11, May Lar was shot dead when he was bringing food back to Padan Kho Village from a displaced camp in Demoso Township in Kayah State because they lacked food. Two lawyers from Hpa-an Township in Karen State, who are representing political detainees including Karen State Chief Minister Nan Khin Htwe Myint, were arrested on June 10 at Myawaddy in Karen State. A lawsuit was filed against them under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code at Myawaddy Police Station. In addition to this, Kyaw Myat Min, a political activist, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested at Hlae Kyaw Kone Village Monastery which is located in Pathein Township in Ayeyarwady Region on the night of June 10. While the monk was being arrested he was defrocked. Moreover, Aung Ko Min, a disabled man, living in Dawei in Tanintharyi Region, was arrested after leaving his home in a wheelchair on June 11. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 4.51 MB 1.19 MB 974.45 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 12 June, (862) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Demoso Township in Kayah State was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 12 June, a total of (4848) people are currently under detention; of them (178) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of June 11, Saw Bel Kream Hel a.k.a Khun Bel Bel was shot twice in the chest and died on the spot while he was helping to push a pick-up truck. In the evening of June 11, doctor Ye Zin Aung, Obstetrician-Gynecologist from Myingyan Hospital, was arrested at Myingyan Town in Mandalay Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.4 MB 983.78 KB
more
Title: Myanmar Junta: End Systematic Attack on the People of Myanmar, Reverse Coup d’état
Sub-title: Scores killed and injured, more than 1,400 arrested
Description: "The Myanmar military junta must immediately end its deadly nationwide attack against nonviolent protesters and return power to the elected government, Fortify Rights said today. The junta’s forces killed at least 61 people in at least seven regions and states throughout the country since a February 1 coup d’état, according to various sources. Yesterday alone, soldiers and police reportedly killed at least 38 people. On Friday, the U.N. Security Council will convene in New York City to discuss the situation in Myanmar. “Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and his murderous junta are systematically terrorizing the people of Myanmar,” said Ismail Wolff, Regional Director of Fortify Rights. “We’re witnessing security forces commit targeted extrajudicial killings and other widespread violations. The Security Council should urgently impose a global arms embargo against the military.” Since February 27, the Myanmar military and police have dramatically escalated the use of excessive and lethal force against unarmed protesters in almost all of the country’s 14 states and regions. According to Tom Andrews, the U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, the junta’s forces killed at least 23 people from early February to March 1. Yesterday, the military and police killed an additional 38 people, according to the U.N. Special Envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener. The police and military killed men, women, and children. Victims included students, a carpenter, an engineer, a teacher, and others. Video footage shared widely on social media shows military soldiers and police officers shooting into crowds of unarmed people, shooting into private residences, brutally beating and arbitrarily arresting people, including medical workers and journalists, and destroying property. In two videos filmed yesterday and shared online, two bloodied, lifeless bodies lay on a street reportedly in Monywa, Sagaing Region. In one clip, two police officers drag one of the bodies down the road; in another clip, four officers carry a body down the same road. In another video reportedly filmed in North Okkalapa in Yangon, a dozen police officers surround a man and escort him out of a building and onto a street. A gunshot then rings out, and the man collapses to the pavement. An officer then kicks the man’s lifeless body, and then another officer drags the body away. Open-source photographs and videos show Myanmar Army soldiers holding automatic weapons, long-range sniper rifles, and other firearms. Police also used less-lethal weapons, including rubber bullets, slingshots, tear gas, and water cannons, against unarmed protesters. The similar use of excessive and lethal force by security forces in towns and cities throughout the country demonstrates coordination between units and an overarching national strategy, said Fortify Rights. All military and police in the chain of command should be held liable for crimes committed against the people of Myanmar. The junta has also arbitrarily arrested, charged, or sentenced at least 1,498 people since the February 1 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a human rights organization monitoring arrests and detentions in Myanmar. On February 1, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing orchestrated a military coup d’état, overthrowing the elected government and detaining President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, dozens of other government leaders, parliamentarians, and human rights defenders. The junta took over the executive, judicial, and legislative levers of power and, on February 2, created a military-appointed “State Administration Council” (SAC) to rule the country. On March 1, the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, comprising elected members of parliament, declared the SAC a “Terrorist Group” for its “atrocities and acts of terrorism.” Speaking at the U.N. General Assembly on February 26, Myanmar’s ambassador to the U.N., Kyaw Moe Tun, told member states that he represented the elected government of the National League for Democracy and called on the international community to use “any means necessary to take action” against the military to help “restore the democracy,” adding: “We need further strongest possible action from the international community to immediately end the military coup, to stop oppressing the innocent people, to return the state power to the people, and to restore the democracy.” The U.N. Security Council should impose a global arms embargo against the Myanmar military, sanctions against Myanmar military individuals, entities, and assets, and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, said Fortify Rights. Failing that, the U.N. General Assembly should hold an emergency special session to address the crisis. “Soldiers and police in Myanmar are behaving like death squads and committing grave human rights violations,” said Ismail Wolff. “The world must take immediate action. There is no way out of this other than a complete repudiation of the coup and the junta.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: National Unity Government: Announcement No.5/2021 - အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁)
Description: "ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၅/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၃ ရက်နေ့ ၁။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၀ရက်နေ့၊ ညပိုင်းတွင် ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တောင်ပိုင်းနှင့် ကရင်နီ (ကယား) ပြည်နယ်၊ နယ်စပ်ရှိ မိုးဗြဲမြို့နယ်၊ အနောက်ဘက်ခြမ်း၊ လွယ်ရင်းတောင်ခြေတွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဒေသအနှံ့အပြားမှ စေတနာရှင်များက စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများအတွက် ပြည်သူမှ ပြည်သူသို့ ပေးပို့လှူဒါန်းထားသော စားနပ်ရိက္ခာ ဆန်အိတ် ၈၀ ခန့်အပါအဝင် ဆေးဝါးပစ္စည်းများနှင့် ကယ်ဆယ်ရေးထောက်ပံ့ရေးဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် အသုံးပြုနေသည့် လူနာတင်ကားတစ်စီးကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း ဓါတ်ပုံအထောက် အထားများနှင့်တကွ ကနဦးသတင်းရရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ ထို့အတူ ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးနှင့် ပြည်နယ်အသီးသီးမှ စစ်ဘေး ရှောင်ပြည်သူများနှင့် အတိဒုက္ခရောက်နေကြသည့် ဘေးသင့်ပြည်သူများအား နည်းအမျိုးမျိုးဖြင့် ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးနေသော လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များကိုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက အကြောင်းမဲ့ ဖမ်းဆီးအရေးယူခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း၊ ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းများကို လုယက်ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်းနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့ရေးလမ်းကြောင်းများကို ပိတ်ဆို့တားဆီးခြင်းတို့ကို အစဉ်တစိုက် ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိနေရသည်။ ၃။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ ဥပဒေမဲ့လုပ်ရပ်များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံက လက်မှတ် ရေးထိုးထားသော The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 ၏ Article 3 ကို တိုက်ရိုက်ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် မြန်မာ့ကာကွယ်ရေး အက်ဥပဒေ ၁၉၅၉ ပါ ပြဋ္ဌာန်းချက်များကိုလည်း ချိုးဖောက်ရာရောက်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီးက ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် ကြေညာချက်အရ အရပ်သားများနှင့် အများပြည်သူပိုင် အဆောက်အဦများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် ဘေးကင်းပြီး တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့မှု မရှိသည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို သွားလာခွင့်ပေးရန်ဆိုသည့် တိုက်တွန်းချက်ကိုလည်း လုံးဝ လျစ်လျူရှု၍ ကျူးလွန်ဖောက်ဖျက်နေခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး ကလည်း ကယားပြည်နယ်မှ စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူများ၏ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများကို စစ်ကောင်စီ တပ်သားများက တားဆီးပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့်အပေါ် သတိပြု စိုးရိမ်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇွန်လ ၁၂ ရက်နေ့တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ရာ ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လူမဆန်သော အကြမ်းဖက်လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်သည့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုအကူအညီများကို ပိတ်ဆို့ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုကိုပြသရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် အကူအညီပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသူများကို ဖမ်းဆီးနှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်း အစရှိသည့် ဖောက်ဖျက်ကျုးလွန်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချလိုက်ပြီး၊ ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အဆိုပါလူမဆန်သည့်လုပ်ရပ်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် အတွက် ဆက်လက်ဖိအားပေးလုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 531.77 KB
more
Title: New Great Game rages in post-coup Myanmar
Sub-title: China and US on opposed sides in Myanmar's escalating civil war while Japan, India and ASEAN struggle to strike a middle ground
Description: " China has declared its support for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s military-coup government in Myanmar. The United States and the European Union have implemented sanctions and declared their support for the people’s power movement agitating against the dictatorship. India and Japan are keeping quiet because they don’t want to push Myanmar further back into the clutches of China. Thailand is too dependent on natural gas imports from Myanmar to dare to condemn or even criticize the coup. The rest of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, has once again demonstrated that it is wholly incapable of resolving regional crises. That, in a nutshell, is how the main external actors have reacted to the turmoil that Min Aung Hlaing thrust upon Myanmar when he and his henchmen seized power on February 1. How this Great Game proxy theater plays out remains to be seen, but it is clear that it has pitted China against the US in a conflict that is escalating into a regional crisis. Beyond the superpower rivalry, Japan, India and other regional actors are not keen to see Chinese influence grow in a desperate Myanmar. That desperation is growing. Waves of refugees are beginning to stream to Myanmar’s borders with Thailand and across the frontier into India, representing the front edge of a new humanitarian crisis that could come to rival the country’s earlier Rohinyga exodus. Economically and financially, the country is on the verge of collapse, driving out many of the Western investors who entered the country in hopes of a democratic transition. But there are growing signs that China sees opportunity in Myanmar’s crisis. At a regional meeting in Chongqing on June 8, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi assured his Myanmar counterpart Wunna Maung Maung Lwin that bilateral relations have not been affected by what he referred to as “changes in Myanmar’s domestic and external situation.” Chinese officials also pledged support for ASEAN’s diplomatic initiatives on Myanmar’s crisis, despite the fact the “five point consensus” agreed between Min Aung Hlaing and ASEAN representative at a one-day meeting in Jakarta on April 24 have been largely dead on arrival. In essence, the “consensus agreement” put equal blame on the Myanmar military’s gunning down of hundreds of peaceful demonstrators, including children as young as five, and the protesters who at that time were armed with little more than slingshots and homemade devices to defend themselves. From June 4-5, two Bruneian officials, Second Foreign Minister Erywan Yusof and ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi, were sent by ASEAN to Myanmar but they apparently did little more than chat with junta representatives. A press release uploaded on the official website of the ASEAN Secretariat, which was later removed, mentioned the assumed government leadership titles of Myanmar junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing and others who were present at the meeting, giving ASEAN’s de facto official recognition of the coup-makers and their bloody coup. That prompted Jakarta Post editor Kornelius Purba to write in a June 9 op-ed: “Asean is now becoming the laughing stock in the eyes of the international community not only because it is failing to address the plights of the Myanmar people but also because it has fallen into the trap of Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.” It is often forgotten that ASEAN is not a Southeast Asian equivalent of the EU; rather it’s a loose gathering of mainly un-democratic regimes guided by two cardinal principles — non-interference and consensus —that make it perennially impotent to resolve regional crises. Indonesia is the only ASEAN member that has shown some willingness to address Myanmar’s problems and how they are spilling over into the wider region. After holding talks with EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell in Jakarta on June 2, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said that her country is continuing to communicate with ASEAN’s chair — now Brunei — and other member states to demand an immediate end to killings and the release of over 4,000 political detainees. ASEAN’s inaction is likely to China’s liking. While Beijing may be concerned with Myanmar’s rising internal strife and intensified civil war — which now includes not only traditional ethnic armies but also a multitude of local forces in areas that have not seen fighting for decades — it has shown time and again that it can work together with Myanmar’s generals. China has big geostrategic interests to protect in Myanmar and Beijing has always sided with the political camp that appears to have the upper hand. For now, that’s Min Aung Hlaing’s unpopular junta. Myanmar is the only neighboring country that provides China with direct access to the Indian Ocean. That allows Chinese shipments of fuel and other key imports to bypass the disputed waters of the South China Sea and the Malacca Strait chokepoint that Beijing fears could be blocked in any conflict scenario with the US. The US is on the other side of the political divide in post-coup Myanmar. Starting in June, the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) announced that its two media networks, the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, will launch a new 24-hour video channel for Myanmar. According to a June 9 USAGM press release, the channel will be available on two different direct-to-home TV satellites covering Myanmar and is being launched in response to the junta’s “shutdown of independent media and its intermittent blocking of mobile phone services since the military’s February 1 coup.” Civil society organizations inside the country and in exile will also get support from the US. But other than keeping hope alive among the general public, it is hard to see how this will affect the staying power of a military regime that is willing to brutally mow down civilians to survive. An estimated 861 protesters had been shot dead by the Myanmar military since the coup until June 11, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, an independent rights group. AAPP released the names of 21 people who are known to have been tortured to death by the police and military since the coup. Security and other analysts argue that neither civil disobedience nor armed struggle in frontier areas is likely to bring down the military. Only a crack within the military would do that, but there are few signs of any such significant dissent within the officer corps. Still, it is in Washington’s strategic interest to strengthen the forces that are opposed to Myanmar’s military to avoid the country once again becoming a dependent client of China. According to internal Myanmar army documents reviewed by Asia Times, it was top brass concern about the nation’s dependence on China and the need to counterbalance that with improved relations with the West that led to their introduction of a more open society in 2011-2012. Relations with the West improved until the Myanmar army drove hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingyas over the border to Bangladesh in 2017 and pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi refused to condemn the atrocities. While the US and EU have openly condemned the democratic reversal, Japan’s and even more so India’s responses to the upheaval have been less overtly critical. Japan has not joined the West in imposing new sanctions or even come out to strongly condemn the killings and torture of opponents to Min Aung Hlaing’s regime. For the same reason, India now faces a huge dilemma and is particularly averse to China making deeper post-coup inroads into Myanmar. New Delhi doesn’t want to antagonize the Myanmar military, with which it has recently improved ties including through a submarine sale, at the same time it is the only country that so far has received a significant number of refugees. According to local sources, there are now 21,000 refugees in the northeastern state of Mizoram and an unknown number in adjacent areas in Manipur. Both states border Myanmar and the Mizos are closely related to the Chins across the border so local authorities have ignored appeals from the central government in New Delhi not to accept refugees from Myanmar. Chin state is one of the parts of Myanmar where armed conflict rages between the military and local resistance forces. India and the US — both democracies with common strategic interests vis-à-vis China — should be natural allies in this otherwise unfathomable imbroglio. But that may not happen as China could seek to revive its old support for ethnic insurgents from India’s northeast who have sanctuaries across the border in Myanmar from where they launch occasional raids into India. In the past, China provided mainly Naga, Manipuri and Assamese resistance groups with assistance. After India signed a trade pact with Taiwan in October last year, Beijing said it could retaliate by revitalizing such support. Four months after Myanmar’s coup, the resulting crisis is no longer a mere internal affair. But what happens next in Myanmar is a question not even its most famous soothsayers and astrologers — nor Western political and military analysts — dare to predict. The only certain thing is that Min Aung Hlaing did not anticipate the scale, scope and longevity of resistance to his democracy-suspending coup, a miscalculation that has exposed his country to new great power machinations and interventions that will further fuel the instability he stoked and can’t extinguish..."
Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: U.N. Security Council: Impose a Global Arms Embargo on Myanmar Military
Sub-title: 137 organizations call for urgent international action in response to coup and crackdown
Description: "The United Nations Security Council should “institute a coordinated, global arms embargo” against the Myanmar military, said Fortify Rights and 136 other organizations in an open letter to the body and U.N. member states today. “The Myanmar military poses a demonstrable threat to international peace and security,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The Security Council should break its long history of inaction on Myanmar and immediately respond to this crisis.” Signatories to the open letter hail from 31 countries and include Fortify Rights, Human Rights Watch, and a diverse group of human rights organizations worldwide. Dozens of Myanmar-led organizations based in the country and Rohingya-led organizations signed the letter, demonstrating a level of inter-ethnic unity in the wake of the February 1 coup d’état in Myanmar, Fortify Rights said. The open letter released today focuses on the February 1 coup as well as the junta’s deadly crackdowns on nationwide protests, which continue at the time of writing. The Myanmar military “has detained the elected civilian leaders of the country, nullified the results of the November 2020 democratic elections, and installed a junta, the State Administration Council, under a manufactured ‘state of emergency,’” the letter says. On Monday, millions of people throughout Myanmar joined the “civil disobedience movement” by participating in a nationwide general strike and street protests. State security forces have used lethal force against unarmed protesters, killing Wai Yan Htun, 16, and Thet Naing Win, 36, in Mandalay and Tin Htut Hein, 30, while he was on a “night watch” in Yangon on February 20. On February 19, Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing, 20, died from injuries sustained after security forces shot her in the head in Naypyidaw on February 9. The police used excessive force—including with high-pressure water cannons, beatings, and rubber bullets and other less-lethal projectiles—in various locations since February 1, injuring scores. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, as of February 22, more than 630 people are either evading arbitrary arrest or are currently in detention since the junta seized power. In addition to overthrowing a democratically elected government and arbitrarily detaining an elected world leader, the Myanmar military is also responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic-nationality people. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State. Several armed conflicts in the country are ongoing. The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, atrocity crimes, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace. The United Kingdom is the current president of the U.N. Security Council, and the United States of America will become president on March 1. “There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “The coup will only exacerbate existing crises in the country that threaten to spill over its borders.” Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the U.N. Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter with regard to Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.” In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity. On February 2, the U.N. Security Council convened an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar and failed to establish a common position. Later, the body issued a statement on the situation in Myanmar. “Council members should use that newfound consensus to take swift and substantive action,” the open letter issued today said. “An arms embargo would be the centerpiece of a global effort to shield the people of Myanmar from a return to abusive and autocratic rule.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-13
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 11 June, (861) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Yenangyaung Township in Magway Region was killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 11 June, a total of (4823) people are currently under detention; of them (176) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of June 10, Maung Chit Thae a.k.a Chit Ko Win, a university student, was shot dead on the spot while he was passing through the front of Yenangyaung Government Technical Institute (GTI) riding a motorcycle at Yenangyaung Township in Magway Region. On the night of June 10, Myo Win Aung, photographer, was arrested at home by so-called police and soldiers at Taungdwingyi Township in Magway Region. On June 5, Ma Eaint, a filmmaker, was arrested by the junta in Rangoon while leaving her home. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.34 MB 972.22 KB
more
Title: Myanmar Junta Jails Disabled Student, Denies him Medical Treatment
Description: "A student from Magwe badly wounded in a junta crackdown on anti-regime protesters and at risk of going blind in one eye has been denied medical treatment by the military regime and imprisoned instead. Ko Liang Phyo Aung, a 22-year-old second-year engineering student at Magwe Technological University, was severely injured in his right eye after a violent crackdown by junta forces on an anti-regime demonstration in Magwe on March 27. He also lost his right hand, his left arm was broken and his mobility severely impaired by the wounds he suffered from being hit in the legs by multiple rubber bullets. He received treatment for those injuries while in detention at a military hospital, where in April the junta charged him with incitement under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. The student was then sent to Magwe Prison on June 7, after the military hospital said that he is recovering from all his injuries except for his injured eye. But the military hospital stated also that his eye needs to be treated at Yangon Eye Hospital because the military hospital lacks a specialist eye doctor. “His eye is oozing pus and is in urgent need of surgery. There is no eye specialist at the military hospital and he needs to be sent to Yangon for a cornea transplant,” said the elder brother of Ko Liang Phyo Aung. “The medical report by the military hospital said his eye needs to be treated at Yangon Eye Hospital. But they sent him to prison right after the medical report was released,” he added. The report also said that Ko Liang Phyo Aung still needs rehabilitation as he could not walk well due to his leg injuries inflicted by rubber bullets. U Myat Thu Win, chairman of the Shwe Minn Tha Foundation, a group advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities, requested that Ko Liang Phyo Aung be given treatment under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which Myanmar has ratified, and under Myanmar’s own law protecting the rights of persons with disabilities. “He used to be normal and became disabled only a few months ago. It will be hard for him to get used to it and perform daily activities. What is important is that he has every right to continue receiving treatment. I would like to request that he is given further treatment,” said U Myat Thu Win. Under the Code of Criminal Procedure, Ko Liang Pyo Aung has the right to apply for bail to receive emergency health care. Citing Section 497 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, lawyer U Khin Maung Myint said the judge can grant bail for accused people who are sick if there are reasonable grounds for believing that they have not committed an offence punishable with death or with transportation for life. “The maximum penalty for violating Section 505(a) of the Penal Code is three years. As the case has not yet been brought to the court, bail can be applied for at the relevant police station and through the township police head,” said the lawyer. “He is a disabled person now and was made disabled by their torture. It is too inhuman to prosecute him after making him disabled,” said the elder brother of Ko Liang Phyo Aung. The regime has detained at least 15 physically or mentally disabled persons across the country, according to rights groups. As of June 10, at least 860 people have been killed by the junta since their Feb. 1 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. More than 4,800 people remain in detention..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: UN decries Myanmar ‘catastrophe’ as Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial looms
Sub-title: Human rights commissioner says junta is ‘singularly responsible for crisis’ before ousted leader’s trial
Description: "Myanmar has descended into a “human rights catastrophe”, the UN’s top human rights official has warned in the run-up to the scheduled start of the trial of the country’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who faces criminal charges that could lead to decades in prison. Aung San Suu Kyi, who previously spent a total of 15 years in detention at the behest of Myanmar’s generals and is widely revered domestically as a symbol of the country’s yearning for democracy, is expected to appear in court in Naypyidaw on Monday. She was placed under house arrest in February when the military launched a coup, provoking defiant protests from the public who demanded the return of democracy. In a statement on Friday, the UN high commissioner for human rights, Michelle Bachelet, said the country had “gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe”. After peaceful street demonstrations were crushed by military violence, a growing number of grassroots defence groups have formed to defend themselves against military attacks – at times using little more than homemade hunting rifles to protect their neighbours. Some groups have received support from armed insurgent organisations, which have fought with the army for decades, seeking greater autonomy. The military has deployed heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and civilians to crush such resistance. More than 108,000 people have fled their homes in Kayah state alone, according to the UN. “The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account,” Bachelet said. Aung San Suu Kyi’s legal team believes she has little knowledge of what is happening across the country, where key services – such as schools and hospitals – have been brought to a standstill by an anti-coup strike. She has been unable to access the internet, watch television or read anything other than military-controlled media, according to her defence lawyer Khin Maung Zaw. Before her trial, her lawyers have been granted permission to speak with her for just three 30-minute sessions, with the final meeting scheduled for Monday morning. “The time is not sufficient. She even said: six cases, and 30 minutes, it is five minutes for each case,” Khin Maung Zaw said. Aung San Suu Kyi faces a wide range of allegations, though it is not clear which will be dealt with first by the courts. She is accused of breaching coronavirus restrictions during last year’s election, inciting public unrest, violating a telecommunications law and import law by possessing walkie-talkies, and breaking the official secrets act. On Thursday, further charges were announced in state media, which reported that she was accused of accepting $600,000 cash and 11.4kg of gold, in bribes, and misusing her authority to rent land. This case has not yet been referred to the court, according to Khin Maung Zaw. If she is convicted on each charge, and sentencing is handed down consecutively, she “will not be released in a lifetime”, he said. “She is quite experienced, so she is well composed. She doesn’t seem to be afraid or depressed,” he said. “She seemed as determined as ever.” David Mathieson, an independent Myanmar analyst, said the charges were clearly an attempt by the military to justify the coup and discredit Aung San Suu Kyi. “It’s really just to send the message that she was a traitor, corrupt, she thwarted the elections and did it for financial gain, she pretended to be a democratic purist but deep down she was just a cheap crook,” he said. “I don’t think too many people are going to believe it, because look who it is coming from.” At least 861 people have been killed by the junta, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), while almost 4,800 people are in detention or have been sentenced by the military since it seized control of the country. Protesters, poets, medics, journalists and social media celebrities are among those held. Reports of torture in prisons are widespread. On Thursday, at a trial held at a makeshift court inside a prison, 32 young activists were sentenced to between two and four years in prison for charges including incitement and unlawful assembly, according to local media. A dissident who was released told the independent outlet Myanmar Now that activists had been tortured during interrogation. Pictures printed by the news site showed dark red lashes covering a man’s back. Bachelet said she was “deeply troubled by reports of detainees being tortured” and raised concern over the collective punishment of family members of activists. One mother of an activist was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in place of her son on 28 May, according to the UN. Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial is scheduled take place at a court inside Naypyidaw council, according to Khin Maung Zaw. “As a lawyer practising in Myanmar I have an ethical duty to trust our jurisdiction, our supreme court and subordinate courts,” he said. But he added that, having worked on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, and those of other political leaders, he was doubtful there would be a fair trial. It is expected that plaintiffs will give evidence next week, and that Aung San Suu Kyi will be cross-examined during the first week of July. However, previous scheduled hearings have been delayed..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: While Myanmar’s cities become military occupations, conflict persists in the ethnic borderlands
Description: "Following the February coup, the violence used by the security forces against civilian protestors in Myanmar’s towns and cities has shocked public opinion around the world. But, as Naw Hsa Moo and Dominique Dillabough-Lefebvre explain in this commentary, such tactics have long been used by the Myanmar armed forces in military operations in the country’s ethnic states and regions. Awareness is now building and, as they argue, the military coup has brought new understanding and sympathy between pro-democracy and ethnic nationality movements. Since the seizure of power by the military State Administration Council (SAC) on 1 February, mass protests have swept towns and cities in every state and region in Myanmar. As the days have passed by, civilians have faced the brunt of an increasingly aggressive response from the national armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, whose indiscriminate use of force has now led to over 70 killed, countless injured, and more than 2000 people detained. And yet, despite the heightened use of military force, the general public throughout the country continue to stand in defiance, leading creative protests, with people of diverse ethnicities and backgrounds joining strikes and the civil disobedience movement. All nationality peoples are being impacted. For lowland Bamar (Burman) people, the majority ethnic group, the current repression against civilians carries terrifying reverberations of past violent state-led responses towards demonstrators, most notably during the 1988 pro-democracy protests. However, for those living in many non-Bamar areas, the militarisation and pervasive sense of fear accompanying current events are sadly all too familiar. For many decades, they have been regular features of daily life, notably in the Kachin, Karen, Kayah (Karenni), Mon, Rakhine (Arakan) and Shan States. Karen State in Myanmar’s Southeast is a poignant example of such struggles. Home to what is often considered the world’s longest-running civil war, conflict has escalated between the Tatmadaw and the armed opposition Karen National Union (KNU), with over 6,000 civilians displaced from their villages since the Tatmadaw intensified military operations in December 2020. The majority people living here identify as Karen, one of the country’s largest nationality groups, and are largely farming communities living in forested hills and winding valleys that run down the Thailand border. In response to the twin threats of military incursions and the SAC coup, villagers across Kler Lwee Htu (Nyaunglebin) and Mutraw (Hpapun) Districts have been regularly demonstrating, demanding the removal of the Tatmadaw from their lands and expressing solidarity with the protest movement across the country. Whether in conditions of war or peace, Karen communities have faced the same challenges in every era of government since the country’s independence in 1948. A ceasefire was agreed between the government and the KNU in 2012 but, to date, this has not brought about a significant reduction in militarisation in many areas. Rather, the patterns of conflict and Tatmadaw encroachment have continued. In particular, the recent increase in Tatmadaw activity is linked to road-building, the expansion of a network of military roads in northern Karen State that first began during offensives in the 1990s. The detrimental consequences for local villagers are profound. Naw Ghay Hai is the principal of Keh Der school in Kler Lwee Htu District in the KNU 3rd Brigade area. But, as she explained, there is no benefit to the local population: only an increase in land loss and fear: “The road being built crosses through the paddy fields of local farmers, destroying the irrigation systems in the fields, seriously affecting the livelihoods of local people. They [Tatmadaw troops] build camps nearby that are causing the displacement of local villagers, and they are shelling around nearby villages. When local people hear the sound of guns and mortars, they obviously flee out of fear, and don’t dare to return.” The latest military incursions are now compounding a worsening pattern of land loss and displacement that has built up among the local population over several decades. According to the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People, approximately 30,000 people have been displaced in the local area since Tatmadaw “regional clearance” operations were initiated in the 1990s. Military offensives and continuing clashes have caused a loss of shelter, a lack of access to healthcare and difficulties in delivering food supplies to displaced villagers, putting children and elderly people especially at risk. Displaced villagers now live scattered in different locations in several townships across northern Karen State. For many communities, this is not their first experience of flight. Villagers in Keh Der village tract recently explained to staff members from KESAN, a Karen civil society organisation, that they had started to hear the distant sound of gunshots and shelling from 12 December last year. Although this initially appeared to be occurring some way from their village, everyone was worried. Then, on 11 February – ten days after the coup, Tatmadaw forces moved closer to the village and people started to flee. As the troops moved in, they destroyed the food stores of displaced farmers, seized their livestock, burnt down their houses and, in nearby areas, forced villagers to act as porters to carry supplies for them as they continued their military sweep. For the local peoples, this latest displacement brought back many memories of sufferings in the past. Constant insecurity and the arbitrary use of force have long been a mainstay in the lives of local people in this region. Saw Lo Wah, head of Keh Der village tract, remembered first fleeing from the Tatmadaw as a child in the 1960s. Those who were captured were forced by the soldiers to work as porters, an especially pervasive and egregious abuse of human rights. As he explained: “Many people were injured or killed when they worked as porters for the military. For example, my father stepped on a landmine when he was a porter for the Tatmadaw. This was the case for many people as the Tatmadaw used Karen villagers to sweep the area for landmines, usually at gunpoint.” Such experiences continued into adulthood, with Saw Lo Wah describing the situation as having grown “increasingly worse” during the late 1990s: “When the military came, one family had to flee so quickly that they were unable to take their two children from their home, and the Burmese military burnt down their house. When the family returned, the children were gone.” This was by no means the end of local suffering. For his part, Saw Lo Wah had to build his own home on three subsequent occasions, but each time Tatmadaw troops burned it down again, with all of his family’s possessions inside. After six decades of military-dominated rule and a new regime in power, Saw Lo Wah’s assessment is stark. But he is expressing a view of the latest military takeover that can be frequently heard among communities in different parts of the country today: “This is the root cause of our poverty. The Tatmadaw doesn’t care if you are young or old, male or female, they will kill everybody. They spare nobody.”.....A backdrop of conflict: militarisation as a way of life: Internal military conflicts have long been central to the nation-building ambitions of the Tatmadaw in Myanmar. In a country where national identity has long been linked to a particularly “racialised” vision of ethnicity, the national armed forces have been engaged in protracted warfare with a wide range of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), amongst them the KNU, since independence from Great Britain in 1948. During these years, a simplistic vision of national politics has often pervaded popular imagination and discourse. In recent decades, this vision has been marked by the country’s democratic hero, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), who – it was hoped – were gradually leading the country on a path away from state failure and international isolationism towards democratisation and respect for human rights. These expectations reached a pinnacle when the NLD won the 2015 general election, assuming government office the following year. Yet amidst the period of economic liberalisation that followed the 2011 shift to a nominally civilian system of government, armed conflicts have persisted in ethnic nationality areas outside of the Bamar-dominated heartlands in the centre of the country. While the army's blood-stained campaign against the Rohingya population in 2017 was the subject of much international media coverage, the Tatmadaw has also continued to carry out “anti-insurgency” campaigns against EAOs among several other nationality groups, including the Buddhist Rakhine people who also hail from Rakhine State. The cycles of conflict within the country are yet to be ended. Many nationality peoples have been affected. Following the expulsion of over 750,000 Rohingya people, the Tatmadaw became locked in an increasingly bloody conflict with an emergent Rakhine force known as the United League of Army-Arakan Army (ULA-AA). But, after the NLD’s accession to office, the Tatmadaw also escalated military “clearance operations” forcibly displacing local populations in the Kachin, Karen and Shan States as well, severely impacting on the security and livelihoods of farming communities who depend on land for their survival. Accurate humanitarian statistics are difficult to assemble from different parts of the country. But up to 10,000 people are believed to have died during Tatmadaw operations in the past five years, while over a million civilians are currently displaced from their homes, either living as refugees in neighbouring countries or in displacement camps in the hills. The evidence of a pervasive culture of human rights violations is deeply troubling. Today Tatmadaw actions during the events of the past few years are the focus of ongoing human rights investigations for potential war crimes by the International Criminal Court, International Court of Justice and UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. Finding a political language, though, that unites peoples and addresses the conflict challenges in inclusive ways has historically proven difficult. Distinctions between “state” and “non-state” actors have often been opaque within the geographic boundaries of Myanmar. Shifting alliances between the Tatmadaw, ethnic nationality forces, government-backed militias and local military strongmen have been one of the most persistent realities in defining the functioning of “State” in many parts of the country. Today over 20 EAOs remain active in different nationality lands, from Rakhine State on the Bay of Bengal to the Tanintharyi Region in Myanmar’s far south. In this context, projections of national unity become a reflection of the complex relationship between the Tatmadaw at the political centre and the peripheries where diverse nationality peoples live in uplands surrounding the Ayeyarwady plains. Over the decades, continued exploitation of the wealth of the resource-rich borderlands has been central to the development of Myanmar state, much in the same way that the plunder of native lands, slavery and a western expansionism was central in the shaping of the American national imaginary. Much of this economy is secretive and under-reported, but Myanmar’s ethnic states are home to large mineral reserves, illicit drug production and lucrative cross-border trades from which powerful elites and outside interests – not local peoples – mostly profit. Compounding the marginalisation of local peoples, there is often a large knowledge gap in the outside world about the harsh living conditions in the country’s conflict zones. Such a lack of understanding is a constant source of frustration for ethnic nationality peoples trying to make common cause with their fellow countryman, yet find themselves stymied by urban-rural differences as well as ethnic, religious and linguistic divides. Even many well-informed urban Burmese only have a limited grasp of what is happening in the hills. The same lack of awareness exists in the international community, where the confusing array of armed groups poses significant barriers for foreign journalists, policy-makers and other outside actors who seek to understand some of the longest-running conflicts in modern Asian history. For this reason, the failure of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD leadership to address conflict and the grievances of non-Bamar peoples remains one of the party’s most notable failures during its time in government office. The 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), which the NLD-led administration inherited from its quasi-civilian predecessor, was a cornerstone in a faltering peace process that not only failed to include a majority of the strongest EAOs in the country but was also one in which the none of three words in its title could be said to be true: i.e. it was not nationwide, a ceasefire or an agreement. To try and pick up the political momentum, the NLD inaugurated a 21st Century Panglong Conference in August 2016 with a promise to re-energise the peace process. But the government never acknowledged the NCA’s many failings. The NCA’s largest signatories in terms of EAO combatants – the KNU and Restoration Council of Shan State – could hardly be seen to be representative of the entire country and both continued to clash with the Tatmadaw. At the same time, most of the eight other EAOs that signed the NCA were significantly smaller, some of which had never seriously fought with the government while others, notably the Chin National Front, had not had protracted clashes with the Tatmadaw since the early 1990s. Equally damaging to the credibility of the NCA, there were powerful and well-organised EAOs in the north of the country that were either not allowed by the Tatmadaw to join the accord or decided to boycott the process altogether. Pre-eminent EAOs which never joined the NCA include the United Wa State Party and Shan State Progress Party which have formal ceasefires with the government, and the Kachin Independence Organisation, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and ULA-AA that do not. The ethno-political landscape is now highly uncertain. Following the coup, the NCA EAO-signatories collectively issued a statement on 20 February refusing to recognise the new regime as a legitimate power, and leading to a cessation of further talks. This represents a de facto breakdown in a ceasefire which, since its inception, had given little assurances to NCA signatories that the Myanmar armed forces would hold true to their word. For ceasefire EAOs, this represents a dilemma. According to Lt-Col. Saw La Shwe Hai from the KNU’s armed wing, Tatmadaw officers claim to follow the NCA codes of conduct and that they will try to resolve issues through political dialogue, but they do not follow through in practice: “Instead they try and control more territory, build roads and further infrastructure and keep sending more reinforcements… They are trying to gradually control our area, bit by bit, but pretend they are following agreements… they couldn’t be lying any more”. For ethnic nationality communities in the conflict-zones, such experiences are hardly new. But there is evidence that the scale of human rights violations across the country since the SAC’s seizure of power is bringing about a change in attitudes among the Bamar-majority population as well. Amidst the protests in the cities, incidents are being documented that the Myanmar military has been looting shops and houses, stealing food from street vendors and taking livestock from markets. Understanding the reality of such violence from the perspective of those living in the ethnic states and borderlands sheds light on the nature of the ethnocratic state-building policies of governments since independence and the ideology of the Tatmadaw. Echoing this, a vocal minority of Bamar people have begun apologising for failing to stand behind ethnic peoples as they faced persecution. A female activist, who asked to remain anonymous, explained that “the intimidation, harassment and violence by the police and soldiers are nothing new” but that the “the violence and oppression has now been extended to the cities”. She continued: “We are not even experiencing the brutality of the military yet in the cities, like those people in Rakhine experienced every day and every night. Those in Kachin. Those in Karen. Those in Shan. Now we too have to defend ourselves.”.....Conclusion: As the military coup enters its second month, people across the country are increasingly faced with the striking parallels between the ongoing indiscriminate use of force, intimidation and suppression against anti-coup protestors and civilians in the towns and the military’s historical and ongoing systematic brutality in Myanmar’s ethnically diverse borderlands. For populations in these areas, this has long been part of their lived experience. But for many young Bamar people in the cities, a growing awareness of this offers important lessons for a country coming to grips with the reinstatement of a military dictatorship amidst longstanding ethnic strife. Such sentiments are not only rising in urban areas. Much of Myanmar’s largely rural population have also long faced the brunt of military-enabled land confiscations and repressive practices, keeping the majority of the population in poverty. As journalist and author Carlos Sardiña Galache succinctly put it: “The Tatmadaw has always portrayed itself as the only institution capable of preserving Burma's unity, and this coup is proving the point in an unintended way: virtually the whole country seems to be united in rejecting the coup and the Tatmadaw itself.” Now that these diverse groups are coming together, new alliances are beginning to emerge amidst the chaos. Although Myanmar’s future remains far from certain, the coup has created circumstances through which people in towns and cities across the country can better empathise with the long-suffering plight of residents of the war-torn lands inhabited by the Karens and other ethnic nationality peoples. Written in collaboration with members of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) conducting on the ground interviews..."
Source/publisher: The Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Woman’s family finds her alive, but detained and badly injured
Sub-title: Nearly three months after being shot in the head for helping protesters, Daw Pyone is in prison and still suffering from her injuries
Description: "A 50-year-old Mandalay woman who was shot in the head for hiding protesters nearly three months ago is alive but in need of medical attention, according to her family. Daw Pyone, a resident of Seinban ward in Mandalay’s Maha Aungmyay Township, disappeared on March 13 after sustaining serious injuries at the hands of soldiers who were pursuing the protesters. Her family spent the next two and a half months trying to locate her, inquiring about her at the military command inside Mandalay Palace, military hospitals, and Mandalay’s Obo Prison, but to no avail. Then, in late May, a police official called the family to inform them that Daw Pyone had been transferred from the Pyin Oo Lwin Military Hospital to Mandalay’s Obo Prison. “From the beginning, I never believed that she was dead,” her daughter, Tin Nilar San, told Myanmar Now. The family has since learned through a pro bono lawyer who is representing Daw Pyone that she has been charged with incitement under Section 505a of the Penal Code. More worrying, however, is the fact that she was discharged from the hospital before she could fully recover from her injuries. “At her last hearing, my mother told her lawyer that her wounds have not healed. Her lawyer said that her arm and leg are now almost paralyzed. I also heard she was not allowed to receive medical treatment at Obo Prison,” said Tin Nilar San. Although the family has been denied permission to meet with Daw Pyone, they have been able to bring her food and other items on two occasions, according to her daughter. “I would like to ask the authorities to allow my mother to receive medical treatment until her wounds are healed,” she said. Daw Pyone’s ordeal began after she allowed a group of more than 20 protesters fleeing a violent crackdown by a joint force of police and soldiers to hide in her home on March 13. Witnesses said she was shot in the head by soldiers as they stormed her house in pursuit of the protesters. Neighbours carried her to an ambulance, but it was later commandeered by soldiers, according to rescue workers, who confirmed that regime forces killed at least 10 people and injured another 20 in Seinban ward that day. All but five of the protesters who hid in Daw Pyone’s house were arrested. One who escaped by hiding under a bed said that he felt guilty about her situation. “It happened to her because we hid at her house. I feel guilty. She protected us,” he said on condition of anonymity. He also dismissed speculation that the soldiers shot Daw Pyone because she used a slingshot to attack them. “She just asked them not to arrest us,” he said. The military’s spokesperson and regime authorities in Mandalay could not be reached for comment on Daw Pyone’s situation. The next hearing in her case is scheduled for June 24..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-12
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: The Americans locked up in Myanmar's notorious Insein prison
Description: "It was supposed to be an exciting trip home to surprise his parents in the United States, his family said. But on May 24, before he boarded the plane at Yangon International Airport, in Myanmar's biggest city, Danny Fenster, 37, was stopped by security forces and inexplicably taken into custody. Four months earlier, Myanmar's military had seized power in a coup and embarked on a bloody crackdown against protesters, journalists, striking workers, activists and others opposed to the new ruling junta. Fenster, a US citizen from Detroit, Michigan, was working in Yangon as managing editor of independent news outlet Frontier Myanmar, driving the highly regarded news site's coverage of the fallout from the coup, despite the junta targeting media houses and journalists. It remains unclear why Fenster was detained at the airport and it is unknown whether he has been charged with a crime. He has not had any contact with his parents, lawyers or officials at the US embassy in Yangon, who have tried to visit him, a state department official told CNN Business. Frontier Myanmar said they understand he is being held in Insein Prison, Myanmar's infamous clock-shaped penitentiary north of Yangon known for holding political prisoners and having a decades-old reputation for mistreatment and brutal conditions. Since the military seized power on February 1, more than 5,900 people have been detained by the junta's security forces, and a majority remain in detention, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Of those, at least 87 are journalists, with 51 still in detention, Reporting ASEAN documented. Life in Gen. Min Aung Hlaing's post-coup Myanmar has become near impossible for media workers, with many forced into exile abroad or fleeing to rebel-controlled areas in the jungles as they expose the junta's crimes. Those who remain in the cities have gone into hiding and swap safe houses every few days to avoid arrest. Despite the dangerous conditions, many of Myanmar's journalists continue to deliver vital information to the public and the rest of the world. Not all manage to evade the authorities. Most recently, journalist Aung Kyaw with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Zaw Zaw, a freelance journalist with outlet Mizzima News, were sentenced to two years in prison for spreading misinformation. Those who escape the country are not guaranteed safety. Three DVB reporters and two activists were arrested last month in Thailand for illegal entry and faced deportation. They were recently granted asylum in an unnamed third safe country, DVB said. Fenster's family does not know why he was detained, though his father Buddy Fenster told CNN Business his son had "voiced concern" for journalists before his arrest. "All the reporters, all the journalists are leaving this country," Buddy Fenster said his son told him. "I got a feeling he thought it may be time to start heading home." Fenster isn't the only foreign journalist to be locked up, nor the only US citizen. Nathan Maung, a US citizen and co-founder and editor​-in-chief of the online news site Kamayut Media, was detained on March 9 alongside co-founder and producer Hanthar Nyein, and remains in the notorious penitentiary. Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi was detained in April and charged with spreading false news. He was held in Insein Prison before being sent back to Tokyo in May. Polish reporter Robert Bociaga was detained in March and released without charge weeks later. The junta's arrest of journalists — and refusal to release information about many of their cases — demonstrates the level of impunity and lawlessness Myanmar's military operates under as it seeks to assert control over the country. What happened to Nathan Maung Nathan Maung's Kamayut Media covered the junta's arrest and killing of peaceful protesters, as well as the rise of the civil disobedience movement against the coup. Seven military trucks of soldiers stormed the outlet's office on March 9, blocking entrances to the street as they arrested the two journalists, eyewitnesses said. Like many media workers recently, they were charged with crimes under section 505a of Myanmar's penal code — a law amended by the military that makes it a crime punishable by up to three years in prison to publish or circulate comments that "cause fear," spread "false news" or incite government employees. According to Human Rights Watch, the changes to the law were "clearly designed to penalize those encouraging members of the civil service of the security services to join the Civil Disobedience Movement." Two sources close to the pair and familiar with their treatment said Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein were subjected to torture during a two-week stint in an interrogation center before they were transferred to prison. Detainees have detailed brutal acts of violence and torture by security forces in these type of military-run facilities. The two sources said the pair were kept in adjoining rooms so they could hear each other scream during interrogations. They alleged the two journalists were beaten, denied food and water for days, and blindfolded so they couldn't tell the difference between night and day. After five days, they were forced to kneel on blocks of ice until they had melted, the sources said. Myanmar national Hanthar Nyein was forced to hold ice on his arm — if he moved, he was hit with a pole or the back of a gun, the sources said The sources with information on their treatment spoke to CNN Business on the condition of anonymity, due to their fear of retaliation. CNN Business reached out to Myanmar's military for comment but has not received a response. The US State Department said in a statement it was "deeply concerned over the detentions of US citizens Daniel Fenster and Nathan Maung." "We have pressed the military regime to release them both immediately and will continue to do so until they are allowed to return home safely to their families." US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Monday the department has access to Nathan Maung but not Fenster. "That's a violation, among other things, of the Vienna Convention. We are pressing this in every way that we can," Blinken said. Inside Insein Both Nathan Maung and Hanthar Nyein thought they would die in the interrogation center, the sources said. But they survived, and were transferred to Myanmar's main prison, Insein. Built more than 130 years ago during the British colonial era, Insein Prison became notorious — and feared — for its overcrowded and inhumane conditions, mental and physical torture, and terrible sanitation, food and healthcare, particularly under military rule. Following uprisings in 1988 and 2007, Insein became packed with thousands of political prisoners including prominent democracy activists and journalists. Ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi spent time there in 2003 and 2009. Bo Kyi, joint secretary and and co-founder of the AAPP, served two sentences in Insein following the 1988 uprising and said conditions there were "like hell." "We were not allowed to read or write. They wanted to destroy our intellect. We did not receive proper medicine, no treatment for injuries," he said. During his second stint there in 1996, he said he was beaten every day for two weeks. "Many people died at Insein," he said. After leaving Insein, Bo Kyi fled to neighboring Thailand and now advocates for current and former political prisoners and their families, through the AAPP. Conditions at Insein improved under Suu Kyi's government, he said, with inmates able to access to reading materials and education, and the building of a new family visitor center. But political prisoners were still incarcerated there, and the prison remained overcrowded, with inadequate medical treatment, he said. Inmates are not treated "with human dignity," Bo Kyi said. With the military back in charge, conditions for inmates have worsened, Bo Kyi said. On Tuesday, Human Rights Watch said the rights of women were being violated in Insein due to a lack of toilets and no menstrual hygiene supplies. Trials and hearings are conducted, not in civilian courts, but military-run courts held inside the prison walls. Inmates have limited contact with the outside world, including their families. "Lawyers are struggling to even get access and when they do they are harassed," he said. "Family members have had to go into hiding." Sometimes it's hard to even verify who is being held at the prison. "There is great concern for the people who are believed to be in Insein but might be in unknown locations. They could be brutally tortured or already killed. If we can't verify where they are, no one can monitor their condition," Bo Kyi said. Japanese journalist Yuki Kitazumi, who was detained in Insein in April, told CNN the political prisoners are kept separate from other inmates. Some are kept in a building with 14 cells and 11 prisoners — as he was with Nathan Maung and later Hanthar Nyein. There the isolated cells are 4 meters long by 2.5 meters wide. Others are held in one room with more than 100 people packed in together. "There is a very small place to sleep, and some describe that they can not move," he said. Kitazumi said everyone was desperate for news from the outside, from the embassy or lawyers, so they would share bits of information they picked up such as the result of the ASEAN meeting on Myanmar. Kitazumi said Nathan Maung would keep checking he could move a finger on his left hand after guards slammed his handcuffed wrists against a table, he said. "I did not have experience of torture myself," Kitazumi said. "A lot of political prisoners have experience of torture, from 24 to 48 hours of no sleep." Kitazumi described Nathan Maung as a "cheerful person" who "had a lot of knowledge about the history of Myanmar" and was a "film director who talked about his favorite movies," he said. Conditions in the cells were stifling. April and May are among the hottest months in Myanmar and the brick cells had little ventilation, let alone air conditioning. "It was very hot during the daytime outside and in the cell. I remember Nathan Maung was always spraying water on the ground to try and cool down the cell," he said. "Our building is made from brick and what happened in the prison, the brick keeps the heat even at night, so it was very hot." He described a chaotic court process in the prison, with overworked judges hearing case after case of those detained by the military. Embassy officials were not allowed to attend court; neither were members of the public, he said. Kitazumi spoke of the guilt of being a foreigner and lucky enough to leave prison, but having to leave others behind. It was a feeling shared by Nathan Maung, he said. "Of course they want to be released. However, he said that he would feel guilty to be released early for his US citizenship. He is worried about Hanthar and the other political prisoners," he said. A letter to the outside Kay Zon Nway, 28, is a journalist for local media outlet Myanmar Now, who has been held in Insein since February 27. A family member told CNN Business they are concerned about her well-being in prison and said they have not been able to meet nor speak with her since her detention more than three months ago. Her family members have only snatched glimpses of her when she appeared for a court hearing held via video link. Their only communication is through letters they are allowed to send to each other just once a month. The family member, who ​spoke on the condition of anonymity due to safety concerns, is increasingly concerned that Kay Zon Nway's mental health is deteriorating due to the harsh conditions inside the prison. "Her nervous system is weak and her toes and fingers are stiff. She is suffering mental health issues because she was put in isolation," they said, adding that she also has stomach problems due to the food. Kay Zon Nway, who is Muslim, was put in isolation when she started fasting for Ramadan — the guards believed she was on a hunger strike, the family member said. Myanmar Now reported that her lawyer told her family that prison officials later said she had been isolated in error, saying they had mistaken her for someone else. "She can go crazy if this condition continues. They pressured her a lot inside the prison, they were telling her that people on hunger strike will only be released when they die," the family member said. It has become increasingly difficult to send supplies to the prison, the family member said. Prisoners given a meal a day, they said, but even with the food her family sends, it's not enough. "They can get hot water in the prison to make coffee or instant noodles. We used to send her food daily but the prison changed the rule and we could only send her food once in 15 days. Only dried snacks last for two weeks; not the normal food, as they don't have a freezer or microwave to warm up the food," the family member said. In a letter sent on March 5 to her family and seen by CNN Business, Kay Zon Nway writes about her upcoming hearings and gives an insight into prison life. She asks her relatives to send things from the outside, like shampoo, face wash, Tiger Balm, a bed sheet, a new towel, and Michelle Obama's autobiography. She said she has difficulty eating the prison food and asks her relatives for fresh fruit and home cooked meals. It's clear from the letter Kay Zon Nway is concerned for her family, telling her relatives to use her money for home expenses and for trips to see her when they can. She urgently wants to be updated on her court cases and reassures her family they will see each other soon. Like all relatives of loved ones locked up since the coup, they just want them to come home. "I only want her to come back alive," the family member said. It's a feeling Danny Fenster's parents share. "It's a total nightmare; it's a total feeling of no control. It's heart-wrenching," his mother Rose Fenster recently said on CNN's "Reliable Sources" in late May. It has been more than two weeks since Fenster's detention and there still has been no word on his whereabouts or condition. His parents have started a petition to keep pressure on the Biden administration and US State Department to get their son back to the United States..."
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 10 June, (860) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Meiktila Township in Mandalay Region and Yinmabin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 10 June, a total of (4804) people are currently under detention; of them (173) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 9 June, a teacher involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and who participated in the Amarapura Strike, was arrested in Amarapura Township, Mandalay Region by the terrorist junta. Two poets, Maung Yu Paing and Nayi Myeik (a.k.a Lwin Aung, the lawyer), activist Tin Ko Ko Oo, NLD Township executive member Soe Linn, who were living in Myeik Township, Tanintharyi Region were charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and sentenced to two years imprisonment on on 9 June, apart from Maung Yu Paing sentenced on 8 June. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.4 MB 971.57 KB
more
Title: Regime Destroys Food and Medicine for Refugees in Southeastern Myanmar
Description: "Myanmar junta troops destroyed supplies of rice and medicine intended for over 3,000 internally displaced people (IDP’s) in Pekon, southern Shan State, who were forced to flee their homes after intense fighting broke out between regime forces and civilian resistance fighters last month. More than 100,000 villagers from over 150 villages and downtown areas in Pekon and Demoso, Hpruso and Loikaw townships in Kayah State have now been displaced for weeks. Locals told The Irrawaddy that on June 8 junta forces burned 80 bags of rice, three barrels of cooking oil, dried food, medicine and two vehicles being stored at Loi Ying village in Pekon Township. The vehicles were an ambulance from the Mobye (Moebyel) free funeral services association and a private car. “Junta forces and people defense forces (PDF) were involved in heavy fighting on June 7. On that day we gathered food supplies for the refugees in the village. As the PDF members withdrew, we were left with the food. But we were forced to flee when the military entered the village. They torched everything on June 8,” said one local. “Medicines to treat diarrhea were among the items burned. Currently, over 3,000 IDP’s are sharing what little rice they have. They fled from their homes due to the fighting that followed the PDF’s seizure of Mobye police station,” he added. Loi Ying village, which is home to ethnic Kayan people, is located over 15 miles from Pekon town. The whole village fled the fighting, which began in Kayah State’s Demoso Township, which borders Pekon. Villagers have sought shelter at monasteries, churches and nearby villages by displaying white flags. But their temporary shelters have been attacked by the military regime’s artillery, with junta forces accusing the PDF of taking cover in them. An artillery attack on a church in Kayan Thar Yar village on May 24 killed four civilians sheltering there, prompting residents to flee into nearby forests and hills. The IDPs are reportedly sheltering at ten different locations and are living on the support provided by local civil society groups. But many places lack adequate supplies of food, medicine and clean drinking water. Fighting halted on Thursday and Friday, but locals are still fleeing whenever they see soldiers entering their villages, according to a spokesperson for the IDPs management committee in Pekin Kaw Khu in Loikaw Township. He said they could not buy petrol, while donated food supplies are being held up by military checkpoints and the closure of the road linking Aung Pan and Taunggyi in Shan State. Junta forces have set up checkpoints along the transport routes within Kayah State, blocking local transport. All vehicles travelling between Kayah State and Pekon and from Taunggyi are also being inspected. Pekin Kaw Khu IDP camp is currently hosting more than 1,500 people and they only have food for one week. “If they continue blocking the road, all the IDP’s could face going hungry,” added the spokesperson. He urged that food, medicine and materials for shelters should be allowed past the checkpoints. Myanmar regime troops are trying to eliminate the local PDF force. For about a week, they have cut off electricity, internet and cell phone access in areas where they suspect the PDF to be operating. Junta troops have been accused of targeting civilians as well as the PDF. A total of 131 locals have been detained since March 10, according to the Progressive Karenni People Force. Seven of those were arrested while on their way to the IDP camps..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Torture to Death in Detention
Description: "The military group has carried out a series of daily arrests on elected leaders and civilians opposing the military coup since February 1, 2021. As a result of these arbitrary arrests and torture, people are being disabled and tortured to death. Successive dictatorships have pursued policies to control the population with fear and torture as one of those policies. Interrogation centers during the military regime were notorious for torture. After the 1988 uprising, thousands of civilians against them were arrested and imprisoned. AAPP collected data on 127 deaths during the State Law and Order Resurrection Council (SLORC) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) era, torturing inside interrogation camps, prisons, police custody, and through lack of access to medical treatment. Since February 1, the junta has brutally arrested and tortured, continuing to use torture as policy. The junta is beating, crashing with cars, and shooting. Many anti-coup activists have been arrested with serious injuries. Some of those cannot even be recognized because of torture and photos shown on junta-controlled media display people with injuries. Some detainees who were subjected to severe torture resulting in significant mental illness, being disabled and death. Sometimes, days after arrest, families are informed to take the dead bodies. Some others are not even recovering the bodies but instead just informed they are dead. In Burma since the coup, people are tortured to death for the specific purpose of inducing a climate of fear. This is a crime against humanity, and fundamentally the activity of a foreign terrorist organization. According to AAPP documentation, 5965 have been arrested since the coup. Of these, 4,804 remain in prison, interrogation centers, and under house arrest. At least 860 people have been killed. Of these, 22 have been killed from torture during detention. 3 of these tortured to death, dead bodies were not returned to their family. The number of tortured to death is likely to be higher than confirmed. Of those 22 tortured to death, 13 were killed within 24 hours of arrest and 4 were killed within 2 days, another 4 were killed within a week, and 1 victim was killed within two weeks. Almost all the victims were found with wounds consistent with torture, it can be seen all over the bodies. However, the junta reports they died from illness or other cause. U Aye Ko, 40-year old, was shot by the junta troops while night guarding in front of Ta Tar Oo Monastery, Mandalay on March 27. They dragged him onto a burning car tire. An eyewitness said that Aye Ko was not dead and could still walk when he was burnt alive. U Kyaw Kyaw (a.k.a. Agga Moe Nyo) 39-year-old, was arrested on March 15. On March 30 he was announced dead, his family were not allowed to return and bury his body. Daw Khin Marlar Win (a.k.a. Myo Myo Lwin) 39-year-old, was detained on March 19 in the Pakokku crackdown. She begged on her knees not to be arrested, she was forcibly arrested. The family was informed to take the dead body the next morning. U Zaw Myat Linn, 46-year-old, was arrested in Shwepyithar Township where he lived. He was killed that night. According to eyewitnesses, his whole head was bruised, and parts of his mouth and body had disintegrated. The prohibition of torture, and especially to death, is customary and observed across national military manuals. Torture is prohibited in Burma’s domestic law as well, “bodily pain” and “grievous hurt” are outlawed under the Articles 319 and 320 of Burma’s Penal Code. Articles 330 and 331 specifically forbid a public servant to commit “hurt” and “grievous hurt” during interrogations. According to Article 166, any public servant disobeying this law and intentionally harming any person shall be punished to one year imprisonment, a fine or both. When a public servant commits torture to death, it is a crime of murder. The Prisoner Act 49 provisions includes situations concerning the different use of punishment, and the restriction of a prison authority to significantly harm detainees. According to the international human rights law torture is prohibited under any circumstances: Article 3 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 7 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (commonly known as the United Nations Convention against Torture (UNCAT) Burma is one of the handful countries to refuse to sign the UN Convention against Torture. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) strongly condemns such brutal torture and killings. At the same time, we call on the international community to take immediate and effective action in preventing the recurrence of torture. In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 125.73 KB 119.72 KB
more
Title: ‘Military dogs bite,’ soldiers tell protesters as they inflict vicious beatings
Sub-title: Dozens of protesters, including women and young students, were subjected to brutal treatment following a crackdown on Tuesday
Description: "“They took turns, beating us relentlessly. We couldn’t stay on our knees for long. Every time we fell, they would start beating on us again. So many of us were beaten up,” said a 30-year-old man from Myeik, in southern Myanmar’s Tanintharyi region. The man is one of more than 70 protesters arrested during anti-coup demonstrations in Myeik on Tuesday. He recalled how soldiers and police closed in on them from both ends of D street in the city’s Kat Thit ward at around 9am. There were around 45 men and 25 women in the group, he said, ranging in age from their early teens to their thirties. All of the men were whipped repeatedly with strips of iron or beaten with wooden rods. Some were even hit with heavy chains, he said. Photos received by Myanmar Now showed the extent of the damage inflicted on them: their backs, buttocks and chests were covered with painful-looking injuries. While they were being tortured in this way, the protesters were also forced to sing the famous anti-dictatorship anthem “Kabar Ma Kyay Buu” over and over again and repeat protest slogans. “They said, ‘What is it you chant and sing in marches and protests? How many fingers do you hold up?’ and beat us up. Anyone with a tattoo of Amay Suu was treated even worse,” he said, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi, long regarded as the leader of Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement. “And they said, ‘You called us military dogs. Well, military dogs bite.’ And they just kept beating us,” the man said. Around 10 soldiers made the men take off their shirts, put their hands behind their heads, and kneel down for one long, continuous session of beatings. “If we raised our heads, they’d tell us to keep it down. They were afraid we’d see their faces. We kept falling down because we couldn’t stay on our knees while we were being beaten up. We were in a line and they would go back and forth, beating us constantly while we were in the room,” he said. Of those arrested, only one woman who was injured by a rubber bullet was taken to a military hospital, while the rest were transported to the air force base near Myeik airport to be brutally tortured. The majority of those arrested were students, who received the same treatment as the adults, even though the Myeik police told the soldiers not to be so hard on them, another detainee told Myanmar Now following his release. “When we were arrested, there were police from Myeik who told the soldiers not to beat up the students. But the soldiers beat them anyway, saying that this was what they had come here all the way from Naypyitaw for,” he said. One arrested woman said the youth protesters were arrested after soldiers fired guns inside the houses they ran into to escape the crackdown. Another woman who had been hiding inside a house said soldiers kicked down a door to get in and shot her repeatedly with rubber bullets from just three feet away. “They kicked the door open, aimed and shot me twice in the neck,” she wrote on her Facebook page. “The bastards even arrested the homeowners,” she added. “When they arrested the girls, they said, ‘We can do whatever we want with you. We can jail you for six months,’” one of detained girls told Myanmar Now. “They hit one girl with the butt of a gun. She got four stitches. And another girl was kicked in the face. It’s all swollen up,” she said, adding that they were also taunted for their age. “They said, ‘You’re pretty young. Do you even know what democracy is?’ And when we were released, the soldiers said, ‘Young people have nothing to do with politics. If you are involved again, we will put you in jail,’” the girl said. “Once I recover, I’ll continue to protest wherever I can. We can’t lose this battle or give up,” said added defiantly. “From the start of this dictatorship, they’ve done whatever they wanted to do. The law is whatever they say it is. I loathe this system. Even the internet is restricted. Not even Covid was this bad. The dictatorship is way worse,” she said. According to the girl, around half of the detained protesters—29 men and six women—are still in custody and have been sentenced to one month in prison without charges. However, Myanmar Now was unable to confirm the exact number of protesters who were arrested or how many remain in custody. Among the arrested, some have been sent to Myeik prison. Others were released after they were bailed out by their parents, teachers, or ward administrators. “We had to sign a release saying that we wouldn’t do this again. They said if we’re arrested again, all they will return to our families is our bodies,” said one man who vowed to continue fighting after he had recovered from his injuries. “Once you get arrested, they will beat you up. Hard. They have no humanity,” he said. “They can be so inhumane because they have weapons. We had to put our heads down because we don’t have weapons. I will never forgive and forget. My own parents have never hit me this much, this relentlessly. I’ve only seen this kind of torture in movies before. This is terrible. I’m not okay with it at all and we must win this revolution,” he added..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 9 June, (858) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Aunglan Township in Magway Region died today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 9 June, a total of (4782) people are currently under detention; of them (163) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. In the morning of 9 June, Tin Zaw Oo died while he was receiving the medical treatment at the hospital. He got injured by gunshot during a protest at Aunglan Town in Magway Region in March. On the night of 8 June, Myint Than, a philanthropic leader from Nawnghkio Township in Shan State, was arrested after his home was searched by so-called police and soldiers. A lawsuit was filed against him under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. On 7 June, Than Oo, headmaster of B.E.H.S (1) of Myitkyina of Kachin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.19 MB 4.31 MB 988.32 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 8 June, (857) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 8 June, a total of (4704) people are currently under detention; of them (162) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On June 7, doctor Aung Moe Nyo, Magway Region Chief Minister, was sentenced to two years imprisonment under 505(b) of the Penal Code. Marn Zar Myay Mon, a protest leader of Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region, whom a Penal Code Section 505(a) warrant was issued, was shot and arrested by terrorist junta troops in the early morning of 8 June in the village where he was evading arrest. On 7 June, Myo Zaw, a former village administrator living in Nga Min Village of Taungdwingyi Township of Magway Region, was arrested by the terrorist police and military forces. In the early morning of 6 June, Kyaw Soe, elected MP for Thingangyun Township of Yangon Region, was arrested by junta troops. Moreover, on the night of 6 June, Tin Myint a.k.a Maw Si, Taunggyi Township Executive Committee Member of NLD, living in Ayetharyar Town, Shan State, was beaten and arrested at his home by junta troops. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.22 MB 995.12 KB
more
Title: He Used His Poetry To Speak Out Against Myanmar's Coup. It May Have Cost Him His Life
Description: "Khet Thi made cakes, ice cream and poetry. The latter may have cost him his life. He died in police custody in Myanmar early last month. The authorities say the cause was heart failure. His widow says he was beaten to death. A civil engineer by training, the 43-year-old quit his civil service job in the central Myanmar town of Shwebo in 2012 and opened a cake and ice cream shop to support his poetry. "Before the coup, he wrote poems about love, about life," says his friend Nyein Chan, another poet. "But after, all he wrote about was the revolution." The revolution is what Nyein Chan calls the resistance to Feb. 1 coup that abruptly ended Myanmar's decade-long experiment with civilian rule. Four months later, that resistance continues to grow. So does the list of civilians killed by security forces. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma, an advocacy group, puts the figure at more than 850 — including Khet Thi. Well known in the restive Sagaing region, he wrote perhaps his most famous poem after security forces killed a close friend — another poet — with a bullet to the head in March. "Khet Thi went to K Za Win's funeral and read his poem at the service," Nyein Chan says. "A lot of people posted the poem on social media afterwards. It went, 'They shoot in the head, but they don't know the revolution is in the heart.' " Nyein Chan says his friend's spirit and commitment to the resistance was strong. "For this revolution, I have decided to sacrifice my life," he recalls Khet Thi saying. "Those words showed us his commitment. Now, I feel sad when I recall what he said." Khet Thi's poetry and his highly visible social media presence may have made him a tempting target for a junta prone to hunting, jailing and killing artists and activists. His widow, Chaw Su, recalls the terrible night they came for him. "Around 10 p.m., soldiers and police surrounded the house, more than 100 of them," she says. "He attempted to escape, but they caught him. They took him, me and my brother-in-law to a police station and accused us of making bombs. Then we were separated for interrogation." Eleven hours later, police told her Khet Thi was in a hospital some 60 miles away, in Monywa. "If Khet Thi died, it depends on his karma," she says they told her. She learned her husband was dead after she reached the hospital. She had to beg them to release the body at the hospital, she says. "In the morning, I tried to comb his long hair and found his head was badly injured," she says, her voice cracking. "His ribs were badly damaged and his nose was broken, too. They said he died because of heart disease. But they just beat his head in." When she got her husband's body back, Chaw Su says, there was a long incision in his chest that had been crudely stitched back together. "There is no justice," she declares. "They arrest and kill people like animals, like a cow, or a buffalo. But at least I got his body back. Other families don't even know if their loved ones are still alive or not." Bo Kyi, secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, says at least 20 Myanmar families have had similar experiences. "Actually, they send back that body in order to create a climate of fear," he says. "They want people to know if you are really against them, you will be tortured to death." It's a tactic that's been honed by Myanmar's military during decades of fighting with ethnic minority militias, and more recently, in the majority heartland. Citizen journalists have posted grim photographs and videos on social media of soldiers or police dragging bodies into vehicles. Nick Cheesman, a fellow at the Australian National University, calls it "state terror and torture." "The manner in which the bodies are being used is part of a kind of spectacular violence," Cheesman says. "Spectacular violence which is characteristic of the way that state terror works in Myanmar under the military dictatorship." State terror, Cheesman writes, wears people down. The targets it does not eliminate, it exhausts. That includes Khet Thi's widow. "They're watching me," Chaw Su says. "At night, after curfew, they're here around my house. I'm scared. Not just me, but my family members, too." Still, resistance to the coup isn't abating. And Chaw Su's husband remained defiant until the end. He even suggested that poetry might no longer be sufficient. In his final poem, he wrote: I can't shoot a gun. I can only create a beautiful cake. Now my men are being shot. But I can only shoot back with poem. It is now sure only words from the mouth are not enough. We have to choose arms. I will shoot..."
Source/publisher: National Public Radio (Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Junta jails maimed protestor who may lose vision in his right eye without surgery
Sub-title: Hlyan Phyo Aung needs treatment at Yangon Eye Hospital but is now being held at Magway Prison
Description: "Hlyan Phyo Aung, who had been studying to be an engineer, was discharged from a military hospital in Magway on Monday more than two months after he lost his hand in a brutal attack by soldiers during a crackdown on a protest in the town. He lost part of his right hand when a stun grenade exploded next to him, and the rest of it when a soldier fired a bullet at it from close range. He was also shot numerous times with rubber bullets and badly beaten. His eyes were damaged by soldiers firing their weapons close to his face, according to a friend of his. The discharge certificate issued on Monday said he needed eye surgery and more physiotherapy. His family had wanted him to travel to Yangon Eye Hospital for treatment, but instead five police officers arrived after he was discharged to take him to Magway Prison. “He needs to get his cornea replaced. If this worsens he could lose his vision,” the relative told Myanmar Now on Tuesday. Hlyan Phyo Aung was arrested on March 27 and later charged with incitement. He has been receiving treatment at the 100-bed No. 16 military hospital under police supervision. While he was at the hospital, six court hearings went ahead at Magway Prison in his absence. His lawyers have been denied the official right to represent him, meaning there has been no opportunity to apply for bail on medical grounds. “When we requested bail, they said we could only do it at the prison court,” the relative told Myanmar Now. The next hearing is scheduled for June 17. Hlyan Phyo Aung faces up to three years in prison. According to a tally by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 857 civilians have been killed and over 5,800 have been detained by the military council as of Monday..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Soldiers in Sagaing shoot protest leader in the leg before arresting him
Sub-title: Marn Zar Myay Mon was riding on a motorcycle in a bid to escape a raid when the bullet hit him
Description: "Soldiers shot a local protest leader in the leg as he rode on the back of a motorcycle in Sagaing Region on Tuesday morning before arresting him and taking him to an interrogation center, a source close to the activist said. Marn Zar Myay Mon was trying to escape from the village of Shanhtu–where he had been hiding–after regime troops arrived and carried out a raid at around 6am. “The village school was set on fire at night, and the next morning the military showed up,” said a local source who is close to the activist and requested anonymity. “He was leaving the village to go into hiding again but met with the military’s troops. They shot him in the thigh and he fell off the bike,” the source added. The driver of the bike managed to escape, as did two others who were riding another motorcycle along with them. Marn Zar Myay Mon received treatment for his wound but was sent to the Monywa interrogation center in legcuffs, the source said. The 28-year-old has been wanted by the regime since April, when he was charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code after becoming a prominent leader of anti-coup protests in Chaung-U Township. His family learned of his arrest at 7am on Tuesday and they have been unable to talk to or meet with him since. He is the son of the writer Myay Mon and has previously worked as a freelance journalist..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Was Min Min tortured to death for banging pots?
Sub-title: The brutal murder of a motorcycle mechanic in Kalay has some suspecting that he was the victim of an irate pro-regime neighbour
Description: "Min Min, a 39-year-old motorcycle mechanic with his own repair shop in Kalay, Sagaing Region, called his wife at around 8pm on May 24 to tell her that everything was fine. Earlier that day, a group of about 50 soldiers and police had arrived at his house and began searching for something. When they couldn’t find whatever it was they were looking for, they told him he would have to come with them for questioning. “They told his wife to not worry. They said he just had to answer a few questions and would soon be released,” a family member recalled. When Min Min called that night, he told his wife that he was being questioned at a local interrogation camp about a recent explosion near Kalay’s Basic Education High School 6. “His wife asked him if he was being tortured. He said no. He said he would be released shortly and told her not to worry,” the relative said. The next morning, Min Min’s wife went to the camp with some food and clothing for her husband. A soldier in plainclothes accepted them. Then, about an hour after returning home, she received the news that he was dead. His death, she was told when she went to collect the body at the 100-bed hospital next to the camp, was caused by “an underlying lung issue.” Min Min suffered from peripheral neuropathy, a nerve condition most likely brought on by his diabetes, but was otherwise in good health. A military officer apologized for Min Min’s death and offered 500,000 kyat ($300) as compensation, but no further explanation was forthcoming. “We were angry when we went to get his body, but we couldn’t show it because we were worried that they would harm the family. So we just nodded our heads and left,” the relative said.....A battered body: When the family took Min Min’s body home and started cleaning it, they saw that it was covered with bruises and other signs of severe trauma. “We saw bruises on his chest and about three more on his forehead, which we assume came from a blow with a gunstock. That part of his forehead was very mushy,’” said the relative. There was also blood on his mouth and bruises from the back of his neck to his ankles. His hands looked like they had been cut with a knife and there were stab wounds made with some sort of pointed object, the relative added. All of these injuries were inflicted while Min Min was in military custody, but his family knew there was nothing they could do about holding his torturers legally accountable. Min Min was not the first person to die at the hands of the regime’s forces in Kalay, where brutal crackdowns on protests have prompted many civilians to arm themselves with traditional hunting rifles. But so far he is the first in the region to be tortured to death while undergoing interrogation. People in Myanmar hit pots and pans together producing noise (that sound is believed to drive the evils away in Burmese tradition) at 8:00 PM local time as a symbol of resistance to the recent military coup. It’s difficult to say why he was subjected to this ordeal. He was a supporter of the National League for Democracy, but not a member, and he was not involved in protests, according to his friends. It seems, at least in the opinion of those who knew him, that he had simply crossed the wrong person. “We assume that it was an informant. He didn’t get on well with his neighbour. Not for personal reasons, but because of politics. The neighbour is a well-known informant in the city,” one friend told Myanmar Now.....A letter of warning: Min Min had been making a living as a motorcycle mechanic for about 10 years. He moved his workshop to its current location near the Nan Kalein stream in Kalay’s Myothar ward a year or so ago. Although he didn’t take part in the town’s anti-coup protests, he did show his defiance of the dictatorship in another way—by banging pots and pans every night at 8pm. While this was a common practice in many parts of the country, it didn’t meet with everyone’s approval. In late March, Min Min’s neighbour sent him a letter complaining about the “distressing” sound and warning him that he would be reported to the authorities if he continued. It was unclear if the neighbour followed through on this threat, but it seems that Min Min took it seriously. Soon after receiving the letter, he closed his shop for about a month. It was just three weeks before his death that he decided to reopen it so he could provide for his family. Now that he is dead, his wife and two children will have to struggle to make ends meet. They have since moved to Tharsi, the village where he lies buried at the local cemetery. Around a thousand people attended his funeral, which was held on May 27. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), 21 people have died from torture while in detention over the past four months. The junta’s spokesperson could not be reached for comment on these deaths..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 7 June, (857) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (8) fallen heroes today. These (8) fallen heroes from Pyigyidagun Township in Mandalay Region, Shwepyitha Township in Yangon Region, Bago Township in Bago Region and Kyonpyaw Township in Ayeyarwady Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 7 June, a total of (4677) people are currently under detention; of them (162) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 6 June, two men were killed after being chased on motorbike and crashed into by a military vehicle in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. On the night of 6 June, Chit Ko, NLD treasurer of Bhamo Township, Kachin State, was arrested. In addition to this, yesterday evening, three civilians from Nat Myaung and Nat Chaung Village in Kale Township, Sagaing Region, were beaten and arrested unprovoked. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.18 MB 4.16 MB 987.01 KB
more
Title: H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ ဂျပန်ပါလီမန်အမတ်များထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာ
Description: "H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ဒေါက်တာဆာဆာ အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ပြည်ထောင်စုဝန်ကြီးနှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့်ရှိသူ မှ ဂျပန်ပါလီမန်အမတ်များထံသို့ ပန်ကြားလွှာ - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.67 MB
more
Title: Japanese language version of H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers
Description: "Japanese language version of H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers - ミャンマー国民統一政府 国際協力大臣兼ミャンマー広報担当 ササ医師の日本の国会議員とのセミナーにおける演説 (仮訳) 2021 年6月6日..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 817.9 KB
more
Title: Myanmar: The mysterious deaths of the NLD party officials
Description: "The violence used by Myanmar's armed forces against unarmed opponents since the coup in February has shocked the world; more than 800 people have been killed, most by military gunfire. But the deaths in custody of two officials from the National League of Democracy - the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi - have cast an even grimmer light on the military's actions. On Saturday, 6 March, cities across Myanmar were on edge. Three days earlier they had experienced what had then been the most violent day since the coup in February - with the UN recording the deaths of 38 people. The army had seized power on 1 February, after claiming - without evidence - that a previous election which saw the NLD gain power was fraudulent. Ms Suu Kyi and senior leaders were put under house arrest - triggering waves of protest against the military. For the first three weeks the military had seemed unsure how to respond to the protests. But by the end of February they were using increasing levels of lethal force. By the first week of March, it was clear there would be no restraint. The historic downtown neighbourhood of Pabedan in central Yangon, with its narrow alleys between crumbling colonial buildings, had seen plenty of drama. That week, activists had built barricades in some streets to keep out the security forces, and there had been several clashes. Pabedan has a diverse population, with a large number of Muslim residents and eight mosques in the township. In last year's general election, Sithu Maung, one of only two Muslim candidates fielded by NLD won the parliamentary seat there. His campaign manager was Khin Maung Latt, a veteran NLD activist who had moved to Pabedan many years before and lived with the family of a Buddhist lawyer. He co-owned a tour company, had run a video rental shop, and had been active in the NLD since 1988, becoming the chairman of his local branch. He was a well-known and well-liked member of the community. "He was very religious and prayed five times a day," Sithu Muang told the BBC from where he is now hiding from the military. "But people from all faiths loved him. He did a lot for the community, like making new green spaces for children to play in. He was very important to the NLD.".....An unknown cause of death: Khin Maung Latt was at home with his adopted family when police and soldiers arrived shortly after 21:00 local time (14:30 GMT). The soldiers were identified by neighbours as members of the 77th Light Infantry Division, a unit notorious for human rights abuses. According to Ko Tun Kyi, a friend of Khin Maung Latt, the soldiers were actually looking for U Maung Maung, a lawyer who was more senior in the NLD and who had already gone into hiding. Instead, they broke into Khin Maung Latt's home, he says, and dragged him out, kicking and hitting him. Ko Tun Kyi believes Khin Maung Latt was then taken to Yangon City Hall, one of the first buildings to be commandeered after the coup. Early the next morning, Khin Maung Latt's family received a phone call from police telling them to come and collect his body from a military hospital in northern Yangon. They were told there that he had fainted, and that they should inform people he had suffered a heart attack. But the family insists that the 58-year-old was in good health and had no known illnesses. They say his body showed signs of multiple wounds on it, and was covered in a blood-soaked cloth. The body had been cut open and then sewn up in what may have been an autopsy, but the family has been given no official report on the cause of death. He was buried later that day in a Muslim ceremony. The US-based human rights organisation Physicians for Human Rights has examined the evidence, including photographs of Khin Maung Latt's body. While it is unable to make any definitive judgements, it has concluded that the cause of death given by the military authorities is implausible, and that he is most likely to have died from "homicidal violence" while in custody. Ko Tun Kyi believes he was deliberately killed. He was detained less than ten hours before his family was informed of his death; it was not the result of prolonged torture. "I was once jailed and interrogated, so I know how they get information out of you. Maybe they believed he was connected to the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) - the rival government supported by the opposition," he said. "Maybe they were trying to get information about what the NLD is planning, or where activists were hiding?".....'His intestines had come out': But the theory that the military was targeting Aung San Suu Kyi's party was given more weight two days later, by the death of another NLD official, Zaw Myat Lynn. He was far more prominent in the opposition movement than Khin Maung Latt - and his treatment appears to have been a lot more brutal. Zaw Myat Lynn was the 46-year-old director of a new vocational college in the industrial district of Shwe Pyi Thar - one of several opened under the NLD government. He was also a dedicated NLD activist, and right after the coup he was chosen to be the local representative of the CRPH. In the days before he was captured, he posted stirring messages on his Facebook page, calling on the residents to keep up their revolutionary struggle against the military, who he referred to as "dogs" and "terrorists". "Zaw Myat Lynn was a political powerhouse," an NLD official from the same township, who is now in hiding and cannot be named, told the BBC. "He was a superb speaker. He was the only person from our township who was able to unite people and lead the post-coup demonstrations. He was the one who persuaded employees from various government offices to join the civil disobedience movement." The official remembers joining him and his students at a protest on 8 March. "He didn't appear to be worried in the least," he says. "He even offered to have me stay with him at his school, claiming that it was too dangerous for me to be outside on the streets." That evening Zaw Myat Lynn returned to the college with some of his students. Shortly before 02:00, soldiers broke through the gate of the college. The students told their teacher to escape by climbing over the back wall. Seven of them were arrested; at the time no-one was sure what had happened to Zaw Myat Lynn. At 15:00, his wife, Daw Phyu Phyu Win, received a call from a local official in Shwe Pyi Thar telling her that her husband was dead, and that she could see his body - which was at the same military hospital where Khin Maung Latt's family had been. They found him badly bruised. His belly had been cut open by a long, horizontal incision, and she said his intestines had come out. She was shown a large wound in his back. The official state media reported that he had fallen backwards onto two inches of steel pipe while climbing out of the back of his school. It warned that severe action would be taken against anyone giving alternative accounts of his death. The Physicians for Human Rights doctor who examined photographs of the corpse concluded that the official explanation lacked credibility. The horizontal cut across the belly was inconsistent with any autopsy incision, he said. The torso had also been cut vertically for what may have been an autopsy. The massive bruising on both sides of Zaw Myat Lynn's torso was also inconsistent with the official account that he had fallen while escaping. These injuries were much more likely to have been inflicted on him by his captors. The PHR doctor could draw no definite conclusions from the hideous injuries to his head. Zaw Myat Lynn's face was badly disfigured by the time of his funeral. However, the PHR doctor believes this may be due to decomposition. The military authorities would not allow his wife to take the body until the day of his funeral, and it took her three days to arrange it. The body appears to have been left unrefrigerated. It is hard to know why these two officials were subjected to such terrible torture, which from all the evidence appears to be what killed them. The military junta has said little to justify its brutal treatment of those who oppose its coup. The BBC has asked the spokesman for the junta to respond to the PHR report, but at the time of publication had not received one....A brutal track record: The military has a track record of treating victims in Myanmar in ways that suggests that they were unlawfully killed. Bodies are dragged away from the scene in military trucks - usually no attempt is made to give first aid to those who might still be alive. Some families have been blocked from recovering the bodies of relatives, which are cremated by the military authorities with no sign of an investigation into how they died. Most bodies are returned with signs of torture and extensive autopsy work, but no credible or independent report provided to explain how they died. The Association to Assist Political Prisoners in Burma, which has for many years documented abuses by the security forces, identifies 75 people missing from the turmoil following the coup, with 23 of those confirmed as disappeared, presumed dead. Brutality and unaccountability have always been problems in the treatment of dissidents by the authorities in Myanmar; but they have become far worse since the coup. In this case, neither man was a significant figure in national politics. It is possible that the decision to treat them that way was made solely by the military units which detained them, perhaps inflamed by local or personal grievances, perhaps just in the heat of the moment. An instilled hatred of politicians might also have been a factor. Myanmar's security forces have been habitually violent in their treatment of detainees for decades, and very rarely held to account. But the NLD official believes Zaw Myat Lynn was killed in this way to send a message. "I believe they reasoned that by executing [him] in such a terrible manner, they would instil fear in the people, causing them to retreat."..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Press Leaders to Myanmar: Release Jailed American Journalists
Description: "WASHINGTON, D.C., June 2, 2021-The National Press Club and the National Press Club Journalism Institute urged the junta in Myanmar to promptly release from prison all journalists jailed there, including at least two Americans. Danny Fenster and Nathan Maung are the American journalists known to be detained in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, which has been wracked by unrest since a February coup. The National Press Club President Lisa Nicole Matthews and NPC Journalism Institute President Angela Greiling Keane issued the following statement: “We call on the government of Myanmar to release all wrongly imprisoned people, including journalists Danny Fenster and Nathan Maung, two Americans who have done nothing wrong. Journalism is not a crime.” Fenster, a native of the Detroit area, is the managing editor of Frontier Magazine in Myanmar. He was detained May 24 at Yangon International Airport just minutes before boarding a flight to Kuala Lumpur to start a planned trip back to the United States to surprise his parents, who had not seen him in three years. Fenster is being held at Yangon prison, a detention facility known for rampant human rights abuses. He has not been charged with any crime and has not been granted access to legal representation. Fenster’s family has since launched a social media campaign for his immediate release: #BringDannyHome. Maung and Myanmar national Hanthar Nyein, co-founders of the Myanmar news website Kamayut Media, were arrested on March 9, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Maung and Hanthar were physically abused during interrogations when they were first detained, CPJ said. Approximately 90 journalists have been arrested since the coup, according to Myanmar’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. More than half of those journalists are still in jail, and an estimated 33 are in hiding, the group says. The jailed journalists are among more than 4,400 people imprisoned since the coup, the association estimates. The association also calculates that more than 820 people have been killed in Myanmar amid the unrest, and some 5,400 others have been arrested. Founded in 1908, The National Press Club is the world’s leading professional organization for journalists. The Club has 3,000 members representing nearly every major news organization and is a leading voice for press freedom in the United States and around the world. The National Press Club Journalism Institute, the Club’s non-profit affiliate, promotes an engaged global citizenry through an independent and free press and equips journalists with skills and standards to inform the public in ways that inspire civic engagement. Contact: John Donnelly, NPC Press Freedom Team Chairman: [email protected] 202-650-6738..."
Source/publisher: The National Press Club (Washington, D.C.)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: At least 20 killed by Myanmar forces in Ayeyarwady delta, media reports
Description: "At least 20 people were killed by Myanmar's security forces in the Ayeyarwady river delta region on Saturday after villagers armed with catapults and crossbows fought back against troops searching for weapons, local media and residents said. That would make it the heaviest civilian death toll in nearly two months. Some 845 people had previously been killed by the army and police since the Feb. 1 coup, according to an activist group. The junta has disputed that figure. Reuters was unable to reach a junta spokesman on Saturday for comment on the violence at Hlayswe village in Kyonpyaw township in the Ayeyarwady Region. Reuters could not independently verify the reports. The army has struggled to impose control since it overthrew elected leader Aug San Suu Kyi after a decade of democratic reforms had opened up the once isolated Southeast Asian state. Clashes broke out before dawn on Saturday at Hlayswe, some 150 km (100 miles) northwest of the main city of Yangon, when soldiers said they had come to search for weapons, at least four local media outlets and a resident said. "The people in the village only have crossbows and there are a lot of casualties on the people's side," said the resident, who asked not to be identified for fear of retribution. Khit Thit Media and the Delta News Agency said 20 civilians had been killed and more wounded. They said villagers had tried to fight back with catapults after soldiers assaulted villagers in what they said was a search for arms. It was some of the worst violence since the coup in the Ayeyarwady region, an important rice growing area that has large populations of both the Bamar majority ethnic group, from which much of the army is drawn, and the Karen minority. ETHNIC ARMIES Saturday's civilian death toll appeared to be the highest since more than 80 people were reported killed in the town of Bago in early April. Since the coup, conflicts have flared in the borderlands where some two dozen ethnic armies have been waging insurgencies for decades. The junta has also been faced by daily protests and paralyzing strikes. The anti-junta Shwegu People's Defence Force said it had attacked a police station in northern Shwegu late on Friday together with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Reuters was unable to reach the KIA for comment. In eastern Myanmar, the MBPDF (Mobye People's Defence Force) said it had clashed with the army on Friday and four "terrorist soldiers" had been killed. Despite the turmoil, Myanmar's army has shown little sign of heeding calls from its opponents to restore democracy. This week the junta received its first high-profile foreign visitors - the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross and envoys from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing met on Friday with the two ASEAN envoys. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, a group of independent international experts, said it was crucial that the ASEAN envoys also meet protest leaders, members of a parallel opposition government, elected lawmakers and Suu Kyi's party. "Failure to meet with all relevant parties risks lending legitimacy to the junta and undermines the enormous effort and sacrifice made by the people of Myanmar to resist the junta's violent and unlawful attempt to seize power," it said. (Reporting by Reuters staff; Editing by Matthew Tostevin, William Mallard and Alexander Smith)..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 6 June, (849) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Shwe Nyaung Township in Shan State were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 6 June, a total of (4674) people are currently under detention; of them (160) are sentenced. 1936 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, 39 people to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour and 5 persons to 7 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Around 8pm on 5 June, two men were shot dead, and one man was beaten and arrested near the intersection of Shwe Nyaung and Nyaung Shwe in Shan State when junta troops opened fire from their cars at the men riding a motorcycle. Khin Maung Shwe, Sagaing Region’s NLD Shwebo Township Chairman, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code for alledgely inciting people to participate in the 22222 anti- coup movement, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on 4 June. In the afternoon of 5 June, Kyaw Ohn, village NLD Chairman of Man Ywet Village of Mogaung Township of Kachin State, was arrested at his home by the terrorist troops wearing plainclothes. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.17 MB 4.16 MB 971.8 KB
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 5 June, (847) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Kyaukpadaung Township in Mandalay Region and Monywa Township in Sagaing Region were killed in previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 5 June, a total of (4642) people are currently under detention; of them (158) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. On the night of 4 June, when Thaw Thaw a.k.a Thaw Zin who is LGBT, and two friends were on the way home riding a motorcycle, Thaw Thaw a.k.a Thaw Zin was shot with three bullets hit in their arm and rib by junta troops deployed at Township Education Office in Kyaukpadaung Town in Mandalay Region, and died from not receiving medical treatment in time. On the night of 3 June, Ka Lar was shot to death when he did not stop his motorcycle for inspection by junta troops in Monywa, Sagaing Region. On 4 June, Khant Zin Ko, who is a member of Monywa University Student Union, was arrested when the junta did not find his father at home at Monywa in Sagaing Region. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.17 MB 4.22 MB 975.94 KB
more
Title: H.E. Dr. Sasa's address to Japanese Parliamentarians, Professors and Researchers
Description: "Konnichiwa! Thank you for having me, I am really grateful to you all for giving me this opportunity. The brave people and National Unity Government of Myanmar greatly appreciate the People, Parliament and Government of Japan for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the darkest of hours and the most pivotal moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the balance, the strong and continued support from the people, parliamentarians, and Government of Japan and its International alliance are absolutely crucial in stopping this reign of terror and great tragedy in Myanmar. More than ever before, the 54 million courageous citizens of Myanmar need the continued strong friendship and coordinated support and recognition from the people, parliamentarians and Government of Japan in fulfilling the hopes, aspirations and dreams of those who have suffered so much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their regime. I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate my sincere thanks to the People, Parliament and Government of Japan for standing in solidarity with the 54 million citizens of Myanmar in this very difficult time in our history. Thank you for being a strong voice for the people of Myanmar and extending the visas for our grateful citizens living in Japan. Thank you for your leadership at G7 on behalf of the people of Myanmar, and for the recognition of CRPH and NUG as important voices of the people of Myanmar. Thank you for joining countries that have imposed an arms embargo in solidarity against the cruel and ruthless military junta in Myanmar. The duty of a nation’s military is to defend and protect its people. However, under the command of Min Aung Hlaing, the supposed guardians of our nation are doing precisely the opposite of their duty and continue arbitrarily murdering and detaining the brave and innocent civilians of Myanmar without cause on a daily and hourly basis. The people of Myanmar unanimously consider Min Aung Hlaing and those who report to him as terrorists and perpetrators of crimes against humanity. It has been four months since Min Aung Hlaing and his gunmen instigated this illegal coup d’etat and took the nation hostage. Since the 1 st of February 2021: Nearly 900 civilians have been murdered by the junta, including at least 72 children. Nearly 6,000 civilians have been arrested by the junta, and over 1,900 are evading arrest warrants. I have been charged with high treason by these military generals who are in fact the ones committing high treason against the people of Myanmar themselves. The junta continues using the ASEAN Summit as a propaganda tool while the junta forces make daily raids on private homes in villages, towns, and cities across the nation. The torture and cold-blooded murder of innocent civilians under the junta forces continue. They have abolished free media outlets in the vain attempt to stop the truth from getting out. Harassment and imprisonment of journalists continue under the junta. We are however thankful to courageous Japanese journalist Mr. Yuki Kitazumi for his bravery in reporting the true situation inside the prisons that he observed while illegally detained. We were all relieved by the news of his release, but more than 40 more journalists remain behind the junta’s cruel prison bars. The violence we are seeing by the junta is both systematic and widespread. It is clear that they are engaging in crimes against humanity against by using heavy battlefield weapons against unarmed civilians. They have been purchasing these weapons from China and Russia, among other countries by using the stolen wealth of the people and Country of Myanmar. As a result, Myanmar is now quickly becoming a failed state: Nearly a million people have become displaced, food insecurity is rising sharply, and the UNDP is predicting that over half of the population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. The WFP analysis has also shown that more than 3 million people in Myanmar are going to face hunger in the coming months, while so many have already had to flee their homes and are facing hunger hiding in the jungle. It will be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun. We, the sovereign citizens of Myanmar, are doing all that we can to prevent these great tragedies of violence, genocide, criminal atrocities, poverty and hunger by courageously and peacefully resisting the junta’s efforts to cause us maximum pain, suffering, death and destruction. They continue trying to take away our freedom and democracy with their blood-stained battlefield weapons. The peaceful Civil Disobedience Movements (CDM) led by dauntless medical and health workers, schoolteachers, students, activists, and joined by hundreds of thousands of civil servants and private sector workers continues unabated. Make no mistake, this is the most powerful peaceful movement ever to rise against a military junta. Day after day the defenseless people of Myanmar march across the nation and continue to demonstrate enormous valiancy in the face of the murderous and oppressive military dictators. This peaceful movement has even been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, however, this peaceful movement deserves not only the Nobel Peace prize, but also the full support of the People, Parliamentarians and Government of Japan, and the international communities. The citizens of Myanmar have initiated strong domestic sanctions against the junta through this peaceful movement of CDM, strikes and other acts of civil disobedience. We are boycotting junta produced goods, and a large percentage of civil servants are refusing to support the junta’s work. The sanctions that have been imposed to date by Japan and the International Community have been a helpful start to supporting our domestic efforts. While the brutal crackdown by the junta and its forces continue, opposition to the junta remains strong and unanimous among the people of Myanmar. However, greater help and support from the people, Parliament and Government of Japan and its allies from the international community are vitally important. We have three core requests to present to the People, Parliament and Government of Japan and its allies from around the world: 1) Engage with the National Unity Government as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Myanmar. We are comprised of leaders elected in Myanmar’s democratic November elections as well as leaders of ethnic states and regions. The people of Myanmar recognize us as the sole legitimate government and our hope is that you will also work with us as the sole legitimate government of Myanmar as well. 2) Help us address a growing humanitarian crisis. We need aid. The National Unity Government knows how to get aid to where it needs to go. A humanitarian crisis is growing due to conflict and the spread of COVID-19. Myanmar’s economy is in collapse and millions are already, or at risk of being, without water, food, sanitation, shelter and medicine. (UNWFP estimates 6.4m people will be without food in Myanmar by October 2021). We desperately need aid for 1) FOOD SECURITY, 2) HEALTH 3) SHELTER, 4) EDUCATION: 3) Help us put more financial pressure on the junta. It is critical for the nations of the world who stand with us to band together in a coordinated campaign of further sanctions that would cut the flow of revenue to this murderous regime. We are respectfully requesting that the Government of Japan ensure that no funds from any entity under the control of Japan, whether public or private, be allowed to continue to be transferred to the Junta, its business entities, leaders or their families. The largest source of revenue to the junta, the oil and gas sector, remains unscathed by the international community. Coordinated and targeted sanctions and legislation would make a clear legal obligation for companies to stop the flow of this revenue to the junta. We must not continue to allow this illegal junta to spend the wealth of the people of Myanmar in murdering the people of Myanmar. Therefore, the Government of Japan and the International Community must place sanctions against Myanmar Oil and Gas and all state-owned enterprises, including the transfer of dual use technology, and impose an international arms embargo and a strict no-fly-zone above the territory of Myanmar by whatever means necessary. These measures are critically vital to prevent civil war and another genocide in Myanmar. Our National Unity Government Myanmar is ready, willing and able to help in all of these coordinated efforts. This is the first time in the history of Myanmar that there has been a National Unity Government with the full support of the people. We need the endorsement, recognition, acknowledgement and engagement from the Government of Japan and the free countries and leaders from around the world who believe in freedom, justice and democracy. This is the first time in our history that elected members of Parliament, political parties, ethnic leaders, ethnic armed organizations and grass roots civil society organizations have come together as one united people to oppose the common enemy. This is the greatest opportunity of the century. We must then seize upon this window of opportunity and put an end to this wicked, illegitimate regime, and begin afresh with a transparent and inclusive federal democratic union of Myanmar. As the true legitimate and democratically elected Government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government of Myanmar is here to help generate the will of the brave people of Myanmar by whom, and for whom it was elected. This united will of the people is: - Building of a Federal Democratic Union of Myanmar where both Federal States and Federal Union Governments are by the people and for the people, and where the rights of ALL regardless of race, sex, culture, ethnicity, background, and religion are equally respected, protected and promoted. It will be a place where power and resource sharing will be based on the principles of equality and self-determination, and where the three branches of Parliament, Judiciary and Executive will function independently. - Total eradication of military dictatorship and the current genocidal military which has become a cancer to the country and people of Myanmar, and to replace it with an ethical and inclusive armed force that belong to the people of Myanmar and is led by the civilian government. - Complete nullification of the 2008 constitution created by the junta and for the junta, and repealing and replacing discriminative laws, such as the 1982 citizenship law, with new laws and a federal constitution for the people of Myanmar. This will be done in an inclusive manner and only with the consensus of ALL the stakeholders. A constitutional convention and referendum will be held on the permanent draft constitution which will be won by the people and belong to the people of Myanmar for generations to come. I am very proud of the courageous people of Myanmar who are on the front lines of this movement to liberate our nation from a brutal military regime, and for their bravery and their commitment to human rights, a federal democracy and freedom for ALL the people of Myanmar. Mark my words: we, the opposition to the illegal junta, will win in our struggle to liberate Myanmar from the brutal military junta, and on the other end of this fight we will emerge an inclusive Myanmar that is committed to democracy, human rights, and to being a responsible partner in the global community. With the help of the People, Parliament and Government of Japan, our vision and our dream will become a powerful reality and will bear testimony to our strong friendship and unyielding gratefulness. Sincerely, Arigatou..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 148.34 KB
more
Title: Letter from British MPs to the Government of United Kingdom: Military Offensives on Kayah State in Myanmar (Burma)
Description: "Dear Dominic, The situation in Myanmar is deteriorating rapidly. In recent days, the military regime has escalated their daily cycle of atrocities perpetrated against civilians across Myanmar, with airstrikes in Kayah (Karenni) State. On Monday afternoon (May 31st), the Myanmar military regime launched airstrikes in Kayah for the first time since the 1 February coup. Two helicopters opened fire in Demoso Township, this was followed by heavy artillery shelling, marking a rapid escalation of violence in the state. 70,000 civilians have already been displaced, fleeing to camps rapidly set up by local communities. The situation for these IDPs has been dire; they are in urgent need of food, medicine and other essentials. Hiding in the jungle they are also facing seasonal monsoons that are washing away camps. We welcome the UK Government' s imposition of sanctions against regime leaders; the decision to review aid programmes in Myanmar; the condemnation of the killing o f peaceful protestors, and the unlawful detention of political and civil society leaders. However, this is not enough. Airstrikes - also used to attack and besiege the Chin state town o f Mindat last month - accompanied by the use of heavy artillery weapons, represent a serious escalation of the violence. In addition to the estimated 70,000 people who have been displaced in Kayah state, tens of thousands of others in Shan, Chin, Karen and Rakhine States have been displaced and are also in desperate need of food, medicine and humanitarian aid. However, humanitarian access is being prevented by the blocking and destruction by the military of roads and bridges to besieged areas. Regime forces have also cut off access to entrances into Kayah State from Shan State to the north, and transport to Loikaw has now also been cut off, with bridges destroyed and roads blockaded, further hindering any transport of supplies. The lack of response by the international community is increasing the danger of civil war. The constant threat of military raids, arrests, torture and killings has pushed communities to take up arms. Dr. Sasa, Spokesperson and Minister for International Cooperation for the National Unity Government said yesterday. "The people of Myanmar have been left with no other choice. They just have no other option left. It is just the beginning . The situation will become out o f control................The whole country is on the road to civil war. It is time to take urgent action, not just for the people of Myanmar but for the stability of the region. We urge the British government: • to recognise the National Unity Government (NUG), who are the democratically elected leaders of Myanmar, and who have promised to enshrine the rights of the country’s ethnic communities. Last week, a NUG representative expressed acute disappointment at Britain’s failure to recognise the NUG: "The junta is dismantling an elected government by genocidal actions and policies. Not recognising the NUG is a rejection o f the will o f the people o f Myanmar. It is a betrayal o f democracy. When will the world stop the military generals before they commit another genocide?" • to provide emergency cross-border humanitarian aid. • to increase pressure for a global arms embargo to cut off the flow of weapons to this brutal regime. • to intensify diplomatic pressure at the United Nations Security Council to establish an accountability mechanism to bring the perpetrators of atrocities to justice. • to increase pressure on the military regime to stop its reign of terror. • to impose more targeted sanctions against military enterprises and a global arms embargo. Whilst the UK has taken some positive initial steps, we urge the Government to implement the above suggestions as a matter of great urgency. It is only thereby that stability can be restored; that civil war might be prevented; and that the best opportunity in 70 years for peace, justice, freedom and democracy for all the people of Myanmar might finally be achieved..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 77.1 KB
more
Title: Thailand concerned at Myanmar violence
Description: "Thailand is concerned at the violence in many parts of Myanmar and wants to see the implementation of steps agreed by Southeast Asian leaders with the military junta to help end the turmoil since the Feb. 1 coup, the foreign ministry said on Sunday. Myanmar's junta has shown little sign of heeding the five point 'consensus' agreed among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in April - which calls for an end to violence, political talks and the naming of a regional special envoy. "We have been following developments in Myanmar closely with much concern, especially incidents of violence in many parts of the country," foreign ministry spokesperson Tanee Sangrat said in a statement. He reiterated a call for an end to the violence, the release of all detainees and the "concrete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus" as soon as possible. The junta has failed to impose control since seizing power from elected leader Aug San Suu Kyi, who is among more than 4,500 people detained since the coup. At least 847 have been killed, a rights group says. The army disputes that figure. Meanwhile, daily protests against the military have evolved in parts of Myanmar into armed insurrections while decade old ethnic conflicts have flared anew. Opponents of the junta have voiced frustration at the lack of tough action by ASEAN and say the meeting of two representatives of the group with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on Friday gave him greater legitimacy but brought no benefit. Thailand has a longer border with Myanmar than any other country and fears the conflict could bring a flood of refugees. Its government is itself led by a former army chief who seized power in a coup before holding elections. "Much of what Thailand has done may not have been made public as we believe that quiet and discreet diplomacy between neighbours would be more effective and in line with traditional Thai diplomacy," Tanee said..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-06
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Crimes Against Humanity Committed by Myanmar Junta in Last Three Months
Description: "Amid condemnation by the international community, the Myanmar military regime has intensified its violent suppression of anti-regime protests since the Feb. 1 coup, frequently committing crimes against humanity. In the three months from Feb. 1 to April 30, nearly 760 people were killed during crackdowns, raids, arrests, interrogations and random shootings. Those killed include anti-regime protesters, bystanders, pedestrians and residents. More than 3,400 people have been detained, including elected leaders, National League for Democracy members, election commissioners, doctors, journalists, protesters, activists, writers, artists, teachers and civilians. Facing huge daily protests nationwide, the regime has used lethal weapons including live ammunition, hand grenades and heavy explosives to attack peaceful anti-regime protesters, labeling them as “rioters”. During their raids and crackdowns, the military regime’s forces have committed crimes, destroying civilians’ belongings including vehicles, motorbikes and houses, and looting property including motorbikes, phones, money, foods, chickens and pigs. The Irrawaddy has collected 29 photos containing evidence of the junta forces’ brutality, among thousands of such cases committed against civilians.....Feb 10, 2021: Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, a 19-year-old high school student is on life support at a hospital after being shot in the head by police at an anti-regime protest in Naypyitaw on Feb. 10. During the crackdowns, at least four others were injured as police used live bullets. Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Kine, who had been brain dead, was pronounced dead on Feb. 19. Her death was the first protest related death at the hands of the junta’s force in Myanmar. However, the military junta has denied responsibility for her death claiming she died when protesters shot at each other.....Feb 20, 2021: A medic from a charity treats Ko Yarzar Aung who was shot in the leg in a police vehicle before he was taken away on Feb. 20. Ko Yarzar Aung was injured during the crackdown on hundreds of people who appeared in the street to protest government staff taking part in the civil disobedience movement (CDM) at a dock, in a raid by police and military troops in Mandalay on Feb. 20. In the crackdown, a total of six people were killed and nearly 30 people were injured. More than 80 people, including some seriously injured protesters, were arrested. Medics were not allowed to provide proper treatment to the injured arrested during the crackdown. Four days later, Ko Yarzar Aung died at a military hospital without being provided proper treatment, a witness told The Irrawaddy. The military regime announced he died of COVID-19.....Feb 27,2021: A riot police officer in Myanmar intimidates a pregnant woman by pointing at her face with his fist in Yangon’s Myaynigon during a crackdown on anti-regime protesters on Feb. 27. During the crackdowns, the junta’s forces arrested bystanders and intimidated medical teams by pointing at social worker with guns.....March 3, 2021: Ko Min Thura lost is eyesight in a crackdown by the junta’s forces in Yangon on March 3. He was seriously wounded in the eyes by rubber bullets on March 3 when the junta’s forces conducted a crackdown on anti-regime protests in Yangon’s North Oakkalapa Township. He was shot in the face with rubber bullets when he tried to carry the body of one of his friends out of the line of fire. His right cheek and ear are paralyzed and he can open his mouth only slightly due to the injuries. In the crackdown, around eight anti-regime protesters were killed and several injured. Ko Min Thura lost two close friends killed by the junta’s forces during the crackdown.....March 3, 2021: The 19-year-old Kyal Sin during an anti-regime protest in Mandalay (left). She died after being shot in the head (right). Kyal Sin, also known as Angel or by her Chinese name, Deng Jia Xi, was shot in the head during a heavy-handed police crackdown on anti-regime protesters in downtown Mandalay on March 3. Before she left for the protest, she wrote on Facebok that her wish was to donate her organs if something happened to her. One day after her burial, the regime’s solders forcibly exhumed her body and conducted an autopsy. Later, the regime denied responsibility for killing the girl, reasoning that the girl died when protesters shot at each other.....March 6, 2021: The dead body of NLD ward chairman U Khin Maung Latt, who was tortured to death by the military regime’s forces. During a house raid, the 58-year-old Muslim, a National League for Democracy (NLD) ward chairman, was violently beaten and kicked before being taken from his home at Yangon’s Pabedan Township on the night of March 6. He was tortured to death by the regime’s forces, hours after he was arrested. Since the Feb. 1 coup, three NLD members were tortured to death by the military regime......March 14, 2021: A mortuary with dead bodies of anti-regime protesters in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township. Around 80 civilians were killed across the country when the military regime’s forces conducted crackdowns on anti-regime protesters on March 14. Around 50 protesters were killed and several dozen were injured in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township alone when the regime’s forces opened fire on not only protesters but also bystanders and pedestrians.....March 14, 2021: Two police drag a medical student wounded by live bullets along on the street during deadly crackdowns on anti-regime protests in Yangon’s Tamwe Township on March 14. The 18-year-old, Khant Nyar Hein, a first-year medical student, was shot on the street by the regime’s troops in Tamwe while he was taking part in a protest. Another protester tried to save him, but the police dragged his body away. The protester who attempted to save him was arrested. The body of the teenager was returned to the family later. The boy was shot three times.....March 19, 2021: The mirror widow of a Yangon private hospital is damaged by a gunshot by the junta’s forces. The regimes’ soldiers and police fired shots at SSC Hospital’s women’s center in Yangon on the evening of March 19. No casualties were reported at the center, which provides maternity and newborn care. Pregnant women and women who had just delivered babies were present on two floors the hospital, which were hit by the gunfire. After the gunfire, those in the hospital laid low. At least four other private hospitals were shot at and raided by the junta’s forces in Yangon.....March 19, 2021: Soldiers and police torture an arrested civilian during a crackdown on anti-regime protesters in Yangon Region’s North Oakkalapa Township on March 19. Some said police rode on his shoulders and strangled the man neck with a rope until he was unconscious.....March 19, 2021: The inhumane treatment of citizens by the military regime’s forces was caught in this video screenshot showing officers forcing a man to crawl along a street in Tamwe Township, Yangon Region on March 19. The man, who was being used as forced labor to carry sandbags, was forced to crawl after he could not carry any more. Many residents were also used as forced labor to remove the sandbags, which are used as roadblocks by anti-regime protesters to protect themselves against the crackdowns of the junta’s forces.....March 20, 2021: A funeral is held secretly for 21-year-old Ko Chan Thar Htwe by his family in Mandalay. Neither protesting nor gathering in the street, Mandalay resident Ko Chan Thar Htwe was deliberately shot in the head by the junta forces from long range while he was in front of his house in Chanmyathazi Township in the morning on March 21. On that afternoon, family urgently held a funeral for the victim secretly after changing two locations as the troops searched for them in the ward. On the next day, the whole family fled their home as the junta’s troops searched for them in the ward again, according to a family member..... March 21, 2021: The funeral is held for 16-year-old teashop waiter Zaw Myo Htet, who was shot dead by the junta’s forces in Mandalay during a night raid on March 21. The high school student was shot dead on the night of March 21 by the junta’s forces when he was looking around outside a tea shop where he worked in Chanayethazan Township of Mandalay region. The native of Bago Region came to work as a waiter at the tea shop just two days before his death. During the shooting, seven other residents were also killed. The next day, security forces, claiming they needed to conduct an autopsy, interrupted the funeral of the boy and forcibly took the dead body.....March 23, 2021: The dead body of Ma Khin Myo Chit, who was shot dead in her father’s arms during a house raid in Mandalay. The 6-year-old Muslim girl was shot to death at close-range during a house raid at Aung Pine Lae in Chanmyathazi Township of Mandalay. The frightened girl was slain while being hugged by her father. During the raid, a 19-old-man, the girl’s brother, was also beaten and taken away by the security forces. The family fled their house and held a funeral for the girl secretly since the junta’s forces came to seize the dead body of the girl that night. The military regime’s forces conducted a series of raids in several wards in Chanmyathazi including Aung Pin Lae, Aung Tharyar and Mya Yi Nandar over three days after a confrontation between them and peaceful anti-regime protesters on March 21. In the raids, at least 20 people were killed and about a hundred were injured.....March 26, 2021: Two people are arrested while their hands are tied behind their backs during a crackdown against an anti-regime protest in Tanintharyi Region’s Myeik Township on March 26. The junta’s forces also used two seized ambulances from which to shoot at protesters and bystanders in the town. During the deadly crackdown, four people were killed and at least two dozen were injured. Several protesters were arrested.....March 27, 2021: Soldiers drag away an anti-regime protester hit by bullets after a deadly crackdown against protesters in Yangon’s Dagon Seikkan Township on March 27. At least two civilians were seriously injured as large numbers of junta forces dispersed anti-regime protesters in the Yuzana Garden Housing Complex in the township in the morning on March 27 by using live ammunition and stun grenades.....March 27, 2021: A video screenshot shows military troops in vehicles open fire on three boys on motorbikes passing by near them in Tanintharyi Region’s capital Dawei on March 30. One of the three youths on the bike, 17-year-old Kyaw Min Latt, was shot and dragged away by the troops. He was pronounced dead on March 30 by the military hospital, saying the teenager died of a brain injury due to falling from the motorbike.....March 27, 2021: The remains of neighborhood watch member U Aye Ko, who was burned alive by the regime’s troops in Mandalay’s Aungmyethazan Township on March 27. During soldiers’ night raid on Mintae Ekin ward, U Aye Ko, 40, was left behind after being shot. He was dragged away and set on fire at a roadblock by the junta’s forces, witnesses told the media. Residents said they were unable to rescue the volunteer as soldiers were deploying in the area, threatening to shoot anyone who appeared at the windows of houses. On that day, the Myanmar military regime marked its Armed Forces Day by slaughtering around 110 people across the country, making it the bloodiest single day since the Feb. 1 coup.....March 28, 2021: A video screenshot shows two junta forces in partial uniforms using a motorcycle to shoot anti-regime protesters in Myinchan Twonship, Mandalay Region on March 28. A young female anti-regime protester and a male protester were shot dead when the junta’s forces using civilian vehicles and motorcycles randomly opened fire on protesters and residents in Myinchan in the morning on March 28. In the afternoon, the junta’s forces also opened fire on a vehicle carrying children and women passing through the town. In the shooting, a man in the vehicle died after being hit with a live bullet.....March 28, 2021: A man carries the body of a nursing student who was shot dead while assisting the injured during shooting by police and soldiers against anti-regime protests in Sagaing Region’s Monywa on March 28. The 20-year-old nursing student Ma Thinzar Hein was shot dead as she was assisting the injured when the junta’s forces opened fire on anti-regime protesters. In the shooting by junta forces, at least five people were killed.....April 4, 2021: The 19-year-old fell to the ground after being shot while returning home with her husband on a motorbike in Mandalay at night on April 4. The girl died after suffering a head injury, presumably after falling off the bike. Her husband managed to reach medics with his serious injury after being hit in the abdomen by a live bullet fired by junta forces. The rescue workers took 20 minutes to reach her and to drive her home as the team had to hide from the junta’s forces.....April 4, 2021: Photos of Ko Aung Paing Htwe, who was tortured to death at the hands of junta forces. Ko Aung Paing Htwe, 30, was arrested by junta forces while he was extinguishing a fire at a ward administration office in Shan State’s capital, Taunggyi on April 4. His dead body was returned by the military two days later, saying he died of a brain hemorrhage and lung injuries caused by a crash with a fire engine. However, signs of severe torture were obvious on his body, said fellow ward residents. His head was cracked open, his face was covered in bruises, one of his ears had almost been cut off, and there was a knife wound in his back. Wounds in his chest had been stitched back together.....April 9, 2021: The funeral of Ko Thiha, who was killed by the junta’s forces in Bago on April 9 (left). Explosives used by junta’s forces remain unexploded in the attack (right). The social worker was among more than 80 people who were killed by the regime’s troops in a massacre in Bago on April 9. The regime’s forces used automatic weapons and many rifle grenades in attacking the defense team members and night watchman guarding the protest assembly areas during their deadly crackdown on four anti-regime stronghold wards in Bago.....April 17, 2021: Police carry two bodies of protesters hit by bullet in a cart after a deadly crackdown on anti-regime protesters in Mogok, Mandalay Region on April 17. Two were killed and two others were injured in Mogok, a ruby town in Mandalay Region, when the military cracked down on anti-regime protesters. In a video recorded by a local, a soldier is heard issuing the command “I want five people (to be arrested) and I want them dead”.....April 20, 2021: Dead bodies of villagers who were killed during shootouts with the regime’s forces in Yinmabin Township of Sagaing Region on April 20. Hundreds of villagers from Kapaing, Thigone and Thityarpin villages conducted a defensive action against hundreds of military troops approaching the villages for a raid. In the shootouts, the military troops used a drone to search the locations of villagers and used heavy explosives in attacking the villagers taking up homemade percussion lock firearms and slingshots. In the fight, more than 10 villagers were killed and several dozen detained. Troops were based in Kapaing after raiding the village. A villager said the troops looted all food, chickens, pigs, motorcycles and money from the village. They even stole women’s clothing.....April 24, 2021: Portraits of Ma Khin Nyein Thu who was sexually assaulted and tortured in detention. After being accused of involvement in a series of bombing, the detainee, Ma Khin Nyein Thu, 31, was sexually assaulted and tortured by junta forces at an interrogation center in Yangon, a former cellmate released from the junta’s interrogation center revealed on social media and in regular media. She had been tortured and beaten since being arrested by the junta’s forces along with five other people at a house in Yankin Township on April 17. After learning that her boyfriend is a foreigner, officers at the police station in Yakin forced Ma Khin Nyein Thu to open her legs, kicked her in the genitals and beat her on the genitals with a stick. She is still detained.....April 25, 2021: A photo shows regime forces forcing two women to dance for banging pots and pans in Mayangone Township of Yangon on the night of April 25. Myanmar regime forces dragged around 10 residents from their home in Thamine ward in Mayangone Township for banging pots and pans as a night-time anti-regime protest. The junta’s forces forced them to continue to hit their pots and made two women in nightwear dance for them for two hours in the street. Some male civilians were also beaten.....April 26, 2021: The dead body of a street vendor who was killed by the random shooting of junta forces in Mandalay on the evening on April 26. Ko Zaw Shein, 37, was shot dead by the junta’s forces while he appeared on the road near his shop in Sein Pann Ward in Mandalay Region’s Mahar Aung Myay Township at around 7 pm on April 26. In Mandalay, the junta’s forces frequently open fire on pedestrians and bystanders.....April 27, 2021: The dead body of a villager who died after being shot in the abdomen during shooting by the junta’s forces in Kayah State’s Demoso Township on April 27. During the raid to remove roadblocks in Six Mile Village in Demoso, military regime forces opened fire on bystanders and villagers opposing them...."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more
Title: Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup
Description: "As of 4 June, (845) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of 4 June, a total of (4565) people are currently under detention; of them (156) are sentenced. 1931 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 31 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour and 39 to 20 years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. By 1am on 4 June, Khun Aung Sann was beaten and arrested at his home at Taunggyi Town in Shan State by the junta. The youth’s phone was confiscated and people downstairs in his home were also assaulted. On the 3 June afternoon, Lwin Ko Chit a.k.a Phoe Chit, who is a leader of Sanay Charity Group, Bhamo Town in Kachin State, was arrested by junta troops. Ni Ni Nyunt, headmistress of B.E.M.S (3) of Taungdwingyi Town in Magway Region, was charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code in the morning of 3 June for her involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). She was arrested in March. Thet Tun Aung a.k.a Maung Htoo San, a professional photographer, who was charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, was sentenced to three years imprisonment on 3 June. He was arrested in April after being accused of joining armed training in an ethnic area. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 1.16 MB 4.14 MB 975.4 KB
more
Title: Diary of a Myanmar medic: 'I learned to treat gunshot wounds on YouTube'
Description: "A doctor who provides treatment to protesters injured by the military describes the daily violence and trauma of post-coup Myanmar Rebecca Ratcliffe A medic in Myanmar, as told to Rebecca Ratcliffe Fri 26 Mar 2021 11.40 EDT A doctor who provides treatment to protesters wounded by the army and police has described a week in the turmoil of the post-coup Myanmar. When the military coup happened, I joined a group of medics providing treatment to protesters. Every day is a risky day for us. I may be captured, I may be shot dead. We don’t have bullet-proof vests. We have only a waistcoat and a stethoscope. Our ambulance has been shot at twice before; we just had to get out and run. If we weren’t providing medical cover, there would be nowhere for people to get proper care. Many doctors and nurses are refusing to work in the government hospitals, because they are protesting against the junta. The only other place for the wounded is the military hospital. I am doing this for my country’s people, and because I want my children to have a bright future.....Saturday: Every morning I say a prayer. I write my blood group, my emergency contact number, my weight and other credentials on my forearm. I tell my wife: if I don’t come back, you must live yourself and take care of the children. My wife is also very active in resisting the military coup. She tells me: do what you have to do, and if you die, I will be proud of you. Today there was a protest by students. The military tried to capture them, but they ran away and hid in the local people’s houses. Residents refused to hand them over, so the military started shooting at them. We waited in hiding around the local houses, trying to get the students home safely. We managed to get about 50 students out. It took half a day. Some of them were very afraid to move. They were so young, only 17 or 18. The students had just bruises, but residents were shot for protecting them. One of the victims, who I cared for, had been shot in the back, near the kidney area. We couldn’t go into his house because all the lanes were blocked off by the military. The other residents managed to carry him to us. They moved him slowly from one house to another house. Eventually he reached our ambulance. At this point, he was barely breathing. There was a lot of blood. We tried to resuscitate but we were not successful. Four people were killed in the area.....Sunday: My team heard from our network that there had been another shooting in a nearby downtown area. There was no protest at the time, but the military was shooting while patrolling the streets. Four people were injured, including a 13-year-old boy. A woman was shot dead. Her body was lying on the road, but we had to wait nearly two hours to treat her because the military was spraying bullets nearby. The fatal wound was on the back of her head. There are some patients we see, lying down on the street, who we cannot reach. The military takes them. They may die, they may not be treated. I think the official death toll is an underestimate. I think I have almost got PTSD. I laugh sometimes, I cry sometimes, I feel depressed sometimes. Sometimes I cannot sleep well. I had not treated gunshot wounds before the coup. I learned from watching YouTube and from reading my medical and surgical books.....Monday: Usually, we connect with our peer-to-peer network on apps, but now the junta has cut everyone’s mobile data. Three people were killed locally today. One of the victims, whose death I certified, was just 20. The military was taking down barricades that residents had put up to protect their neighbourhoods, and the people, who were afraid, were making new barricades further down the road. The military started shooting at them. We treated the patients in nearby homes. There was a gunshot wound to the shoulder, buttocks, as well as rubber bullet wounds, and one patient had cuts to the thigh. We stitched them up to control the bleeding, but without local anaesthesia. We don’t have lots of equipment with us, only our backpacks. We made an IV drip for them, and for the pain relief we gave only diclofenac (Voltaren). We need morphine sometimes but it is a controlled drug so we cannot get it easily. We had to move locations three times as we treated the patients, because the military was coming. It’s like a war. The people living in the houses are very passionate towards us. As medical cover, we are the only help they can find. If the patient’s condition is bad and there’s not much we can do, then they have to be moved to the surgeon, who performs operations in a safe place.....Tuesday: Today was quiet. Patients who were stitched yesterday were given wound dressings. We also went and gave money to the victims’ families. We give to wounded patients who have had to have limbs amputated as well. They are just poor people. Sometimes they have a wife and kids. In one case, a man who was killed had a wife who was three months pregnant. At night time we could not sleep very well because the military was going around patrolling, shooting, and setting off stun grenades. I no longer sleep at my home. I stay in a different place every night. I’ve done this for a month. I am afraid of being arrested in night raids. When the military comes, we turn the lights off in the house, and turn on the street lights, so that we can see what they are doing outside.....Wednesday: Mobile data is still down. We trained other volunteers who are not medics, teaching them how to check patients, how to do the tourniquet, how to stop the bleeding. I am afraid for tomorrow; often one or two days of quiet are followed by violence.....Thursday: The military came again tonight, patrolling the area where I am staying and yelling at us not to go outside. The people on my street were OK, but in another nearby area one man was shot dead. He was a resident who had volunteered to stay out on night patrol, to alert others in case the military approached. My daughter is afraid of the loud bangs and cursing. She asks me: why don’t the police come [to stop the shootings]? She has seen, in the movies, how the police are the good guys who take the bad guys out. It is a very hard question for me to answer. How can I tell her that those who are shooting the people are police and soldiers? Whenever I go outside, she asks me when I will come back. She tells me: daddy, don’t go out they will shoot you. It is traumatic for children. Due to Covid, the schools have already been closed for around one and a half years. My daughter asks me when she can go out on a trip, but it is too dangerous for children to go outside. Luckily we have wifi and so she can watch YouTube. I logged out of my Facebook a few days ago, so that I can concentrate on my work. There is too much rumour, fake news, psychological warfare by the junta, and graphic imagery on social media. There are live videos of people being slaughtered or captured and beaten. It’s hard to cope with that stimulus all the time. Sometimes, if I can’t sleep at night, I take antidepressants. After the revolution is successful, I want to apply to open a clinic specialising in trauma and stress. We need it a lot. We feel insecure all the time. We feel the danger and violence. We are fearful all the time..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-05
[field_licence]
Type: Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
more

Pages