What's New
What's New
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-24
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.09 MB
Local URL:
mal 24.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-24
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
17.6 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-24-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-23
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.2 MB
Local URL:
KM23.6.26.pdf
KM23.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-23
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.99 MB
Local URL:
mal 23.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-23
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.38 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-23-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.44 MB
Local URL:
KM22.6.26.pdf
KM22.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.4 MB
Local URL:
mal 22.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-22
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.47 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-22-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.25 MB
Local URL:
KM21.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.81 MB
Local URL:
mal 21.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.78 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-21-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-20
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.54 MB
Local URL:
KM20.6.26.pdf
KM20.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-20
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.71 MB
Local URL:
mal 20.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-20
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.91 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-20-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.52 MB
Local URL:
KM19.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.37 MB
Local URL:
mal 19.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.51 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-19-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.81 MB
Local URL:
KM18.6.26.pdf
KM18.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.42 MB
Local URL:
mal18.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.27 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-18-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.32 MB
Local URL:
KM17.6.26.pdf
KM17.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.97 MB
Local URL:
mal 17.6.26.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.25 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-17-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
World Bank
Date of publication:
2026-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-16
Description:
"Myanmar’s Economy shows tentative stabilization, but fuel shock intensifies pressures
The economic outlook remains subdued, with growth projected at 2 percent in FY2026/27.
YANGON, June 16, 2026 — Myanmar’s economy was showing tentative signs of stabilization prior to the Middle East conflict, but activity remained weak and under strain, according to the latest Myanmar Economic Monitor released today by the World Bank.
Economic activity improved modestly through late 2025 and early 2026, supported by partial normalization after the March 2025 earthquake, some easing of power supply constraints, and pockets of resilience in manufacturing, construction, and services. However, output, sales, and profits remained well below pre-2021 and pre-earthquake benchmarks, reflecting continued constraints from power supply, weak demand, and limited policy space. Real GDP is estimated to have contracted by 2.0 percent in FY2025/26, despite modest improvement in activity toward the end of the fiscal year.
A fuel shock driven by Middle East tensions in early 2026 has amplified existing economic pressures. Higher fuel prices have raised transport and logistics costs, increased production and distribution costs, and intensified foreign exchange demand for fuel imports After easing through late 2025, inflation rose sharply from March 2026, reaching 24.6 percent year-on-year in April. This has further strained household welfare, particularly among vulnerable populations.
“While there are signs that economic conditions have stabilized, Myanmar’s economy remains under significant strain,” said Melinda Good, World Bank Division Director for Thailand and Myanmar. “Recent shocks continue to expose deep structural vulnerabilities, and without sustained improvements in the operating environment, recovery is likely to remain fragile.”
The economic outlook remains subdued, with growth projected at 2 percent in FY2026/27, revised down from 3 percent prior to the fuel shock. The report highlights persistent risks to the outlook, including continued conflict, disruptions to trade and logistics, and external pressures such as weaker export earnings and global energy price volatility.
The Myanmar Economic Monitor also finds that the private sector is operating in an uncertain and challenging environment. Businesses face rising costs, administrative burdens, and uneven policy implementation. As a result, many firms are focused on survival rather than growth, further weakening prospects for job creation and income recovery.
“Many of Myanmar’s business challenges stem from weak implementation of formal rules and inconsistent service delivery,” said Kemoh Mansaray, World Bank Senior Economist. “Greater predictability and better coordination will be key to supporting firms, restoring confidence, and unlocking growth.”..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
2.51 MB (80 pages in English version) 320.92 KB (2 pages in Burmese version)
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.16 MB
Local URL:
KM16.6.26.pdf
KM16.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.13 MB
Local URL:
mal 16.6.26.pdf
mal 16.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.44 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-16-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2026-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-15
Description:
"The Myanmar military is reportedly demanding that the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) return Paya Thonzu, a town on the Thai-Myanmar border, while new commander‑in‑chief Ye Win Oo seeks to use air power to recover lost territories across the country, according to local sources.
Paya Thonzu lies in Kyainseikgyi Township within Karen National Union (KNU) Brigade 6 territory. In early 2023, joint forces of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and allied groups attacked the town, forcing the military administration to withdraw. Since then, the DKBA has overseen security and checkpoints, while the KNU, the political wing of the KNLA, has assumed administrative functions.
Analysts monitoring Karen State politics and military affairs said the Myanmar military’s bid to reclaim Paya Thonzu cannot be negotiated solely with the DKBA, but will require engagement with KNU‑aligned organizations and may involve military pressure. “As in Myawaddy, they want to reassert influence and restore territorial control. So, they are pressuring the DKBA,” one source close to Karen armed groups told The Irrawaddy.
At press time, neither Karen State regime officials nor DKBA representatives had responded to requests for comment.
The DKBA, a signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), pledged cooperation with the military after the 2021 coup but rejected a Myanmar military plan to station troops at its headquarters in Karen State’s Sonese Myaing. In July 2025, the military bombed the DKBA’s Battalion 3 headquarters near Waw Lay Myaing, south of Myawaddy.
The Myanmar military has deployed troops outside Paya Thonzu town, with Myanmar military personnel going in and out of the town in civilian dress. A local confirmed: “They have reinforced Kyainseikgyi with weapons and are moving closer to us. They are trying to retake Paya Thonzu from Kyainseikgyi.”
Unlike Myawaddy, Paya Thonzu lacks an official border trade gate, but is located on a key border trade route, and scam compounds operate with approval from local authorities. Both the military and armed groups profit from these activities, reducing the likelihood of immediate clashes, observers noted.
The area also hosts Chinese‑run antimony and lead mines near Thapyu Village. The military has carried out airstrikes there, including a November 2022 bombing that killed at least three people—among them Chinese nationals—and injured eight. Another strike on April 29 this year hit a lead mine near Makkatha Village north of Paya Thonzu, causing further casualties. The Irrawaddy could not independently verify casualties.
In early 2023, KNLA and allied forces attacked government offices in Paya Thonzu—including the General Administration Department as well as Immigration, Military Intelligence, Forestry, Special Branch and Land Records offices, and the police station—dismantling the regime’s administrative apparatus..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2026-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-15
Description:
"Myanmar’s regime has announced the discovery of four new offshore gas fields, including blocks in the Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi reserves, as it scrambles to secure foreign revenue.
The new fields are estimated to hold a combined 109 trillion cubic feet (TCF) of natural gas, according to the regime’s Ministry of Information (MOI).
While the MOI did not mention the new sites’ names, it stated that the largest is located in the Tanintharyi deep-sea zone and holds an estimated 95 TCF at 90 percent probability. It added that the new Ayeyarwady field contains up to 14 TCF at 100 percent probability.
Last December, BBC News Burmese reported the discovery of an estimated 94.6 TCF in Block M15 of the Tanintharyi gas field, making it potentially one of the largest reserves in the world. The regime’s announcement on Monday almost certainly includes Block M15, which covers an area of over 13,000 square kilometers near Kadan Island off the southern Tanintharyi coast in the Andaman Sea.
The Singapore-based Canadian Foresight Group (CFG) won the bidding for the block and signed a product-sharing contract with regime’s Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) on March 30, 2015, during President Thein Sein’s administration,
Citing an internal 2017 CFG report, BBC Burmese noted the project has potential to generate revenue equivalent to 40 percent of Myanmar’s total foreign currency earnings. CFG estimated the block’s gas reserves at nearly $280 billion, based on market prices at the time, according to the report.
The CFG is led by Songning Shen, a Canadian citizen of Chinese descent.
The Irrawaddy contacted the Ministry of Electricity and Energy, as well as the Ayeyarwady and Tanintharyi region administrations, for information about the new gas project, but received no reply.
Last year, MOGE and Thailand’s Gulf Petroleum Myanmar (GPM) signed Myanmar’s first production-sharing contract for offshore natural gas production since the 2021 coup. The contract for the Min Ye Thu project (Block M10) in the Mottama Gulf was inked in Naypyitaw on May 30, 2025 as Myanmar’s seventh major gas venture, joining Yadana, Yetagun, Zawtika, Shwe and two other small projects.
The regime claims that the projects are supporting the national economy through electricity generation, fertilizer production and industrial manufacturing.
However, MOGE—the regime’s single largest source of foreign currency—was sanctioned by the European Union and the United States, in 2022 and 2023 respectively, for funding a Myanmar military committing atrocities against its own people.
GPM is a subsidiary of Thailand’s Northern Gulf Petroleum, which has partnered with prominent regime crony Kyaw Kyaw Hlaing and his SMART Group of Companies. SMART Group was established under a previous military dictatorship to serve the military-controlled petroleum industry.
GPM took over the Yetagun gas project in 2022 following the exit of Malaysia’s state-owned oil giant Petronas. The company expects to begin commercial extraction of natural gas at the Min Ye Thu block by 2028.
Rights watchdog Justice For Myanmar (JFM) revealed that GPM’s parent company, Northern Gulf Petroleum, likely funnels payments to Myanmar’s military regime through its network of shell companies registered in Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands and Singapore.
The coup prompted global energy giants—including France’s Total Energies, Australia’s Woodside, and the U.S. firm Chevron—to withdraw from Myanmar over security and human rights concerns. Both Total Energies and Chevron officially abandoned the country’s largest gas asset, the Yadana project..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.49 MB
Local URL:
KM15.6.26.pdf
KM15.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.78 MB
Local URL:
mal 15.6.26.pdf
mal 15.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.92 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-15-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-14
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.78 MB
Local URL:
KM14.6.26.pdf
KM14.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-14
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.77 MB
Local URL:
mal 14.6.26.pdf
mal 14.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-14
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-14-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.68 MB
Local URL:
KM13.6.26.pdf
KM13.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.48 MB
Local URL:
mal 13.6.26.pdf
mal 13.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-13
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.02 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-13-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-12
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.29 MB
Local URL:
KM12.6.26.pdf
KM12.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-12
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.84 MB
Local URL:
mal 12.6.26.pdf
mal 12.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-12
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-12-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.26 MB
Local URL:
KM11.6.26.pdf
KM11.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.43 MB
Local URL:
mal 11.6.26.pdf
mal 11.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.77 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-11-red.pdf
GNLM2026-06-11-red.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.7 MB
Local URL:
KM10.6.26.pdf
KM10.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2026-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.64 MB
Local URL:
mal 10.6.26.pdf
mal 10.6.26.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
Date of publication:
2026-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.39 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2026-06-10-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
Data Friendly Space via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2026-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-09
Description:
"Myanmar has been in crisis since 1 February 2021, when the military (Tatmadaw) overthrew the democratically elected government. This coup sparked widespread protests and armed resistance, leading to a severe political, economic, and humanitarian crisis. The military regime, known as the State Administration Council (SAC), has responded with brutal force, resulting in thousands of civilian deaths and widespread human rights abuses. As of March 2026, approximately 3.7 million people are internally displaced across the country—a dramatic increase from roughly 300,000 pre-2021—with cross-border displacement projected to rise toward 5.2 million in 2026. In attempt to seek international legitimacy, the military held general elections in three phases over December 2025 and January 2026 for the first time since the coup. The overwhelming majority of seats were won by the pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and saw SAC chairman Min Aung Hlaing elected as president in April 2026. The elections have been widely denounced as neither free nor fair. Despite the transition to a quasi-civilian presidency, armed clashes have continued in multiple parts of the country, including Sagaing, Magway, northern Shan, Kayah, Kayin, Kachin, and Rakhine. The Arakan Army (AA) now controls all but three of Rakhine State's 17 townships, while resistance forces including the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) have consolidated influence across parts of central and southeastern Myanmar. The UN's 2026 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan (HNRP), released 10 December 2025, projects over 16 million people will require humanitarian assistance this year. Recovery from the March 2025 earthquake remains slow, with an estimated 3.5 million tonnes of debris and reconstruction hampered by insecurity, shortages of heavy machinery (43%) and labour (40%), and limited access. Many affected communities, particularly in Magway, Sagaing, and Mandalay, continue to live in temporary shelters, while essential services remain disrupted. Approximately 24,200 houses were damaged (24% completely destroyed), and 132 health facilities were damaged—half in Mandalay. The Rohingya crisis continues to worsen, with the junta's blockade of Rakhine preventing international aid delivery since late 2023, leaving hundreds of thousands of IDPs with severely limited assistance. On 10 December 2025, a military airstrike destroyed Mrauk-U General Hospital, killing at least 33 people and injuring 76-80—one of the deadliest attacks on healthcare in the conflict. Chronic poverty now affects over 80% of the population; the World Bank projects GDP will contract 2.0% in FY2025/26 with inflation remaining above 20%, and market disruptions have deepened food insecurity nationwide. The 2026 HNRP appeals for approximately $890 million but reflects severely constrained funding and narrowed operational space, forcing agencies to prioritize only 2.6 million people with the most severe needs for life-saving support.
Key Insights
Myanmar's humanitarian crisis continues to deepen amid persistent conflict, economic collapse, and the lingering impacts of the March 2025 earthquake. An estimated 16 million people—nearly one in three citizens—are projected to require humanitarian assistance in 2026, as conflict-driven displacement, natural disasters, funding shortages, and humanitarian access constraints exacerbate vulnerabilities nationwide. The 28 March 2025 earthquake remains a defining event in the humanitarian landscape. Official figures from SAC confirm 3,770 deaths and over 5,000 injuries, with the Early Recovery Cluster reporting over 24,200 houses damaged (24% completely destroyed), 4,857 apartments affected, and 132 health facilities damaged. An estimated 3.5 million tonnes of debris blocks roads and markets, with clearance impeded by shortages of heavy machinery (43%) and labour (40%). Nearly three-quarters of the most affected townships continue to face critical shelter and livelihood gaps—64% of communities reported job losses and 30-31% reported damage to crops and workplaces—while disrupted water systems (44% of groundwater sources contaminated) have fueled outbreaks of cholera and dengue.
2. Following the junta-run general elections held over December 2025 and January 2026, as well as ceasefires between the regime and some ethnic armed organizations in northern Shan, the number of armed conflict incidents has gradually decreased. Nonetheless, air and ground offensives continue in the Central Dry Zone, as well as Rakhine, Kayah, and Kayin States. The new government's 100-day roadmap announced on 21 April 2026, which invites resistance groups to enter peace talks and to surrender, have not been widely accepted. Between January and November 2025, the military conducted 2,165 airstrikes, up from 1,716 in all of 2024. On 10 December 2025, a military airstrike destroyed Mrauk-U General Hospital in Rakhine State, killing at least 33 people and injuring 76-80—prompting UN, WHO, and Amnesty International condemnation and calls for investigation as a possible war crime. IDPs have reached approximately 3.7 million people as of March 2025, with projections indicating it could rise further through 2026. The Arakan Army now controls all but three of Rakhine's 17 townships, while resistance forces have captured extensive border areas in the southeast. Attacks on healthcare are widespread: Insecurity Insight recorded 1,815 attacks on health care between February 2021 and November 2025, with WHO verifying 67 attacks in 2025 alone. Access restrictions, including the junta's blockade of Rakhine since late 2023, continue to endanger civilians—particularly Rohingya communities facing persistent protection risks, restricted mobility, and limited access to aid.
3. Humanitarian access remains severely limited by insecurity and deliberate obstruction. The 2026 HNRP appeals for approximately $890 million but reflects severely constrained funding and narrowed operational space, prioritizing only 2.6 million people with the most severe needs at a cost of $521 million. Partners reached some 6.3 million people at the end of 2025, but access constraints—including roadblocks, landmines, telecommunications blackouts, and the Rakhine blockade affecting 600,000 IDPs—force reliance on low-profile, community-led delivery modalities. WFP warns that hunger has reached "unacceptable" levels, with over 400,000 young children and mothers surviving on nutrient-deprived diets of plain rice or watery porridge.
4. The Food Security Cluster estimates about 12 million people face moderate-to-severe food insecurity in 2026, driven by conflict, displacement, rising food and fuel prices, reduced market access and supply-chain disruptions. September 2025 analyses reported "Serious" to "Critical" Global Acute Malnutrition in multiple conflict-affected townships, notably in northern Rakhine, Kachin, Sagaing, southern Shan, and Kayah—with nutrition and treatment services suspended or operating at minimal capacity due to access constraints. Economic conditions continue to deteriorate: the World Bank projects real GDP will contract 2.0% in FY2025/26, with inflation remaining above 20%. Rising poverty and fear of forced conscription have driven male migration, leaving women, girls, and older people as household heads. More than four in ten households identify lack of income as their top challenge, and 83% of internally displaced families can meet half or less of their basic needs. The convergence of conflict, disaster, and economic decline continues to erode coping capacities, pushing Myanmar further toward a protracted humanitarian emergency with no signs of de-escalation.
5. International condemnation has intensified following the 10 December 2025 airstrike on Mrauk-U Hospital. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights called for an investigation, warning the attack could amount to a war crime. WHO's Director-General condemned the strike as among dozens of verified attacks on healthcare in 2025. Amnesty International and the Burma Human Rights Network have urged the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, impose an arms embargo, and authorize emergency cross-border humanitarian aid. Peace negotiations remain effectively stalled: resistance leaders and the National Unity Government publicly rejected Chinese-brokered terms for northern Shan State. The junta cancelled voting in over 67 townships where it cannot secure control, while nationwide "silent strikes" signalled popular rejection of the military's December 2025 elections. EU and Australia have declared the vote "not credible" amid junta repression. The junta denied responsibility for civilian casualties, accusing "terrorists" of being targeted, while humanitarian organizations stated that the pre-election environment has driven further escalation rather than de-escalation.
6. After taking office on 10 April 2026, president Min Aung Hlaing announced a 100-day program inviting resistance groups — both NCA signatories and non-signatories, including People's Defense Force (PDF) units — to enter peace talks by 31 July 2026. However, the Karen National Union (KNU), All Burma Student's Democratic Front (ABSDF), and the Chin National Front (CNF) quickly rejected the offer, with the KNU stating it has no intention of negotiating under frameworks linked to military rule, underscoring the deep erosion of trust between the junta and resistance forces..."
Type:
Individual Documents
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Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
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Date of publication:
2026-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-09
Type:
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Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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2026-06-09
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2026-06-09
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2026
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2026-06-09
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2026-06-09
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"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
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2026-06-08
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2026-06-08
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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2026-06-08
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2026
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2026-06-07
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2026-06-07
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-06-06
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2026-06-06
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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2026-06-05
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2026-06-05
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-06-04
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2026-06-04
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-06-03
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2026-06-03
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-06-02
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2026-06-02
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-06-02
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2026-06-01
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2026-06-01
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-06-01
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2026-05-31
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2026-05-31
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-05-31
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2026-05-30
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2026-05-30
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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2026-05-30
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-05-30
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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2026-05-28
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2026-05-28
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"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2026
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2026-05-27
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2026-05-25
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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"Myanmar Alin" 2026
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Source/publisher:
Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Myanmar via Academia
Date of publication:
2018-00-00
Date of entry/update:
2026-05-23
Description:
"Myanmar is in the midst of a momentous political and economic transition, the outcome of
which will have ramifications not only for the country itself but also for the rest of Southeast
Asia and much of continental Asia. This volume has provided an in-depth survey and analysis
of the many cultural, political and economic shifts currently underway and the key challenges
that the country faces. It is now therefore worth considering what a successful transition in
Myanmar might look like.
There can be little doubt that for most people in Myanmar, and for the country’s many
supporters elsewhere in the world, a successful transition will result in a prosperous and peaceful
democracy: many of its people took to the streets demanding democracy in 1988 and electoral
support for the National League for Democracy (NLD) was overwhelming in both 1990 and
2015 (Ardeth Thawnghmung 2016). However, as with all political concepts, the form and function of democratic rule is heavily contested. In Myanmar, the military’s roadmap to ‘disciplineflourishing democracy’, put into practice with the 2008 constitution, reserves a quarter of
legislative seats for serving military personnel, mandates direct military appointments to the
executive and allocates the Tatmadaw a key role in many aspects of national governance. Such
enduring military dominance does not satisfy most definitions of democracy. Nevertheless, with
the gradual loosening of constraints on political debate and the NLD government coming
to power in 2016, Myanmar is becoming more democratic than at any point in the past half
century. Whether the transition can continue in this democratic direction is still unclear.
A fundamental component of any transition to a democratic society is adherence to international norms relating to democracy and a broad portfolio of human rights in the political, civil,
economic, social and cultural realms. The political reform process underway in Myanmar therefore has major implications for the country’s economic and cultural future. Genuine respect for
democratic norms and human rights should lead to a more equitable and ecologically sustainable
model of economic development. It should also support the recognition and respect of social and
cultural diversity, whether based on ethnicity, sexual orientation, ability or gender. Democracy,
human rights, sustainability and equitable economic development are often treated as separate
issues, but this is usually the result of applying unduly narrow definitions. More comprehensive
visions of sustainable and just states provide useful insights on the interdependence of these issues
(Eckersley 2004). In 2015, Myanmar finally signed the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which sets out a range of state obligations in these areas.
A democratic, just and sustainable future for Myanmar therefore relies on the notion of
inclusion. An inclusive polity, economy and society do not discriminate on the basis of religion,
ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation. With ongoing civil conflict in Myanmar’s north, east
and west, and the religious tensions between Buddhists and Muslims in much of the country,
this may seem like a utopian vision, but it remains a precursor for any truly liberal or social
democratic state.
Political and economic inclusion is generated by adherence to human rights norms but it is
also necessary for any successful strategy of sustainable development. Inequality in Myanmar is
significant and there is a growing global recognition, even in institutions such as the IMF, that
inequality and neoliberal economic models can stifle the full potential of economic development
(Dabla-Norris et al. 2015; Ostry et al. 2016; Wilkinson and Pickett 2009). Myanmar’s natural
resources and agricultural development provide avenues for addressing poverty throughout the
country but only if such development is achieved through ecologically sustainable strategies that
respect the rights of ethnic minority and local communities in decision-making. Policies that
promote free, high-quality education for all, particularly in ethnic languages, not only improve
understanding and tolerance of difference but also provide the human capital for future economic development ( Jolliffe and Mears 2016; Lall and South 2013).
Political inclusion is possibly the most significant issue facing Myanmar, with questions of
ethnicity a key contributor to historical and contemporary conflicts. Ethnicity feeds directly
into Myanmar’s unresolved citizenship crisis (Holliday 2014). As Walton (2013) has shown,
many in the ethnic Bamar (Burman) community are oblivious of the systematic marginalisation
of other ethnic cultures, languages and religions. This unacknowledged privilege is not, however,
unique to the Bamar community, as some ‘accepted’ national ethnic minorities also receive
unacknowledged privilege and reinforce the marginalisation of other minority communities.
The key document in this area is the 1982 Citizenship Law, which set out the country’s 135
officially designated ethnic groups, the ‘national races’. The law was passed during military rule
under Ne Win, which was opposed by the NLD and many ethnic groups for its authoritarian
and chauvinist practices. While arguing that laws made under Ne Win were unjust and illegitimate, in the new political climate many ethnic minority activists have been happy to cite and
promote this law to justify the exclusion of other minorities, notably the Muslim Rohingya in
Rakhine State, although this is part of a broader scapegoating of Muslims throughout Myanmar
(Cheesman 2017; van Klinken and Su Mon Thazin Aung 2017). There is no easy political
solution to the issue of inclusion in Myanmar but a useful first step could be the technical separation of ethnicity from eligibility for citizenship (see Farrelly 2016).
An intermediate point for the transition currently underway in Myanmar might, therefore,
see the law redrafted to remove ethnicity as a primary determinant of citizenship. There are of
course significant political impediments to implementing such a change but, just as the concept
of federalism is, for the first time, being openly debated in Myanmar, the emergence of a new
definition of citizenship, founded on liberal values rather than arbitrary and often ethnologically
dubious categorisations, should not be entirely ruled out. Such a shift would take courage on
the part of Myanmar’s democrats to make the necessary adjustments in what is currently a rigid
set of social expectations about ethnic belonging.
In government, the NLD has made efforts to promote what they consider neutral language
on sensitive ethnic issues, particularly the Rohingya. Their terminological revisions have caused
consternation among ‘nationalist’ Buddhists, and have also been opposed by some Rohingya
themselves. There were reports that Muslims in Rakhine State townships refused to accept new
government-issued national verification cards, or ‘green cards’, as part of a citizenship verification
pilot programme because their race and religion were omitted ( The Myanmar Times, 16 June 2016). These Muslims wanted their ethnicity listed on the card both to emphasise their identity and
because they thought its absence could reduce their chances of eventually gaining citizenship.
There is, in such cases, a lack of trust between ethnic minorities and the government due to
deep-seated historical animosities. While the NLD government generates much more goodwill
than its predecessors, there are obvious challenges when it comes to contentious ethnic and
religious fault lines. The removal of ethnicity and religion from government identification cards
is, however, a worthwhile ambition for a pluralist democracy. The official diminution of ethnic
classification may be possible if supposedly discrete groups accept that they are all, fundamentally, the same.
An attempt to reduce communal tensions came with the government announcement in
mid-2016 that it would use the religiously determined, but ethnically neutral, terminology of
‘Buddhist community in Rakhine State’ and ‘Muslim community in Rakhine State’ in stateowned publications ( The Irrawaddy, 21 June 2016). The previous USDP government commonly
referred to the Rohingya as ‘Bengalis’, a pejorative and ethnologically suspect term. Under the
NLD government these tentative steps towards more ethnically neutral governance were shaped
by the need to balance the competing demands of local nationalists and external critics. In
championing such difficult changes, the NLD were encouraged by their landslide triumph at
the 2015 election in the face of large-scale ‘nationalist’ Buddhist protests, including exhortations
by prominent monks not to vote for the leading democratic politicians. Even with that popular
mandate, the NLD’s efforts have foundered amongst the Buddhist majority of Rakhine State
who continued to insist on identifying their Muslim neighbours as ‘Bengali’.
The NLD attempted to placate international criticism on the treatment of the Rohingya by
the appointment of an international advisory commission in August 2016, led by former UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan (Reuters, 24 August 2016), and by October the situation in
northern Rakhine State was relatively stable, despite the ongoing incarceration of over 100,000
Rohingya in internally displaced peoples (IDP) camps. On 9 October 2016, however, coordinated armed attacks on three border posts near Maungdaw township in northern Rakhine State
killed nine Myanmar police officers and eight assailants ( The Myanmar Times, 10 October 2016).
As a result, the region again became heavily militarised with widespread allegations of Tatmadaw
abuse of the Muslim community and an exodus of 70,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh (OHCHR
2016; 2017).
On 24 August 2017 the commission delivered their final report, which included comprehensive and productive recommendations on pathways to peace in Rakhine State. The NLD
government quickly committed to implement the recommendations ‘to the fullest extent, and within the shortest timeframe possible’. In the early hours of the next morning, militants
attacked 30 police posts and an army barracks in northern Rakhine State, resulting in a brutal
military operation which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights labelled ‘a textbook
example of ethnic cleansing’. At the time of writing over 400,000 Rohingya had fled across the
border to Bangladesh in the three weeks following the attacks. The outlook for the Rohingya
and peace in Rakhine State is now even more bleak (Simpson 2017a).
Broader concerns by ethnic minorities over the NLD as primarily a Bamar party were reinforced around the one year anniversary of the NLD government over a bridge-naming dispute
in Chaungzon, Mon State. The government insisted on naming the bridge after the Bamar
General Aung San, Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, while the Mon ethnic community were in
favour of a more locally sensitive name. By-elections for parliament were held on 1 April 2017
to replace government appointees, including for the seat surrounding the bridge, and to fill
several seats left vacant due to civil conflict in Shan State during the 2015 elections. The dispute
resulted in a 17 per cent collapse in the NLD vote in Chaungzon and they lost the seat.Similarly, in Shan State the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) won all six previously empty seats with a negligible NLD vote registered in several electorates. The tactical
voting in ethnic areas that delivered the NLD its landslide in 2015 is unlikely to be repeated
(Simpson 2017b).
Ethnic concerns fed into broader dissatisfaction with the performance of the NLD and Aung
San Suu Kyi in their first year in office. Little progress was made on the peace process, despite
Aung San Suu Kyi expending considerable political capital in this area. Furthermore, there
were relatively few detailed plans for development with Aung San Suu Kyi continuing to promote a ‘socially conservative ideology of radical self-sufficiency and laissez-faire relations
between the state and society’ (Mary Callahan, Nikkei Asian Review, 29 March 2017), arguing
citizens should muster ‘courage’ and ‘self-confidence’ rather than rely on government action or
support; an exhortation unlikely to be received with equanimity in ethnic areas facing off
against the state’s military. The NLD was undoubtedly left a shambolic economic legacy by the
previous USDP government and the military operates independently, but the government
came to power with unprecedented goodwill and it is striking how this has metamorphosed
into an aloof sense of entitlement within the NLD.
One sector with which the NLD needs to engage further is civil society. Since the opening
of political space in Myanmar it has been apparent that civil society is not always civil, with
chauvinist ‘nationalist’ movements becoming more prominent. Nonetheless, civil society is an
essential component of any thriving democratic system and it has a pivotal role to play in
engaging community and government stakeholders. Civil society provides an outlet for
pursuing cultural goals, as well as political ones, and provides mechanisms for minorities or
groups unable, or unwilling, to enter the formal political process. There are concerns that the
NLD government does not consider civil society an active partner in the transition, since it
lacks the electoral legitimacy of the NLD. It would be a missed opportunity, and do little for
democratic development, if local activists were merely expected to follow the lead set by
elected politicians (Simpson and Smits 2018).
After decades of military rule, a free media in Myanmar will also be crucial for the development of a vibrant, inclusive and democratic society but here again the NLD’s record is mixed.
The rapid expansion of newspapers and news outlets in the country under the USDP government was welcome and there have been some moves by the NLD to continue relaxing restrictions on the media. For politicians and government officials, however, there is still a need to
embrace the scrutiny offered by journalists, even when it proves uncomfortable. The media, including its rambunctious online elements, should be considered an essential component of
democracy rather than an impediment to smooth national development. Unfortunately, journalists and political activists continued to be arrested and jailed under residual legislation, such
as section 66(d) of the 2013 Telecommunications Act, during the NLD’s first year in office
(Simpson 2017b). The ongoing difficulties and restrictions in reporting on civil conflicts, particularly in Rakhine State, demonstrate that there remain clear limits on press freedom in the
country (Brooten and Verbruggen 2017).
Free and fair elections are a key component of successful democracies and the 2015 election
was, given Myanmar’s recent history, undoubtedly a success by almost any measure. However,
Myanmar’s first-past-the-post electoral system, while delivering the NLD a useful majority, is
actually not the best system for pursuing inclusive democracy. A system of proportional representation, with preferential voting, would result in more representative and inclusive legislatures
(Dryzek and Dunleavy 2009). If Myanmar’s parliaments are seen as accurately reflecting the will
of all communities, ethnic groups are more likely to pursue their interests through democratic
means rather than armed struggle. A related factor in the potential success of Myanmar’s transition is the continuing centrality
of Myanmar’s military in the country’s political and economic life. While the NLD government
gains most of the media attention for its activities, it still only governs with the acquiescence of
the Tatmadaw. The military may have receded from the frontline of government but it remains
a powerful force that, under its own 2008 constitution, is an autonomous institution, free from
civilian control or oversight. The military clearly runs its own operations in the restive ethnic
regions. The assassination in January 2017 of Ko Ni, a key legal adviser to the NLD, at Yangon
International Airport reinforced the views of some that military subterfuge was consciously
undermining the government. That he was the NLD expert on understanding and challenging
the military-authored constitution, as well as being one of the few prominent Muslims in
political life, cast further doubt on hopes that Myanmar had entered a new more liberal and
democratic era.
While the constitution ensures that the military plays a dominant role in Myanmar’s politics,
its role in Myanmar’s economy is much less formalised, but no less significant (Ford et al. 2016;
Jones 2014). To consolidate democratic rule the NLD must also democratise economic
development; if the poor see continuing inequality and little material gain from democratic rule
they may be inclined to accept more authoritarian options in future if they come attached with
promises of economic relief. During the first year in office Aung San Suu Kyi focused almost
exclusively on the peace process at the expense of economic development; in reality, the two
goals are interdependent.
Finally, the transition inside Myanmar will inevitably be shaped by events in the wider world
as the country continues to embrace international society. External actors are increasingly present in Myanmar as major foreign powers, corporations and INGOs look for opportunities in
what is an emerging site for regional competition. Aung San Suu Kyi rightly insists that the
Myanmar government, not international actors, will decide on the country’s policies both big
and small. Nevertheless, no country is immune to the pressures of globalisation, and Myanmar
will certainly need to account for many transborder considerations.
To build a modern democratic state, political leaders in Myanmar will need to effectively
manage a daunting set of interrelated challenges. As well as establishing robust foundations for
democracy inside the country, they will be forced to balance external influences seeking leverage at a time of national vulnerability. It helps that the elected NLD government claimed a
strong popular mandate to improve the economy and increase political participation but inadequate state resourcing is likely to remain a persistent constraint. As Myanmar continues its
transition towards a more inclusive government and society it remains far too early to claim that the nascent process has been a success.
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations
Format :
pdf
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93.71 KB
Local URL:
2018-Myanmar-Futures-Chapter-40-en.pdf
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