Human Rights Defenders
Individual Documents
Title: Interview: ‘We Have Decided to Make Sacrifices For The People,’ Says Myanmar Film And TV Star
Sub-title:
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin says she joined the popular resistance against the junta after peaceful protests brought repression.
Description:
"Myanmar model and television and film actor Mya Hnin Ye Lwin, 34, gained widespread recognition for her roles in popular TV drama series and 10 movies, including the 2016 legal drama “Angel of Eden” and the 2018 romantic comedy “Yee Sar Ta Won Kwal.” She also holds a degree in psychology from Dagon University. Earlier this year, she returned to the spotlight, but this time as one of the most active celebrities in the resistance movement against the national military’s seizure of power on Feb. 1. Mya Hnin Yee Lwin has denounced the coup at anti-junta rallies and on social media. In response, the military government in April issued a warrant for her arrest for inciting the public to disturb the peace and stability of the nation. Although she has fled Yangon and sought refuge in a rebel-controlled “liberated” area, she has vowed to keep up the fight against the junta. Reporter Aye Aye Mon of RFA’s Myanmar Service spoke to Mya Hnin Ye Lwin about her decision to join in the anti-junta activities. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
RFA: Many film and music artists have joined the protests against the Feb. 1 military takeover, but most of them did not choose to take up arms. Why did you decide to join the protests and stand up for the people?
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: I took part in the protests after hearing the shocking news about the coup that morning on Feb 1. I felt that it was an injustice against the people and decided to join the protests. In the beginning, I did not have much fear because there were so many people, thousands of us trying to peacefully express what we wanted for the country. Later on, when arrests were made and a warrant was issued against me under Section 505(a) [of Myanmar’s Penal Code], I became a little frightened of what might become of me if I was arrested. I went into hiding at first and decided later to join the resistance, despite the fear in my heart.
RFA: You come from a very well-off and educated family and have been quite successful in your career. Do you find daily life to be very difficult in your present situation?
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: I had never dreamed about, not even joked about, spending my days in the jungle like this. Of course, there are hardships. Food and shelter are poor. Sanitary conditions are unspeakable, especially for a young woman like me. Sometimes it is a little disheartening and I have to lift up my spirits by thinking about those who have made greater sacrifices. I have no regrets, and now I have become used to life here. The changes in life were so sudden, and I have had to adjust myself mentally as well as physically.
RFA: You must miss home.
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: Of course, I miss home very much sometimes, but we told ourselves we cannot go home yet. We have decided to make sacrifices for the people. And with that in mind, even when looking at posts and pictures on social media, I put my emotions aside and just look at them as a third person.
RFA: Some people say that you resemble former Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi in photos posted on Facebook. When did you first realize that you look like her?
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: People began noticing that I looked very much like her when they saw pictures of me in interviews with some media [outlets]. At one time, a photographer friend asked me to model for him, and I dressed up in a long-sleeve top with long hair flowing down like Amay [Mother] Suu. I have a habit of learning the styles and movements of people I’m portraying even though I may not totally resemble them physically. More people noticed the resemblance one day at the protests. That day, all the women protesters were asked to wear traditional Myanmar dresses and wear a flower in their hair the way Amay Suu always does. I dressed up accordingly, and people saw how much I look like her.
RFA: Many people have made sacrifices but for some, successful people like you, the sacrifice is greater. How do you feel about leaving behind all you have worked for?
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: Like I said earlier, there were days when I felt a bit down in the dumps. But I try not to think of how many sacrifices I have made. The hardships we face each day are nothing compared to the lives of those who gave up life and limb and those who have been imprisoned. With such thoughts in my mind, I will carry on this fight until we have victory.
RFA: What do you think of the daily killings and fighting across the country at present?
Mya Hnin Ye Lwin: All this unnecessary violence and killings stemmed from the brutal suppression of peaceful protesters by the junta. Millions of people peacefully protesting on the streets were all unarmed, but the junta resorted to violence that resulted in bloodshed on the streets and arbitrary arrests and killings. People were not even safe in their own homes, and finally they had no other choice but to take up arms to protect themselves and their families. We will have to fight on until we win so as to honor those who have given their lives..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-09-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"30 September 2021: The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) mourns the death of Mohib Ullah, one of the Myanmar Rohingya people’s leading human rights advocates and defenders. Mohib Ullah was murdered on 29 September 2021 in the Rohingya refugee camp of Lambashia, Kutupalong in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. He was chairman of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights.
SAC-M co-founder and member Yanghee Lee said, “I knew Mohib Ullah well from my work over many years as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar. He was passionately committed to the human rights of the Rohingya people. He was a man of courage and determination, an irreplaceable leader of the Rohingya people’s struggle for peace and justice.”
Marzuki Darusman, co-founder and member of SAC-M, was chairperson of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFM). He said, “Mohib Ullah provided invaluable assistance to the FFM’s investigations. He and his colleagues in the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights chronicled the events during and after August 2017 when the Myanmar military conducted one of the most brutal operations in recent times. His efforts led directly to international support for the Rohingya people and efforts to bring the military leadership to justice.”
In 2017, Myanmar’s military unleashed a genocidal campaign of violence on Rohingya villages in northern Rakhine state, forcing three quarters of a million people to flee to Bangladesh. Those who fled joined a quarter of a million earlier Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh where they are now confined to sprawling camps and continue to endure dire conditions.
“Mohib Ullah’s death must lead to stronger and more determined international support for the struggle for human rights in Myanmar, for the Rohingya and for all the other peoples of Myanmar,” said Chris Sidoti, the third member of SAC-M and also a member of the UN FFM. “The most important tribute we can pay him is more effective action for peace and justice for all Myanmar’s peoples.”
SAC-M calls on Bangladeshi authorities to investigate Mohib Ullah’s murder thoroughly and to charge, prosecute and punish the perpetrators according to law. It urges UN human rights mechanisms to monitor and report on the adequacy and effectiveness of the Bangladeshi investigations. Bangladeshi authorities have a duty to protect the lives of the one million Rohingya refugees confined to camps in Bangladesh whilst ensuring this tragedy is not exploited to impose further restrictions on the lives of those who have already lost so much..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
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Sub-title:
Family members say they were denied permission to see the body of Than Tun Oo, who was arrested on Saturday
Description:
"A National League for Democracy (NLD) member who was arrested in Mandalay’s Aung Myay Tharzan Township on Saturday has died in custody, according to a source close to his family.
Than Tun Oo, who was also known as Min Ko Thein, died within 24 hours of his arrest, the source told Myanmar Now.
“His whole family, including his two children and his mother, who is in her seventies, was at home when they took him away,” the source said.
The soldiers who carried out the raid shouted at his family to remain inside the house as Than Tun Oo was taken outside and forced to kneel in the yard.
When he had difficulty getting down to the ground due to his weight, the soldiers fired a shot and said they would “help him get on his knees,” the source said.
“He agreed to go with them and took his medication for hypertension and cramps with him when he left,” she added.
A lieutenant colonel involved in making the arrest accused Than Tun Oo, who was also a well-known community volunteer, of helping to transport weapons for anti-regime forces.
However, a thorough search of his home failed to yield any weapons or incriminating evidence.
A day later, the family was informed that Than Tun Oo had died of a heart attack and that he had been cremated because he had also contracted Covid-19.
“When his mother, two aunts and sister started crying at the news of his death, they were warned to stop or they would face arrest themselves,” said the family friend.
Another woman who was a close friend of the victim condemned the military’s callous treatment of the family.
“It’s really cruel that they managed to kill a person within 24 hours and then they break the news to his family with a cold heart,” she said.
Apart from being overweight, Than Tun Oo did not have any underlying medical conditions, she added.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, since the February 1 coup at least 66 people have died in the regime’s custody within 24 hours of their arrest..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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Description:
"1. We have observed increased torture, raids, killings and extrajudicial
arrests of innocence people in Myanmar including lawless confiscation
private lands and houses.
2. On 23rd September 2021, Myanmar Military had illegally raided and
detained a group of activists including U Ragu Nay Myint, who is a
former political prisoner and Hindu leader actively working on interreligious
peace building.
3. We have learnt that people detained form the case are accused with
act of terrorism based with baseless accusations and their family are
pushed towards difficult situation as their private home are confiscated.
4. We have also observed that on 25th September 2021, Myanmar Military
publicly killed and tortured 3 young people on the street in MyaeNegon,
Yangon.
5. Myanmar Military has been also committing atrocity crimes and war
crimes in Sagaing, Magway regions and other ethnic regions admit shutting
down of the internet to cover up their crimes.
6. We strongly condemn all awful acts of Myanmar Military and we affirm
our commitment to do anything we can to contribute to the success of
the revolution and stand in solidarity with our fellow people of Myanmar.....ဖက်ဆစ်စစ်တပ် ရဲ့ ဆိုးယုတ်နိမ့်ကျသော နည်းလမ်း နှင့် လူမဆန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်များအပေါ် အပြင်းအထန်ရှုတ်ချပြီး ပြည်သူနှင့် အတူ တစ်သားတည်း ရပ်တည်ကာ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်သည်အထိ ဆက်လက်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက်မှ သဘောထားကြေညာချက်ထုတ်ပြန်
#faiths4springrevolution..."
Source/publisher:
The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
Date of publication:
2021-09-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Spring Revolution, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"(CNN) - Five-year-old Su Htet Waing often wakes up crying for her mother and older sister.
Hiding in the mosquito-infested jungles of Myanmar in a makeshift tent with her father, her young world has been torn apart.
"I want to sleep with mummy, but the police have taken her," she said in an audio clip recorded by her father, Soe Htay, on his phone and sent to CNN in early August.
Soe Htay was one of the early leaders of the pro-democracy movement against the military which overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi's elected government in a coup in February.
He says his family is now paying the price for his activism. His wife and teenage daughter remain behind bars, and his youngest daughter says she was forced into a half sitting, half standing pose during the 18 days she was in detention -- a stress position that the United Nations Committee Against Torture views as a form of torture.
The military has not responded to CNN's detailed emails and texts about the girl's detention and treatment.
Soe Htay, left, and his daughter Su Htet Waing.
But Soe Htay and his daughter are not alone.
In the months since the coup, the junta has waged a bloody campaign against its opponents, shooting dead protesters in the street and detaining thousands of doctors, activists, journalists, artists -- anyone it deems an enemy.
Sometimes, the junta isn't able to find its opponents. And increasingly, the military is going after another group of people to sow fear among the population and make them fall in line: the family members of dissidents, according to Tom Andrews, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar.
"It's just horrific, it's horrific, it's outrageous, it's completely unacceptable and the international community should be up in arms," he said. "That's the brutal reality we're facing in this country and most importantly that the people of the Myanmar are facing."
Cracking down on protests
After the military took over, Soe Htay took to the streets in protest. And, like thousands of others in the country opposed to the takeover, Soe Htay became a target of the military junta.
In June, months after he had stopped protesting for fear of being shot by the military, soldiers came to his home in Myanmar's central Mogok city to arrest him, Soe Htay told CNN from his jungle hideout.
They raided his house four times, but he had already gone into hiding with his two sons, he said, leaving his immediate family behind.
On the final visit in June, they arrested his wife and two daughters instead.
"This is a hostage-arrest," he said. "Since they arrested my family when they couldn't arrest me ... my youngest daughter wasn't even 5 yet."
Su Htet Waing spent 18 days in detention.
Su Htet Waing spent her fifth birthday in detention, said Soe Htay. She was let out on June 30 after 18 days as part of a mass prisoner release. Her mother and sister remain behind bars, sentenced to three years in prison, Soe Htay said. Local media reported the pair were charged with incitement -- a common punishment leveled at pro-democracy activists.
While Su Htet Waing was detained she was forced into the half-sitting, half-standing position, which caused her "mental trauma," said Soe Htay.
Andrews, the UN special rapporteur, said he has heard of many similar cases of children being brutally punished for the political views of their parents in the months since the military junta took control.
"The stress position is outrageous," he said.
"I have seen reports of children being beaten, reports of children, of iron rods burning their legs, I've seen them detained for several days ... I'm speechless and outraged and truly angry at what despicable behavior we're seeing."
The United Nations Committee Against Torture views stress positions as contrary to the Convention Against Torture.
Innocent hostages
Khaing Zin Thaw also tried to fight against the junta -- and like Soe Htay, it's her family that is paying the price.
Khaing Zin Thaw's parents were arrested in April. She says they haven't done anything wrong.
The 21-year-old used her role as a social media influencer to raise money for the Civil Disobedience Movement, which saw thousands of people leave their jobs to destabilize the coup and economy. She helped collect donations for those who had lost their jobs and were struggling to get by. Khaing Zin Thaw also made posts supporting the movement on Facebook, where she has about 700,000 followers.
But that soon put her onto the radar of the military.
Shortly after February's coup, she left home for safety and has been moving constantly ever since within Myanmar. But in April she got an alarming phone call.
"One of my friends called me and told me there were military trucks outside my house. They called back half an hour later and said your parents have been arrested," she said.
Her parents have done nothing wrong, she said, her voice wavering. Her father does not even know how to use Facebook.
Her sister-in-law was also taken in her place, Khaing Zin Thaw said, but has since been released.
"I heard that my father has been tortured and has not asked for his medication ... sometimes, my mind goes blank and I feel like I am losing my mind," she said, adding that both her parents have been charged with incitement.
The military has not responded to CNN's detailed requests for comment.
Taking 'hostages'
At least 182 people, including children, have been detained in place of their family members since the coup -- and 141 of them remain in detention, according to advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
The group characterizes these arrests as hostage taking, and stresses the military's actions are in violation of international law.
According to AAPP, when children are taken into detention, they are not sent to prisons, such as the notorious Insein where thousands of pro-democracy protesters are held.
Instead, they are sent to interrogation centers, police custody, military barracks or junta administration offices.
"The children who are detained as hostage are placed in the same cells as their family. But exact details inside detention are difficult to confirm," AAPP said in a written interview. "As far as we know, hostages are not being mixed with other pro-democracy detentions."
AAPP said because the junta is making this distinction, it "clearly understands what it is doing is hostage taking."
The group warns the practice is likely to increase.
Myanmar has been brought to the edge of collapse since the coup, with the junta waging a bloody campaign against nationwide protests and strikes.
The economy is in tatters, and a deadly Covid-19 wave is devastating the nation. Civilian insurgencies in the cities and border regions have declared a people's war on the military, with local militias carrying out guerrilla-style attacks on military forces.
"(Hostage taking) is a strategy by the junta to inflict 'worry', it is part of the junta's wider campaign of terror waged against the population," the group said. "(It) will only get worse as the junta is increasingly losing on the front lines, with attacks in the cities like Yangon and Mandalay also escalating."
The future
The practice of detaining relatives is aimed at suppressing dissent, but it doesn't appear to be working.
Far away from her happy childhood at their family home, little Su Htet Waing spends her days with her father, exposed to Myanmar's monsoon season, mosquitoes, and the risk of disease.
Su Htet Waing is in hiding in Myanmar's jungles.
Soe Htay says he believes the military is still hunting for him so he has to stay in a makeshift tent in the jungle. His daughter has her backpack ready in case they have to run again.
He is determined to continue the fight for democracy in any way he can, despite his seemingly desperate situation.
Soe Htay has been told by friends in the pro-democracy movement, who trickle information out of the prisons and during prisoner releases, that his daughter and wife were separated since their sentencing.
He's also been told his daughter caught Covid-19, but has since recovered.
"The way I see it," he said. "Their sorrow will only be healed after the revolution ... my only thought is to root out the dictatorship, for now I have to bury my bitterness and hatred in the revolution."
Khaing Zin Thaw said she is now in "a safe place" but has to continue moving for fear of being tracked down by the military.
"I am sad and dejected, and I am frustrated as I can't do anything for my parents in jail," she said..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-09-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Children, Children's rights: resources and organisations, Human Rights Defenders, Anti-coup protesters, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"1. It has been nearly eight months since entire Myanmar people staged Spring
Revolution opposing Myanmar military's February 1 coup. The National Unity
Government has also declared a nationwide state of emergency to wage a
"people's defensive war" against the military.
2. The military regime has been continuously committing human rights violations
since the coup, and evidence of its systematic, deliberate and widespread
human rights violations points to international crimes. The oppressed are
revolting in various ways against those atrocities.
3. The National unity Government has established military code of conduct and
rules of engagement for People’s Defense Force to ensure they respect human
rights and avoid inflicting harm on innocent civilians in the revolt.
4. Under no circumstances, violence shall be used against innocent civilians,
particularly the vulnerable groups including women, children, the elderly and
the disabled. It is clearly stated in international human rights laws that women
and children must be given special protection during conflicts. Our ministry is
working together with international community to document the regime's
human rights violations including those against women and children, and to
hold perpetrators accountable under the law.
5. Thus, ordinary civilians including the vulnerable groups such as women,
children, the elderly and the disabled must be protected from harm anywhere,
anytime and under any circumstances. Every armed unit and group has
responsibility not to harm them.
6. We urge respective armed groups around Myanmar that are revolting in their
own ways against the military regime to exercise due caution not to violate
international human rights laws..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Human Rights
Date of publication:
2021-09-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Children, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Human Rights Defenders, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Myanmar’s military regime has been waging war in Chin State in the mountainous far west of the country for months. Intense fighting between the junta and civilian resistance groups has forced thousands of people to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian catastrophe. In the past ten days alone, junta troops bombarded the town of Thantlang, prompting an exodus of nearly 8.000 people. Regime soldiers also shot down a Christian pastor in the town and mutilated his corpse.
The Irrawaddy spoke to Dr. Sasa, the Minister of International Cooperation for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), himself an ethnic Chin, about the current situation in Chin State and the NUG’s efforts at home and abroad to deliver aid and win international support.
By THE IRRAWADDY 27 September 2021
Myanmar’s military regime has been waging war in Chin State in the mountainous far west of the country for months. Intense fighting between the junta and civilian resistance groups has forced thousands of people to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian catastrophe. In the past ten days alone, junta troops bombarded the town of Thantlang, prompting an exodus of nearly 8.000 people. Regime soldiers also shot down a Christian pastor in the town and mutilated his corpse.
The Irrawaddy spoke to Dr. Sasa, the Minister of International Cooperation for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG), himself an ethnic Chin, about the current situation in Chin State and the NUG’s efforts at home and abroad to deliver aid and win international support.
What can you tell us about the current situation in Chin State?
The military regime’s State Administration Council (SAC) has targeted Chin State since shortly after the coup, and there have been especially heavy crackdowns in Mindat and Kanpetlet. The regime bombs and uses heavy weapons against civilians. The use of such weapons to destroy villages and towns in Chin State is both a war crime and a crime against humanity. They attack the Chin people with the intention of massacring them. What happened in Thantlang earlier this September is further proof of the junta’s brutality. Not only did they kill the Chin Christian pastor Cung Biak Hum, but they also cut off his wedding ring. We feel that is not only an insult to the Chin people, but it is also a declaration of war against all the Christian community. They do it on purpose. Now, everyone in Thantlang has fled their homes. They deliberately burned down 19 houses.
Are the Chin people being repressed more because they are so active in the resistance against the junta?
What we have come to understand is that if this Spring Revolution does not succeed, there will be no future for the ethnic nationalities and for the people of Myanmar as a whole. Ethnic groups have been persecuted for 74 years. For those 74 years, we have had no hope from the generals and they have had nothing to offer. We Chin people have been discriminated against for generations on the basis of race and religion. Now all Chin people understand that the whole system needs to be changed. All ethnic groups understand that, too. We have a choice. We will end the rule of the military. Then, we will establish a federal democracy. [Under the federal democracy system] our constitution guarantees our right to self-determination. We will never back down until we have taken that path. If not, then military dictatorships will happen again and again.
What kind of support can the NUG provide to the Chin people, especially those who have fled from Thantlang?
There are a lot of areas where we can’t say what the NUG is doing to support people for security reasons. But I want to say that almost US$1 million is being provided indirectly for humanitarian support in Chin State.
In the Indian state of Mizoram, which borders Chin State and shares a similar culture to ours, we are in talks with the local government to help our people. There is a lot we are doing in collaboration with all the religious organizations in Mizoram, as well as with the international community, on health, education, and humanitarian assistance. Of course, not all the needs are being met. The NUG continues to work behind the scenes with humanitarian groups.
In Chin State, people are resisting the junta with traditional rifles and are suffering human rights abuses. What is the NUG’s message to them?
The Myanmar military have been using the four cuts policy for many years. It is a tactic to cut off food, funding, intelligence and recruits. Under that policy, humanitarian aid is much harder to deliver. For example, it takes a lot of permits just to transport a bag of rice.
We have a lot of resources. As a person communicating with the international community, I can say that there are many organizations that want to help. There are many philanthropists. But the four cuts policy is hurting our efforts to provide assistance to almost all villages in Chin State. The problem is that the military council aims guns at people to prevent them from getting help. We understand the frustration of the people and their suffering and how that might cause them to blame the NUG. But the people are suffering because of the generals’ four cuts policy. It is the SAC that is depriving us of the humanitarian assistance we deserve. We are facing a real hell.
The United States (US) alone has provided about US$200 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar. Along with the contributions from the United Kingdom and the European Union (EU), the total support amounts to about US$300 million. If the four cuts policy could be taken away, no one would go hungry and no would be homeless. The longer the regime stays in power, the worse the situation will get. Therefore, we are working hard to end this dictatorship as soon as possible.
The NUG said earlier this month that the armed resistance movement is growing because of the failure of the international community to intervene. What do you think the international community should do?
Eight months after the coup, we are still urging the international community to recognize the NUG immediately. The NUG takes its legitimacy from the people. The NUG leadership is based on the results of the 2020 general election, which was won by the National League for Democracy. Our legitimacy comes from the people who support us. The 76th United Nations (UN) General Assembly Resolution recognizes the 2020 elections as free and fair. The independent electoral observer group in Asia also said it was free and fair. So the question is why does the international community not recognize the people’s government? The NUG needs to be recognized internationally as soon as possible. Only by recognizing us, can the basic needs of the people be met.
We are using our own four cuts strategy to counter the military. Number one in the strategy is to cut the financial flow and income to the SAC. Number two, supplies of fuel and weapons must be cut. Number three is to cut all the SAC’s attempts at diplomacy. The international community must not cooperate politically with the military regime. For example, the Association of Southeast Nations must cut ties with it. And all international organizations must cut ties with the SAC. Number four is to cut the legitimacy of the military council. They must not be allowed to administer the country.
How successful has the NUG’s four cuts approach been?
Think about it. Even now the junta-controlled lottery is not working. When our spring lottery was introduced [in August], their lottery faded and [seems to be] dead. Then there is the tax issue. The people do not want to pay taxes anymore. It is a way of non-violent [resistance against the military rule]. We now have electricity tax exemptions. It’s really a success. If you pay the electricity fee, the money will go to [coup leader Senior General] Min Aung Hlaing. He will use that money to buy weapons.
The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is another example of our four cuts strategy. The CDM brings an end to the regime’s attempt at administration. The whole world knows they can’t administer the country. This is the success of the people.
Internationally, the US government is monitoring the SAC’s military-owned companies. Similarly, the EU has imposed sanctions on all the military leaders and their companies. The same is true of Canada. We are urging Australia and New Zealand to back us. So the success we have had in the last seven or eight months has been huge. The UN resolution also calls for an end to arms sales to the military regime.
Our goal is to weaken the SAC financially so they are unable to get access to more weapons. Currently, they are not able to govern. In the meantime, we are advocating hard to the international community not to support the junta. So I want to ask the people if there is any country that accepts the SAC? There is none. The military regime is really falling apart..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Spring Revolution, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
The junta has enforced an internet blackout in a total of 22 townships in Chin and Kachin states and Magway, Mandalay and Sagaing regions
Description:
"The junta cut off mobile internet access and most Wi-Fi services to 11 townships in war-torn areas of Chin State and Magway Region at 6pm on Thursday evening, according to locals and members of the local resistance forces in the area.
The affected townships are Gangaw, Htilin and Myaing in Magway Region, and Falam, Kanpetlet, Matupi, Mindat, Paletwa, Tedim, Thantlang and Tonzang in Chin State.
Locals have said that the internet blackout will make it difficult for locals to both send and receive information on the conditions in the region.
“After the internet connection is cut off, the phone connection may also be cut off. In that case, I don't think the situation will be easy,” a Mindat resident told Myanmar Now.
A church and several buildings were hit by artillery shells fired by the Myanmar army during a clash with the Chinland Defence Force (CDF) on September 22 in Mindat.
Fighting broke out between the junta’s troops and the CDF in Thantlang on September 18, forcing nearly the entire population of the town to flee. At least 18 homes and a government building were set ablaze by the junta’s artillery fire, and a Christian pastor who tried to put out the fire was shot dead by the Myanmar army troops.
Soldiers cut off the ring finger on his left hand to steal the pastor’s wedding band; details of the act went viral on social media.
In the Chin State capital of Hakha, internet access was still available on Saturday morning, according to locals.
Since September 14, the internet connection has been cut off in Myingyan and Mogok in Mandalay Region; Taungdwingyi in Magway Region; and Ayataw, Butalin, Kani, Pale, Taze, Ye-U and Yinmabin in Sagaing Region.
Hpakant in Kachin State has suffered an internet blackout since August.
The recent addition of 11 townships in Magway and Chin State to the blackout on Thursday brings the total of townships without internet access to 22.
A spokesperson from the anti-junta Mindat People’s Administration Team speculated that the restrictions on internet access were likely timed to occur as the military intensifies operations in the region to suppress the resistance movement.
“It is either that they cut the internet and the flow of information because they fear that we will step up offensives against them, or they are preparing to get the upper hand to launch offensives against us,” the spokesperson said.
He insisted, however, that the lack of internet access would not have a major impact on the activities of local guerrilla groups, which do not rely on the internet for communication.
An official from the Yaw Defence Force (YDF), a local resistance group operating in Gangaw, Myaing and Htilin townships in Magway, echoed the assessment of the situation by the spokesperson of the Mindat People’s Administration Team.
“The military cut the internet because they can’t win. It is their usual tactic and won’t have much impact on the revolutionary forces. We will continue what we are supposed to be doing, regardless,” the YDF official said.
The military council has not published information on the cuts.
Following the February 1 military coup, the junta imposed tight controls on the internet nationwide in an effort to suppress news of its brutal crackdowns on peaceful anti-dictatorship protests.
Internet freedom in Myanmar has since collapsed, creating what Freedom House (FH) and Free Expression Myanmar described as “the most severe decline ever documented” in FH’s annual Freedom of the Net global surveys on and analysis of the issue.
“As part of its attempt to crush dissent and maintain power, the military junta shut down internet service, blocked social media platforms and websites, seized control of the telecommunications infrastructure, and ramped up intrusive surveillance,” Myanmar’s Freedom of the Net report, released on September 21, said.
In 2019, at the height of the conflict between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, much of northern Rakhine State lost internet access for more than a year..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Economic, social and cultural rights, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Myanmar junta has announced it plans to prosecute Dr. Aye Nyein Thu, better known as A Nyein, who has been aiding and providing healthcare treatment to internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Chin State’s Mindat Township, for allegedly supporting local People’s Defense Force (PDF) groups.
Last week, junta forces arrested three volunteers delivering medical supplies to the doctor in the remote mountain town, which saw an exodus of thousands of residents after regime troops attacked civilian targets with artillery and engaged in random shooting throughout the town following clashes with PDF fighters.
On Thursday night, the junta announced in its state-controlled media the arrests of the three volunteers—Ko Kyaw Htay and Ko Zaw Naing Win from Pauk Township, Magwe Region; and Ko Kyaw Kyaw Tun from Pakokku Township, Magwe Region—and the seizure of medical equipment including one portable X-ray machine, one anesthesia machine, an oximeter and medicines intended for delivery to Mindat.
The report stated that the three had delivered “weapons, ammunition, money, medicines and medical equipment to main suspect Dr. Aye Nyein Thu, who provides the Chinland Defense Force [CDF] with these supplies”. It also claimed that Dr. Aye Nyein Thu provided assistance to members of the CDF on the orders of Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, the health minister in the shadow National Unity Government, for whom the junta has issued an arrest warrant.
The report added that regime officials would take action against the detainees and called on the public to work together to secure the arrest of Dr. Aye Nyein Thu and associated suspects.
After the junta launched bloody crackdowns on anti-coup protests in February, Dr. Aye Nyein Thu joined a team of volunteer healthcare professionals that provided emergency services in Mandalay and treated wounded civilians.
When thousands of Mindat residents had to flee junta forces in May, leaving them without access to healthcare, she went there to help assist in the camps.
According to the Mindat IDP camp management committee, around 25,000 to 30,000 people from Mindat and nearby villages have sought shelter in the temporary camps.
“This proves how cruel they are. Seizing medicines and medical supplies for IDPs is the same as preventing the saving of lives,” said a member of the Mindat People’s Administration Team, a local administrative group formed by local residents in the weeks following the Feb. 1 coup.
“The military arrests those who are working to help the IDPs and deliver supplies, and brings nonsense charges against them,” he added.
He said that recently, three other people working to provide food, medicines and other supplies to IDPs in Mindat were also arrested and charged..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-26
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Children as young as 20 weeks old are being seized to force opponents to hand themselves in
Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta is systematically abducting the relatives of people it is seeking to arrest, including children as young as 20 weeks old, according the UN special rapporteur for the country.
Tom Andrews told the UN Human Rights Council on Wednesday that conditions in the country had continued to deteriorate and “current efforts by the international community to stop the downward spiral of events in Myanmar are simply not working”.
His speech was followed by the release of a report by the UN Human Rights Office on Thursday, which warned of a “human rights catastrophe” and said abuses perpetrated since the coup may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The military and its forces have killed more than 1,100 people, according to the UN report. It details systematic, targeted killings by the junta, including the use of semi-automatic rifles and snipers against pro-democracy protesters. Weapons designed for military confrontation, such as grenade launchers and artillery shells, have also been used against protesters and fired into residential areas, it said.
“Victims of security forces often sustained wounds to their heads and torsos, indicating that they were targeted for maximum harm,” the report said.
As of July, the junta had killed at least 75 children ranging in age from 14 months to 17 years, according to Andrews. The military, he added, was routinely abducting family members when it is unable to locate individuals it is seeking to arrest.
“I have received credible reports that junta forces have arbitrarily detained at least 177 individuals when the initial target of a raid had successfully eluded arrest. These victims include very young children as young as 20 weeks old,” he said.
More than 8,000 people have been detained since the military seized power on 1 February. The junta, which faces widespread public opposition, has arrested anyone who has challenged its rule – from elected politicians, to activists, medical workers and journalists.
Most are held without any form of due process, and lack access to legal counsel, or even the ability to communicate with their families, according to the UN Human Rights Office report.
“We continue to receive reports from multiple locations of interrogation techniques that amount to ill-treatment and torture, and have credible information that more than 120 detainees have died in custody – some within 24 hours of their arrest,” said Michelle Bachelet, UN high commissioner for human rights, in a speech to the UN Human Rights Council on Thursday.
“Conflict, poverty and the effects of the pandemic are sharply increasing, and the country faces a vortex of repression, violence and economic collapse,” Bachelet said.
In response to the coup, peaceful protests and a civil disobedience campaign spread across the country. A growing armed resistance movement has also emerged, with civilians taking up arms to defend their areas from military repression. Bachelet warned of “the alarming possibility of an escalating civil war”.
Over recent days, virtually the entire population of a town in western Myanmar, home to 7,500 people, were forced to flee, after clashes between the military and its opponents, according to media reports.
The Global New Light of Myanmar, which is controlled by the junta, said the military was ambushed by “some 100 terrorists” while patrolling Thantlang in Chin state, near the border with India.
Residents started to flee on Monday after soldiers “began to randomly shoot out the windows” of houses in the town, according to a resident who spoke to AFP anonymously.
“Almost everyone has left,” he said, adding he was sheltering in a nearby village with about 500 people, and that several hundred had already headed towards India.
Another resident said she travelled for three days with her elderly parents to reach India after soldiers bombed her house and fighting escalated around the town.
“I never thought of running from my own house even after the military bombed it … but as things got worse … I finally had to flee,” she told AFP on condition of anonymity.
The independent outlet Myanmar Now reported that soldiers shot dead a Baptist pastor, who had gone outside to extinguish fires. His body was discovered with his left ring finger missing, the chair of the Thantlang Association of Baptist Churches said, adding that he believed troops had stolen his wedding ring.
The junta spokesperson Zaw Min Tun dismissed such reports as fake news. He said 20 homes and a government building had been destroyed in a fire after a clash on 18 September.
Attacks on junta troops have increased after Myanmar’s self-declared parallel government, which was set up by pro-democracy politicians, announced a “defensive war” against the military earlier this month.
There are now more than 230,000 civilians who have been displaced as a result of the junta. Speaking to the Human Rights Council, Andrews called for greater humanitarian aid for the more than 3 million Myanmar people who are in need of assistance.
“The international community must make a stronger commitment to ensuring lifesaving aid reaches those in need,” he said. “Myanmar civil society organisations who are saving lives need and deserve our support. The 2021 UN Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan has received only 46% of requested funds to date. We can and should do better.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-09-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders
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"Kachin youths gathered in downtown Myitkyina to show their opposition to coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to the capital of Kachin State in northern Myanmar.
Over a dozen youths staged a flash mob protest against the coup leader during his visit to Myitkyina over the weekend.
“Min Aung Hlaing, don’t you feel ashamed to come to Kachin land? Get out of Kachin Land,” shouted the youths in unison, despite the heavy presence of junta forces.
“We can’t welcome the military leader who has killed hundreds of people to our land,” said an anti-regime activist from Myitkyina.
Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has visited Kachin State numerous times as the chief of the Myanmar military, but this was his first visit to Kachin since the February 1 coup.
By THE IRRAWADDY 21 September 2021
Kachin youths gathered in downtown Myitkyina to show their opposition to coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to the capital of Kachin State in northern Myanmar.
Over a dozen youths staged a flash mob protest against the coup leader during his visit to Myitkyina over the weekend.
“Min Aung Hlaing, don’t you feel ashamed to come to Kachin land? Get out of Kachin Land,” shouted the youths in unison, despite the heavy presence of junta forces.
“We can’t welcome the military leader who has killed hundreds of people to our land,” said an anti-regime activist from Myitkyina.
Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has visited Kachin State numerous times as the chief of the Myanmar military, but this was his first visit to Kachin since the February 1 coup.
Sunday’s protest was also the first time he has been booed by Kachin people, despite the fact that he has overseen military operations even before the coup that have killed hundreds and displaced tens of thousands of people in Kachin.
Junta-appointed Kachin State Chief Minister Khet Htein Nan presented the coup leader with a Kachin traditional costume, bag and ceremonial silver sword, prompting huge criticism in Kachin circles.
Kachin communities have slammed Khet Htein Nan as a traitor to the Kachin people. He was condemned by the Kachin people for accepting the position of chief minister from the military regime and a series of protests have been staged against him, with some locals calling for social punishment against him and his family.
Khat Htein Nan has drawn fresh criticism following Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s weekend visit to Myitkyina, with Kachin people calling for a boycott of the clothing business run by his daughter.
The coup leader arrived in Myitkyina on Saturday and met military personnel and their families from Northern Command and the Myitkyina battalion, as well as junta-appointed Kachin State ministers.
At the meeting with military personnel, he repeated claims that he has made to soldiers in other parts of the country that Myanmar is in crisis because the National League for Democracy (NLD) rigged the vote in the 2020 general election.
“From what we have seen and heard the current political situation is quite complicated and there are serious armed conflicts in Kachin. Security is always in a state of emergency in Kachin. We heard that he came to give some guidance regarding that situation,” a source close to Northern Command told The Irrawaddy.
There have been frequent clashes between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Myanmar military since a bilateral ceasefire broke down in 2011, although fighting stopped for two years before the February 1 coup.
Since March 11, the KIA has attacked regime troops and police stations in Kachin and northern Shan State, inflicting heavy casualties on junta forces. Clashes have taken place in some eight townships across Kachin State. The KIA has claimed that the regime had brought in thousands of extra soldiers since late March.
The ethnic armed group has provided military training to civilians wishing to fight back against the regime, as well as giving shelter to political activists and NLD lawmakers wanted by the junta. Moreover, Duwa Lashi La, the acting president of the parallel National Unity Government, is reportedly backed by the KIA and other influential Kachin politicians.
Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing likely attaches great importance to Kachin State as the KIA is viewed by the regime as the major ethnic armed group backing the nationwide revolt against the junta’s coup.
KIA information chief Colonel Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy that the central executive committee of the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA’s political wing, had no comment so far on the coup leader’s visit to Kachin..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders
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The anti-coup organisers are accused of helping to rob 136m kyat from two banks in Yangon
Description:
"Three young anti-coup activists were arrested on Sunday in Yangon’s Tamwe Township and accused of helping to rob two banks to raise funds for armed resistance against the junta.
Win Htet Mar, who is the former chair of a local branch of the Youth for a New Society activist group, was detained at 9:30am at her apartment on 152nd street.
“Residents from Win Htet Mar’s neighbourhood told me that plainclothes officers from the military broke into the apartment she was staying in,” a fellow activist said.
Kyaw Zin Lin and Pyae Phyo Kyaw, two activists from the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, were arrested in Tamwe later that afternoon, he added.
“The two were together when the military made the arrests. I think [the soldiers] came to their apartment after arresting Win Htet Mar,” he told Myanmar Now.
Relatives said they do not know where the three are being held.
The activists all played leading roles in street protests against the coup regime after the military seized power in February.
Military-run newspapers on Wednesday accused the three activists of being involved in robberies at two branches of the Global Treasure Bank, in South Okkalapa and Mayangon townships, on July 15 and August 30.
Robbers stole more than 136m kyat (roughly $75,000) from the banks, the newspapers said. The reports named seven other people accused of involvement.
Kyaw Zin Lin is accused of supervising the robberies and of possessing weapons and ammunition at his apartment. He attended a “terrorist training course” in territory controlled by the Kachin Independence Army along with Win Htet Mar and three others involved in the robberies, the newspapers claimed.
The reports said the stolen money was spent “on purchasing vehicles and weapons, renting apartments, supporting protesters in Yangon and... personal staff.”
“Their gang aimed to rob and lead to armed attacks,” the Global New Light of Myanmar said.
Myanmar’s underground National Unity Government declared a “resistance war” against the junta on September 7. Since then, the military has intensified its hunt for people involved in armed resistance against regime targets.
Junta forces in Yangon carried out several raids last week aimed at stamping out guerilla attacks on soldiers and military informants in the city..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet were hospitalised due to severe injuries they sustained when they jumped from the 44th St apartment building during a junta raid
Description:
"Two seriously injured young activists who were arrested during a raid on an apartment on Yangon’s 44th Street last month were transferred from a military hospital to Insein Prison last week, according to a relative.
Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet are among the five people who jumped from a three-storey building as they attempted to escape a military raid in August. Two of them died at the scene after the fall, while three others—Ye Min Oo, Min Thitsar Aung, and Wai Yan Htet—survived but suffered severe injuries.
Before they were sent to Insein Prison, Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet were undergoing treatment at the 500-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township until Friday for injuries they endured from the fall.
Min Thitsar Aung’s father, Thein Kyaing, said he was informed of his son’s transfer on Sunday by the Botahtaung Township police officer that had filed the charges against the young activists at a district court.
“He said the police sent the pair by ambulance from Mingaladon to a hospital inside Insein Prison. I was not able to see them though. I would like to see my son, of course,” Thein Kyaing said.
He added that his son sustained an injury that had left him still unable to walk without assistance and Wai Yan Htet, who broke both his legs in the fall, requires the use of a wheelchair.
On Monday, Thein Kyaing said he went to Insein to deliver basic items to Min Thitsar Aung but the staff did not confirm whether he was detained there.
“The prison staff said they would inform me if my son was not there. They have not said anything to me yet, so I assume he is there,” he said.
At the time of reporting, Myanmar Now was unable to get in touch with the family of Wai Yan Htet.
On August 10, junta troops raided an apartment on 44th St in downtown Yangon where nine anti-coup activists were present. Five people—Wai Wai Myint, Wai Zaw Phyoe, Ye Min Oo, Min Thitsar Aung and Wai Yan Htet—jumped from the three-storey building to the ground while three people were arrested inside the apartment. The ninth person, Kaung Min Thant, managed to flee the raid.
Wai Wai Myint and Wai Zaw Phyoe did not survive the fall.
The three people who survived the jump, as well as the three others who were arrested from within the apartment and a taxi driver who had been hired by the group, were all charged with violating the Explosive Substances Act.
The three young men who jumped, Ye Min Oo, Min Thitsar Aung, Wai Yan Htet, and two of the people arrested from inside the apartment—Thiha Kaung Sett and Phyo Wai Aung—were all charged on September 10 with making and possessing explosives with the intent to endanger life. They face a maximum penalty of life in prison if found guilty. Their next hearing is scheduled for Friday..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Announcement: 2021 MacBride Peace Prize recipients
Alexander Kmentt, Ambassador and Director of the Department of Disarmament, Arms-Control and Non-proliferation, Austria
Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Myanmar/Burma
About the Sean MacBride Peace Prize
Every year the IPB awards a special prize to a person or organization that has done outstanding work for peace, disarmament and/or human rights. These were the principal concerns of Sean MacBride, the distinguished Irish statesman who was Chairman of IPB from 1968-74 and President from 1974-1985. MacBride began his career as a fighter against British colonial rule, studied law and rose to high office in the independent Irish Republic. He was a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize (1974)
The award is decided by the IPB Steering Committee. IPB members are welcome to make suggestions and provide background documentation on potential candidates.
The Prize is a non-monetary one.
Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), Burma
Established in 2000, AAPP is a human rights organization that advocates for the release and rehabilitation of all political prisoners within Burma/Myanmar. The organization is headquartered in Mae Sot, Thailand, close to the Burman border as many of AAPP’s staff members are former political prisoners exiled from the country. The organization accurately states that “As long as political prisoners exist inside Burma, Burma will not be free”. Since the military coup d’état staged by the Burman military on February 1 2021, the AAPP have continued to tirelessly and diligently documented each and every death caused by the Junta. Their work makes them targets of the Junta, but this is a sacrifice they willingly embrace, placing the future and wellbeing of their country before themselves. In recognition of their bravery and commitment to securing the freedom and democratic rule of Burma, the IPB decided to award AAPP the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for 2021. The AAPP has graciously accepted this award which will be officially given during a ceremony in 2022.
Alexander Kmentt, Ambassador and Director of the Department of Disarmament, Arms-Control and Non-proliferation, Austria
Mr Alexander Kmentt is the President-designate for the First Meeting of States Parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a role he fulfils alongside his Directorship of the Department of Disarmament. Arms-Control and Non-proliferation within the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mr Kmentt has a long career behind him of advocating for a reduction in arms production, sale and use, especially nuclear weapons, bringing these issues to the highest levels of government and imploring decision makers to take notice and take action. Mr Kmentt was one of the key architects to the TPNW. In 2014 he organized the Vienna Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons which culminated in the Humanitarian Pledge which was endorsed by 135 States and played a significant role in the TPNDW’s fruition. For these reasons, among others, the IPB board decided to award Mr Kmentt the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for 2021. Mr Kmentt has humbly accepted this award, which will also be given during a ceremony in 2022.
Source/publisher:
International Peace Bureau ( Berlin)
Date of publication:
2021-09-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders
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"1. Fascist Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) forcefully robbed the sovereign power of Myanmar
since the coup on February 1. Many strong evidences show that they have been
committing hideous crimes against humanity since then.
2. Fascist Myanmar military has intensified raids in cities and villages and arrested
unlawfully, tortured and killed many innocent local people with no restraints. Moreover,
evidences show that the military has increased their terrifying crimes and even set a
whole village on fire time and again.
3. Fascist Myanmar military recently cuts off telephone lines and internet in many townships
and areas around the country and also plans to cut off more areas; they are clearly
violating the right to information. The unlawful arrests, tortures and killings of villagers
under the "Area cleaning" program imply that the military regard the local people as
enemy and the cities and villages as battle fields.
4. Fascist Myanmar military has launched offensive attacks in ethic regions, committed
crimes against humanity under the program of "Area cleaning", and committed planned
genocide on minority ethnic groups for decades. Reflection on the recent incidents
happened around the country including Chin State, Sagaing Region and Yaw area indicate
that the military is planning to commit similar crimes again across the country.
5. When the fascist military committed the hideous crimes against Rohingya and destroyed
villages by setting them on fire, which caused hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to
abandoned their homes and ran for their lives, and when the fascist military launched
offensive attacks with disproportioned forces in ethnic regions, they had cut off the
internet and telephone lines in those areas to cause news blackout on their crimes of
setting villages on fire, arresting and torturing of villagers and killings the masses.
6. Fascist Myanmar military launched airstrikes on defenseless villages, set many villages on
fire, killed mass number of villagers, and looted local people's properties across the
country especially in Chin State, Chindwin river delta area and Northwest plain region in
Sagaing Region, and Yaw area in Magway Region under the "Area cleaning" program.
Cutting off internet and telephone lines to create news blackout in these areas are the
first step of their future plans on committing more crimes.
7. Fascist Myanmar military uses disproportionate forces in their offensive attacks in ethic
regions, Sagaing Region, Chindwin river delta region and Yaw region; these attacks will
lead to major humanitarian crisis as millions of people will be forced to abandon their
homes and villages and become Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).
8. If we cannot prevent further crimes against humanity such as offensive attacks of the
Myanmar military led by Min Aung Hlaing using disproportionate forces and brazen
violations of international laws and human rights, the appalling stories like the recent
Rohingya genocide incidents and violent repressions in ethnic regions will repeat across
the country.
9. Thus, we urge all the stakeholders including National Unity Government (NUG),
revolution forces, and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) to formulate necessary plans
and implement these effectively and promptly to help protect the lives of civilians.
10. Myanmar will be ungovernable by the military council led by Min Aung Hlaing and the
military's violent repressions will spread instability to the neighboring countries and
threaten the regional peace. Thus, to prevent the potential humanitarian crisis spreading
to the regional countries as many civilians will flee to the neighboring countries to escape
the unlawful repression of the fascist military, we earnestly request the international
community including the United Nations, neighboring countries, and ASEAN to stop the
fascist military's offensive attacks, to stop the military council administration and return
to democracy, to be accountable for their crimes by pressuring the military council in all
possible ways and by increasing the contact with the NUG, who represent the Myanmar
people, and providing more effective support to the NUG.
11. Myanmar people will never accept the military council's governance and the people will
keep on fighting against the military until we can put a stop to all the inhumane terrorism
of fascist Myanmar military and end the military dictatorship. We will use all measures
tomake the fascist Myanmar military accountable for their crimes and to develop and
instill federal democracy in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
98 Organizations from Sagaing Region
Date of publication:
2021-09-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Genocide, Human Rights and international relations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
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"Statement regarding the internet cutoff in many townships in Sagaing Region and others areas, and recent events happening throughout the country..."
Source/publisher:
98 Organizations from Sagaing Region
Date of publication:
2021-09-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Genocide
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"Myanmar’s military junta is increasingly arresting media workers, a sign of the gradual deterioration of press freedom in the country. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) condemns the repeated and increasingly hostile acts of Myanmar’s military junta towards media workers, which are a blatant attempt to supress an objective and independent press in Myanmar.
On September 10, the State Administration Council increased the charges against Frontier Myanmar and Voice of America political reporter Sithu Aung Myint. Myint, along with Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, have been detained in Insein Prison since their apprehension and arrest on August 15.
Myint has had an additional charge levelled under Article 505(b) which criminalises speech that could “cause fear or alarm in the public” within Myanmar’s penal law. She was initially charged with the dissemination of false news, a crime under Article 505(a) of Myanmar’s penal code. A sedition charge, under Article 124(a) of the penal code, was also made but has since been withdrawn. Myint has reported on criticism of Myanmar’s military junta.
Khine was charged with harbouring Myint, an accused criminal at that stage, and for alleged ties to a shadow National Unity Government under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act. Moreover, Myo Thant, former Mizzima news editor-in-chief, was arrested by the State Administration Council on September 15. A justification for his arrest has not been disclosed. This follows the confirmation of photojournalist Ma Thuzar’s arrest by Myanmar police on September 5.
Myanmar’s junta has repeatedly publicised its opposition to independent media during its administration. The Deputy Information Minister, Major General Zaw Min Tin said on July 12, “These media outlets are a danger to the people and traitors to the state, as they are broadcasting fake news and incorrect opinions.”
The likelihood of arrest is an “ever-present” consideration for Myanmar’s media workers, according to Aye Chan Naing, chief-editor of independent Myanmar broadcaster DVB News. Recent reporting indicates that 98 journalists have been arrested by the junta since the coup on February 1, 2021.
The IFJ said: “We condemn the punitive actions by the Myanmar military junta aimed at curtailing a strong and independent press. The IFJ calls for the immediate release of Sithu Aung Myint, Htet Htet Khine, and Myo Thant as well as for the release of all other media workers enduring detainment in Myanmar; arbitrary detentions must end so that the people of Myanmar can begin to create a safe and secure country.”..."
Source/publisher:
"International Federation of Journalists" (Brussels)
Date of publication:
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Following the addition of two more names to the list of 54 journalists and media workers currently held in the military junta’s jails in Myanmar, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reminds the international community of the need for targeted sanctions against those responsible for the growing terror.
Mizzima News former editor-in-chief Myo Thant was arrested yesterday in Kangye Htaung, a township in southwestern Myanmar’s Irrawaddy River delta region. RSF has learned that the security forces went to the township after being told he was there, and threatened to take his aunt if he did not surrender. He was finally arrested at round 8 pm.
The Channel Mandalay news agency meanwhile confirmed today that one of its journalists, Win Naing Oo, was arrested with his wife on 31 August.
His arrest came to light as a result of official report that he had been charged under section 505(a) of the penal code, under which the dissemination of information contrary to the interests of the armed forces is punishable by three years in prison. He is being held incommunicado at a detention centre in Sint Kaing, a township in Mandalay, Myanmar’s second largest city.
“The arrests of Win Naing Oo and Myo Thant sadly illustrate the extreme brutality with which Myanmar’s military treats journalists, pursuing them, pressuring their relatives and holding them incommunicado,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “Their names have joined a list that keeps on growing. It is high time the international community reacted to the situation by imposing targeted sanctions on the ruling junta’s leaders.”
World’s second biggest jailer of journalists
According to RSF’s tally, a total of 53 professional journalists, two non-professional journalists and a media worker are currently imprisoned in Myanmar. In the past seven and a half months, since the coup d’état on 1 February, Myanmar has become the world’s second biggest jailer of journalists. Only China detains more.
Myo Thant’s arrest comes two weeks after that of Ma Thuzar, a freelancer for various outlets including the Myanmar Pressphoto Agency and the Friday Times News Journal. As RSF reported last week, the authorities let five days go by before confirming her arrest.
Myanmar is currently ranked 140th in RSF's World Press Freedom Index..."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders (Paris)
Date of publication:
2021-09-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"In the seven months which have now passed since the junta’s attempted coup, the people of Burma/Myanmar have been forced to endure multiple grievances, all of which have taken a toll on the state’s economy and socio-political affairs. The whole country has been pushed back to living under constant threads and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing, torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. The junta also employs state-controlled media to defame women who have joined resistance forces. The junta’s spokesperson in particular has used sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women in an attempt to discredit them.
After the arrest, the people continue to suffer from the violence during the interrogation process and in detention. Three dozen civilians have already been tortured to death following interrogations by the military. Many died within 24 hours of being tortured. Eighty- two percent of those in detention are in locations that the junta has not disclosed. At this moment, it is impossible to know how many more women and children are being abused under the scrutiny and increased surveillance of the junta.
Women face various challenges as they face the onslaught of the pandemic in the midst of the coup and crippling internal conflict. Female health workers are under attack as they join the hundreds forced to go underground as the junta seeks out medical professionals with any connection to the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)..."
Source/publisher:
Women's League of Burma
Date of publication:
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Two more Myanmar journalists have been arrested by junta forces, raising the number of journalists being held by the military regime to 53 as of September 16, according to Reporters Without Borders (RSF).
Since the military’s February 1 coup, Myanmar has become the world’s second-biggest jailer of journalists, after China, said RSF.
On Wednesday night, the former editor-in-chief of Mizzima News, Ko Myo Thant, was arrested in Kangyidaunt Township, Ayeyarwady Region.
Junta forces went to Kangyidaunt after being told that Ko Myo Thant was there, and threatened to detain his aunt if he did not surrender, RSF stated in a report released on Thursday.
Channel Mandalay news agency journalist Ko Win Naing Oo was arrested on August 31 with his wife.
News of his arrest only emerged on Thursday, following a report that he has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, which criminalizes the spreading of false comments or fake news targeting government officials. Ko Win Naing Oo faces a potential prison sentence of three years.
Since seizing power, the junta has targeted journalists with arrests, lawsuits, raids on newsrooms and violence in an effort to silence independent coverage of its daily atrocities. Over 100 journalists and media workers have been detained. In some cases, relatives of journalists have been held as hostages to force the journalists to turn themselves in.
“The arrests of [Ko] Win Naing Oo and [Ko] Myo Thant sadly illustrates the extreme brutality with which Myanmar’s military treats journalists, pursuing them, pressuring their relatives and holding them incommunicado,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk.
Ma Thuzar, a freelance reporter and former member of the Press Council has also been arrested. She was snatched by police as she left her home on the morning of September 1.
Her arrest was only confirmed by the police on September 5. Her family were unable to confirm her whereabouts, although there are rumors that she was taken to a military interrogation center in Yangon. The reason for her detention is unknown.
RSF has called on the international community to impose targeted sanctions against those responsible for the media crackdown..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"AN INTRODUCTION TO MYANMAR’S CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT: On 8 November 2020, Myanmar held a third round
of national elections since the start of an
extended reform process instigated by the 2008
Constitution and national elections in 2010 and
2015. This reform process was premised on the
country transitioning away from military
dictatorship and civil war and towards peace and
federalism. During the November 2020 elections,
the military-backed political party, the Union
Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), lost
decisively to the National League for Democracy
(NLD), which is led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Subsequently, the USDP and the military started
to make false claims of widespread electoral fraud.
Both domestic and international election
monitors had deemed the poll fair and credible.
Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw,
launched a coup d’état on 1 February 2021,
removing the elected NLD government led by
State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
President U Win Myint. The Tatmadaw’s
commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung
Hlaing took power, forming a dictatorial body of
the “State Administration Council” (SAC),
composed largely of generals. The Tatmadaw also
announced a “one-year-long state of emergency”
and that multi-party elections would be held at the
end of this year. This period was subsequently
extended by SAC in July. The generals announced,
unsurprisingly, that elections would not be held
within one year of the coup but instead would not
be held until at least August 2023. Despite their
own unconstitutional actions in the form of a coup,
the Tatmadaw cynically contends that the 2008
Constitution is still sacrosanct.
Opposition to the Tatmadaw’s unconstitutional and
coercive action was quick and nation-wide. Peaceful
protests spread across the entire country demanding
the release of all political prisoners and the return of
the elected government.
The Tatmadaw’s claims of electoral fraud were met
with widespread contempt from the Myanmar
people because of the military’s distinctly toxic
history of launching coups and denying or
corrupting elections. As peaceful protests were
expanding across the country in early February, a
novel movement also began to emerge. This
movement intended to demonstrate both moral
and ethical repulsion at the actions of the coup
leaders but also to begin applying peaceful
pressure on the military regime to relinquish
power.
The first incident of what would quickly grow into
a national movement occurred on 2nd February.
Medical doctors and other healthcare workers at
the Mandalay General Hospital, all civil servants,
posted social media statements that they would
not work for an illegal military regime. As
Naypyidaw surgeon Zwe Min Aung recounted to
the Voice of America, “At the time, we really
disagreed [with] this [the military coup], and we
created [a] small group in Mandalay hospital and
other hospitals, too. We distributed the statement
on February 2 from Facebook and the nationwide
CDM began.”2 Though CDM began as an online
campaign but has expanded into a wider prodemocracy
movement as civil servants from across
the ministries started to boycott the military
regime. As the movement gained momentum,
ever wider parts of Myanmar society joined to
make their opposition to the junta known.....MYANMAR’S PEOPLE REJECT
MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: Myanmar is not a failed state. Its condition is not that
of chronic state weakness caused by civil war,
corruption, or entrenched dictatorship. Rather, it is a
country where the public, as well as both the private
and public sectors, reject the military coup staged on
1 February 2021. In this sense, Myanmar is a country
where the near entirety of the population - including
civil servants and the private sector – is staging a
general strike to peacefully protest the illegal seizure
of power by the Myanmar military, known as the
Tatmadaw. This effort is the CDM, a non-violent
endeavour of an entire population to resist brutal
dictatorship.
By early-2021, the public had experienced nearly a
decade of civilian leadership, economic growth and
more generally reform and positive change. This was
particularly so after the fully free elections in 2015 that
brought the NLD political party, led by Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, to power. The prospects of returning to
decades of impoverishment and dictatorial violence
through Tatmadaw rule was revolting to the tens of
millions of Myanmar citizens who sought to show their
unwillingness to accept the coup through peaceful
demonstrations in countless villages, towns, and cities
across the country. CDM is composed of three major
groups from the Myanmar people: the general public,
private sector businesses and associations, and civil
service personnel.
CDM by Myanmar’s Public
Since the 1 February coup, countless protests have
taken place daily across the entire country to show
solidarity for CDM and to demonstrate an absolute
rejection of the junta. Over February and March,
hundreds-of-thousands of normal Myanmar citizens
gathered across the country’s cities, towns, and
villages to demonstrate their anger and demand a
future of federal democracy. These early mass
demonstrations served to unite the various societies
within Myanmar. The revulsion of the junta is near
universal. For instance, Myanmar’s national football
team refused to play under military dictatorship, while
hundreds of monks led a prayer session supporting
CDM and protestors. Numerous professional
associations have regularly demonstrated on the streets
wearing their respective attires (doctors, nurses,
engineers, teachers, and lawyers).
Women have been prominent in the protests and LGBTs
groups have also joined protests. The mass protests
were not limited to one ethnic group or a particular
area of the country. They were across the entire country,
spanning religious, ethnic, and socio-economic lines.
What united all the millions of people peacefully
protesting was a shared desire for a better future
defined by a path of democratization, peace, and
economic development. The traumas of decades of
brutal dictatorship, civil war and crushing
impoverishment under the military are too painful to
accept returning to. As such, some of the most common
placards held high delivered the key messages -
“Respect Our Votes” and “Say No to Coup.” Some
young women joined early protests playfully wearing
wedding gowns and holding placards with messages
such as “we don’t accept military coup.” Myanmar’s
people just want a normal life for themselves and their
families. They know the military will never provide that.
Given its toxic history, Myanmar’s military predictably
resorted to mass violence against peaceful protesters as
they have done so many times over the decades since
independence in 1948. Large protests were no longer
possible by the end of March after the military started
regularly using war weaponry automatic rifles, rocket
propelled grenades, and machine guns to disperse
peaceful protest rallies. Despite this violence by an
organization claiming to protect the people, viz. a
national army, Myanmar’s people have continued to
protest across the country using novel methods - such
as so-called ‘flash mobs’ - to avoid opportunities by the
junta to kill. Such is their determination and despite the
risk of death, Myanmar’s people can still be seen from
the smallest villages to the largest cities demonstrating
their desire for a return to democracy and a better
future..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-09-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Anti-coup campaigns, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"Myanmar’s military regime has cut off internet access in several townships in Sagaing and Mandalay regions. The affected townships are strongholds of anti-regime resistance groups who have inflicted heavy casualties on junta forces.
Mobile and wifi internet services from Myanmar’s three main telecom operators – MPT, Telenor and Oredoo – have been blocked since 12.30pm Tuesday in Kani, Mingin, Yinmabin, Pale, Shwebo and Budalin townships in Sagaing, and Mogoke and Myingyan townships in Mandalay Region.
In the three months from June to August, more than 840 junta soldiers were killed and 355 wounded in Sagaing Region in clashes with local People’s Defense Forces (PDF).
184 civilians in Sagaing have also been slain and 49 wounded by junta forces, according to the parallel National Unity Government. Myanmar military forces are also facing intense opposition from resistance groups in Mandalay’s Mogoke and Myingyan townships.
Junta-owned Mytel telecom masts have also been destroyed across the country, including in Sagaing and Mandalay regions, since last week.
A resident of Sagaing’s Yinmabin Township said that civilian resistance fighters have managed to defeat junta troops in every clash in the region, because locals and resistance groups are sharing every movement of regime forces online.
“Actually, they [junta forces] block the internet access as they are afraid of the people [sharing information],” said the resident.
Before the internet blackout, some Facebook users and Facebook pages from Sagaing Region were actively sharing information about regime troop movements in order to have advance notice of potential raids.
A spokesperson for the Kani-PDF told The Irrawaddy that the internet blackout likely means that the junta is planning to attack civilian resistance forces in the region, and wants to ensure that locals don’t share information about troop movements.
Junta soldiers have been raiding villages in Kani Township over the last few days, while several Myanmar military gunboats have been patrolling the Chindwin River and helicopters have been hovering overhead.
“They are frightening the people here by blocking the internet and the information flow. They also frighten us with their helicopters, drones and gunboats. This is a kind of psychological war against our people,” the spokesperson for the Kani-PDF told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
In August, junta forces raided a series of villages in Kani after blocking phone and internet access.
Many locals are also concerned that the internet blackout means that the regime is more likely to use intense violence on anti-regime strongholds in the region.
Since August, internet access has also been cut by the junta in the jade-mining town of Hpakant, Kachin State..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
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"At least a dozen civilians were killed by junta forces in Magwe, Sagaing and Yangon regions during the weekend.
On Sunday, junta forces killed two brothers in Taungdwingyi Township, Magwe Region, after a telecom mast belonging to the military-owned Mytel, one of four telecom operators in Myanmar, was destroyed.
Resistance fighters said in a statement that the troops tortured villagers as they interrogated them over the incident and two were killed. Four other villagers were detained, it added.
Telecom towers owned by Myanmar’s military are being targeted by resistance fighters following the shadow National Unity Government’s declaration of war against the junta on September 7.
The junta troops also burned several houses during raids on Hnan Khar and Htet Hlaw villages on Gangaw Township in the region, a resistance stronghold, over the weekend.
According to residents, a villager and resistance fighter were shot dead by junta troops in Htet Hlaw on Sunday morning during a raid. Around 30 houses were also burned down during the raid, forcing villagers to flee.
Villagers said they found the two bodies when they returned to put out the fires.
On Monday morning, junta troops torched Hnan Khar, burning at least 10 houses. Nearly 40 houses have been partially or completely destroyed in the village since Friday.
In Myaung Township, Sagaing Region, seven villagers, who were trapped in their village during clashes between junta forces and resistance fighters, were reportedly shot dead by regime soldiers.
In Yangon Region, 36-year-old Ko Aung Ko was shot dead after he reportedly failed to stop his car at a checkpoint on Saturday night. His wife, who was a passenger, was shot and is in a critical condition.
Since the February coup, junta forces have killed at least 1,080 people, including teenagers, children, student activists, protesters, politicians, bystanders and pedestrians. More than 8,000 people have been detained of whom 6,398 remain in custody, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"Republic of the Union of Myanmar
National Unity Government
https://nugmyanmar.org
Press Release (14/2021)
13 September 2021
MYANMAR, September 13, 2021. The Myanmar National Unity Government (NUG) announced the people's defensive revolution against the military junta on September 7, 2021. It issued an order declaring a State of Emergency in the country, closing all government offices for an indefinite period, and a directive outlining the Code of Conduct for People’s Defense Forces. The announcement was met with overwhelming support from the people.
Min Aung Hlaing’s military junta continues to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar and has dragged the country into instability and severe economic, humanitarian, and health crises in the last seven months. Immediately after the attempted coup, millions in Myanmar joined non-violent resistance movements and peaceful protests. The military responded with violence, killing more than 1,000 unarmed protesters, arbitrarily detaining more than 7,000 people, looting and destruction of civilian properties, and violating International Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws in its offensive operation against ethnic areas. With the illegal and failed coup having entered its eighth month, it is clear that the military junta is not interested in a peaceful political settlement but will continue to use violence in an attempt to gain power.
The NUG, as the legitimate government of Myanmar, has the solemn responsibility to protect the interests and security of our people and bring stability back to the country. With the failure of various political and diplomatic efforts to stop the military’s brutality in the past eight months, local communities are forced to form defense forces and to defend themselves from continuous military atrocities. The NUG restates its commitment to ensuring that needs to create a unified chain of command amongst People’s Defense Forces, respect the NUG’s Code of Conduct which are in line with International Human Rights and Humanitarian Laws, and the Geneva Conventions. The NUG has also accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, meaning that all actors in Myanmar can now be held accountable for their actions under the Rome Statute. The NUG is striving to save Myanmar from the root cause of Myanmar’s civil wars and crises—the military. The People’s Defense Forces will play a very important role in reforming Myanmar’s security sector in the future and ensuring the establishment of a Federal Army that respects and follows international law, protects the people, and serves the Federal Democratic Union under civilian rule.
At the same time, the NUG is giving a clear message to the forces of the military that they have a choice – they are ordered to depart immediately from their posts and seek the protection of the People’s Defense Forces and EAOs (Ethnic Armed Organizations). The NUG has invited and continues to invite members of the military and police forces to join with the people and the NUG. The NUG will ensure the security and safety of those who join and of their families, and make arrangements for those who wish to continue their duties as soldiers.
The NUG, as the legitimate government of Myanmar, appreciates and recognizes various international efforts in support of Myanmar, and will continue its own efforts to engage the international community and respect international laws in implementing our goals and objectives. We note however, that, by default, the military has been invited to officially participate in some international meetings by some States, and is forging military and economic deals with some other countries thereby illegally encroaching on the legitimacy of the NUG as the sole representative of the people of Myanmar. In addition, the military has rejected the efforts of many international organizations and agencies to deliver health aid to the people, causing countless needless deaths from COVID-19, while generating instability and health crises across the region. The international community obviously cannot be relied upon to intercede on behalf of the democracy movement and secure the safety and well-being of the people of Myanmar from the frontal and brutal assault of the military junta. For that reason, the last seven months have clearly shown that national solidarity and collective action will be the most effective way to end the coup, chaos, and instability caused by the military.
As the people continue to resist military rule, escalation of violence from the military is inevitable. The excessive and deadly force already used against peaceful protesters by the military has driven young people to take up a force-ready self-defensive revolution. The people across Myanmar have already formed the defense groups and initiated the defense activities, and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) are preparing to defend themselves from military forces entering into their areas to attack villages. PDF have joined hands with the EAOs in their various states and regions to develop more coordinated defense plans.
The NUG calls for the unity of all the people of Myanmar to uproot the military oppressors –
the perpetrators of violence against the people – for good and to establish a peaceful federal democratic union that fully safeguards equality, freedom, inclusion and democracy for all. It further calls on the international community to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government of the people. As such, the NUG will listen to the demands of the people of Myanmar and respond to their need for protection from the military’s brutality. We acknowledge and accept our right and our duty to defend the people..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-09-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ
https://nugmyanmar.org
သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် (၁၄/၂၀၂၁)
၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၁၃) ရက်
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ခုခံတွန်းလှန်မည့် ပြည်သူ့တော်လှန်ရေး စတင်ကြောင်း ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ စက်တင်ဘာလ (၇) ရက်နေ့စွဲဖြင့် ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ တိုင်းပြည်အား အရေးပေါ် အခြေအနေ ကြေညာ၍ အစိုးရရုံးများအား ရက်အကန့်အသတ်မရှိ ပိတ်ထားကြောင်းနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များ လိုက်နာရမည့် ကျင့်ဝတ်စည်းကမ်းများ ကိုလည်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါ ကြေညာချက်ကို ပြည်သူများက တခဲနက် ကြိုဆိုထောက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည်။
မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ဦးဆောင်သည့် စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ခုနှစ်လအတွင်း ပြည်သူလူထုအား ဖိနှိပ်ရက်စက်မှုများစွာ ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့်အပြင် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများနှင့်အတူ စီးပွားရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်း ပေါင်းများစွာ ကြုံတွေ့စေခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းရန်ကြိုးပမ်းမှု ပေါ်ပေါက်ပြီး မကြာခင်မှာပင် သန်းပေါင်းများစွာသော ပြည်သူလူထုသည် အကြမ်းမဖက် ခုခံလှုပ်ရှားမှုများနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်ပွဲများတွင် ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုံခြုံရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များက လက်နက်မဲ့ဆန္ဒထုတ်ဖေါ်နေသည့် လူပေါင်း ထောင်ကျော်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ လူပေါင်း (၇၀၀၀) ကျော် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူများ၏ အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်မှုများကို ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း အစရှိသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင် စစ်ဆင်ရေးများ ပြုလုပ်ကာ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ တရားမဝင်၊ မအောင်မြင်သည့် အာဏာသိမ်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုက ရှစ်လအတွင်းသို့ ဝင်ရောက်လာပြီဖြစ်သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဖြေရှင်းမှုကို လုံးဝ စိတ်မဝင်စားပဲ အာဏာဆက်လက်တည်မြဲရေးအတွက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက် ကျူးလွန်သွားမည်မှာ သေချာလျက်ရှိသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ်စည်းစိမ်နှင့် လုံခြုံမှုတို့ကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် တိုင်းပြည်အား တည်ငြိမ်မှုကို ဆောင်ကျဉ်းပေးရန် အလေးအနက် တာဝန်ရှိသည်။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ခုနှစ်လအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် သံတမန်ရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှုသက်သက်ဖြင့် ပြဿနာများကို မဖြေရှင်းနိုင်ကြောင်း သေချာခဲ့သည့်နောက်တွင် မိမိတို့ဒေသ ရပ်ရွာများကို စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ ဖိနှိပ် ရက်စက်မှုများမှ ကာကွယ်ရန် အဆိုပါ ရပ်ရွာဒေသမှ ပြည်သူများက ကာကွယ်ရေးအဖွဲ့များကို မလွှဲမရှောင်သာ ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ရသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး နှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာမှုဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေများ၊ ဂျီနီဗာသဘောတူညီချက်တို့နှင့် လိုက်လျောညီထွေဖြစ်သော ကျင့်ဝတ် စည်းကမ်းများကို လေးစားလိုက်နာရန် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်း အတည်ပြုပါသည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့် အာဏာကို လက်ခံထားပြီး မြန်မာပြည်တွင်းရှိ သက်ဆိုင်သူအားလုံး မိမိတို့လုပ်ရပ်များအတွက် ရောမသဘောတူညီချက် နှင့်အညီ တာဝန်ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်နှင့် လက်ရှိအကြပ်အတည်းများ၏ အခြေခံ အကြောင်းတရားဖြစ်သော စစ်ကောင်စီကို ဖယ်ရှားရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေခြင်းလည်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များသည် အနာဂတ်တွင်အကောင်အထည်ဖေါ်မည့် လုံခြုံရေးကဏ္ဍ ပြုပြင် ပြောင်းလဲရေးနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ ဥပဒေကို လေးစားလိုက်နာသော၊ ပြည်သူလူထုကို ကာကွယ်သော ဖက်ဒရယ်တပ်မတော်ဖွဲ့စည်းရေးတွင် အရေးကြီးသည့် အခန်း ကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်မည်ဖြစ်ပြီး အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အရပ်သားအုပ်ချုပ်မှုအောက်တွင် အမှုထမ်းမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် မိမိတို့တာဝန်များကို စွန့်ခွာ၍ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းရန် အခွင့်အရေး ရှိကြောင်း အသိပေးလိုသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရက တပ်မတော်သားများနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ရဲတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင် များအား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်သူ များအား ပူးပေါင်းရန် ဖိတ်ခေါ်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ ပူးပေါင်းလာသူများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့ မိသားစုများ၏ လုံခြုံရေးကို အာမခံပြီး တာဝန်ဆက်လက် ထမ်းဆောင်လို ပါကလည်း စီမံဆောင်ရွက်ပေးမည် ဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာ၏ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု များစွာကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုပြီး ဆက်လက်၍ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားကာ မိမိတို့ ရည်မှန်းချက်အောင်မြင်ရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ဆက်လက်လေးစားလိုက်နာသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ သို့သော်လည်း တဖက်တွင် နိုင်ငံအချို့၏ တရားဝင် ဖိတ်ကြားမှုဖြင့် စစ်ကောင်စီက အချို့သော နိုင်ငံတကာ အစည်းအဝေး များတွင် တက်ရောက်ခွင့်ရနေရပြီး အချို့နိုင်ငံများနှင့် စစ်ရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး သဘောတူညီချက်များပင် ရရှိနေကြောင်း တွေ့ရသောကြောင့် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရ၏ ပြည်သူများ ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် တစ်ခုတည်းသော တရားဝင်အစိုးရဖြစ်မှုကို ထိခိုက်မှုများရှိလာကြောင်း တွေ့ရသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂအပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အေဂျင်စီ များ၏ ပြည်သူ လူထုအတွက် ကျန်းမာရေး အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းချက်များကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ငြင်းပယ်ခဲ့ သောကြောင့် ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ရောဂါဖြင့် မသေသင့်ပဲ လူပေါင်းများစွာ သေကြေပျက်စီးခဲ့ရပြီး ဒေသတွင်း၌လည်း မတည်ငြိမ်မှုနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကြပ်အတည်းများ ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့ရသည်။ ဒီမိုကရေစီ လှုပ်ရှားမှုကိုယ်စား ကြားဝင် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်လှသော စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများမှ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုအား ကူညီကာကွယ်ပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကို အားကိုး၍မရတော့ပါ။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့် ခုနှစ်လတာ ကာလကို ပြန်လည်ဆန်းစစ်ကြည့်ပါက တမျိုးသားလုံး စုစည်းညီညွတ်မှု၊ စုပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု တို့ဖြင့်သာလျှင် စစ်ကောင်စီကြောင့် ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သော အာဏာသိမ်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းမှုနှင့် မတည်ငြိမ်မှုများကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင် လိမ့်မည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း သိသာထင်ရှား နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။
ပြည်သူလူထုက စစ်ကောင်စီအား ဆက်လက်ခုခံတွန်းလှန်နေချိန်တွင် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပိုမို မြင့်တက်လာနိုင်ခြင်းကို ရှောင်လွှဲ၍ရမည် မဟုတ်ပါ။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒပြမှုများကို သေစေနိုင်သော လက်နက်များဖြင့် အလွန်အမင်း အင်အားသုံးဖြိုခွဲခဲ့မှုများက လူငယ်များကို ရရာအင်အားသုံး၍ မိမိကိုယ်ကိုခုခံရန် တွန်းပို့ခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်သူများ က နိုင်ငံတစ်ဝှမ်းလုံးတွင် ခုခံရေးအဖွဲ့များ ဖွဲ့စည်းပြီး ခုခံ တွန်းလှန်မှုများကို စတင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ တချိန်တည်းမှာပင် တိုင်းရင်းသား လက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများက မိမိတို့နယ်မြေအတွင်း ကျုးကျော် ထိုးဖောက်ဝင်ရောက်ပြီး ရပ်ရွာများကို တိုက်ခိုက်လာ တော့မည့် စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့များအား ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန် ပြင်ဆင် နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့်လည်း တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေး အင်အားစုများနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဒေသများ အတွင်း အတူပူးပေါင်းလက်တွဲ၍ ခုခံတွန်းလှန်သွားရန် ပြင်ဆင်နေကြပြီဖြစ်သည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၏ တရားခံဖြစ်သော အာဏာရှင် စစ်ကောင်စီအား အမြစ်ပြတ် ခုခံတွန်းလှန် သွားရန်နှင့် ပြည်သူလူထုအားလုံး၏ ညီမျှမှု၊ လွတ်လပ်မှု၊ အားလုံးပါဝင်မှုနှင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အခွင့်အရေးများအား အပြည့်အဝ ကာကွယ် စောင့်ရှောက်မည့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းသော ဖက်ဒရယ် ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြည်ထောင်စု တည်ဆောက်ရန် အတွက် ပြည်သူ တရပ်လုံးက စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်စွာဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက် ကြပါရန် တိုက်တွန်း အပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ပြည်သူလူထုက ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခဲ့သော တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုပေးရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကိုလည်း ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ သို့မှသာ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရအနေဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထု၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုကို လေးစားလိုက်နာပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် လိုအပ်ချက်ကို တုန့်ပြန် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနိုင်မည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အစိုးရသည် ပြည်သူများကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးရမည့် တာဝန်ဝတ္တရားနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးအား ကောင်းစွာ အသိအမှတ်ပြု လက်ခံထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-09-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
Many of those imprisoned on the day of the military takeover had long been in the generals’ sights for questioning their right to rule
Description:
"On February 1, the people of Myanmar woke up to their worst nightmare: the return of military rule after nearly a decade of relative freedom. The predawn arrest of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint signalled the end of a brief era of elected government and set the stage for the massive demonstrations and brutal crackdowns that were to follow.
But the country’s civilian leaders were not the only ones detained that day. Many others were also taken into custody, not because they presented any immediate threat to the coup makers, but because they had displeased them in the past.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who orchestrated the military’s return to direct control over the state, moved swiftly to punish perceived enemies, locking them up even before they could utter a word of protest. Besides activists and politicians, his targets included celebrities, monks and other public figures who dared to question the army’s right to rule.
Some had already been marked for revenge before the coup. Charged with offenses related to their criticism of the military or its bigoted henchmen, they were among the first to be silenced when the time came to start settling scores.
Others, however, were arrested without even a pretence of legal justification. As with the allegations of voter fraud that served as the pretext for the military takeover, no serious evidence of wrongdoing was ever presented against them.
In every case, all that mattered was the alleged offenders’ attitude towards the class of men who consider themselves Myanmar’s natural rulers.
The profiles that follow provide a glimpse into the thinking of the generals and what they fear most—the prospect of losing power to those who refuse to fear them.
Mya Aye
Mya Aye, a veteran activist who played a leading role in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, was taken away from his home on the morning of the coup and held incommunicado for the next two months. It was not until April 1 that his family learned that he was being held in Yangon’s notorious Insein Prison.
Their relief at finally finding out where he was soon turned to dismay, however, when they discovered that Mya Aye had been charged with hate speech under section 505c of the Penal Code, which deals with acts likely to incite a criminal offence against any group or individual based on their ethnic or religious background.
What made this so bewildering was the fact that, as a prominent Muslim political leader, Mya Aye had long been involved in interfaith efforts to end tensions between the country’s various religious communities.
The charges, which carry a possible sentence of two years in prison, stem from an email he sent from his mobile phone in November 2014. At the time, he was working with the ethnic affairs department of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, led by former student leader Min Ko Naing.
The email, which was related to Myanmar’s peace process, touched on the subjects of Burman ethno-nationalism and the need for cooperation among the country’s ethnic groups in order to achieve true federalism.
“The only reason he sent that email was for the country’s sake. No conflicts between ethnicities, races or countries resulted from that email sent in 2014,” said his lawyer, Thet Naung.
Mya Aye had been on the army’s radar since 1988, when he was a teacher who founded his own party to coordinate the efforts of younger leaders.
“We were student leaders and he was the party chair. We usually held our meetings at his party’s office, which was essentially a rebel’s hideout,” recalled former political prisoner Tun Kyi.
The only reason he sent that email was for the country’s sake. No conflicts between ethnicities, races or countries resulted from that email sent in 2014 – Mya Aye's lawyer
Mya Aye was imprisoned twice, in 1989 and 2007, and spent a total of 12 years behind bars. During his years of freedom, he remained politically active and often courted the military’s ire.
When the generals hinted before the coup that they might seize power again, Mya Aye described their words as an act of intimidation. He also rightly foretold the disastrous consequences of such a move.
“A coup would be really bad for the country. We’ll be looked down upon by the international community. It’s a losing battle for everyone, including the military itself, the people, the winning party of the election, everyone, really,” he said.
For those familiar with his career of speaking truth to power, Mya Aye’s arrest came as no surprise.
“They know exactly who their enemies are,” Tun Kyi said of the country’s dictators. “They regard every activist and politician who stands against them as their enemy. And they have a very strong grudge against them.”
Thura Aung Ko
Thura Aung Ko’s journey from high office to a prison cell was a long and unlikely one. But a full year before his arrest, it was clear that the former army general and government minister was a marked man.
In February 2020, after he suggested that the only reason the fugitive monk Wirathu remained at large was because the police answer to the military-controlled Ministry of Home Affairs, and not to the civilian government, army spokesperson Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun called on the then-ruling NLD administration to “take action” against him for defamation.
But it was long before this episode that Aung Ko, a retired brigadier general who once served as deputy minister for religious affairs under the former junta, began his fall from favour with the military’s senior leaders.
When Myanmar made a transition to quasi-civilian rule under retired general Thein Sein in 2011, Aung Ko was one of the key holdovers from the military regime that held power until then.
As a prominent member of the military-backed USDP, he was elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house of parliament, in 2010 and appointed chair of a judicial and legislative review committee. In this capacity, he advocated for the suspension of a clause in the constitution that barred then opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming president, signalling a break with the military’s entrenched position on the matter.
In August 2015, when Thura Shwe Mann, the speaker of the Union parliament, was removed as chair of the USDP by a faction that felt he had grown too close to Suu Kyi, Aung Ko also found himself on chilly terms with the party. The two former generals, who share the “thura” title signifying courage in battle, were seen as allies who threatened to weaken the army’s hold over Myanmar politics.
When the NLD came to power after a landslide win in the 2015 election, Aung Ko was named minister of religion and culture despite losing his seat in parliament. As head of the ministry, he was instrumental in shutting down the ultranationalist group Ma Ba Tha, led by firebrand monk Wirathu, in July 2017.
Although Wirathu remained active after this, he was eventually prosecuted for sedition. After more than a year on the run, he turned himself in to the police just days before the 2020 election. (Imprisoned under the NLD government, he was pardoned and released by the junta earlier this month.)
On March 5, more than a month after his arrest on the day of the coup, Aung Ko was charged with corruption for allegedly awarding religious titles to individuals in exchange for bribes.
Currently being held in Insein Prison, the 74-year-old ex-general who made the mistake of displeasing higher-ranked hardliners now faces a sentence of 15 years behind bars.
Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi
Documentary filmmaker Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi is well-acquainted with the generals’ vindictiveness. Less than a year before his latest arrest, he was released from prison after serving a one-year sentence for writing Facebook posts critical of the military-drafted 2008 constitution and the army’s role in politics.
Accused of making derogatory remarks that harmed the dignity of the military, Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi was charged in April 2019 with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code. He was freed in February 2020 after receiving routine sentence reductions, but was repeatedly denied bail during his incarceration, despite suffering from liver cancer.
A long-time critic of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and Ma Ba Tha, the Buddhist nationalist organization that actively promoted anti-Muslim sentiment, Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi was “a thorn in the soles of the feet of the fascist generals,” as one colleague put it.
Part of the reason for this is that he had long been a supporter of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. One way he demonstrated this was by auctioning off a poem written by Suu Kyi for 240m kyat (nearly $145,000) and donating the proceeds to her party.
Despite being a well-respected filmmaker with an international reputation, Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi was unable to screen any of his early work in Myanmar because it was banned by the junta that ruled the country until 2011.
"a thorn in the soles of the feet of the fascist generals"
His 2010 documentary “The Floating Tomatoes”—about the environmental degradation of Inle Lake in Shan State—and his first film, “Human Zoo,” which examines the exploitation of the so-called “long-neck” Padaung people in Thailand, were well-received overseas, but couldn’t be seen at home due to the regime’s censorship.
When Myanmar began a partial opening a decade ago, Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi started organizing events to bring his own work and that of others to a Myanmar audience. For the first, the Art of Freedom Film Festival, he collaborated with Zarganar, a comedian and fellow director who was also known as a vocal opponent of military rule.
This was followed by the Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival and the founding of the Human Dignity Institute, which produces documentaries and short films on human rights.
"his ideals as an artist and the passion and inspiration he has fostered in young filmmakers cannot be contained and will not be silenced – Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi's colleague"
According to his colleague, who asked to remain anonymous, many young filmmakers owe their start to Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi. Through them and through his own films, he continues to influence public discourse in Myanmar, even as he remains a prisoner of the junta.
“The fascist regime may have succeeded [in detaining] Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, but his ideals as an artist and the passion and inspiration he has fostered in young filmmakers cannot be contained and will not be silenced,” said the colleague.
Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, 59, and his former collaborator Zarganar, 60, are both currently being held in Insein Prison, along with many others deemed a threat to the regime.
Htin Lin Oo
As he awaited his arrest on the morning of February 1, author and former NLD information officer Htin Lin Oo recorded a nine-minute live broadcast on social media to denounce the military’s actions. No matter what, he said, he would always oppose the dictatorship.
“I am not opposing the army. I am opposing the dictators who staged the coup. All of us civilians have to rise up and revolt against the dictatorship,” he said in his final public statement before being taken away.
Htin Lin Oo accused the generals of killing democracy in its infancy. Every time they staged a coup, he said, they threw the country decades behind the rest of the world, as they did when they seized power in 1962 and 1988.
Not surprisingly, these remarks did not sit well with Myanmar’s newly self-appointed leaders. After arresting him without charges, they hastened to use his online comments to charge him with incitement and spreading false news on social media.
As was the case with many others arrested that day, Htin Lin Oo had a history of displeasing the military. In a speech delivered in Magway Region’s Chaung Oo Township in October 2014, he accused the army of using religion to create conflict and maintain control.
A 10-minute excerpt from his two-hour speech was circulated widely online and portrayed as an attack on Buddhism, the religion of the majority in Myanmar. It proved so controversial that even his own party distanced itself from his remarks.
At the time, the military-backed USDP was in power and the Patriotic Association of Myanmar (the Buddhist nationalist group better known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ba Tha) was at the height of its influence. It came as no surprise, then, when Htin Lin Oo was sentenced to two years with hard labour for allegedly violating sections 295a and 298 of the Penal Code, which prohibit “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings” and speaking “with deliberate intent to wound religious feelings”.
After his release, Htin Lin Oo resumed his efforts to push the military out of politics, organizing public discussions on amending the military-drafted constitution and founding a weekly journal, D Lann, that raised related issues.
His wife, Saw Sandar, said that the regime arrested Htin Lin Oo because it fears anyone who can lead the public.
“It’s not fair, but we have the courage to face this. We’re not afraid of anything because we haven’t done anything wrong,” she said, adding that her only real worry is that her husband will fall victim to Covid-19 while behind bars.
“What’s important is to stay healthy, especially when the pandemic is getting worse inside the prisons. That’s the only thing I’m worried about,” she told Myanmar Now.
Min Thway Thit
If he hadn’t been arrested on the day of the coup, Min Thway Thit would likely have been at the forefront of the anti-dictatorship movement. The 38-year-old activist and former political prisoner has long played a leading role in resisting military oppression.
He first came to prominence in 2014 during student protests against a new national education law introduced by the quasi-civilian administration of then President Thein Sein. During a violent crackdown on protests in Letpadan, Bago Region, in March 2015, he was one of more than 100 people arrested and imprisoned. The charges against him were eventually dropped, however, when the NLD assumed power a year later.
More recently, the former associate secretary of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) and founder of the Oway Library and Education Charity (Thanlyin) led a volunteer group established in Yangon’s Thanlyin Township to respond to the Covid-19 pandemic.
Min Thway Thit was detained for a full month before the regime released any information about him to his family. His wife, Yadanar Su Po Khaing, told VOA’s Burmese-language service in an interview that she wasn’t able to send him any medicine or other necessities until early March, when she first learned that he was being held in Insein Prison.
He now faces charges of violating vehicle-licensing regulations under Section 95 of the Vehicle Safety and Vehicle Management Act, which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison. However, according to his wife, he has refused to take part in the proceedings against him because he has no confidence in the impartiality of the junta’s judiciary.
Ministers, monks and satirists
The most common crime committed by those arrested on February 1 was supporting the NLD, the party that won two successive landslide victories against the military’s proxy party, the USDP. Anyone tied to the NLD, either as a leading member or as an outspoken supporter, was fair game for a regime determined to silence the military’s most potent rival for power.
Surprisingly, perhaps, only a handful of NLD-appointed ministers have come under sustained pressure. Apart from State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, the only senior figures from the Union government still in custody are Soe Win, the ousted minister of planning and finance, his vice minister Set Aung, and his predecessor Kyaw Win.
At the regional and municipal levels of government, however, a number of other senior officials have also been targeted by the junta. In early July, Mandalay’s chief minister, Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, and the region’s minister for electricity, energy and construction, Zarni Aung, were charged with corruption, more than five months after their arrest.
Similar charges, made in connection with alleged illegal deals involving Aung San Suu Kyi, have also been laid against Naypyitaw’s former mayor, Dr. Myo Aung, and deputy mayor, Ye Min Oo, as well as Min Thu, a member of the city’s development committee.
Of the monks who were arrested on February 1, Ven. Pyinya Thiha, better known as Shwe Nya Wah Sayadaw, was perhaps the most outspoken backer of the NLD. In 2011, long before the party came to power, he was banned from giving public sermons after he commemorated the 20th anniversary of Aung San Suu Kyi receiving the Nobel Peace Prize.
The abbot of Mandalay’s Myawaddy Mingyi monastery, Ven. Ariyawuntha Biwunsa (also known as Myawaddy Sayadaw), had also earned the military’s ire in the past. In late 2019, he was sued for defamation after he accused the armed forces of supporting ultranationalist monks. He was out on bail when he was arrested on the day of the coup.
In an interview with Myanmar Now following his release from Mandalay’s Obo Prison last month, he dismissed the junta’s claims that the NLD was bad for Myanmar’s Buddhist monks and repeated his charge that the military was trying to “exploit the people in the name of religion.”
Ven. Thawbita, one of the leaders of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, was taken away from his monastery in Patheingyi, east of Mandalay, in handcuffs on the morning of February 1. Two days later, he was sentenced to two years in prison after being found guilty under Section 66d of Myanmar’s draconian Telecommunications Law for an online comment he wrote more than two years earlier facetiously comparing Min Aung Hlaing to a cow.
As if to prove their utter humourlessness, the generals also went after a pair of prominent satirists on the day they seized power. One was Maung Thar Cho, who wrote satirical articles for the 7Day daily newspaper under the pseudonym of Jack (Kunchan Kone). These pieces proved immensely popular and earned him a following among NLD supporters, who invited him to literary talks around the country.
"They were kidnapped and now they are political hostages. The junta chief will use them to ease international pressure"
The other was Saw Phoe Khwar, an ethnic Kayin reggae musician who performed at NLD campaign events during last year’s election. Famous for his peace concerts, he is also well-known for his use of wit to skewer the military.
“The Son of Daw Sein Aye,” one of his most popular songs, plays on the name of the Defence Services Academy (DSA), the elite institution that produced most of Myanmar’s top military leaders. Ostensibly about an unruly man who makes trouble for his neighbours, it clearly refers to the DSA’s proudest alumni. Since the coup, it has become a popular protest song.
Whatever reasons were given for their arrest, most of those detained on February 1 are likely to remain in the junta’s custody until it becomes politically expedient to release them.
Locked up for offending the generals, they are now just pawns in their game, according to former political prisoner Tun Kyi.
“They were kidnapped and now they are political hostages. The junta chief will use them to ease international pressure. They may be released, but they won’t be free, because they could be arrested again at any time. That’s just how it was done under previous regimes, too,” he explained..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Letter dated 3 September 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, H.E. U Kyaw Moe Tun, addressed to the Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, on the heartbreaking situation in Myanmar, together with the weekly information update on current situation in Myanmar as of 29 August 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-09-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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"Letter dated 25 August 2021 from the Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations, H.E. U Kyaw Moe Tun, addressed to the Secretary-General H.E. Mr. Antonio Guterres, on the worsening situation in Myanmar, together with the weekly information update on current situation in Myanmar as of 22 August 2021..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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A growing number of children are leaving school and picking up arms out of desperation.
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"Security forces in Myanmar are targeting anti-junta youth activists throughout the country, forcing many to drop out of school and take up arms with militia groups seeking to unseat the military regime despite international laws prohibiting children from becoming soldiers, family members said Thursday.
Youth activists, many of whom say they felt hopeless about their future under military rule, began to join the widespread resistance movement against the junta after it seized power from Myanmar’s democratically elected government in a Feb. 1 coup.
Many have been arrested or even killed in clashes with the military, prompting concern from observers who lament what they say is an increasingly lost generation of children forced to sacrifice their dreams in the hopes of reclaiming their country from an oppressive regime.
In the seven months since the coup, security forces have killed 1,058 civilians and arrested at least 6,343—mostly during crackdowns on anti-junta protesters—according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
The junta says it had to unseat Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD government, claiming the party engineered a landslide victory in Myanmar’s November 2020 election through widespread voter fraud. It has yet to present evidence of its claims, though, and public unrest is at an all-time high.
Among the youth activists who have joined the fight against the military is 16-year-old Zaw Myo Mai Laban from the Kachin state capital Myitkyina, who went underground in June after around 50 soldiers and police officers tried to arrest him at his home for taking part in anti-junta protests.
“We know young students like us are not physically fit for fighting yet—we’ve only just passed childhood,” the member of the Basic Education Students' Union Network (BESUN) of hundreds of students from more than 50 townships told RFA’s Myanmar Service.
“However, we are doing this with the sole intention of fighting injustice and oppression. We give encouragement to one another when we find ourselves weak and try harder to be competent for the revolution.”
Zaw Myo Mai Laban said that ethnic armed groups in the liberated areas of the country’s remote border regions had initially refused to allow those under the age of 18 to attend military training, in accordance with international laws prohibiting the use of child soldiers, but eventually relented due to “the strong enthusiasm of the young students.”
“It is true that I am underage according to international law and laws against child soldiers, but [the military is] killing people whether they are underage or not,” he said.
“International law doesn’t mean anything to the military.”
Despite the military’s heavy-handed response to anti-junta protests, many high school students continue to take part in the gatherings, particularly in Myanmar’s largest cities Yangon and Mandalay.
A student with BESUN in Mandalay, who spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity, said he participates in protests daily “for the future of the country’s youth.”
“We are more afraid of losing our future than we are of the military,” he said.
“Education in Myanmar at present is completely in shambles. Conditions were just about to see some improvement when they staged this coup. All our hopes were dashed … We had a spirit of revolution long before the coup, and their atrocities made us want to fight back even more.”
”When your friends are killed, there is little you can do but grieve for them. I would rather fight for them instead,” he said.
Most of the high school students now involved in the anti-junta movement are minors under parental guardianship. Many parents told RFA they are worried about their sons and daughters being arrested, maimed, or killed, although some have allowed their children to join the protests.
The mother of two high school students aged 15 and 17 in Yangon’s South Okkalapa township said she accompanies her children to protests but has asked them not to join the armed uprising.
“I went along with them so they would not get into trouble or be harmed, because you can’t stop them from joining the protests,” she said.
“However, I asked them not to do anything like take up arms because they are not old enough. If they get arrested and sent to prison for taking part in the protests, at least I could go and see them. I may be selfish, but I cannot allow my young kids to join a revolution.”
A student with the Launglon township branch of BESUN in Myanmar’s Tanintharyi division, who also declined to be named, said he regularly speaks with parents as part of an effort to bring more youths into the anti-junta movement.
“If students don’t get involved in politics, politics will work against them,” he said.
“We enlightened [parents] by explaining that students have been detained and tortured too. This helped them understand why we have taken to the streets, and they allowed their sons and daughters to join us.”
Investigating youth activists
Meanwhile, authorities have spared no effort in investigating high school students involved in anti-junta activities.
In Myanmar’s Bago region, five high school students were arrested in the first week of September, including one who died in detention while being interrogated. According to AAPP, at least 23 school age children were among those killed in the past seven months since the coup, while at least 20 high school students have been arrested.
An AAPP spokesman told RFA that school age children are still very much at risk from the military.
“If things continue like this, the children in our country will no longer have a future, including those who would one day be the nation’s leaders,” he said.
“Children must have the right to freedom of movement and to follow their dreams. They shouldn’t be living in fear. However, at present, they must be careful even of what they wear because of current restrictions. The loss of their future is a loss for the country.”
Calls by RFA to military spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun seeking comment went unanswered Thursday..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-09-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"After 200 days have passed since the coup, the Myanmar military group is still ignoring the will of the people, putting the country into turmoil with disproportionate actions when the people are facing the nationwide health crisis under the resurgence of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Deaths and Arbitrary Arrests
As of 28 August 2021, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a total of 7, 627 people have been arrested, 6,005 people have still been detained, whereas 1,984 people have been issued with warrants and 1,026 people were ruthlessly murdered by the military since 1 February 2021 when the military unleashed systematic and targeted attacks and violence against innocent civilians.
Irrational Arrests and Unprovoked Shootings
On 20 August 2021 in Sagaing, the security forces in plainclothes reportedly arrested the parents of Mr. Zaw Min Win, a police sergeant who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). According to the news received, Mr. Zaw Min Win left his wife and two daughters at the police housing complex, and he took the weapons with him. On the same day, he left the house; about two dozen of security forces went to the house of Mr. Zaw Min Win’s parents, destroyed the properties, and arrested his parents.
On 21 August 2021, around 8 pm, Mr. Maung Aye and his wife, Ms. Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region, returned home by motorbike, were reportedly shot to death by the patrolling military forces. It is reported that Mr. Maung Aye was shot in the head, and Ms. Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach.
On 22 August 2021 in Hintha village in Yesagyo Township of Magwe, the police forces reportedly raided a house in an ambulance. According to the residents, the forces surrounded the house and opened fire. Due to the incident, a 21-year-old man was killed, and four others were arrested. The owner of the house is believed to have participated in anti-coup movements.
In accordance with the information received, a 10 year-old-child, Ven Bway Htan, was shot dead in the neck on the evening of 25 August 2021 in Htantalang Township of Chin State due to an unprovoked shooting by the military forces. Children are not safe, and the Myanmar military has no regard for the safety of children. It has no intention to abide by international laws protecting children in an armed conflict.
According to the credible report, on 26 August 2021, in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon, Mr. Thein Min Oo was shot dead by the military forces on 121st street. His body was found between two buildings on 121st after the military forces reportedly opened fire at a drunken man shouting on the street. Neighbors believe that a stray bullet hit Mr. Thein Min Oo while the military forces chased and shot the drunk man. It is also reported that there were some injured civilians during the shootings.
Taking Hostages
On 24 August 2021, in Taw Kyaung Lay Village, in Khin-u Township of Sagaing Region, it is reported that the military forces arrested Ms. Ei Thandar Phyo, the younger sister of an alleged PDF. The forces took Ms. Ei Thandar Phyo as a hostage since they could not find her brother.
On 27 August 2021, in South Dagon Township in Yangon, the husband and daughter of Political Activist Ms. Su Mar and a guest who were with them at home were reportedly arrested as the security forces could not find Ms. Su Mar at home.
Deaths from Torture
Mr. Soe Paing, a.k.a. Mr. Kyaw Khaing Win, a physics teacher from Tharkayta Township in Yangon Region, was reportedly arrested on 22 August 2021. He later died on the night of 23 August due to torture in interrogation.
Similarly, on 24 August 2021, at night in Khayan Township of Yangon, Mr. Min Aung was shot and arrested by the security forces while passing by Khayan Police Station by a motorbike. He was then reportedly beaten during detention and died from the torture.
In Monywa Township in Sagaing Region, Mr. Thet Paing Soe was reportedly arrested on 24 August 2021 and later died on 25 August. The security forces informed his family that he died due to COVID-19. However, his body was found with serious injuries due to constant torture.
On 26 August 2021, Mr. Yan Aung Soe from Gonetan Village, in Shwebo Township of Sagaing Region, was reportedly arrested and taken to Gonetan Village Cemetery. The security forces then shot dead, who questioned him for allegedly possessing weapons in his house.
Raiding in Rural Areas
Myanmar military forces have reportedly been raiding in rural areas in Chaung-U Township in Sagaing Region. They raided Nwe Khwe village on 23 August 2021, Taw Kyaung Lay village on 24 August 2021, and Taw Kyaung Gyi and Thone Pan Hla villages on 26 August 2021.
According to the residents, the forces invaded the villages where there were no anti-coup activities. They took even small things, and they did not leave behind a tiny amount of money. They searched the houses of youths who have been volunteering the charity work during the Covid-19 period. According to credible news, during the raid in Taw Kyaung Lay village, they destroyed some houses and took 9 million kyats, six motorcycles, jewelry, and clothes. Five youths who were taking care of Covid patients were reportedly arrested.
Seizing Kar Paung Kya Village
Military forces have seized Kar Paung Kya Village in Taze Township of the Sagaing Region since 26 August 2021. According to the residents, nearly a hundred soldiers in six trucks stormed the village at around 2 am on 26 August 2021. Troops started shooting a man who came out of the house to see what was happening. It is reported that several houses were torched and destroyed. More than a thousand of the 800-household inhabitants fled to a nearby forest. And the military troops even fired light weapons and heavy artillery into areas where villagers were hiding. On 27 August 2021, about 50 troops went into the forests to look for the fleeing villagers. People reportedly lost contact with each other, families have been separated, and many others have gone missing.
During the raid, Mr. Moe Swe Oo and his younger sister were reportedly shot when they were hiding in a small hut three miles away from the village. According to a resident, Mr. Moe Swe Oo and his sister were shot while running away from soldiers. Mr. Moe Swe Oo reportedly died from his injuries, and his sister was severely wounded.
According to the villagers, Kar Paung Kya village has been targeted repeatedly by the military troops. They keep coming into the village, destroying and looting things.
Using Civilians as Human Shields
It is reported that 30 civilians were detained by divisions 66 and 55 of the Myanmar military between 13 and 18 August 2021from Demoso, Hpruso, and Bawlakhe in Kayah State and Pekon township in Shan State during tensions between military forces and resistance fighters. The military has reportedly released 15 detainees; 10 from Pekon, three from Demoso, and two from Hpruso. However, 15 others are still being detained. According to credible news, six people taken from Demoso and Hpruso are in Loikaw after being used as human shields in different places. They will be interrogated in Loikaw. Those six people were detained on 14 August when they returned to their villages for food. One of the six is a 15-year-old with a health problem. A woman and seven men are reportedly being held by Light Infantry Battalion 531 based in Hpruso, and they have been seriously tortured. Generals, officers, and infantry soldiers have no regard for human life. They show no intention to abide by international humanitarian laws that protects civilians during the war.
Mobilizing Military Troops in Karen State
In accordance with the credible report, the Myanmar military has mobilized its troops in villages of the south of Kawkareik Township in Karen State. On 24 August 2021, Myanmar military forces and forces of the Karen National Union (KNU) clashed twice in Kawkareik Township after Myanmar military forces trespassed into KNU-controlled territory. It is reported that the military forces fired around 30 rounds of artillery, and there were casualties and deaths on both sides. Following the clashes, about 200 residents from Kawthanaw village fled their homes. According to the news, a jet fighter was seen on 25 August 2021 and was likely engaged in aerial reconnaissance. It is expected that a major invasion from the Myanmar military is coming soon.
Targeting the members of the NLD
On 21 August 2021, Mr. Kyaw Soe Win, a.k.a Kay Kay, NLD executive member in Aung Lan Township of Magway Region, was reportedly arrested in Shwe Pan Taw Village in Aung Lan Township.
On 22 August 2021, it is reported that Ms. Khin Myat Thu, a Pyithu Hluttaw MP and NLD member of Mingaladon Township of Yangon Region, was arrested with her husband.
Moreover, on 22 August 2021, Mr. Htay Win, MP of Htilin Township of Magway Region and executive member of the NLD of Magway Region, was also reportedly arrested in Sar Kyin Village in Pakokku Township of Magway Region.
On 22 August 2021, Mr. Kyaw San Htoo, Magway Region NLD executive member, was reportedly arrested in Panmata Village at the Aung Lan Township of Magway Region.
On 27 August 2021, in Kyaikhto Township of Mon State, Mr. Zaw Moe Htet, a.k.a. Gwen Gyi, NLD secretary of Theinzayat Town, who was issued a warrant under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code, was reportedly arrested by the security forces who were wearing plain clothes.
Soldiers and Police joining the CDM
It is reported that around 2,000 soldiers and police have joined the Civil Disobedient Movement (CDM) since the coup on 1 February 2021. Most of the soldiers who have joined the CDM are privates and sergeants. There are also around 100 officers ranking from lieutenants to majors. Most of them have reportedly fled to areas controlled by Ethnics Arms Organizations (EAOs), or some are hiding among civilians. These striking soldiers expect more military officers to join the CDM as the military regime continues to use violence against civilians.
Humanitarian Situation
The humanitarian update for Myanmar, issued by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on 27 August 2021, highlighted the situations of people displacement and conditions of food insecurity in Myanmar.
It is underlined that due to clashes and insecurity, thousands have been displaced in Sagaing Region and Chin State, particularly in and around Mindat Township. Also, in the south-eastern parts of the country, an estimated 141,200 people remain displaced, mainly in Kayah and Kayin States since the military coup. In the Shan States, more than 26,300 people have been displaced across the State since the beginning of 2021, of which about 6,400 of them remain displaced to date.
It is also stated that food insecurity, particularly food shortage, is increasing in the displacement sites and communities in northern Shan and Rakhine states.
The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) also announced monthly food and cash assistance for vulnerable families in Rakhine State resumed during the fourth week of August. With monthly life-saving support, World Food Programme has provided food, and cash aids to nearly 360,000 food-insecure people in Chin, Kachin, Rakhine, and the Shan States, including women, children, and persons with disabilities and families displaced conflict.
Activities of the National Unity Government
On 24 August 2021, the National Unity Government released a Statement regarding the 4th anniversary of the atrocity crimes committed against the Rohingya people in 2017.
In the statement, the NUG has stated how it was saddened by the horrendous violence, gross human rights violations, and massive displacement that the Rohingya people suffered four years ago. The statement further explained that the same military responsible for all those atrocities has also perpetrated crimes against humanity and war crimes against the people of Myanmar over the decades. The NUG also expressed its endeavor in seeking justice and accountability for all crimes committed by the military against the Rohingya and all other people of Myanmar across the country throughout history.
The NUG also informed its concerns regarding the situation of the Rohingya people in refugee camps of neighbouring countries and within Myanmar. It stated that voluntary and safe repatriation of the Rohingya people in a dignified manner is their utmost priority. Finally, the NUG also expressed its commitment to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Federal Democratic Charter, including fundamental human rights, human dignity, individual rights, collective rights, and establishing a Federal Democratic Union.
The Radio NUG started its programme on 26 August 2021 at 8 am and 8 pm at SW 16, MHz 17.71.
On 27 August 2021, the Ministry of Planning, Finance, and Investment released an Announcement on the Illicit Printing of Banknotes. In the announcement, the Ministry informed that they had received credible information that the illegitimate military council has made approaches to foreign banknotes and security printing times to seek assistance in printing new Myanmar Kyat banknotes.
The Ministry also stated in the announcement that according to Section 16 of the Unlawful Associations Act 1908, the National Unity Government has determined the illegitimate military council to be an unlawful association, and thus, any issuance of currency effected by the military council, its successor entities, and any of its subordinate or subsidiary associations, including the so-called “caretaker government,” shall be deemed to lack legitimacy.
The NUG called upon the military council to desist from the act of economic sabotage. It implored the foreign banknote and security printing approached the military council to refrain from printing Myanmar kyat Banknotes and providing any raw materials, supplies, etc., that could be used in their production. The NUG further called upon all responsible firms to follow the example set by Giesecke Devrient GmbH in March 2021.
On 28 August 2021, the Ministry of Defence of the National Unity Government released Directive No. 2/2021 to Tatmadaw and Police Forces members. In the Directive, the Ministry referred to the policy of the NUG released under statement No. 8/2021 on 23 August 2021. According to that policy, the NUG also extended a special welcome to members of Tatmadaw and police forces who defected the State Administration Council to stand with the people. The NUG further instructed them not to obey the SAC’s orders and directives, to not obstruct, hinder, or attack People’s Defence Forces (PDF) and allied forces, and to not arrest, torture, or kill civilians and not plunder public and private properties.
International Action and Pressure
On 22 August 2021, Japan has reportedly refused to issue visas for two Myanmar military-appointed diplomats to the Embassy of Myanmar in Tokyo. However, the military has requested Japan to grant visas to them for the replacement in the Embassy. These two diplomats will be transferred to replace the two Myanmar diplomats who have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) in early March 2021 and were dismissed by the military-controlled Ministry.
During the 42nd ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) General Assembly held on 23 August 2021, Speaker of the parliament of Singapore Tan Chuan-Jin remarked that platforms, particularly AIPA, are crucial for supporting a more integrated, digital, and forward-looking ASEAN community. He highlighted that the world is closely watching the response of ASEAN in resolving the crisis in Myanmar.
Speaker of the parliament of Singapore stressed that Singapore welcomed the appointment of Brunei’s Foreign Minister as Special Envoy of the ASEAN to Myanmar, hoping that the special envoy will be allowed to have discussions and to facilitate meaningful dialogue with all stakeholders in Myanmar to facilitate the meaningful dialogue among all stakeholders in Myanmar for a peaceful political solution. He also affirmed that “the Myanmar people must determine the solution to the situation in Myanmar.”
In the speech by U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris on the Indo-Pacific Region on 24 August 2021, it is highlighted that the U.S. is committed to supporting the people of Myanmar and restoring the democracy in the country and called for Indo-Pacific nations to join in that effort.
In response to the reports of a journalist charged for doing their job, the U.S. embassy in Yangon issued an announcement on 26 August 2021 that the people in Myanmar and abroad should be free to express their beliefs and seek, receive, and share information and ideas.
Following the public petition being signed by 268,428 people, which called on Seoul to render formal support to the National Unity Government (NUG) and to reject the military, the Office of the President of South Korea announced on 26 August 2021 that they will continue to engage with the NUG and continue to support the restoration of democracy in Myanmar through close cooperation with the international community.
*****
Date: 29 August 2021
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations, New York..."
Source/publisher:
Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
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"On August 8, 2021, at about 9 PM., the Obo political detainees, who have been unjustly arrested,
staged a protest against the lack of COVID-19 preventive measures and treatment inside the prison as
a political movement marking the 33th anniversary of the 8888 Revolution.
The terrorist junta and those who are in charge of the prison brutally suppressed the protest with
gun-fires and the use of military force and subsequently silenced information regarding the situation.
The family of the detamees, the people all over the country partaking in anti-authoritarian movements
and the international community are all very concerned about the safety and well-being of these
political detainees who have been unjustly arrested and confined.
Regarding the protests inside Obo Prison, we make the following demands unwaveringly.
1. To unearth the truth regarding the current predicament inside Obo prison
2. To give access to COVID-19 preventive measures and treatment m all prisons in Myanmar,
including Obo prison
3. To release unjustly arrested political detainees unconditionally and unexceptionally
4. To stop immediately the murdering of political detainees by using COVID-19 as a biological
weapon.\
We urge the entire people of Myanmar, the international communities, the civil societies,
the ambassadors residing in Myanmar and the international organizations to be vigilantly
watchful of the status of access to medical care and other basic human rights inside prisons in
Myanmar and to spread out helping hands by any means possible..."
Source/publisher:
Student Union Representatives Committee - SURC
Date of publication:
2021-09-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
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"The Myanmar junta arrested rock singer Ito at his home in Yangon’s Mayangone Township on Wednesday night for alleged connections with anti-regime activities. At least five others were also arrested, according to sources close to the artist.
Professionally known as Ito, Ko Win Htut Thawdar is in his 30s. He is also a composer and a son of famous Myanmar rocker Zaw Win Htut.
Details of the alleged anti-regime activities of which he is accused are not yet known, nor is the location where he is being held.
Myanmar has been in political turmoil since the military seized power from the country’s democratically elected government on Feb. 1.
Following the coup, many celebrities joined the anti-regime movement, using their popularity to amplify its pro-democracy message. They took to the streets to protest against the coup and urged civil servants to strike by joining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).
They have been targeted for their participation in protests against military rule, with arrest warrants being issued for nearly 100 celebrities, artists, singers, actors, actresses and directors.
About a dozen have been arrested, and nine famous Myanmar artists including comedian U Zaganar, director Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, actors Lu Min and Pyay Ti Oo, model Paing Takhon, actress Eaindra Kyaw Zin and singers Saw Phoe Kwer and Po Po are still in detention.
In June, rock singer and songwriter Raymond, 32, passed away while evading arrest for participating in the anti-regime movement, after being charged under Article 505A of the penal code.
Like other pro-democracy activists, many in the arts community are in hiding, having fled their homes to evade arrest. A few others have joined Myanmar’s “Spring Revolution.” Some artists have joined the armed resistance struggle and others are working for the parallel National Unity Government (NUG).
As of Thursday, the Myanmar regime had killed a total of 1,058 civilians, arrested 7,992—of whom 6,343 are still in detention—and issued arrest warrants for 1,984, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Press Statement of MATA for arrestment to Kyaw Minn Htut and his family members
Date: 6th September 2021
Kyaw Minn Htut, the member of Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA) and his younger brother Kyaw Minn Aung including a man who lived together with them were arrested at home by SAC around 3:00 pm today (6th September 2021) in Nandawon Ward, Monwyar town, Sagaing region. One day ahead, Daw Khin Saw Hlaing and two years old child who are wife and son of Kyaw Minn Htut were also detained on 5th September 2021 by the military as well.
Kyaw Minn Htut has been working for environmental protection and human rights issues consistently and he actively participated in the non-violent movement for democracy and human rights since after the coup. Besides, SAC neglected human rights and humanitarian principles by arresting his wife and two years old child.
Kyaw Minn Htut is also the civil society representative from the Multi-Stakeholder Group (MSG) of Myanmar Extractive Industry Transparency Initiatives (MEITI). MATA is the civil society alliance which was formed with over 400 organizations across the country for implementation of transparency and accountability in Extractive Industry through participating in MEITI. Kyaw Minn Hut is representative of Sagaing for MSG on behalf of MATA.
Therefore, we strongly ask for freedom of Kyaw Minn Htut and all detained people who participated in the non-violent democracy movement without any harm and stop the coup immediately.....ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသည့်ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ် နှင့် သူ၏မိသားစုဝင်များနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှုတာဝန်ခံမှုဆိုင်ရာမဟာမိတ်အဖွဲ့၏ သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန်ချက်
ရက်စွဲ။ ။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ (၆) ရက်
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူတာဝန်ခံမှုဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမိတ်အဖွဲ့ (MATA) အဖွဲ့ဝင်တဦး ဖြစ်သည့် ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ် နှင့် သူ၏ညီအရင်းဖြစ်သူ ကိုကျော်မင်းအောင် အပါဝင် (၃) ဦးအား ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ (၆) ရက်နေ့ ညနေပိုင်းတွင် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မုံရွာမြို့၊ နန္ဒဝန်ရပ်ကွက်ရှိ နေအိမ်တွင် ဝင်ရောက် စီးနင်းဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်း သိရှိရပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာလ (၅) ရက်နေ့တွင်လည်း ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ်၏ ဇနီးဖြစ်သူ ဒေါ်ခင်စောလှိုင်နှင့် (၂)နှစ် အရွယ်ခန့်သာရှိသေးသည့် သားငယ်တို့အားလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့ကြောင်းကြားသိရပါသည်။
ယခု စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ဖမ်းဆီးထားသည့် ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ်မှာ သဘာဝပတ်ဝန်းကျင်ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးနှင့် လူ့အ ခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကိစ္စရပ်များကို တစိုက်မတ်မတ်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသူဖြစ်ပြီး၊ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ အကြမ်း မဖက်သည့်နည်းလမ်းဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအတွက်ဆောင်ရွက်နေသူဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် သူ၏ဇနီး နှင့် ကလေးငယ်အား ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းထားခြင်းမှာ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ စံနှုံန်းများနှင့်များစွာ သွေဖီပြီး အကျည်းတန်သည့် လုပ်ရပ်ဖြစ်သည်ဟုလည်း မိမိတို့ ရှုမြင်မိပါသည်။
ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ်သည် MATA အဖွဲ့ဝင်တဦးဖြစ်သည့်အပြင် (MEITI) ၏ သုံးပွင့်ဆိုင်အဖွဲ့ ဝင်တဦး လည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ MATA သည် တွင်းထွက် သဘာဝသယံဇာတဆိုင်ရာ ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာ မှု လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် (EITI-Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative) အား အကောင်ထည်ဖော်သည့် အရပ်ဘက် မဟာမိတ်အဖွဲ့ အစည်း တခုဖြစ်ပြီး အဖွဲ့စည်းပေါင်း (၄၀၀) ကျော်ဖြင့်ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် မဟာမိတ်အဖွဲ့အစည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ်သည် စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး မှ MATA အဖွဲ့ဝင်အဖြစ် ပါဝင်သူတဦး ဖြစ်ပြီး EITI (သဘာဝ သယံဇာတဆိုင်ရာ ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုဖော်ဆောင်ရေး) လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် သုံးပွင့်ဆိုင်ညွန့်ပေါင်းအဖွဲ့ MSG (Multi Stakeholder Group) အဖွဲ့ဝင်တဦးလည်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ ဒီမိုကရေစီပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးအတွက် အကြမ်းမဖက်သောနည်းဖြင့် ဆောင်ရွက်နေသည့် ကိုကျော်မင်းထွဋ် အပါအဝင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းထားသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ အားလုံးအား ရာဇဝတ်သား များကဲ့သို့ပြုမူဆက်ဆံခြင်းများမပြုလုပ်ဘဲ ချွင်းချက်မရှိပြန်လည်လွှတ်ပေးရန်နှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းသည့်လုပ်ရပ် အားအမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် အလေးအနက်တိုက်တွန်း လိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
Date of publication:
2021-09-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Until the military takeover on Feb. 1, cosmetics, fashion and beauty design were the most important parts of May Oo’s daily life.
For more than a decade, he loved to visually transform people’s appearance through his skills. His passion turned him into one of Yangon’s most highly sought-after makeup artists. His customers included celebrities and family members of high-ranking military officials.
By THE IRRAWADDY 3 September 2021
Until the military takeover on Feb. 1, cosmetics, fashion and beauty design were the most important parts of May Oo’s daily life.
For more than a decade, he loved to visually transform people’s appearance through his skills. His passion turned him into one of Yangon’s most highly sought-after makeup artists. His customers included celebrities and family members of high-ranking military officials.
“It’s the profession I really love and I see it as a creative art,” said May Oo, who is gay.
But the military takeover that toppled the elected government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) has turned his life upside down.
As a supporter of the NLD government, the 33-year-old opposed the coup.
“We can’t accept it. The military stole power from the elected civilian government, which we voted for,” May Oo said.
Like millions of others, he joined the anti-coup campaigns that have sprung up across the country and which range from banging pots and pans at night to marching in daily street protests to calling on civil servants to strike. At the same time, he disseminated information on the anti-regime protest movement known as Myanmar’s Spring Revolution via his own social media page, which has 770,000 followers, awing his customers with pictures of him shouting anti-regime slogans via a bullhorn at the front of a protest column.
In March, May Oo refused to do the makeup for well-to-do families planning to attend a junta-organized religious ceremony in Naypyitaw, at which the junta conferred titles on wealthy persons.
However, he had to pay a price for his activism.
An arrest warrant was issued by the regime for incitement. Soldiers raided his apartment and took everything including his computer and makeup boxes. “They also destroyed everything in the whole room,” he recalled. Luckily, he managed to evade arrest.
After the junta’s crackdowns against protesters intensified in late March, he was forced to go into hiding in April, partly because of his involvement in protests and for providing support to crackdown victims and their families.
As of Sept. 2, the junta had killed 1,043 civilians and arrested a total of 7,768, of whom 6,132 are still detained. In addition, during their raids, junta troops have looted and destroyed property.
While in lockdown during the first and second waves of COVID-19 in 2020, May Oo was able to continue his work, including providing training to amateur artists. He had trained amateurs and young talents in his profession since 2017, when he opened the May Oo Magic Beauty school, as well as leading a makeup team. His salon employed 12 full-time staff and some 60 part-time artists before the coup.
Now the makeup artist lives a very different life in a place where he feels safe on the border. (He declined to provide details for security reasons.) He once received some weapons training like other young people determined to topple the regime through armed resistance. But he found that his hands, familiar only with makeup brushes, were not good with guns. Since then May Oo has devoted his time and energy to other activities, like raising funds for the movement.
“I know my strength is not [in military activities], so I choose to support this revolution in whatever way I can. I just see myself as a pillar to help the revolution be victorious,” he explained.
May Oo admitted that he can’t help but take off his hat to the young women he has seen seriously engaging in military training, adding that seeing them left him with mixed feelings.
“I’m sure they never thought they would go through such a hard life. But they see that nothing is more important than ousting the regime. So, they feel immune to all the misery and difficulties they are facing. I feel sad for them but at the same time I feel happy [for the country],” he said.
As a gay man who is open about his sexuality, his hopes when voting for the NLD in the November 2020 election were simple: He wanted a government that would respect human rights, including those of the LGBTQ community, which has long faced discrimination in Myanmar.
“The NLD is the only party which respects the rights of minorities and marginalized groups. As an LGBTQ person, we have seen improvements and dignified treatment under the NLD government,” he said.
He told The Irrawaddy that from his point of view, physical and verbal abuse of LGBTQ people decreased under the civilian government. “For a long time, we were insulted for our sexual orientation; but after 2015, we felt less discriminated against, and there were opportunities for makeup artists to choose the path they want.”
LGBTQ people are subject to official persecution and discrimination under Section 377 of the Penal Code as well as the Police Act. People who engage in same-sex acts can be punished with up to 10 years in prison. The push for legislative change got under way under the NLD government and the LGBTQ community had high hopes for it.
“I have suffered discrimination as a gay person since my younger days. I don’t want to experience it again,” he said.
It has now been nearly five months since May Oo went into hiding. He said sometimes he feels regret, especially when he sees people having fun on Facebook.
“That feeling doesn’t last long, though, because I comfort myself with knowing I have done nothing wrong and am taking a stand on the right side,” he said.
Asked if he missed his former life as a makeup artist, he said yes and no. He misses it when he thinks of what his life was like in the past.
“But when I think about tomorrow under this current situation, I no longer miss it at all, because you can’t guess what will happen next. It’s exciting [to see] what the future will hold for me.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-09-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Anti-coup protesters
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Sub-title:
The shadow government and other opposition groups are encouraging defections.
Description:
"Nearly 2,500 soldiers and police in Myanmar have broken with the military junta to join the resistance movement since the Feb. 1 coup that ousted the country’s democratically elected government, defector groups said on Thursday.
Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), a shadow government made of former lawmakers ousted in the coup, as well as several armed ethnic groups, last month issued calls on members of the military and police to switch sides.
The security forces that have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) that sprang up to resist the coup with protests and widespread work stoppages are represented by two groups. The CDM Myanmar Police Channel says 1,000 police have joined the movement, while People’s Embrace says about 1,500 members of the military have switched sides, and both groups say their numbers are growing.
To date, the highest-ranked defector has been an army colonel, the groups said on Facebook.
The NUG’s defense minister, Ye Mon, told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the appeal to the military is part of the shadow government’s plan to overthrow the military dictatorship.
"We understand that there are intelligent people among the military and the police. Especially those who know what is right or wrong, what is justice and what is injustice,” said Ye Mon.
“We believe there are many people who know which side they should choose. We expect this directive to have a major impact on most members of the police force and military personnel, except for the handful of the junta’s leaders and minions who have committed a series of war crimes," he said.
Myanmar’s military overthrew the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government on Feb. 1, claiming the party had stolen the country’s November 2020 ballot through voter fraud. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed anti-coup protests, killing at least 1,043 people and arresting 6,132 others, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
Ye Mon said the skills and expertise of security forces who defect would be extremely useful in helping the people regain control of the country. In addition, he said the NUG would provide for the safety and well-being of their families.
Captain Lin Htet Aung, who recently joined the CDM, told RFA that the NUG’s outreach had been effective and many soldiers and police officers still serving the junta have contacted his group to learn more about how they can defect.
“One of the reasons that people are not leaving the army is because they are thinking about their current rank and position, as well as their own security,” said Lin Htet Aung.
“The NUG is giving guarantees for that. Many in the armed forces are aware of this statement and have contacted us,” he said.
Current members of the military can be divided into three groups: those who support the junta, those who do not trust the junta, and a neutral group, Lin Htet Aung said. The defection of the latter two groups would spell doom for the junta, he added.
The NUG’s defense ministry last week urged police and soldiers to stop obeying junta orders and to stop arresting, torturing and killing civilians and destroying public property.
The ministry also called on them to stop attacking the people’s defense forces (PDF), the hundreds of militia groups formed by citizens opposed to the coup, some of which are receiving training and support from armed ethnic groups that have been fighting with the military for decades.
The NUG also told security forces how to contact the NUG if they wish to join the resistance.
A former police officer from Myingyan, in the country’s central region, told RFA that the messages from the NUG are encouraging to other police officers because there are many who want to leave but do not know how.
“There were people who wanted to leave their posts from the very beginning. It is encouraging for them to see such a statement that welcomes them,” Thet Naing Oo said.
“It was not only that they didn’t approve of the coup. They were unhappy that most of the higher positions in the police force were given to former army officers instead of those among them who had loyally served as officers for years. It was a slap in the face,” he said.
The Karenni National Defense Force (KNDF) and the Chin Regional Defense Force (CDF), two of the armed ethnic groups that control territory in the country and have been fighting the military for years, told RFA they are trying to encourage members of the security forces to switch sides.
"The military coup was an unjust and coercive process. Only an insane person would say the actions of the junta are fair,” a KNDF spokesman told RFA.
He said it was common in Myanmar’s history for power hungry generals to exploit lower ranking soldiers for their own benefit, so these soldiers should stop serving the junta as soon as possible.
“There is still time for those in the army and police force as well as those who are working in support of the junta to engage with the people,” he said.
The KNDF said on Aug. 20 that it would work with the people to uproot the military dictatorship and would welcome those who join the movement with special security guarantees as well as monetary support from public donations.
The CDF, which launched the first civilian armed uprising after the coup, announced on Aug. 10 that it would pay each member of the military who joins the opposition force 5 million kyat (U.S. $3,037) and guarantee their safety.
CDF officials would not disclose to RFA where the money was coming from, but a spokesman for the group said that they expected the announcement to entice soldiers to defect.
"Wouldn’t it be better if there is one less gun pointing at ordinary people?” he said.
“We released the statement as an incentive for police and soldiers who are confused, those who do not want to die for nothing in the jungle and those who dislike the military council," said the spokesman.
The stepped up defection enticement effort came as branches of the PDF militias from a dozen regions in Myanmar announced an alliance to collectively take on the country’s junta. The groups are mostly based in embattled Sagaing region and Chin state, but are also located in of Mandalay and Magway regions, as well as Kachin and other ethnic states.
The junta said last week that the NUG and other groups are trying to disrupt government business and are carrying out terror attacks daily to intimidate the public. The military also offered rewards to whistleblowers and informants who help make arrests of people associated with anti-junta groups.
The military has not yet commented on soldier or police defection to the CDM or other resistance groups.
Local media outlets have quoted military sources as saying that the number of soldiers and officers leaving their posts to join the CDM is rising daily, prompting the junta to consider releasing the country’s ousted leader, Aung San Suu Kyi and holding national elections.
According to the CIA’s World Factbook, there are about 400,000 soldiers in Myanmar’s military, making it one of the largest in Southeast Asia..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Topic:
2021-08-31
Topic:
2021-08-31
Description:
"Myanmar’s military leaders used its armed forces to launch its coup and take control of the country from its elected government on 1 February 2021. In protest, millions of people took to the streets.
The military responded to these protests by sending armed soldiers and police into residential areas to arrest defiant civilians, workers, students, doctors and nurses.
In March, martial law was enforced in Yangon, snipers were used, and protesters were shot on sight.
To restrict news coverage of their crimes and to impede the organisatiojn of protests, the military ordered telecommunication companies to restrict internet and mobile phone coverage. Independent media outlets had their licences withdrawn, offices were raided and trashed.
Journalists were targeted and hunted by soldiers and police. Obscure laws were added to the penal code and used to restrict freedom of speech and expression. State-controlled media published pages of arrest warrants and photographs of the wanted, including journalists.
To avoid arrest, independent journalists went underground or sought refuge with border based ethnic armed organisations.
Myanmar journalists are well aware that being “arrested” and held in detention by the military doesn’t come with respect for their legal or human rights. The military uses a wide range of obscure laws, some dating back to colonial times, to detain, intimidate and silence its critics — academics, medics, journalists, students and workers.
95 journalists arrested
Independent website, Reporting ASEAN, recorded that, as of August 18, 95 journalists had been arrested and 42 were being held in detention.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) estimated by August 29 that the military has now killed at least 1026 people, arrested 7627, issued warrants for 1984 and are still holding 6025 in detention.
They want names
Those arrested are taken to interrogation centres and held indefinitely without contact with family or legal representation. Torture is used to extort names and contacts from the detained to be added to the military’s long list of those to be hunted down and suppressed into silence.
One of those names on the military’s wanted list is that of journalist Nyan Linn Htet, now in hiding, after a warrant under Section 505 (a) was issued for his arrest.
Nyan Linn Htet, managing editor of Mekong News, in an interview with the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) explains the impact of being hunted has had on both him and his family.
“If I’m arrested it means I lose everything. When we had to run and go into hiding, we lost our home and our possessions. You lose your income. Your equipment. You never feel safe when hiding. Living like this affects all of us. If the military does not find me, they will pressure and threaten my family with arrest.”
Nyan Linn Htet said he is still working despite the risk of arrest.
“Losing a journalist is a big loss for our struggle for democracy. We’re only doing our job as reporters, but our news coverage exposes the military and its abuses – this is why we’re the enemy.”
Despite the danger to him and his family, Nyan Linn Htet worries about the safety of those who helped him avoid arrest.
‘Caught in hiding’
“If I’m caught in hiding, the SAC (military-appointed State Administration Council) will persecute the people who gave me a place to live. I’m afraid they [the military] will arrest those who helped me.”
His fears are well founded.
Journalist and political analyst Sithu Aung Myint was high on the military’s wanted list for his political commentary and published opposition to the coup.
On Sunday, August 15, the military raided the home of his colleague, BBC freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine, and arrested both of them.
A week later, in its Sunday, August 21, edition, the military-run newspaper, Global New Light of Myanmar, said Sithu Aung Myint had been charged with sedition, spreading “fake news” and being critical of the military coup leaders and its State Administration Council under Sections 505 (a) and 124 (a) of the Penal Code.
He could be sentenced to life in jail under Section 124 (a) of the penal code.
Htet Htet Khine was arrested for giving shelter to Sithu Aung Myint, and charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for working with the recently formed National Union Government’s radio station, Federal FM.
Held in interrogation centre
Friends and colleagues of Sithu Aung Myint and Htet Htet Khine told IFJ they are concerned both journalists were held at an interrogation centre for more than a week before having access to either legal help or contact with colleagues or family.
Nyan Linn Htet told IFJ he is aware his legal and human rights will not be respected if he is arrested.
“They will not let us get legal help until they’ve got what they want from us. The military amended 505 (a) of the Penal Code to prevent giving us bail. We know they will jail us even if we have legal representation.
“We know SAC is torturing journalists because of the work we do.”
Reports by local and international humanitarian groups have detailed the severe beatings — hours of maintaining stressed positions, use of sexual violence — and killing of people while held in detention.
Nyan Linn Htet said if arrested, he knows it will come with beatings. He admits that the thought of being tortured keeps him awake at night.
“They will jail me, but only after they torture me. I will not be released until I sign a statement that I will never criticise them. I’m not afraid of being arrested, but torture scares me. There are nights when I’m too afraid to sleep.”
International media drop Myanmar
He and other local journalists told the IFJ it was disappointing that international media has dropped Myanmar from its news agenda and moved on to cover other stories.
Nyan Linn Htets said despite access difficulties, the international media can use local reporters who are willing to help.
“We know the difficulties media has getting ground access to Myanmar. Covid-19 restrictions also make it impossible to legally cross borders from neighboring countries, but we are already here in the country and are capable of doing the job.”
Despite the fear of arrest and torture, he is still reporting and urged local journalists to keep doing the same.
“It’s important we use what we can to still work and report news events of interest to people. People are accessing news and information in many different ways now.”
The military, while trashing local and international laws and ignoring its constitution, is quick to use and amend laws to jail its opponents for being critical of the coup and for reporting military violence, abuse and corruption.
We have no rights
Nan Paw Gay, editor-in-chief at the Karen Information Center, says the military council has no respect for journalists or their right to publish information in the public interest.
“There is no freedom of the press. If journalists try to report news or seek information from the military’s opponents — CRPH, NUG, CDM, G-Z and PDF — the State Administration Council prosecutes them under Section 17/1 of the Illegal Association Act.
“Since the military launched its coup, sources we use have had their freedom of speech and expression made illegal and they now risk arrest for talking to us and… we can be arrested for speaking with them.
“Independent media groups have been outlawed and totally lost their right to speak freely or write about news events.”
Nan Paw Gay points out if journalists are “critical of the military, its appointed State Administration Council or its lack of a public health plan to tackle the covid-19 pandemic now ravaging the country, section 505 (a) is used to arrest journalists for spreading false news.”
Essentially torture is used to terrorise journalists, he says.
“When the military council arrests and detains journalists, the torture is both physical and psychological. Even before being detained threats are issued and then during the arrest the violence becomes real – shootings, people being kicked and dragged from homes by their hair and beaten.”
Women journalists tortured
Nan Paw Gay says women journalists are more likely to be “tortured using psychological abuse – kept in a dark room and constantly told that they will be killed tomorrow – to mess and generate fear with their thoughts. You can see the effects of the tortured on some journalists when they appear in court – shaking hands and body spasms.”
Military brutality is a daily reality for Myanmar’s people. At the time of writing, the army is preparing to deploy and reinforce its bases with hundreds of extra troops into areas of the Karen National Union-controlled territory and where anti-coup protesters, striking doctors and politicians have been offered refuge and safety.
A senior ethnic Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldier told the IFJ that army drones and helicopters have been surveying the area in recent months.
“We know they’ve sent munitions and large troop numbers to our area… last time we had drones flying over our area, they later attacked villages and our positions with airstrikes. They’re already fighting in our Brigade 5 and 1 and have started in 6 and 2.”
Since the military launched its coup on February 1, there has been at least 500 armed battles between the KNU and the military regime and 70,000 Karen civilians have been displaced and are hiding in makeshift camps as a direct result of these attacks.
Fighter jets have flown into Karen National Union-controlled areas 27 times and dropped at least 47 bombs, killing 14 civilians and wounding 28.
Naw K’nyaw Paw, general secretary of the Karen Women Organisation, in an interview with Karen News, said villagers displaced by the Myanmar Army attacks are now in desperate need of humanitarian aid.
‘Shoot at villagers’
“They shoot at villagers if they see them on their farms, burning down their rice barns and killing the livestock left behind. The Burma Army also arrests people when they see them and use them as human shields to protect them when attacked by Karen soldiers.”
Naw K’nyaw Paw said accessing the displaced villagers is difficult, especially during the wet season.
“The only accessible way in is on foot, supplies have to be carried through jungle. Given the restrictions due to covid-19 as well as the increasing Burma Army military operations, villagers are unable to return to their homes and they will need food, clothing and medicine, especially the young and old.”
Nan Paw Gay says the military’s strategy to muzzle the media is a familiar tactic that has been used before.
“Stop international media getting access to conflict areas, shut down independent media, hunt local journalists and when there’s no one to left to report, launch attacks in ethnic regions, displacing thousands of villagers.”
Phil Thornton is a journalist and senior adviser to the International Federation of Journalists in South East Asia. This article was first published by the IFJ Asia-Pacific blog and is republished with the author’s permission. Thornton is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report..."
Source/publisher:
Asia Pacific Report
Date of publication:
2021
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
Junta focus raided Mahn Johnny’s home after a photo of him posing with a large rifle was published on Facebook
Description:
"Soldiers raided the home of former National League for Democracy (NLD) regional chief minister Mahn Johnny on Sunday and detained his relatives after a Facebook page released a photo of him holding a large rifle and wearing military fatigues.
The 79-year-old, who has announced he will fight against the junta after receiving training in a rebel-held area of Karen State, told Myanmar Now last week that the February 1 military coup was a “heinous crime” that must be combatted.
A group of around 20 soldiers from the 36th Light Infantry Battalion arrived at his home in Kyonpyaw, Ayeyarwady Region on Sunday afternoon accompanied by police and village informants.
They briefly detained his son at a police station and have told his family they are not allowed to leave their home. They also confiscated three mobile phones and a car, a woman close to the family told Myanmar Now.
“His family and friends here are worried,” she said. “The military warned all the family members not to go anywhere and to report to them if they need to go somewhere.”
Soldiers also raided the local Nazareth Catholic Church near his home on the same evening, a man who lives in Kyonpyaw said.
Locals said that five of Mahn Johnny’s relatives live in the house; two sons, two daughters-in-law and a grandchild.
Tun Shwe, a deputy police chief in Ayeyarwady, said his force was unaware of Sunday’s incident.
Security in Kyonpyaw has been tightened over the past two days, with soldiers manning checkpoints around the town, the Kyonpyaw resident said.
“They are doing security checks in the middle of the town and also at the town’s exit,” he said. “We have never experienced anything like this before.”
Mahn Johnny represented the NLD in the general elections of 1990, 2015 and 2020, as well as in the 2012 by-elections – he won his seat on all four occasions.
He served as the chief minister of Ayeyarwady Region for three years until 2018, when he resigned for health reasons.
On Saturday he told Myanmar Now that he had decided to take up arms against the military dictatorship. “We will win once the people unite,” he said. “This is the endgame.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"On the day marking seven months since the Burmese military’s attempted coup, the Women’s
League of Burma (WLB) reinforces our condemnation of the junta’s illegal and unjust seizure
of power and categorically rejects the assault on civilian livelihoods including the infringement
of basic human rights freedoms and protections by the Burmese Army, and in particular the
targeting of women and girls through sexual violence as a weapon of war. WLB also condemns
the junta’s efforts of using its controlled media and personnel to defame women who have
joined resistance forces fighting against them, particularly the junta’s spokesperson shameful
use of sexist and patriarchal language against these brave women.
Since February the first, the whole country has been pushed back to living under constant
threats and insecurity. The military has used all forms of violence including arrest, killing,
torture and sexual assault to suppress any actions taken against the coup. Over 1,000 civilians
have been killed by security forces, including over 73 women. More than 1,084 women were
among 7,300 people arrested simply for their political views.
Moreover, the junta has launched military offensives including airstrikes in Kachin, Karen,
Karenni/Kayah, Rakhine and Shan State and Sagaing Region. As a result, more than 240,000
people have been internally displaced across the country adding to the already-existing
numbers of IDPs. Among those, 80 percent, are women and children who face risks of
malnutrition and sexual violence by the Burmese soldiers. Pregnant women have been forced
to give birth while hiding in the jungle without proper health care. An increase number of rape
and sexual abuse by the junta’s security forces against women has been reported daily.
Besides its brutal attacks against the people, the Burmese military is blocking the routes to
transport humanitarian aid to those in need, or even arresting relief workers. This humanitarian
crisis unfolding across the country has heightened the needs of vulnerable communities
against the backdrop of a raging pandemic. The COVID-19 has allowed the junta to restrict the
movement of opposition forces and to limit civilian access to health care.
WLB reiterates our commitment fighting against all forms of dictatorships in our country
alongside with our alliances in the federal democracy movement as well as with various
international and regional actors to raise awareness about the situation inside Burma, in
particular highlighting the plight of women, girls including all human rights defenders.
On this occasion, we urge international community to act as follows:
To the International Community Categorically reject the military junta by supporting and standing with the people of Burma
to topple the military dictatorship;
To apply pressure on the junta for the immediate and unconditional cessation of military
violence and the release of all arbitrarily detained protesters and political prisoners
including female detainees as well as an end to the use of sexual violence by security forces
against female detainees;..."
Source/publisher:
Women's League of Burma
Date of publication:
2021-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Women's rights, Women and Politics in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
The Spring Revolution signifies a ‘knockout fight’ between the people and the military, says Mahn Johnny, who, at nearly 80 years old is still committed to winning
Description:
"Former Ayeyarwady Region Chief Minister Mahn Johnny represented the National League for Democracy (NLD) in four elections, from 1990 until 2020. He won a parliamentary seat every time.
On Saturday, the Dawkalu Network Facebook page published photos of Mahn Johnny wearing army fatigues and holding a loaded rifle, stating that he had joined others across the country in taking up arms against the junta that seized power in the February 1 military coup.
Myanmar Now spoke with the nearly 80-year-old ethnic Karen politician about his thoughts on the anti-dictatorship movement. Following this interview and the earlier release of the photos, Mahn Johnny’s home was raided on Sunday by around 20 junta soldiers, who briefly detained his son and allegedly seized property including a car.
Myanmar Now: Almost seven months after the military coup, we are seeing a photo of you holding a gun. What is your role in the movement?
Mahn Johnny: We cannot accept the coup because it is a heinous crime. I will openly and boldly say that I will continue fighting against this injustice, because that is what I believe in.
MN: Do you believe the movement will succeed?
MJ: I believe that we will achieve 100 percent success, because we are on the right side. They have seized power unjustly.
Since the day of the military coup, the people have been protesting to express how much they are suffering, but the junta shot them dead. In the past, the 1988 pro-democracy uprising ended in failure because people could not see video footage of the crackdowns until one or two weeks after it had happened. Now we can see it almost immediately.
I am a representative of the Upper House, elected by the citizens. I am 80 years old now. I cannot betray our people at this age. Even if the military does not kill me, I will die. I always meditate on the fact that I could die at any time. They [the military leaders] will also die—they are mortal, too. If they earned the people’s respect, adoration and love, they might be elected to government, too.
MN: How do you keep up your morale at this age?
MJ: It's strange. I was not in good enough health in February to go to Parliament [as planned]. At that time, people had to help me even to get out of bed. When I arrived in Naypyitaw [before the coup], I needed to fill out a form, but I could not even hold a pen. Yet now, because I exercise regularly, I can run again. All of those previous illnesses seem to be gone. I do not know what happened. I am not even taking any medication.
During my tenure as Chief Minister, I was in three car accidents, but I did not die. I suffered from one disease after another. Now I am very healthy. I can run—anyone who is the same age as me who wants to race me can come and try!
MN: PDFs—People's Defence Forces—have been formed. We have heard that they have links to ethnic armed organisations. How connected are these revolutionary forces in their struggle to overthrow the military dictatorship?
MJ: The links between groups are not new. The connections have been established since the [anti-coup] strike began.
I will continue my fight whether we win or lose. Even if they do not kill us, many people have died from Covid-19, suffering. Some people will die in battle. Every mortal will die. So we have to work for the people every day. Now, I am 80, so it is near the end of my life. I have already chosen how I will live during the last days of my life. I will never betray the people because it is the people who have elected me.
MN: The NLD often spoke of the principle of national reconciliation, but the military staged a coup. Has national reconciliation been damaged?
MJ: There must be an army, but we do not want a military dictatorship. We must get rid of it. Frankly, this is a knockout fight. They will attack us and we will attack them. If they win, they will take it all. If we win, we will take it. They have one of the most powerful armies in Southeast Asia. But the people are revolting against that powerful army. Are they able to control us now? Have they won? Think about it.
Who gave birth to these soldiers? Farmers and workers—the citizens gave birth to them. So, why are they killing their people? That’s what we cannot accept.
MN: Is the coup going to lead to an unfortunate end for the military leaders? As a veteran politician and former chief minister, what do you think?
MJ: That's a very good question. The people need to be involved. If the people are involved, we will be able to get rid of [the junta]. They are shooting at anyone, so the people now feel that they are just unruly gunmen. They can no longer win the hearts of the people. They are losing.
The military should treat the citizens as if the citizens were their father and mother. If they would accept that they must serve the people, everything would be all right. But now we are in a boxing ring. We will have to knock them out.
MN: What would you like to say about the pretext of electoral fraud that the military coup was based on?
MJ: We do not accept it at all. In the electoral commissions, there are a lot of people from [the military’s] side, including secretaries. They told us to check the voter lists. We checked the voter lists three times, carefully. If they were not satisfied with the lists, they could have cancelled the voter lists [before the election]. They could have called off the election by saying that some areas were unstable. But they did not. Only when we had won the election did they seize power and say it was because the voter lists were incorrect.
After the election results were announced to the world, it was ridiculous to say that the election was rigged.
MN: What message do you want to give to the people involved in the Spring Revolution?
MJ: I was a student who participated in the July 7 Uprising [in 1962]. In 1988, I was an assistant township education officer. Looking back on all of this, were my 80 years of life full of thorns? We can see clearly who planted those thorns, so I will continue doing what I need to do. Citizens, please support us because we will continue working for you. We must win.
MN: Is there anything else you would like to say?
MJ: I want to tell the citizens that with their cooperation, we can win it all. They have a key role. They are our father and mother. If the citizens are involved [in the pro-democracy movement], we will win. This is a knockout fight. If [the military] does not lose, we will lose. If we do not lose, they will lose.
This interview was edited for clarity and brevity..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Description:
"On this International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, AAPP calls on international actors to recognize the enforced disappearances perpetrated by the military in its terror campaign against the entire population in Burma since the military coup.
As of AAPP’s most recent database, the current condition of 82% of people on the under-detention lists are detained in an unknown location. The international community must demand the junta reveals the location to civil society of all of those arbitrarily detained. In the junta’s efforts to shield itself from accountability, the location of these detainees is withheld from civil society and independent media. In fact, intelligence on the fate or whereabouts of any of the total 7627 people detained since the coup has not been disclosed by the junta.
AAPP Secretary U Tate Naing said “in Burma’s previous dictatorship, families of the detained were never notified of their loves ones transfer to prisons or the event that led to arrest. Families must spend time going to police stations or prisons to inquire about their relatives as well as asking other inmates’ families, often using bribes. Sometimes, information is revealed through media outlets instead. Even the whereabouts of the democratically elected leaders, President U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, have not been disclosed and access to lawyers restricted. Such intentional disappearances pose a serious threat to public security and basic international law”.
According to the 2002 Rome Statute, enforced disappearances occur when a detention of an individual is “followed by a refusal to acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate or whereabouts of those persons, with the intention of removing them from the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time”.
Even children are being enforced disappeared as hostage by the junta. In night-time raids or at peaceful protests everyone is at risk of being detained in secret locations by the junta. If one is taken to an interrogation center or military barracks, they could be tortured to death in Burma without anyone knowing where one was.
AAPP Joint-Secretary U Bo Kyi said, “enforced disappearances are an attempt to create a climate of fear across Burma, to stop anti-coup protests, and begin dictatorial rule. The result of enforced disappearances is not only to bully the detainees, but forces families and friends to suffer. Not knowing the fate or whereabouts of a loved one, this is a kind of physiological torture as well as physical abuse of one’s human rights. For this reason, it is one of the worse kinds of crimes against humanity”.
Article 7 (i) of the Rome Statute declares that enforced disappearances constitute crimes against humanity, when it is committed as part of a widespread and/or systematic attack, which it most certainly is in Burma.
On 20 August, the National Unity Government released a statement accepting jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court with respect to crimes committed in Burma since July 1, 2002. Enforced disappearance falls within the jurisdiction created by the Rome Statute, accountability for these crimes against humanity must be ensured.
Recognizing the political legitimacy of the National Unity Government at the United Nations General Assembly will strengthen these international accountability mechanisms, including to end the Burma junta’s use of enforced disappearances with impunity.
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Download link for English Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta
**On 28 May AAPP released a report and database[1] on missing persons since the military coup, these were split into different categories including missing in detention and disappeared on the streets. AAPP released this report to report on the repression and chaos created by the military coup, but firmly stipulated the fate of all those missing as of 28 May has not been verified to junta involvement, but rather strong suspicion..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"ယနေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သည့် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အတင်းအဓမ္မအစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုဒဏ် ခံရသူများနေ့၌ စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်ကတည်းက မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်လျက်ရှိနေသည့် ၎င်းတို့ ၏ လူမဆန်သော ကျူးလွန်မှုများထဲတွင် ပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသော ပြည်သူများအား အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအန ပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများကို နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် သတိမူ၍ အရေးယူမှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန် မိမိတို့ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်းမှ တောင်းဆိုလိုက်သည်။
အာဏာသိမ်းမှု စတင်သည့် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလကတည်းက အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုများမှာ ယခု အချိန်ထိ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး AAPP ၏ အချက်အလက်များအရ စစ်တပ်၏ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း ခံထားရသူများထဲမှ (၈၂) ရာခိုင်နှုန်းမှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရသလဲဆိုသည်ကို မသိရှိရပေ။ ထိုကဲ့သို့ တရားလက်လွတ်ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသူများအား မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်း ထားကြောင်းကို စစ်အုပ်စုမှ ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုက်အဝန်းအနေဖြင့် တောင်းဆိုရန် လိုအပ်သည်။
စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်မှ စတင်၍ ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူ စုစုပေါင်း (၇၆၂၇) ဦးရှိခဲ့ရာ စစ်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ချုပ်နှောင်ထိန်းသိမ်းထားကြောင်းကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုမှု လုံးဝမပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပေ။ မိသားစုကိုယ်တိုင်နှင့် အရပ်ဖက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ရှေ့နေများ၊ မီဒီယာများ စသည်တို့၏ ကြိုးစားအားထုတ်မှုကြောင့်သာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသူအချို့မှာ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို သိရှိရခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
AAPP ၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးတိတ်နိုင်မှ “ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ စစ်အာဏာရှင်အဆက်ဆက်မှာ ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းတာ၊ ထောင်ပြောင်းတာတွေကို ကာယကံရှင်များရဲ့ မိသားစုများကို ဘယ်သောအခါမှ အသိပေးတာမရှိခဲ့ဘူး။ မိသားစုများက ထောင်တွေ၊ ရဲစခန်းတွေကို သွားရောက်စုံစမ်း မေးမြန်းတာ၊ အကျဉ်းကျနေသူတွေရဲ့ မိသားစုတွေကတဆင့် စုံစမ်းမေးမြန်းတာတွေကို အချိန်ကုန်၊ ငွေကုန်၊ လူပန်းခံပြီး ခက်ခက်ခဲခဲ စုံစမ်းကြရတယ်။ တစ်ခါတရံ မီဒီယာတွေကမှ တဆင့်သိကြရတယ်။ နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတ ဦးဝင်းမြင့်နဲ့ လူထုခေါင်းဆောင် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ကိုတောင် ဒီကနေ့အထိ ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ် ဆိုတာကို မထုတ်ပြန်တဲ့အပြင် ရှေ့နေတွေနဲ့တွေ့ခွင့်ကိုပါ ပိတ်ပင်တာတွေလုပ်လာခဲ့တယ်။ ဒီလို ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းဟာ ပြည်သူတွေရဲ့ လုံခြုံရေးကို ကြီးမားစွာ ခြိမ်းခြောက်တာ ဖြစ်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေတွေကိုလည်း စိန်ခေါ်ရာ ရောက်ပါတယ်” ဟု မှတ်ချက်ပြုသည်။
ရောမစာချုပ် (၂၀၀၂) ၌ အာဏာပိုင်များအနေဖြင့် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ထားသည့် တစ်စုံတစ်ဦးကို အချိန် ကာလကြာမြှင့်စွာ ဥပဒေ၏ အကာအကွယ်ပေးမှုမှ ကင်းလွတ်စေရန် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ဖြင့် မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ရှိနေသည်ကို ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်း၊ လွတ်လပ်မှုဆုံးရှုံးနေခြင်းတို့ကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုရန် ငြင်းဆန်ခြင်းသည် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုမြောက်သည်ဟု ပြဌာန်းထားသည်။
စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အလိုရှိသူကို ဖမ်းမမိသည့်အခြေအနေမျိုးတွင် မိသားစုဝင်များကို ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်းများလည်း ပြုလုပ်လျက်ရှိနေသလို ထိုဓားစာခံများကို မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းထား ကြောင်းလည်း ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခြင်းမရှိပေ။ ထိုအထဲတွင် အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသည့် လူမမယ်ကလေး သူငယ်များပင် ပါဝင်သည်။ ညအချိန်ဝင်ရောက်စီးနင်း၍ ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ဆန္ဒပြပွဲအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခြင်း ခံရသူများသည် လျို့ဝှက်သောနေရာများတွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းချုပ်နှောင်ခံနေကြရသည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက် စစ်ကြောရေးစခန်းများတွင် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရ၍ မည်သူမှ မသိလိုက်ရဘဲ အသက်သေဆုံးသွား ရမှုပင် ကြုံတွေ့ရနိုင်သည့် အန္တရာယ်ကို မြန်မာပြည်သူများမှာ နေစဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ရင်ဆိုင်နေကြရသည်။
AAPP ၏ တွဲဖက်အတွင်းရေးမှူး ဦးဘိုကြည်က “အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေမှုတွေဟာ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်ကို အသက်သွင်းပြီး သူတို့ကိုဆန့်ကျင်နေမှုတွေ ရပ်တန့်စေဖို့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက မြန်မာတနိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ ကြောက်ရွံ့မှုတွေကို တိုးလာအောင် ဖန်တီးဖို့ ကြိုးစားနေတာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ဒီလိုလုပ်ရပ် ဟာ အထိန်းသိမ်းခံနေရသူတွေကို ခြိမ်းခြောက်နေတာတင်မကဘဲ မိသားစုဝင်တွေနဲ့ မိတ်ဆွေသူငယ်ချင်းတွေ ကိုပါ ထိခိုက်နစ်နာခံစားရအောင် လုပ်ဆောင်နေတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ ချစ်ခင်ရသူတစ်ဦးဦးကို ဘယ်နေရာမှာ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားတယ်ဆိုတာ တရားဝင်အသိမပေးဘဲ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ထိန်ချန်ထားခြင်းဟာ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှု အသွင်တစ်ခုဖြစ်သလို ရုပ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာအရပါ ဖိစီးနှိပ်စက်ခြင်း မြောက်ပါတယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ဒီနည်းလမ်းတွေကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်နဲ့ စနစ်တကျ အသုံးပြုကျူးလွန်နေတာဟာ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်တဲ့ အဆိုးရွားဆုံး ရာဇဝတ်မှုတွေထဲက တစ်ခုဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု ဆိုသည်။
ရောမစာချုပ်၏ အပိုဒ် ၇ (ဈ) တွင် အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းကို စနစ်တကျနှင့် ကျယ်ကျယ် ပြန်ပြန့် ကျူးလွန်လာပါက လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၏ အင်္ဂါရပ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထည့်သွင်းပြဌာန်းထားသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရက ဇူလိုင်လ (၁) ရက်၊ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်မှ စတင်၍ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ကျူးလွန် ခဲ့သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများနှင့်ပတ်သက်၍ တာဝန်ရှိသူများကို အရေးယူနိုင်ရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ ရာဇဝတ်တရားရုံး၏ တရားစီရင်မှုများကို လက်ခံမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ဩဂုတ်လ ၂၀ ရက်နေ့က ကြေညာခဲ့သည်။ အတင်းအဓမ္မ အစအနပျောက်ဆုံးစေခြင်းသည် ရောမစာချုပ်အရ အပ်နှင်းထားသော တရားစီရင်ပိုင်ခွင့်အတွင်း၌ တည်ရှိ ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သောရာဇဝတ်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရကို ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေညီလာခံတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးအရ တရားဝင်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုခြင်းသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအနေဖြင့် အရေးယူခံရခြင်းမှ ကင်းလွတ်နေမှုကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရန် အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံတကာတာဝန်ယူမှု၊ တာဝန်ခံမှု ယန္တရားများကို ခိုင်မာအားကောင်းစေခြင်း ပင် ဖြစ်သည်။
နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း
စတိတ်မန့်အပြည့်အစုံ ဒေါင်းလော့ရယူရန် Burmese Forced Disappearances by the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Format :
pdf
Size:
163.55 KB
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Sub-title:
စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုကြောင့် ဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု လုံလောက်စွာ မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ရှိနေသည်ဟု AAPP က ဆိုသည်
Description:
"စစ်ကောင်စီလက်ထဲတွင် သေဆုံးရသူ နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၁၀ ရှိကာ ဖမ်းဆီးစဉ် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသဖြင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများနှင့်အတူ ဆေးကုသခွင့် ကောင်းစွာမရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးအသင်း (AAPP) က ဆိုသည်။
ထိုနိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသား ၁၀၀ ကျော်မှာ အကျဉ်းသားအခွင့်အရေးမရရှိဘဲ နှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး သေဆုံးရသူများဖြစ်ကာ အများစုမှာ အရပ်သားများဖြစ်ကြပြီး အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) ပါတီဝင် ၇ ဦး၊ ဆရာဝန်နှစ်ဦးနှင့် ကျောင်းဆရာသုံးဦးလည်း ပါဝင်ကြောင်း AAPP စာရင်းများအရ သိရသည်။
ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရမှုကြောင့် ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးရသူများ
ရန်ကုန်၊ ပန်းဘဲတန်းမြို့နယ် NLD ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်သူ အသက် ၅၈ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်မှာ မတ် ၆ တွင် ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး နောက်တစ်နေ့ နံနက်တွင် မိသားစုကို အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။
ဦးခင်မောင်လတ်ကဲ့သို့ ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်းသေဆုံးရသူ ၆၆ ဦးထိရှိကြောင်း AAPP က ပြုစုထားသည့် စာရင်းအရ သိရသည်။ တချို့ကို ကိုဗစ်နိုင်တင်းရောဂါ ကူးစက်ခံရ၍ သေဆုံးသည်ဟုလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီက အကြောင်းပြခဲ့သည်။
ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသူများတွင် ဦးဇော်မြတ်လင်း၊ ကိုအေးကို၊ ကိုအောင်မြင့်လှိုင်(ခ) ကိုကျေး၊ ကဗျာဆရာ ခက်သီ ခေါ် ကိုဇော်ထွန်း၊ စိုးစံ၊ ကိုမင်းမင်း၊ ကိုမျိုးဇော်ဇော်၊ ဇေယျာလင်း၊ မိုင်နွမ်ဇာထျန်၊ ကိုဇော်ထက် (ခေါ်) ဆလိုင်းဗန်ထာကျုံ၊ ကိုဇင်ကိုထွန်း၊ သက်နိုင်ဦး၊ မျိုးမြင့်သန်း၊ ခင်မောင်ကြည်၊ ကိုထက်ဇော်လင်း(ခေါ်)) ဉာဏ်စူးတို့ သေဆုံးမှုကို Myanmar Now က အတည်ပြုကာ သတင်းရေးသားဖော်ပြခဲ့သည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကနီမြို့နယ်တွင် ရွာသူရွာသား ၂၆ ဦးမှာလည်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း အစုအလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ကာ အသတ်ခံရခြင်းဖြစ်ကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ ကလေးမြို့နယ်တွင်လည်း ကျောင်းဖောက်ခွဲမှုသံသယဖြင့် အဖမ်းခံရသူတစ်ဦးဖြစ် သော ကိုမင်းမင်းဆိုသူမှာလည်း ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သူဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကျဆုံး၍ တော်လှန်ရေးအောင်မြင်ချိန်တွင် အမှန်တရားပေါ်ပေါက်၍ ကျူးလွန်သူများ အပြစ်ခံရစေလိုကြောင်း၊ နစ်နာသူမိသားစုဝင်များကိုလည်း ပြည်သူ့အစိုးရက ကူညီထောက်ပံ့ပေးစေလိုကြောင်း ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးတစ်ဦးက ပြောသည်။
“နိုင်ငံတကာက ဟိုပိတ်ပင် ဒီကန့်ကွက် အဲဒီလိုပြောတာ မဟုတ်ဘူး။ ကြိုးမိန့်ပေး၊ တန်းစင်တက်၊ ဒါပဲ လိုချင်တာ။ သူတို့အသက်တွေ ပေးဆပ်ရကျိုးနပ်ချင်တယ်” ဟု ကိုမင်းမင်း၏ ဆွေမျိုးဖြစ်သူက ဆိုသည်။
မကွေးတိုင်း၊ ပခုက္ကူမြို့တွင်လည်း မတ်လအတွင်းက အသက် ၃၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ကလေးသုံးဦးမိခင် ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းကို စစ်ကောင်စီက ဖမ်းဆီးပြီး နောက်တစ်ရက်တွင် အလောင်းလာထုတ်ရန် မိသားစုကို အကြောင်းကြားခဲ့သည်။
ဒေါ်ခင်မာလာဝင်းက ဒူးထောက်တောင်းပန်ခဲ့သော်လည်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များက ပစ်ခတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခဲ့သည်။ ထို့ပြင် အလောင်းတွင် ဒဏ်ရာဒဏ်ချက်များ တွေ့ရှိရသည်ဟုလည်း ဒေသခံတစ်ဦးကို ကိုးကား၍ AAPP ၏ စာရင်းပြုစုချက်၌ ဖော်ပြထားသည်။
ရန်ကုန်၊ ရွှေပေါက္ကံမြို့သစ်နေ အသက် ၃၃ နှစ်အရွယ် အောင်ခန့် (ခေါ်) ပါခန့် ဆိုသူမှာလည်း အဖမ်းခံရပြီး ၂၄ နာရီအတွင်း သေဆုံးခဲ့သည့်အပြင် အလောင်းကို ကျပ်သုံးသိန်းဖြင့် ရွေးယူခဲ့ရကြောင်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။
လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများ
အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီလက်ချက်ဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသူများတွင် ဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် လုံလောက်သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရသဖြင့် သေဆုံးရသည့်ဖြစ်စဉ်များလည်း ရှိသည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်း၊ မင်းကင်းမြို့နယ် စည်ပင်သာယာရေးကော်မတီဥက္ကဋ္ဌဟောင်း အသက် ၅၀ အရွယ် ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီ (ခေါ်) ဖွားချိုမှာ အာဏာဖီဆန်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု (CDM) တွင် ထဲထဲဝင်ဝင်ပါဝင်သည်ဟု စွပ်စွဲခံရကာ ရာဇသတ်ကြီး ပုဒ်မ ၅၀၅ (ခ) ဖြင့် တရားစွဲဆိုကာ မတ်လအတွင်း ဖမ်းဆီးခံရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု ကောင်းစွာ မရသဖြင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၁ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသည်။
ဒေါ်ခင်မာရီမှာ ဆီးချိုရောဂါနှင့် နှလုံးအားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် မင်းကင်းမြို့အချုပ်ခန်းတွင် ကွယ်လွန်သည်ဟု AAPP စာရင်းက ဆိုသည်။
NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ်အမှုဆောင်ကော်မတီဝင်နှင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးအဖွဲ့ဝင် အသက် ၇၉ နှစ်အရွယ် ဦးဉာဏ်ဝင်းမှာလည်း အင်းစိန်ထောင်တွင် ထိန်းသိမ်းခံထားရစဉ် ကိုရိုနာဗိုင်းရပ်စ်ကူးစက်ခံခဲ့ရပြီးနောက် ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု အားနည်းခြင်းကြောင့် ဇူလိုင် ၂၀ တွင် သေဆုံးခဲ့သည်။
အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကြောင့် ဩဂုတ် ၂၆ ထိ သေဆုံးသူ ၁၀၁၉ ဦးရှိ ကာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရသူ ၅၉၆၉ ဦး ရှိကြောင်းလည်း AAPP က ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။
AAPP တာဝန်ရှိသူတစ်ဦးကမူ ၎င်းတို့၏ စာရင်းမှာ လက်လှမ်းမီသလောက်သာ ပြုစုထားခြင်းဖြစ်ကာ တစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးကို မလွှမ်းခြုံနိုင်သဖြင့် အမှန်တကယ်သေဆုံးရသူမှာ စာရင်းထက်ပိုများရန်သာရှိပြီး မလျော့နိုင်ကြောင်း ပြောသည်။
“တစ်ချိန်မှာ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိဖို့ဆိုရင် ဒီလိုအထောက်အထားတွေ မရှိဘဲနဲ့ ဘာမှလုပ်လို့ မရဘူး။ ဒီလို အထောက်အထားတွေ ရှိတော့မှ ဘယ်တုန်းက ဘယ်သူက ဘယ်လိုဖြစ်သွားတယ်။ ဘယ်သူက ကျူးလွန်လိုက်တယ်ဆိုတဲ့ဟာတွေ တကယ့် သက်သေသက္ကာယ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာနဲ့ လုပ်နိုင်မှာ ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ၎င်းက Myanmar Now ကို ပြောသည်။
ယခင်က ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သည့် ၁၉၈၈ လူထုအရေးတော်ပုံနှင့် ၂၀၀၇ ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး ဖြစ်စဉ်များတွင် ယခုကာလကဲ့သို့ သတင်းစီးဆင်းမှု မမြန်ဆန်ခြင်း၊ ဆက်သွယ်ရခက်ခဲခြင်းများကြောင့် နစ်နာဆုံးရှုံးမှုများကို သေချာ မှတ်တမ်းမတင်နိုင်ခဲ့ကြောင်း၊ ၂၀၂၁ တွင်မူ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ လုပ်ရပ်နှင့် လက်ချက်များကို သက်သေ၊ အချက်အလက် အတိအကျဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိတင်ပြနိုင်ရန် ဆက်လက်စုဆောင်းမည်ဟုလည်း AAPP က ဆိုသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ (NUG) ၏ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီး ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းကလည်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ပြည်သူအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများသည် လူမျိုးသုဉ်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု မြောက်သဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာသိအောင် ကြိုးပမ်းသွားမည်ဟု ဆိုသည်။
"အနာဂတ်မှာ နောက်တစ်ခါ ဒါမျိုး ဘယ်တော့မှမဖြစ်အောင် ပြင်ဆင်လျက်ရှိပါတယ်” ဟု ဦးအောင်မျိုးမင်းက ပြောသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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The lover of betel nut, music and painting is deprived of the freedom to be with her loved ones on what should have been a milestone in her life
Description:
"Myanmar writer and journalist Tu Tu Tha is not known for hosting grand birthday celebrations. Most of her previous parties have been simple but memorable gatherings marked by singing and time shared with loved ones, laughing.
This year she was deprived of such an occasion. On Saturday, she turned 50 after spending more than four months behind bars.
Tu Tu Tha is not a criminal. She is an author of several books, a trainer of journalists, and a former editor with nearly two decades of experience in a range of newsrooms.
She was arrested at her home in Yangon’s Thanlyin Township on April 24 along with one of her two sons, 18-year-old Nyan Lu Thit; her younger brother, Ye Naung; and a friend of her son’s, under the pretext that they failed to report themselves as overnight guests to the military authorities.
Family and friends hoped that they would be freed shortly after they were detained, but all four remain jailed. Tu Tu Tha was sent to the infamous Insein Prison after spending three nights at the military’s Shwepyithar interrogation centre. She was later charged with incitement under Section 505a of the penal code, a violation that carries a three-year prison sentence if convicted.
In the four months she has been in prison, she has not been allowed an in-person visit from any of her relatives.
Tu Tu Tha’s trial initially commenced in a closed prison court but was suspended in late June, when all hearings were halted due to the Covid-19 outbreak both inside and outside the jail.
She is one of thousands of people subjected to the junta’s arbitrary arrests that followed the February 1 military coup. The regime has detained nearly 6,000 people in prisons across the country, charging most of them with incitement and terrorism for participating in anti-coup activities.
Compelled to write
Tu Tu Tha initially trained as an engineer at the prestigious Government Technical Institute (GTI) in Yangon’s Insein Township. She attended the school as per the wish of her late father, well-known cartoonist A Naung whose works were featured in newspapers and magazines from the 1970s until his death in the early 1990s.
Raised in a family that celebrated creativity and the arts, Tu Tu Tha found that she was not suited to a career in engineering, instead changing her pursuit to literature, a passion since her childhood. Still, her love of the more than 120-year-old GTI school and the years she spent there were reflected in her most recent novel, published in early 2020. The title of the book, Bandamar Lan Ka Alwan Chay Yar, is inspired by the tree-lined streets in front of the dorm where she once lived.
“The inspiration [for that book] was always in my heart. But I lost my computer when I was writing the book and was already halfway finished with it. It took me two more years to rewrite it from the start,” Tu Tu Tha said in a media interview at her book launch in March last year.
Her commitment to writing works inspired by real life events was also apparent in her first novel, A Phay Kyaung, or Father’s School. Published in 2015, it tells the stories of four Burmese migrants to Thailand and explores the struggles surrounding migrant children’s access—or lack thereof—to education.
The inspiration for that book came from her experience working in exile as an editor for The Irrawaddy news magazine in Chiang Mai, Thailand, where she wrote under the pen name Aye Chan Myae.
The book followed a film by the same name, for which Tu Tu Tha wrote the script. It was made in 2012 but released in 2016, directed by filmmaker Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, who is also currently detained in the same prison as Tu Tu Tha after being arrested on the day of the coup. The lead actor, Ye Deight, is also detained in Insein. He was charged with the same offence as Tu Tu Tha and was arrested in early April.
After five years in Thailand, Tu Tu Tha returned to Myanmar in 2013 with her colleagues when The Irrawaddy opened an office in Yangon.
Ye Ni, the editor of The Irrawaddy’s Burmese edition described his former colleague Tu Tu Tha as a committed journalist and writer who should not be spending time in prison, and called for the immediate release of all political detainees including journalists, authors, poets and filmmakers.
In 2016, Tu Tu Tha founded the Thanlyin Post, dedicated to and operating from her home township. She ran the publication for around two years until she could no longer afford to continue. Tu Tu Tha then went on to work as a part-time trainer at the Myanmar Journalism Institute.
Lover of betel nut
Friends, former colleagues and relatives of Tu Tu Tha have said they are worried about her health amid reports of widespread Covid-19 infections within Insein Prison. In a letter to her family dated August 20, she wrote that she indeed had fallen sick for a few days but had since recovered, according to a relative who asked not to be named for security reasons.
"She brought her betel nut container with her even during a trip to Norway. She would be really sad if she could not have it while still inside Myanmar"
Imagining her in detention, friends and relatives commented on Tu Tu Tha’s years-long addiction to chewing betel nut, once a health concern but now a simple pleasure that her loved ones hope she can still access.
“She brought her betel nut container with her even during a trip to Norway. She would be really sad if she could not have it while still inside Myanmar,” her friend of nearly two decades, Tin Zar, told Myanmar Now.
Humour and satire
Friends say that Tu Tu Tha’s sense of humour and ability to create satire, two of her most celebrated qualities, are arguably best showcased in her 2015 collection of short stories—Phoot Din, a Burmese play on the English word “pudding.”
“She always sees things in an artistic and loving way. Even when she faces hardships, she transforms them into witty satirical pieces of poetry and writing,” longtime friend Tin Zar said.
US-based Myanmar poet and author Aung Way described Tu Tu Tha as one of the finest contemporary writers on the Myanmar literary scene since the early 2000s.
“She contributed a lot [to Myanmar] from exile with her writings,” Aung Way told Myanmar Now.
In addition to her writing, Tu Tu Tha’s relatives and friends also know her as a lover of music, painting and environmental conservation.
“She is spontaneous and full of positivity. She loves people, especially children,” said another longtime friend and former colleague.
If she were not imprisoned, the friend said, Tu Tu Tha’s 50th birthday would have certainly been a “joyful occasion” with close friends from across the Myanmar arts scene, and would have featured songs by her favourite singer Htoo Eain Thin.
“She would be so happy and laughing out loud—her usual self,” the friend said, speculating that Tu Tu Tha may have even created and unveiled a piece of writing or a painting for the day.
A former detainee at Insein Prison alongside Tu Tu Tha told Myanmar Now that the writer is being held in a shared group cell with around 60 female inmates.
“She exercises there and encourages other people to do so, too. She keeps herself healthy and reads books at night,” the now released detainee said.
Tu Tu Tha was sent and received several books by loved ones in the early days of her detention. But restrictions for inmates have recently tightened and her family reports that they are currently only allowed to send her one book each month.
The military council has released thousands of detainees in recent months, including those who have been charged with incitement. Tu Tu Tha’s family and friends say they hope that she too will be among the released in the coming months.
Another friend said that while his own hope for the imprisoned journalist on her 50th birthday would be that she would soon be reunited with her family for a proper party, he believes her own wish on the occasion would be different.
“She would surely wish for only one thing—democracy,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"At least 12 civilians, including a 72-year-old man and 10-year-old boy, have been killed by junta forces in Myanmar in a week.
On Thursday night, junta soldiers opened fire indiscriminately in 122nd Street near a market in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township in Yangon Region, killing U Thein Min Tun, 42, a vendor, who was shot in the neck. His body was found in an alley and taken away by soldiers and returned to the family on Friday for a funeral.
Pedestrians and vendors fled and residents said the unprovoked shooting was in response to taunts from drunken men. Soldiers also destroyed parked vehicles, residents said.
At least three deaths were reported on Wednesday.
Salai Van Bawi Thang, 10, was shot dead during gunfire by junta forces in Thantlang Township, Chin State. The incident happened amid a shootout with civilian defense forces on Wednesday evening. Van Bawi Thang was hit in the neck and other civilians were injured, news outlets reported.
Ko Thet Naing Soe, a 29-year-old philanthropist living in Monywa, Sagaing Region, died in detention, less than 24 hours after being apprehended. He was detained on Tuesday and on Wednesday his mother was informed of his death, a resident told The Irrawaddy.
Junta forces blamed COVID-19 for his death but his mother told the media that she found torture marks on his body, including cigarettes burns on his cheeks, blood in his ears and fatal head injuries.
In Yangon, philanthropist Ko San Win Aung, 19, from the Kaung Hmu Saung Charity, was killed during military interrogation on Wednesday. He was detained under suspicion of involvement in a bomb blast at the General Administration Department in South Okkalapa Township on August 22.
A source close to his family told The Irrawaddy that troops asked the family to pay to retrieve his body. As the family could not pay, the body has not been returned. Ko San Win Aung volunteered with his group to help the sick and needy during the COVID-19 surge. He was taken from the charity’s office.
Ko Soe Paing, also known as Ko Kyaw Khaing Win, a private teacher from Thaketa Township, Yangon Region, was detained by junta forces on August 22 and the next day his family was informed of his death.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors fatalities and detention since the February coup, reported that Ko Min Aung of Kayan Township, Yangon Region, was tortured to death in detention on the day of his arrest. He was detained by junta troops on Tuesday while passing Kayan police station on a motorbike while returning from his mother’s house.
Kan Htauk, 72, was kicked and punched to death on August 18 during a raid on Hnan Khar village in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region. He died on Saturday.
Since the coup, at least 1,019 civilians have been killed by junta forces, according to the AAPP. The dead have included pedestrians, children, protesters, medics who helped the injured during crackdowns on protests and members of the National League for Democracy..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Nearly seven months on following the coup, Myanmar remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to the ongoing repression of civic freedoms on the country by the military junta.
On 27th July 2021, the military junta revoked the results of the 2020 general election, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, claiming the poll was “not free and fair” and “not in compliance with” the constitution and the law. On 1st August, junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing named himself prime minister and said emergency rule may now extend to August 2023. He also pledged to hold a "free and fair multi-party election" but also described the ousted NLD as "terrorists".
On 4th August 2021, ASEAN finally appointed Erywan Yusof, the second foreign minister of Brunei Darussalam as its special envoy to Myanmar more than 100 days after the Southeast Asian bloc’s members agreed to send an emissary to help resolve the post-coup crisis there. Observers have greeted the appointment with scepticism. Myanmar civil society groups rejected the appointment and expressed “deep disappointment with ASEAN and their lack of inclusive decision-making process”, said a statement from 413 groups.
More than a thousand civilians have been killed in Myanmar since the 1st February coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a human rights group that records killings by the junta. As of 18th August 2021, the NGO said 1,006 people had been killed since the junta seized power, triggering nationwide protests and a mass civil disobedience movement. Among those killed are more than 100 teenagers. Some were killed while troops suppressed protests, but others fell in random and unprovoked shootings. As of 23rd August, at least 5,821 political prisoners remain in detention according to the AAPP.
On 31st July 2021, Human Rights Watch reported that Myanmar’s military junta had committed numerous abuses against the population that amount to crimes against humanity in the six months since the coup. Apparent crimes against humanity include murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts.
Activists have mobilised ahead of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2021 when UN member states will select the country’s ambassador. The General Strike Coordination Body (GSCB) launched the “Accept NUG, Reject Military” campaign in August 2021, which called on social media users to support the National Unity Government (NUG) and its UN Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun.
The United Nations Secretary-General’s special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, said the junta had not responded to her request for talks as it tries to consolidate its rule.
Over the last month, concerns have been raised by the UN around the situation of human rights defenders as arrests and attacks on activists continue. A new report shows the systematic targeting of healthcare workers. The crackdown on the media has continued with arrests and sentencing of journalists. Civil society groups criticise the exit of Norwegian telco, Telenor. Protests continued across the country, including in prisons by political prisoners. There were reports of attacks on protests by the junta.
Association
Terror campaign against human rights defenders
On 19th July 2021, UN human rights experts expressed their concern for the situation of human rights defenders in Myanmar and called for a stronger international response to the military coup, including coordinated sanctions and an arms embargo against the junta by an “emergency coalition of nations”.
The experts highlighted credible information they had received concerning human rights defenders being forced into hiding after having arrest warrants issued against them under section 505(a) of the Penal Code. Their homes were raided, their possessions seized, and family members threatened and harassed. Many others, unable to flee, have been arbitrarily arrested, including labour rights defenders and student activists. Lawyers representing people detained following the coup have themselves been detained, as have journalists covering the protests.
Women have played a leading role in the protest and civil disobedience movement that has emerged in the country in response to the military's seizure of the State apparatus in February, and the experts expressed particular concern for the situation of women human rights defenders in the country.
“The brute force terror campaign we are witnessing in Myanmar continues to be directed towards human rights defenders,” said Mary Lawlor, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, and Tom Andrews, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
“For years, human rights defenders have been doing essential work promoting human rights in the country,” Lawlor said. “Since the coup, and despite enforced internet blackouts along with difficulties accessing basic resources, especially for defenders forced into hiding or living in rural areas, they have been documenting the mass violations being perpetrated by the military. As a result, they have been targeted,” the expert said.
Two pro-democracy activists died and three others were seriously injured when they jumped from a building in Yangon to avoid capture by the junta. Ye Min Oo and a woman, Wai Wai Myint, also called Pan Thee, lost their lives when they and three friends jumped from the roof of a building as junta forces stormed their apartment in Botahtaung township in Myanmar’s largest city.
The three who survived the jump - Wai Phyo Aung, Thiha Kaung Set and Poe Kyaw Kyaw - were arrested by police and taken with the bodies of those killed to a military hospital in Mingaladon township in northern Yangon.
Tin Zaw, the father of Ye Min Oo, said he was told by witnesses that his son was still alive after the fall but was beaten to death. A witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told RFA the fleeing activists apparently got trapped on the rooftops of the old buildings.
A police report circulating on social media says the raid on the activists’ apartment was carried out by a team led by Tactical Commander Col. Soe Tun of the ruling junta.
A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was arrested by the military junta while driving near Mandalay University on 17th August. Plainclothes soldiers stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha, beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness.
Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township that night.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force was formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan.
Threats and attacks on healthcare workers
A new report by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR) in August 2021 found that there were at least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities and transport that have been perpetrated in Myanmar from 1st February to 31st July 2021
The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks. Health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover.
190 health workers were arrested, 37 health workers were injured and 25 health workers killed. Hospitals were raided at least 86 times and occupied at least 55 times.
The report also highlights that staff from the World Health Organisation (WHO), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international NGOs have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. There are reports that the junta is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees.
The military junta has continued to arrest and prosecute journalists.Two journalists were arrested on 15th August 2021 at an apartment where they had been hiding in Yangon’s Bahan Township.
Sithu Aung Myint, a Frontier Myanmar columnist and contributor to Voice of America, now faces a charge of sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code on top of an outstanding incitement charge. Sithu Aung Myint has been evading arrest since 24th April 2021, when the junta opened a case against him under section 505a for incitement. Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, has been charged under section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for associating with the NUG, which the junta labels a terrorist group.
According to Human Rights Watch on 27th July 2021, since the coup the junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505(a) of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.”
Those sentenced under section 505(a) are: Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison; Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years;Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years; Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years; and Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years.
On 28th July 2021, the Committee to Protect Journalists published a report, “Bitter reversal: Myanmar military coup wipes out press freedom gains,” which found the country has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists.
The broadened language of penal code 505(a) has effectively made independent journalism a crime. The threat of arrest has driven many news organisations to close their offices and forced journalists underground or into exile. Further complicating access to information and the ability to report, authorities have banned satellite media and imposed rolling restrictions on the internet.
Journalists who spoke with CPJ said their colleagues behind bars have been subjected to abuse and torture; at least three have reported health problems. International reporting from Myanmar is also restricted. Few foreign journalists have been allowed access.
Civil society groups criticise exit of Norwegian telco
In a letter to Gunn Waersted, the chair of Telenor Group’s board, a group of 45 global and Myanmar human rights, media and other organisations called on Norway’s Telenor Group to halt the controversial sale of its Myanmar operation to the M1 Group, a Lebanese company with ties to Myanmar’s junta. The group included ALTSEAN-Burma, Free Expression Myanmar, Global Witness, PEN America, Justice for Myanmar and dozens of other international and Myanmar organisations.
Saying they were “surprised and dismayed” by Telenor’s deal with M1, the organisations said Telenor had acted “without seeking the views of the civil society stakeholders with whom it previously significantly engaged on responsible business, including some of our undersigned organisations. Furthermore, there was no evidence that Telenor had undertaken the “credible assessment of potential adverse human rights impacts of disengagement” from Myanmar required under the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights.
Telenor announced on 8th July 2021 that it had agreed to sell its Myanmar operations to M1, which was added to the Burma Campaign UK’s Dirty List in 2019 for doing business with the Myanmar military. Telenor confirmed that as part of the deal it would transfer the call records of its more than 18 million subscribers to the Lebanese company. Rights activists say allowing the junta to access such information would be dangerous, pointing out that phone subscribers in Myanmar must supply ID cards and addresses when registering SIM cards.
Protests continued across the country in Yangon, Mandalay and other townships including by youth, workers and LGBTQI+ activists. On 28th July 2021, the junta shot three people, killing at least one, during a crackdown on an anti-coup demonstration in Mandalay. Around 20 people were taking part in a flash mob protest near the east gate of Mandalay’s famous Mahamuni pagoda when they suddenly came under attack. On 2nd August 2021 it was reported that a 22-year-old anti-coup protester in Mandalay, who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid, had died in military custody.
Political prisoners inside Myanmar’s most notorious jail held a protest on 23rd July 2021, singing popular songs opposing the military government and chanting political slogans, according to nearby residents and video uploaded to social media.
One video showed a street close to Insein Prison in Yangon with clear audio of voices shouting support for ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ousted President Win Myint. According to a lawyer representing some of those detained, the prisoners were demanding the release of all those held on political charges, an easing of prison regulations and medical treatment for those who have fallen sick amid spiralling cases of the coronavirus.
A representative of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said: “We are concerned about torture and potential additional charges being filed against the political prisoners as a consequence if the protest is dubbed a prison riot. Such incidents happened under the previous military dictatorships”
Following the incident at Insein Prison, prisoners at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region also protested, according to the AAPP.
Anti-coup protesters mark 1988 uprising anniversary
On 8th August 2021, protesters came out in cities across Myanmar to protest against the military junta and to mark the 33rd anniversary of an uprising against military rule that was violently put down.
Protests took place across Myanmar, including the main cities of Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Mongwa and Myitkyina, according to local news reports. Protesters remembered the thousands of people, many of whom were students, who rose up against military rule in 1988. That uprising was crushed in a bloody crackdown.
They also organised online campaigns, bringing people out dressed in red to show the eight-finger salute, which has become one of the symbols of the protest movement, and to hold banners saying: "Let's return the old blood debt of 1988 in 2021."..."
Source/publisher:
Civicus (Johannesburg)
Date of publication:
2021-08-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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"Over 400,000 civil servants have been on strike against the military regime since February, according to Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG).
The NUG’s Planning and Finance Minister, U Tin Tun Naing, said on Tuesday that almost 410,000 government staff have “steadfastly joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) so far”.
The exact number of civil servants in the country is unknown. Some estimates suggest that there are over one million government staff. By those figures, almost half of all state employees are on strike in protest at military rule.
Since the junta’s February I coup, government workers ranging from directors to junior officers and clerks, and even some police and soldiers from the Home Affairs and Defense Ministries, have refused to work for the regime, preventing the junta from running the country properly. Many of the civil servants who are on strike have been sacked or threatened with arrest. Others are in hiding.
The NUG, which was formed by the country’s elected lawmakers from the ousted National League for Democracy government and their ethnic allies, is trying to fund salaries for civil servants participating in the CDM, especially junior staff.
The regime’s ability to govern has been hit hard by the CDM. At the end of February, coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing decried the fact that nearly one-third of Myanmar’s 1,262 public hospitals had been unable to function for nearly three weeks because so many healthcare workers were on strike.
In July, as the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic spread across the country, hospitals were overwhelmed because of the shortage of medics and the devastated coup leader ordered them to hire doctors and nurses on a contract basis.
The banking sector has also been paralysed by the CDM, with both private and government banks barely able to operate due to striking staff.
It is believed that the actual number of government workers on strike is higher than the figure reported, in part because many civil servants have been forced to return to work by the regime in the last few months. At the same time, there has been an increase in the number of soldiers and police deserting their units. As of this month, nearly 2,000 of them have joined the CDM since the coup.
“Make no mistake, the striking workers have joined the CDM not for the NUG’s financial assistance to them but for the sake of a brighter future for the next generation,” said U Tin Tun Naing.
“We (the NUG) are fully responsible to support them,” he added.
The NUG has tried to assist striking civil servants since its formation in April, but with intermittent success.
In order to raise more funds for them, the NUG launched an online lottery this month. 70 percent of the proceeds from the lottery will go to support people on strike. The lottery has proved hugely popular, with all tickets sold out in just over an hour on the day of its launch, despite threats from the regime that it will punish anyone who plays it.
As of Tuesday, almost 250,000 tickets had been sold in just five days. The lottery is currently on hold for system management..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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Description:
"The crisis in Myanmar has slipped from the headlines. In a predictably peripatetic news-cycle world, the continued post-coup crackdown, Covid-19 surge and humanitarian catastrophe evinces little international attention. The corroded global conscience has been gripped by the debacle of Afghanistan, the Delta variant and pandemic social disorder in multiple countries.
Many of the condemnatory statements being released by Western states, much reduced now that the crisis has been sub-contracted to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), remain ‘deeply concerned’. Crucially, they have refused to recognize the junta’s ‘interim government.’ That’s so far. But a combination of sanctions and the lackluster efforts of the United Nations (UN) Secretary General Special Envoy Christine Burgener Schraner have replaced calls for the Responsibility to Protect. In other words, worn tools of inaction. Often included among these, but rarely elaborated on, is the option of imposing a UN arms embargo on Myanmar. But is that actually feasible?
Hopes were certainly bolstered by the non-binding UN General Assembly Resolution passed on 18 June, the text of which stated: “(I)n line with the Secretary General’s call for a global ceasefire as supported by the Security Council in its resolution 2532 (2020) of 1 July 2020, the need to de-escalate violence, and in that regard calls upon all Member States to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar”. That has been interpreted as a call supporting an arms embargo. The resolution, which had been delayed due to divisions within ASEAN, was passed with 119 votes, 36 abstentions, and one no vote from Belarus, Europe’s pariah state.
ASEAN split their votes with Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines voting for the resolution and Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Brunei abstaining. This doesn’t bode well for either ASEAN mediation or the likelihood of a comprehensive arms embargo.
On May 5, 200 international groups, including human right organizations and Myanmar community support groups, called on the UN Security Council to institute a global arms embargo. The statement called for “(a) comprehensive UN arms embargo on Myanmar should bar the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons, munitions, and other military-related equipment, including dual-use goods such as vehicles and communications and surveillance equipment, as well as the provision of training, intelligence, and other military assistance. Such an embargo should be accompanied by robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms”. This wording is identical to a call by 137 groups in February.
Western military assistance to Myanmar has been restricted for years. Rigid arms embargoes were imposed by individual states for three decades. The United States (US), Great Britain, Australia, Canada and the European Union (EU) have had long-standing sanctions on the sale of weapons to Myanmar, including even dual-use technology. Those measures were maintained over the past decade, even as these states sought enhanced interaction with the military. However, those embargoes were ineffective in stopping atrocity crimes against the Kachin, Rohingya, Karen and Shan ethnic minorities.
There are an estimated 42 countries who have imposed arms embargoes on Myanmar over the past three decades. Many of these are EU member states or are aligned with the various common positions imposed since 1996. South Korea suspended defense ties and a ban on arms exports in March.
There are several obvious reasons why a call for a UN arms embargo faces intractable impediments to succeed. First, it’s highly unlikely to work because much of the firepower being directed at ordinary people is domestically manufactured. The Myanmar military produces almost all of the light arms and ammunition it needs to kill civilians and put down urban uprisings: the same hardware it used to wage war against insurgents and ethnic civilians throughout Myanmar.
This network of defense industries (Ka Pa Sa) are located mostly in central Myanmar, in Pyi, Bago and other locations, with an estimated 38 facilities in total. Anyone who has visited the Defense Services Museum in Naypyidaw will have been struck by the evident pride in domestic military self-sufficiency; perhaps also seized by just how over the top this pride, to the point of mania, really is. The Ka Pa Sa manufacture everything from small arms, ammunition, anti-personnel landmines, mortars, uniforms, mess kits, soccer balls, army rum and many other items. The military has constructed this system with a large amount of foreign assistance, particularly German, and in later years from North Korea, Ukraine and Russia, but now largely runs the system independently.
Watching police officers in diverse towns such as Dawei, Yangon, and Mandalay firing live rounds against unarmed civilians, the shots mainly come from the German-designed Heckler and Koch Gewehr 3 (H&K G3) 7.62mm assault rifles, once the standard infantry weapon for the Myanmar military, designated Burma Army Type 63 or BA63. These were provided by the German firm Fritz Werner starting in the 1950s and through a close partnership up until the 1990’s. Many of these weapons were transferred to the Myanmar Police Force as the Ka Pa Sa started to manufacture the MA series of assault rifles (with Israeli assistance) in the early 1990s, which the military now uses.
Should the members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and the civilian resistance fighters of the People’s Defense Forces target the network of Ka Pa Sa – its facilities, supply chains, raw materials and personnel – that could potentially have a serious effect on production and supplies. Harrying domestic manufacture of armaments and non-lethal supplies (food, uniforms, basic equipment) could impact internal military morale and drive increased defections.
One officer from a defense factory who recently joined the CDM and fled to the border with India told Radio Free Asia’s Myanmar service that much of the raw materials for the factories is sourced from the Chinese defense firm China North Industries Group (NORINCO) and transited through Singapore. However, it is unclear to what extent the trail of spare parts and raw materials are sourced outside Myanmar. That is one potential avenue for further investigation: resupply, replenishment and sourcing links to the domestic arms industry.
The next major impediment is the continued close links the military has with Russia and China. China accounts for half of the arms exports to Myanmar, with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute report of March 2021 estimating that, between 2016 and 2020, China accounted for 48 percent of imports. India accounted for 16 percent and Russia 15 percent.
China has been a major arms supplier for over 30 years, including NORINCO, and several large aerospace companies. China has supplied numerous fighter planes to the Myanmar Air Force, including F-7 fighters in the early 1990s and, in recent years, the joint China and Pakistan manufactured JF-17 Thunder fighter. Much of the lavish arms sales from the early 1990s was disappointing in terms of quality, but China remains a major supplier and also trainer of Myanmar’s armed forces. Jane’s Defence Group reported that Chinese supplied drones, the CH-3A ‘Rainbow’ surveillance UEVs, have been deployed in Mandalay to observe demonstrations.
China is also one of the major suppliers of weapons to the ethnic armed organizations, especially the United Wa State Army. Beijing, or more likely local officials in Yunnan, is the single biggest outside arms supplier to Myanmar’s multiple conflicts.
Coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has turned to Moscow in recent years, expanding a relationship that started two decades ago and which has seen thousands of Myanmar personnel trained in Russian defense establishments. The commander in chief’s visit to Russia in June signaled continued firm ties, with Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu expressing support for the junta leader. Arms sales have continued, with the Moscow Times reporting that the military had imported US$15 million worth of radar equipment since the coup. Just days before the military takeover, Justice for Myanmar reported that the military was buying Orlan-10 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Pantsir-S1 short range air defense systems.
The air force originally purchased second-hand MiG-29 fighter jets from Belarus, since sourced from Russia, and have announced plans to buy SU-30 fighter jets and Yak-130 training aircraft. These air assets sales should be a focus of intense attention for any arms embargo campaign, given how much more frequently air strikes, especially ones conducted at night, have been directed at civilian targets such as those in Kayin State in late March. An arms embargo campaign must also widely condemn the continued sales or support of helicopter gunships, such as the Mi-35 which has been used against both insurgents and civilians, as well as ground attack aircraft.
Ukraine is an often unacknowledged arms supplier to Myanmar. In 2004, the military purchased an estimated 1,000 BTR-3U armored personnel carriers (APCs) to be assembled in Myanmar, although the exact number in the order of battle is unclear. The BTR’s include German-made Deutz diesel engines and American-made General Motors Allison automatic transmissions. These vehicles made an appearance on the streets of Yangon in February (and were not manned by Chinese soldiers as was widely reported at the time) but are not reported to have been used against protesters.
Israel has had a long relationship with the Myanmar armed forces, since establishing formal ties in 1953. Israeli officials have helped train elite units, assisted with intelligence gathering and sold patrol boats to the navy, as well as providing technology for the domestic manufacture of the Uzi submachine gun, primarily used now by the police. It was a police officer firing an Uzi at unarmed protestors in Naypyitaw that resulted in the Spring Revolution’s first casualty: 19-year old Myat Thet Thet Khaing, who was shot in the head. Israel is reported to have suspended arms sales to Myanmar following an order in the Supreme Court in 2017, but this has not been confirmed.
Another challenge is one of unacknowledged but naked hypocrisy. Proponents of an arms embargo are calling on some of the world’s largest arms dealers to support imposing an embargo on one country, when the US accounts for the majority of arms sales globally, significantly more than China and Russia. The United Kingdom lauds its principled approach to Myanmar, but lavishes weapons on Saudi Arabia, resuming its sales of some £1.4 billion earlier in 2021 after a pause of two years following an outcry over the bombing campaign in Yemen. The Biden Administration has suspended sales to Saudi Arabia for the same reason, but continues to supply half of the weapons to the Middle East.
It is doubtful if Washington will dilute any diplomatic capitol to exert pressure on its allies in Israel and the Ukraine in order to have a questionable effect on the ability of the armed forces to violently suppress resistance in Myanmar. The Biden Administration resumed military support to Ukraine in March with a US$125 million arms sale. The credibility of the West suffered a crushing blow in its scramble out of Afghanistan.
So how could an arms embargo actually work? Who will provide leadership? Human right groups, beyond the flash-in-the-pan issuance of ‘joint letters’, have publicized no clear plans for how an arms embargo could operate. The special rapporteur Tom Andrews has done little more than repeat the rhetoric of condemnation and called for an arms embargo, but has failed to articulate how it could work. His mandate is ill-suited to taking a leadership role in any campaign for an arms embargo: he is an independent expert who reports to the UN Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Andrews may also be keeping one eye on his future in US politics, so cannot be relied upon to push the Biden Administration or Congress hard and expend political capital for a ban on arms sales.
International leadership for an arms embargo could be spearheaded by the venerable troika of the Special Advisory Council-Myanmar (SAC-M): former UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee, and Chris Sidoti and Marzuki Darusman, from the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. Formed following the February 1 coup, but conceived before it, the SAC-M has formulated what it calls a ‘Three Cuts’ approach to pressuring the military: cut the weapons, cut the cash and cut the impunity. It has assembled some fine understanding of the cash and impunity cuts, with Chris Sidoti especially vocal on interdicting the military’s financial sector. But the SAC-M website has no details on cutting weapons. Nevertheless, given the more legible approach of the trio and their background on Myanmar going back years, they have the skills, energy and commitment to corral the global community into at least discussing forms of an arms embargo.
An arms embargo requires concerted diplomatic efforts backed up by skillful research and documentation. Where to get all the necessary details to make an effective arms embargo feasible? There are two possible sources that offer the best chance of success, if the West directed the requisite funding and technical support. The first is increased support for groups such as Justice for Myanmar, which has done the most impressively forensic work on the finances and arms supplies of the Myanmar military. This clandestine collective is effectively producing the schematics for sanctions and to scupper arms supply chains. It should receive even more resources: they are doing far more important and relevant work than the UN, Western governments and international research and rights organizations.
Another source of activity is to create numerous funds for investigative journalism and academic research, utilizing the human capital of the many Myanmar people who have been displaced or exiled by the coup. Increasing investigative journalism funding for Myanmar media outlets is one step, including The Irrawaddy, Burma News International, Myanmar Now and others. Another is for donors to fund projects dedicated to uncovering the domestic arms industry. Following the threads of domestic and international supply chains and finding ways to harry and disrupt production, recruitment and supply could be as effective as armed action.
This could be a component of what Western donors should have supported ten years ago: an ‘Understanding the Military’ initiative, which scrutinizes the internal dynamics of the armed forces and questions some of the canards built up around its size, internal culture and psyche, fissures and strengths, local economic behavior and relationships with varying communities. In other words, a Myanmar-driven research focus to assess the military’s vulnerabilities.
There is already some fine work being pursued by the Myanmar media and in academia, with the recent publication of crucial data on Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing and top generals by the Institute of South East Asian Studies. The answer to toppling the military will always be a home-grown endeavor; trust in the West to assist on this should be tempered.
Calling for an arms embargo takes multi-staged, painstaking work, not just the rhetoric of performative activism. If there is no sincerity in pursuing an embargo, stop talking about one. The world has a responsibility to protect the expectations of people in Myanmar. Further failure will only compound the post-coup betrayal..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders
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"Myanmar’s military regime has cut off internet access in Hpakant, Kachin State since Friday.
Mobile internet services were blocked around 8.30pm on Friday, followed by a shutdown of wifi internet hours later, said residents. Telecom operators said that they did not know why internet services were blocked or when they would resume, according to locals.
“Not only is the internet blocked, but we also can’t make phone calls or send SMS now. And we can’t top up our mobile phones either. From previous experiences, when the internet is shutdown in Hpakant it normally means military operations are in progress, so we are concerned,” said a female resident who requested anonymity.
Last Saturday, police from Police Battalion 30 based in Seik Mu village on the outskirts of Hpakant left their base and joined the Hpakant Township police inside the town. The same evening, the ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) torched the barracks of the police battalion in Seik Mu.
Junta troops have been seen patrolling in Hpakant at midnight following the internet shutdown, said residents. Previously, they normally stayed in their outposts at that time.
“They are patrolling almost every night now. My house is by the road and I could not get to sleep once they drove past. Around 40 to 50 of them drove past around 2am today,” said a resident of Lone Khin village.
Hpakant residents said they felt unsafe talking about the situation on the phone because the military regime is monitoring phone calls. The junta has ordered the country’s telecom and internet service providers to install spyware that allows the military to eavesdrop directly on calls, read text messages, emails and other web traffic, as well as tracking the locations of users.
There have also been rumors in Hpakant that the military regime will install checkpoints to isolate the town. On Monday, some people were leaving the town for fear of fighting, said one Hpakant resident.
Telecom operators were also ordered to restrict internet access in Rakhine from June 2019 until the February 1 coup, as the military was engaged in heavy fighting with the Rakhine ethnic armed group the Arakan Army.
However, the regime’s spokesperson, Major General Zaw Min Tun, denied that there was an internet blackout in Hpakant. “There is no internet shutdown in any part of the country,” he said.
Any military operations in Hpakant are being done in response to the attacks of the KIA and the local People’s Defense Force, said the military spokesman.
Hpakant is home to the world’s largest deposits of high-quality jade, as well as gold and other precious gems. All the jade mining companies operating in Hpakant have ties to Myanmar’s military or the KIA.
Prospectors have to pay taxes to the military and the KIA if they find jade or precious gems, and both the KIA and the military rely on Hpakant’s mines to generate crucial funds.
KIA brigades 6 and 26 are active in Hpakant, while battalions under the command of Division 33 of the Myanmar military are based in the township.
By THE IRRAWADDY 24 August 2021
Myanmar’s military regime has cut off internet access in Hpakant, Kachin State since Friday.
Mobile internet services were blocked around 8.30pm on Friday, followed by a shutdown of wifi internet hours later, said residents. Telecom operators said that they did not know why internet services were blocked or when they would resume, according to locals.
“Not only is the internet blocked, but we also can’t make phone calls or send SMS now. And we can’t top up our mobile phones either. From previous experiences, when the internet is shutdown in Hpakant it normally means military operations are in progress, so we are concerned,” said a female resident who requested anonymity.
Last Saturday, police from Police Battalion 30 based in Seik Mu village on the outskirts of Hpakant left their base and joined the Hpakant Township police inside the town. The same evening, the ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) torched the barracks of the police battalion in Seik Mu.
Junta troops have been seen patrolling in Hpakant at midnight following the internet shutdown, said residents. Previously, they normally stayed in their outposts at that time.
“They are patrolling almost every night now. My house is by the road and I could not get to sleep once they drove past. Around 40 to 50 of them drove past around 2am today,” said a resident of Lone Khin village.
Hpakant residents said they felt unsafe talking about the situation on the phone because the military regime is monitoring phone calls. The junta has ordered the country’s telecom and internet service providers to install spyware that allows the military to eavesdrop directly on calls, read text messages, emails and other web traffic, as well as tracking the locations of users.
There have also been rumors in Hpakant that the military regime will install checkpoints to isolate the town. On Monday, some people were leaving the town for fear of fighting, said one Hpakant resident.
Telecom operators were also ordered to restrict internet access in Rakhine from June 2019 until the February 1 coup, as the military was engaged in heavy fighting with the Rakhine ethnic armed group the Arakan Army.
However, the regime’s spokesperson, Major General Zaw Min Tun, denied that there was an internet blackout in Hpakant. “There is no internet shutdown in any part of the country,” he said.
Any military operations in Hpakant are being done in response to the attacks of the KIA and the local People’s Defense Force, said the military spokesman.
Hpakant is home to the world’s largest deposits of high-quality jade, as well as gold and other precious gems. All the jade mining companies operating in Hpakant have ties to Myanmar’s military or the KIA.
Prospectors have to pay taxes to the military and the KIA if they find jade or precious gems, and both the KIA and the military rely on Hpakant’s mines to generate crucial funds.
KIA brigades 6 and 26 are active in Hpakant, while battalions under the command of Division 33 of the Myanmar military are based in the township.
In Waingmaw Township, which is separated from the Kachin State capital Myitkyina by the Ayeyarwady River, the military’s Battalion 58 shelled nearby villages every night from August 3 to August 19, following a KIA attack on July 29. Residents from at least four villages near the battalion’s base have been forced to flee their homes amid the daily shelling.
KIA information officer Colonel Naw Bu said that the regime has been continuously reinforcing its troops. The junta brought in some 5,000 additional soldiers after the coup, and hundreds more reinforcements are being sent either by road or by the river, he added.
Hpakant residents have formed anti-regime protest groups in their wards and villages to organize demonstrations and other forms of daily defiance against the junta. Locals are continuing their anti-coup protests, despite the internet shutdown, said Hpakant residents.
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
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"As of 23 August, (1013) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (4) fallen heroes today. These (4) fallen heroes from Taunggyi Township in Shan State, Yesagyo Township in Magway Region and Khin-u Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 23, a total of (5821) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Soe Lwin Lwin was a primary school teacher at a Thein Kone Village Basic Education Middle School in Taunggyi Township, Shan State, arbitrarily arrested by the terrorist junta, and had been involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Soe Lwin Lwin contracted COVID-19 while detained in Taung Lay Lone (Nyaung Shwe) Prison and died on August 22.
On the evening of August 22, the terrorist junta raided and opened fire in Hinthar Village in Yesagyo Township, Magway Region, after a junta-appointed village administrator informed on them. Five villagers were shot at in an attempt to make arrests. Chit Ye Yint, one of five, was shot dead in the forehead.
On August 21 around 8 pm, Maung Aye and a nurse, Nweat Nweat Aye, from Kan Thit Village in Khin-u Township, Sagaing Region, were shot to death by terrorist junta’s soldiers who were patrolling in the area. The husband and wife were returning home by motorbike from selling agricultural products. It is reported that Maung Aye was shot in the head and Nweat Nweat was shot in the stomach.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Detained political columnist U Sithu Aung Myint is facing life in prison on sedition charges for being critical of Myanmar’s junta and for allegedly backing the shadow National Unity Government (NUG).
The junta arrested U Sithu Aung Myint, an outspoken junta critic, and Ma Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer working with the BBC, from a hideout in Yangon on August 15.
The junta-controlled media announced on Saturday that the columnist wrote articles criticizing the military for the Voice of America and Frontier Myanmar after the February coup. It said he also posted articles on Facebook criticizing the regime’s governing body, the State Administrative Council, inciting government employees to join the civil disobedience movement and backed the NUG, which has been declared a terrorist organization.
An arrest warrant was issued for U Sithu Aung Myint in April for allegedly spreading false news under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code, which carries up to three years’ imprisonment.
The junta-controlled media said he was also charged with Article 124(a) of the Penal Code which prohibits “any attempt to cause hatred, contempt and disaffection” towards the military or government. The charge carries a sentence of life in prison.
Ma Htet Htet Khine was charged under Section 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act for allegedly working as a volunteer editor for Federal FM launched by the NUG and for harboring U Sithu Aung Myint.
Ma Htet Htet Khine was the presenter of a program for audiences in Myanmar called “Khan Sar Kyi” (Burmese for “Feel it”) for BBC Media Action, the corporation’s international development charity.
“We are concerned by the detention and charges against our freelance producer, Htet Htet Khine,” BBC Media Action said, adding that it was monitoring the situation.
The two journalists have had no access to a lawyer since their arrest.
U Khin Maung Myint, the legal adviser to Ma Htet Htet Khine, said the two were had been relocated to police custody from a military interrogation center and are likely to be moved soon to Insein Prison, where he expects to have contact with her.
The two join around 50 jailed journalists as the junta continues to crack down on journalists with arrests and lawsuits to silence coverage of its atrocities.
Since the February coup, the junta has arrested 95 journalists and media staff. Of them, six have been convicted under Article 505(a) and one was sentenced under Article 188 of the Penal Code for defying government orders..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
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"In Part 3 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Khin Thandar (pseudonym) tells her story post-coup that highlights a different reality and involvement than the rest of the country.
Editor’s note: This is part 3 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Read Part 1 and Part 2. Access to the full report is available at the end of this post.
Khin Thandar comes from a small village in Rakhine State. She is actively involved with a number of Arakan civil society organizations and youth groups. She was interviewed on May 2.
What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future.
I was in Yangon when the coup happened. I had a lot of missed calls from my friends and activists I work with that night, and when I finally answered one at around 4:30 a.m., I found out there had been a military coup. Actually, I wasn’t that shocked. I had suspected the coup would happen. My first thought was that, based on our experience in Rakhine State, people needed to prepare for an internet shutdown and for not being able to communicate with their loved ones. So, I began to calmly spread this message with my network.
In contrast to many of my friends, I never really thought of going out into the streets to protest against the coup. You know, while people in Yangon and NLD supporters—mostly from the Bamar majority—were experiencing the so-called ‘democratic transition’ in recent years, we in Rakhine State continued to live and suffer under a military dictatorship. After the coup, these very same groups began calling for unity of all of Myanmar, but where were they when our ethnic people were dying in communal and armed conflicts? It is unfair and very painful. Actually, many people in Rakhine State feel as much distrust and even hatred towards the Bamar majority as they do towards the military.
Because of this, I felt a little out of place in Yangon after the coup, so I decided to go back to my home state. When I arrived, I met with some youth who were thinking of organizing a protest. We discussed it for a while, especially the high risk of getting arrested or even killed since the military presence in Rakhine State is much bigger than in Yangon. We asked ourselves: Who is it exactly we would be protesting for? And do we deserve to get jailed or killed for that? In the end, we decided against it. That is why Rakhine State is ‘silent’ now: we don’t talk about the military, and there is no CDM here.
What affected my life post-coup the most have been the progressive internet shutdowns. I had to cancel many of my plans, like an online civic education course for university students that I had been preparing together with some of my seniors. I was also unable to move abroad for my master’s studies as I had originally planned since my flight got cancelled in part due to the coup here and in part due to a Covid-19 outbreak over there. Luckily, I can study online, but I’ve had to move a couple of times in order to secure a stable internet connection. What I feel sad about though is that most young people in Myanmar do not have the opportunity to study at all at the moment—whether online or offline—which means they are basically losing their future.
Of course, the coup has also affected me and everyone around me psychologically. The constant stream of bad news is heart-breaking. When I get too stressed, I spend time alone, go for walks on the beach, listen to music, or exercise. Sometimes, I write down my thoughts and feelings about what’s going on in the country.
In my family there are different opinions on the current events, so it has become a very sensitive topic for us. For the first few weeks after the coup, we couldn’t even discuss it. I experienced something similar with my personal network as well. First, I was sharing my opinions about the political situation very openly, both online and offline. But then this led to fights with friends and other activists, and people began accusing me of being selfish. So in the end, I decided to stay silent.
I feel like everyone wants to get media attention nowadays, but I would say that the world needs to listen to the unheard voices in Myanmar before it overgeneralizes the situation in the country. I’m personally worried about my state, because in contrast to the past when there was a lot of discussion, Rakhine State is now silent. It feels scary and I worry there will be more fighting in the future.
Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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"Myanmar's military government has arrested two more local journalists, army-owned television reported on Saturday, the latest among dozens of detentions in a sweeping crackdown on the media since a Feb. 1 coup.
Sithu Aung Myint, a columnist for news site Frontier Myanmar and commentator with Voice of America radio, and Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, were arrested on Aug. 15, Myawaddy TV reported.
Sithu Aung Myint was charged with sedition and spreading false information that Myawaddy said was critical of the junta and had urged people to join strikes and back outlawed opposition groups.
Htet Htet Khine was accused of harbouring Sithu Aung Myint, a criminal suspect, and working for and supporting a shadow National Unity Government.
BBC Media Action said in a statement it was concerned about Htet Htet Khine's safety and the charges against her, and was closely monitoring the situation.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said the pair were being held incommunicado.
"We strongly condemn the arbitrary conditions of their detention, which reflect the brutality with which the military junta treats journalists," said its Asia-Pacific desk head Daniel Bastard.
Myanmar remains fraught with instability and opposition to army rule, under which more than 1,000 people have been killed, according to an activist group that has tracked killings by security forces.
The military, which has revoked the licenses of many news outlets, says it respects the role of media but will not allow news reporting it deems false or likely to create public unrest.
A report by the Committee to Protect Journalists last month said Myanmar's rulers had effectively criminalised independent journalism.
Human Rights Watch late last month said the army government had arrested 98 journalists since the coup and should stop prosecuting media staff. Of those arrested, 46 remained in custody as of the end of July..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"As of 21 August, (1009) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. (1) from Gantgaw Township in Magway Region died today and (1) from Shwepyithar Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 19 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 21, a total of (5787) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
On the evening of August 18, terrorist junta soldiers raided Hnan Khar Village in Gantgaw Township, Magway Region. 72 years old Kan Htaunt who was not able to run away from the village because of his age was punched and kicked continuously by entering junta troops. Kan Htaunt died on the morning of August 21 from this torturous assault.
On the evening of August 19, a large number of security forces raided a hostel in Shwepyithar Township, Yangon Region, having accused it of housing the PDF. A young man named Lin Lin Tun a.k.a Bo Phyu was shot in the stomach and died on the spot while he was attempting to jump out of the window to escape. In addition to this, Hnin Ei Khaing, a young woman, was arrested.
Tun Win, living in Shan State’s Muse Town, who contracted COVID-19, was arrested at his home by terrorist junta troops on August 20 as they did not find his son they were looking for.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"In 200 days, the terrorist-like so-called ‘State Administrative Council’ has murdered (1007) civilians from the pro-democracy movement against the illegitimate coup attempt. Our organization, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has been monitoring human rights violations since long before the military coup and began documenting recent fatalities with the fatal shooting of Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing on 9 February in Naypyidaw. Proportionately, an average of five innocent civilians is killed each day by junta.
“We’ve seen how the military junta followed a pattern with its escalation of deadly and arbitrary force” said AAPP, “At first they used rubber bullets and tear gas, when this did not produce the desired subordination to dictatorial rule, a campaign of terror began in March”. Cases of arson, looting, arbitrary assaults, torture, artillery, and massacres are no widespread across the country.
The paragraphs below detail categories of occupations, demographics, and events to illustrate the sweeping destruction this murderous military coup was wrought.
Professions
At the onset of the coup, teachers, doctors, have been some of those most systematically targeted for their involvement in anti-coup protests, the civil disobedience movement, and offering support in crackdowns. Since the coup, (6) medics, (7) engineers, (10) teachers and (71) students have been killed by the junta.
Deadliest Day
On 27 March, AAPP documented the deadliest day of the military’s brutal crackdown attempts. (164) courageous civilians lost their lives, across the country including in Insein and Dala Township, Yangon, in Meiktila and Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay, in Monwya and Shwebo, Sagaing, in Kawthaung, Tanintharyi Region. (2) 18-year-olds and (14) under-18’s were killed by the junta. Total (16) 18 and under killed on this day.
Regions
The inhumanity of this terrorist like military has forced people Burma across the country in daily life-threatening situations. Since the coup (241) people have been murdered in Yangon Region, (217) people murdered in Mandalay Region, and (204) in Sagaing Region.
Vulnerable Groups
International humanitarian law has requirements for the protection of children, found throughout the Fourth Geneva Convention and in its additional protocols. The Convention on the Rights of the Child also states that parties must take “all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by armed conflict”. Yet, since the coup in Burma, (20) 18-year-olds and (62) under-18’s were killed. Total (82) 18 and under have been murdered by the junta.
Since the coup at least (70) women people been murdered according to AAPP’s most recently published fatality list. International humanitarian law recognizes that males are afforded the same protection as women and vice versa, but specific vulnerabilities guarantee protection for females. This equally applies to persons not confirming to traditional gender roles, who are systemically exposed to egregious human rights violations. On 4 June Thaw Thaw, a transgender woman, was shot in the arm and rib by junta troops in in Kyaukpadaung Township, Mandalay, and died from lack of medical treatment.
Protests
People are being killed at peaceful protests, often spontaneous gatherings but always the movement has remained a leaderless organic rejection of an illegitimate coup attempt. (649) have been killed at pro-democracy demonstrations since 1 February. Some of the most violent and least indefensible, even for this murderous junta, have been the unprovoked shootings and raids in neighbourhood and homes. Even on streets in the middle of day, youths racing to get back home are murdered by junta terrorists in unmarked vehicles.
One of the most heinous atrocities was on 23 March when the junta troops raided a family home in Mandalay City. Khin Myo Chit a 6 year-year-old, was shot covering in her fathers’ arms.
When a teenager is shot in the back of the head, it signifies hostility and intent of the perpetrator. An incident which garnered international attention was the murder of Kyal Sin Lin also known as ‘Angel’, who on 3 March was gunned down running back from a barrier at a pro-democracy protest in Mandalay City. Since the coup (107) have been shot dead in the head.
Torture to Death
There are many other strategies a violent institution like this military will practice, and it does not stop at indiscriminate but intentional shootings. Torturing activists, striking workers, or every-day civilians has been a tactic of this junta. Since the coup (106) have been murdered this way.
Conclusion
The evidence is overwhelming, the intent has been to suppress dissent against dictatorship and for democracy by inflicting crimes against humanity on an entire country. The international response should have been swift and remains to be significant enough to end the impunity. International recognition of the political legitimacy to the National Unity Government sends a message that these crimes will not be tolerated and will begin the process of accountability..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"As of 19 August, (1007) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region died today and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 19, a total of (5747) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Thet Naing Oo from Kyauk Kan Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Townshipwho, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troops on the night of August 18, died on the morning of August 19. Thet Naing Oo was reportedly beaten and tortured the whole night. He was stopped and arrested because of his flashlight while he was returning home from the south of a school where the terrorist junta had set up camp.
On the afternoon of August 18, junta police and soldiers raided the homes of three NLD MPs of Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region and arrested some family members as hostages. In Sai Pyin Town, the home of Pyithuhluttaw MP Win Myint Aung was raided and his wife Khin Ohn Myint, the son, and younger brother San Lin were all arrested.
In the raid of Moe Min Win’s home, regional hluttaw MP for No (2) constituency, his older brother Hmet San and nephew were also arrested. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided the home of Hnin Khaing Soe, regional hluttaw MP for No (1) constituency in Sai Pyin Town. The father of Hnin Khaing Soe was reportedly not arrested because he contracted COVID-19 and was having to breathe from oxygen supplies.
Political analyst Si Thu Aung Myint, who has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, was arrested on the night of August 15 whilst evading arrest in an apartment in Yangon Region’s Bahan Township. He is a regular columnist for Frontier Myanmar and VOA and wrote articles and satire criticising the coup council for which he was charged.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta continues its crackdown on journalists with arrests and lawsuits to silence independent coverage of its daily atrocities.
This week, two more journalists were detained, bringing the number of journalists and media staff detained since the February coup to 95.
The junta’s forces arrested freelance journalist and outspoken regime critic U Sithu Aung Myint and a reporter from BBC Media Action, the corporation’s international development charity, Ma Htet Htet Khine on August 15 from a hideout in Yangon.
According to Bahan Township police, the two were taken to a military interrogation center. No more information has been heard about them.
In April, U Sithu Aung Myint was charged under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code, which criminalizes spreading comments or false news that could cause fear or criminal offenses against government employees. It carries up to three years’ imprisonment.
On July 20, three women journalists – a mother and her two daughters – from the Shan State-based Thalwin Thwaychin news agency were detained at their homes in the state capital, Taunggyi. The daughters have been released but Mya Wunn Yan, chief editor of the agency, remains in custody.
The junta has targeted journalists with arrests, lawsuits, raids on newsrooms and violence. On Wednesday, at least 42 media staff were still behind bars, according to Reporting ASEAN, an independent regional news outlet.
Almost all detained journalists said they were interrogated, beaten and tortured. COVID-19 has spread rapidly in Myanmar’s crowded prisons, increasing dangers for all political prisoners.
Four media organizations, including The Irrawaddy, have been charged under Article 505(a) and eight firms have been banned.
On June 30 the junta’s Ministry of Information told the media to stop describing the military-appointed State Administration Council as a “junta” or face prosecution. It also warned foreign news agencies to cease using the terms “military council” or “military junta” and to stop “disseminating false news”.
The order said international media groups would face action “if they apply wrong usages, quote and exaggerate fake news and disseminate false information”.
“Myanmar is now one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists,” the Committee to Protect Journalists reported in July..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Opinion and Expression - tools for change in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Anti-coup protesters, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"In Part 2 of a 3-part series by Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT), Ko Democracy (pseudonym) tells us how the coup has affected his life and his loved ones in Myitkyina.
Editor’s note: This is part 2 of a 3-part special feature of stories from a report by Real Stories Not Tales. Access to the full report will be available in Part 3 of this series.
Ko Democracy is a young Gorkha man working for a social enterprise in Kachin State. He was interviewed on May 6.
We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings.
KO DEMOCRACY
When I woke up on the morning of February 1, I noticed I had no phone signal. Then my dad came back from the bazaar and said the Myanmar military was everywhere, especially around the NLD party headquarters and residences of NLD representatives. I decided to go for a ride on my motorbike to see what was going on, and indeed there were military trucks and soldiers with guns blocking the roads. It felt so wrong—as if we were going backwards. I feared we would be disconnected from the outside world very soon. I had all these thoughts spinning around in my head, and I knew that the military was going to torture us. Despite the tragic news, I decided to go to the office. On the way, I got stopped by a soldier that wouldn’t let me enter the district where our office was. I had to talk to him for a while, until he finally let me go.
When the coup happened, I was working as a field staff and interpreter in a social enterprise. Our main office was in Myitkyina, but we mostly worked in villages close to the Chinese border. Everything became so difficult for us after the coup. First off, we suddenly had no access to money because the banks closed, so we couldn’t pay salaries or transport fees. Then, because of the internet shutdown, it became challenging for us to communicate with the local partners implementing our projects. After two months, we finally decided we couldn’t keep the enterprise running, so I’m jobless now.
All my work worries haven’t stopped me from participating in the resistance movement. As soon as the coup happened, we went out into the streets, and we continue to do so, this time in the form of so-called ‘guerrilla strikes’. Unfortunately, one of my friends from the student union has already been arrested, and we don’t even know where he is. Another friend is in jail and has been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code. I have just come back from hiding myself. I was away from home for a month: I feared the military would come look for me after arresting my friends. As I have been very involved in the movement, I am paranoid now. I am scared that one day they’ll take my phone and find out all about my involvement and my contacts.
I am not directly involved with the KIA or KIO, but I do have some contacts, and I have been giving them to people who want to join the armed resistance. I encourage them and would also do it myself if it weren’t for my parents. I am their only child, and I know it would break their heart. Still, we have agreed that if things get worse, they will allow me to go and fight for our freedom. Until then, I will continue practicing ‘civil resistance’: not paying taxes and not attending university.
The military sees young people across the country as their enemies. They have been arresting, kidnapping, and killing people every single day. People are under serious pressure to go back to work, since the military arrests anyone participating in the CDM. If they don’t or can’t find the strikers, they arrest their family members instead. Recently the focus has been on teachers and students who do not want to go to school. Last night we heard six bomb explosions very close to our house. These terrible troubles are what dominate our lives now.
It is a difficult time for us all. To stay strong, I listen to spiritual leaders. I very much like Sadhguru, who said that that no one can torture you unless you accept the torturing yourself. What he meant by that is that the power inside of us cannot be taken away unless we give it away ourselves. I also get inspired by the strength and resilience of IDPs in the Kachin and Karen Hills. I tell myself that I still have food and shelter, so I shouldn’t complain.
We live in a globalized world. A fight for democracy in one place is a fight for democracy everywhere, for all citizens. I want to ask the world to help us, not as hypocrites but honestly and truly as human beings. We do not have that much hope in the UN anymore due to its bureaucracies, but we do need the National Unity Government (NUG) to be recognized in order for other countries to be able to legally sell arms to them. So please help us with this. At the same time, the military regime must not be recognized as a legal government. Please also allow our Myanmar citizens to get visa extensions in your countries; don’t force them to return to an unsafe place. And finally, I would like to ask the international world to send humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. We need urgent help.
Read Part 1 and Part 3 here. (Link for Part 3 will be live on August 23)
Real Stories Not Tales (RSNT) is a dedicated team in and out of Myanmar that aims to bring awareness to the reality of young people’s lives since the Myanmar military staged a coup on February 1st, 2021. Stories are collected through interviews with each protagonist by the team, either in Burmese or in English. Each character is drawn by a professional illustrator bringing a visual context to the story. The RSNT report also proposes some tips on how it is possible to support Myanmar these days. They are pleased to share selections from their first report and are now in the process of collecting more stories all around the country..."
Source/publisher:
Tea Circle (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"As of 18 August, (1006) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region and Pauk Township in Magway Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 18, a total of (5730) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Terrorist junta’s soldiers who were drunk pointed a gun to the temple of Zaw Myo Myint and shot him dead at close range among people at a port in Minkin Town, Sagaing Region on the evening of August 17. Junta troops beat and then shot Zaw Myo Myint for not wearing a face mask while he was sitting and chewing the betel nut in the port. Zin Mar Win from Min Sar village in Minkin Township who heard the sound of gunshots and witnessed Zaw Myo Myint’s dead body, died on the spot from a heart attack.
Terrorist junta’s troops raided Kyauk Khel Tat Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township and arrested three villagers named Bo Aung, Chit Lwin and Phoe Toke on August 16. They killed these three villagers on August 17 and concealed the bodies in Chindwin River.
Hla Myint Oo, living in Thapyay Yay Village in Magway Region Pauk Township, who had opened a shop, was shot with a tumee (traditional hunting) rifle used by junta troops on the evening of August 13. The junta then set a bomb on an old motorbike in front of his shop.
In addition, junta troops raided Paline, Gonetan and Kanthar Villages in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township, then arrested and shot dead a local from Gonetan Village called Nan, on August 12. The incident happened at a school in Paline Village where they had set up camp after they questioned Nan who came past but failed to reply.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The death toll as a result of Myanmar's Feb. 1 coup topped 1,000 on Wednesday, according to an official of the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP) activist group, which has been recording killings by security forces.
A spokesman for the ruling junta did not respond to a call to request comment. The military authorities have previously said the AAPP figures, widely cited by international organisations, are exaggerated.
The army has also said scores of members of the security forces have been killed. The AAPP does not include them in its count.
"According to AAPP records, 1,001 innocent people have been killed," AAPP secretary Tate Naing told Reuters. "The actual number of victims is much higher."
The Southeast Asian country has sunk into chaos since the coup, with protests continuing daily, insurgencies flaring in border regions and widespread strikes that have severely damaged the economy.
The army overthrew elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alleging irregularities in an election swept by her National League for Democracy party in November 2020. The then electoral commission and international monitors said the army accusations were wrong.
The military authorities say their seizure of power should not be called a coup because it was in line with the constitution..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
As part of an ongoing monthly analysis, WLB would like to share our July briefer on the situation of human rights amid the military coup in Burma/Myanmar and the recent outbreak of COVID-19.
Description:
"Six months have passed since the Burmese Army seized power in
a coup. Since that dark day, the people of Burma/Myanmar have
continued to suffer the consequences. In the months following
Feb 1, it has become abundantly clear that the terrorist junta has
neither the political will nor the ability to govern with compassion
and humanity. Something must be done to reverse the devastation.
But dismantling the junta’s legacy of violence and impunity is not
without its challenges. Yet, the on-going civil movements and
growing calls for action alongside campaigns for accountability,
signals that the struggle for freedom, equality and peace for the
people of Burma/Myanmar will continue.
The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated an already devastating
political, economic and social climate. At the time of this writing,
the country has reported over 300,000 confirmed cases Ethnic
areas are also seriously affected by the pandemic. Exploitation of
the pandemic has led to countless preventable deaths. The junta’s
negligence has been made clear in their hoarding of oxygen tanks
for themselves as they threatened health care workers, forcing
many to go underground.
Pharmacies have been forced to close due to insufficient stock,
and those that remain open are inaccessible to many due to price
inflation. For displaced populations and refugees, their situation
comes with a lack of direct access to healthcare facilities.
Children and the elderly are facing many difficulties because of
the COVID-19 pandemic.
The ‘war on health’ is the latest battle the people of Burma/
Myanmar are now facing. The military is moving backwards by
arresting health care workers who share anti-coup views. According
to recent statistics, the majority of health workers involved in the
Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are women, and they too are
putting themselves at risk providing medical services to the infected.
In this new struggle, women are disproportionately impacted.
Across generations, women take on many responsibilities in the
household, including being a primary caretaker. As they give their
energy to their infected loved ones, they put themselves at more
risk of catching the virus.
Meanwhile, unlawful arrests and persecution of pro-democracy activists
continues. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners,
1,084 women have been arrested and 65 killed since Feb 1. Another 100
youth have been killed by the junta, including 75 children. Additionally,
1,000 young people between the ages of 10 and 19 have been detained.
Of those arrested, 65 have been sentenced to death through military
tribunals, including four women. Burma/Myanmar has not evoked the
death penalty since 1988. These sentences are excruciatingly punitive and
they lack legitimacy. Peaceful protest is not a crime, and yet under the
junta’s control, those with different views are persecuted.
Impact of the Military Coup: The junta continues to deny and dismiss the severity of the multiple
crises unfolding within the country. International intervention to curb
the rate of infections and carry out an effective humanitarian response
is urgently needed.
Women and children have suffered enormous consequences since the
junta’s ruthless takeover. Surviving under an authoritarian regime has been
immeasurably difficult for the most vulnerable. In Burma/Myanmar, women
are unfairly recognized as the weaker gender. The military often treats them
with severe disrespect, abusing and intimidating them to maintain their
control. Since the military overthrew the democratically elected government,
sexual harassment, rape, and arrests have increased. There is no compassion
shown for the elderly, the sick, people with disabilities or young. To the
Burmese Army, they are simply the threats to their new political order. Women
have also been threatened by the junta for their pro-democracy activities.
A weak legal system has undermined all prospects for justice and
accountability. Women’s access to justice referral pathways is also
limited by patriarchal and cultural stereotypes. Isolating civilians from
life-saving services is another branch of the junta’s deceitful tactics.
Many of the victims of their atrocities are from low-income communities
who lack the financial capacity and legal literacy to access services.
The junta has a long history of committing sexual abuse against young
women and girls. The abuse leaves survivors traumatized, often without
reparations for the crimes committed against them. In detention,
prisoners are allowed limited access to water. Due to the unsanitary
conditions, women in the prison often take contraceptives. Even though
there may be consequences to their health, women political prisoners
in Dawei Township have no choice but receive the contraceptive
injections through the clinics in the prison. Inadequate access to sanitary
conditions while unlawfully detained is yet another violation they are
forced to endure.
As tens of thousands of positive cases and hundreds of deaths from
COVID-19 are being reported, prisons throughout the country are
also affected by the coronavirus. Making it worse is the military’s
unwillingness to contain the pandemic and provide proper medical
care. Dr. Htar Htar Lin, the Director of the National Immunization
Program and one of the leading experts on COVID-19 in Burma/
Myanmar, who was arrested with her family on June 20, is now
infected with the virus. While two women reportedly died in Insein
Prison in the month of July due to being denied medical care. One
was Moe Thu, a 42-year-old anti-coup protest leader from Khayan
Township in Yangon Region, whose colleagues believed she died of
COVID-19. In response to the negligence of the prison’s management
over the deteriorating COVID-19 pandemic and its discriminatory
medical treatment within prison, women from the two female
detention blocks in Insein Prison staged a protest in the morning of
July 23 spreading across the prison.
Young children are not exempt from this horrendous treatment. Ko Soe
Htay, a Burmese human rights activist, says his five-year-old daughter
was arrested and detained in his place with his wife and elder daughter.
The family was forced to endure stress positions by the junta. Since her
release, he says his young daughter has been traumatized. His eldest,
who remains in prison, is suffering from life-threatening injuries..."
Source/publisher:
Women’s League of Burma
Date of publication:
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
The fatal fall of Wai Wai Myint—or “Apple” to her friends—was testament to her refusal to give in to injustice
Description:
"In early August, 29-year-old Wai Wai Myint and her 35-year-old husband Soe Myat Thu decided to leave Yangon for a short trip to Mandalay and Pyin Oo Lwin.
The couple, who had recently recovered from Covid-19, just wanted a break from the stress of life in Myanmar’s largest city, where post-coup political tensions and anxiety over the third wave of the pandemic seemed to be coming to a head.
They took their much-needed vacation and were due to return to Yangon by plane on August 10. However, when they learned that their flight would be delayed until the afternoon, they decided to rent a car the day before so they could get back to Yangon by morning. It proved to be a fateful decision.
Just hours after they arrived at their home on 45th Street at around 9am, Wai Wai Myint—known to her friends and family as “Apple”—would be lying dead in a nearby alleyway.
After resting from their journey, Wai Wai Myint went out at around 3pm to meet with friends who lived a short distance away on 44th Street, according to her husband.
“She took 10 or 15 thousand kyat with her to give to her friends. It was soon after she left that it happened,” he recalled.
“I can’t help but blame myself. If only we taken the plane, we wouldn’t have arrived until 6pm,” he said as he tried to make sense of the tragic events of that day.
Lost hope
Soe Myat Thu learned about his wife’s death on social media.
There were reports that five people had fallen from the rooftop of a three-storey apartment building on 44th Street. The details were unclear, but it appeared that they had been trying to escape from a raid by junta troops looking to arrest members of the anti-coup resistance movement.
It was believed that the 50-foot fall had left at least some of the wanted activists dead. Photos shared on Facebook showed seemingly lifeless bodies lying in an alley behind No. 38, 44th Street, including one of a woman in a blue and yellow dress, like the one worn by Snow White in the classic Disney movie.
It was the sight of this dress that shook Soe Myat Thu to the core.
“I kept hoping that it wasn’t her, but at the same time, I could see that the woman in the photo was wearing the exact same dress as my wife,” he said.
Even in the face of this evidence, he couldn’t quite bring himself to believe that it was Wai Wai Myint. He posted something on Facebook to see if he could get more information, and it slowly began to sink in that it was true: his wife was dead.
But this did not end his quest for some glimmer of hope. The following morning, he contacted a doctor he knew at Yangon General Hospital to ask if she had been admitted there. When this failed to yield any new leads, he went directly to the hospital’s emergency department, only to be told that they hadn’t seen any patients fitting Wai Wai Myint’s description.
"The Facebook post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person."
He then went from one cemetery to another, beginning with the Kyu Chaung Cemetery in Shwepyithar Township, where the military often takes the bodies of its victims. Next he went to the Kyi Su Cemetery in South Dagon, and then the Yay Way Cemetery in North Okkalapa.
As his grim search continued, he read on Facebook that the five people who had fallen from the building the day before had all been taken to the 1,000-bed military hospital in Mingaladon Township, where one was said to still be clinging to life.
“The post said there was one person barely alive at the hospital. I couldn’t help but hope it was my wife. She was always a lucky person,” said Soe Myat Thu.
But the thought that he might see Wai Wai Myint alive again proved short-lived. Friends at the hospital confirmed that she had died. Four hours later, he would see this with his own eyes when he went to identify her.
After making a futile request for permission to take her body, which was tightly wrapped in white cloth, for burial (she had often said that she didn’t want to be cremated), he was denied another last wish: to keep her ashes.
“We couldn’t take her body home. And we couldn’t have her ashes,” he recalled sadly.
“They said that they couldn’t make any exceptions—that everything had to be done according to the orders from the higher ups.”
‘A peculiar girl’
He still hasn’t told their five-year-old daughter, Nan Hteik Yati, what happened to her mother.
A gemstone dealer by profession, Wai Wai Myint was often away on business. Perhaps that is where their daughter thinks she is now, Soe Myat Thu suggested, before adding that that may no longer be the case.
“I think she found out about her death this morning while we were praying with the monks. She started crying while she was praying,” he said.
Wai Wai Myint was a devoted mother who would only bend her will to please their daughter, Soe Myat Thu recalled, remembering his wife as the sort of person who would never give up in a fight.
“When we argued, she would only start talking to me again if our daughter told her to,” he said.
Wai Wai Myint had lost both of her parents—her father when she was just a child, and her mother while she was in university.
Perhaps it was this that made her so fiercely independent, and at the same time protective towards those who had suffered some injustice, according to some of her closest friends.
“Many people called her Apple. She was such a peculiar girl. She couldn’t stand injustice. She was fierce, and tall—she always wore high heels,” said Htet Arkar Kyaw, a former classmate.
“By fierce, I don’t mean she fought with or bullied people. She was a brave girl. Everyone at school knew that. She used to fight with teachers known to act like dictators with students,” he recalled.
"She always stood on the side of the weak."
An honours graduate with a degree in English language from Dagon University, she always spoke up when she had to.
“She would always ask the teachers questions, and never gave up until she got an answer that satisfied her. And she was never afraid to tell the truth,” said her close friend Soe Soe.
Seen as “mouthy” by some, to those who really knew her, she was best known for being always ready to come to the aid of those in need, Soe Soe added.
Her husband said this applied as much to strangers as to friends.
“There were many times when she would yell at restaurant managers for scolding waiters,” he said. “She always stood on the side of the weak.”
‘No interest in politics’
Until the coup in February, however, Wai Wai Myint’s strong sense of justice never really extended to the political sphere.
As relatively well-off members of Myanmar’s middle class, she and her husband had friends who supported both the now-ousted National League for Democracy and the army’s proxy party, and they felt no desire to pick sides.
“We weren’t interested in politics at all before the coup. We weren’t on either side,” said Soe Myat Thu, noting that he and his wife both preferred to put most of their energy into their work, which in his case was running a private dental clinic.
But that changed just over a week after the military takeover, when a young protester in Naypyitaw became the first casualty of the newly installed regime’s brutal efforts to crush opposition to its rule.
Mya Thwe Thwe Khine was just 19 years old when she was shot in the head during an anti-coup demonstration in the capital on February 9. Her subsequent death a few days later made a deep impression on Wai Wai Myint.
“It shattered her when Mya Thwe Thwe Khine died,” Soe Myat Thu said about the change in his wife’s political views.
Over the ensuing months, she joined many protests, even when the junta was massacring dozens or even hundreds of civilians on a daily basis. She did so against her husband’s wishes, and eventually stopped telling him what she was doing, he said.
Much of her activity involved cooking and donating food to protesters, according to her friend Soe Soe. In April, she was briefly detained for her involvement in the resistance movement.
"She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice."
During her detention, she suffered a spinal injury after she was slapped and kicked by her captors. But more than that, it pained her that she was released while others were forced to remain behind bars.
“She wasn’t happy, because only she and a few other people were freed. She felt guilty about that. She’d come to me and cry about it,” said Soe Soe.
“She’d always say that she wanted to swap places with the people who died. She just couldn’t stand injustice,” she added.
Through her work in the movement, she made many new friends, including those who were with her on the day she died. According to the junta, Wai Wai Myint was guilty of supporting a group of youths who were making explosives.
Soe Myat Thu said he didn’t know any of the people she was with when the apartment she was in was raided. The four others who fell that day were all young men.
In Soe Myat Thu’s mind, there is no doubt about who is responsible for his wife’s death. She herself had told him that she would take her own life before she allowed herself to be captured and tortured again.
“I’m not the only one crying now. It’s all the system’s fault. My wife wouldn’t have had to die if it wasn’t for that,” he said, laying the blame for her death squarely on the shoulders of Myanmar’s military rulers..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Women's rights, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"As of 17 August, (999) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Kyauksei Township in Mandalay Region died on August 16 and was documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 17, a total of (5712) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Than Sein, a local villager from Kyauk Sauk Kalay Village in Kyauksei Township, Mandalay Region, who was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop around 10 am on August 15, died on the morning of August 16 due to severe beatings. Three of his teeth fell out due to the punching, and beating with wire and bamboo sticks because Than Sein did not open his phone lock. Than Sein was beaten this way until in the evening, according to locals. Than Sein was actively involved in his community and in-hiding after the terrorist junta came to search and arrest NLD supporters. He was arrested because a junta-appointed administrator informed that he had arrived home from hiding.
Kyaw Thiha, a protest leader with the Mandalay Boycott Forces Column, was hit by a private car driven by the terrorist junta’s troop wearing plain clothes yesterday. Kyaw Thiha was beaten and arrested at gunpoint at 5pm on August 16 on his way driving a motorbike. In addition to this, the terrorist junta raided houses where protestors were hiding and Pi Ti, one of the protestors in that boycott column, was arrested that day.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Kyaw Thiha, the youth head of an alliance of multiple protest columns, was stopped on his motorbike, beaten and arrested at gunpoint by plainclothes junta soldiers
Description:
"A youth leader from the Mandalay Protest Alliance Force, was arrested by the junta’s forces while driving near Mandalay University at around 5pm on Monday.
Plainclothes soldiers, arriving in domestic vehicles, stopped a motorbike driven by activist Kyaw Thiha—who is in his 20s—beat him, and took him with them at gunpoint, according to an eyewitness.
Thura Aung, a friend who had been staying with him and another leader of the alliance, said that over 20 troops later inspected Kyaw Thiha’s former home in Patheingyi Township at 8pm that night.
“They also raided the place where we were staying. We’re all on the run now. I still don’t know about our other comrades, but I’m in a safe place now,” Thura Aung told Myanmar Now.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force has been a frequent target of the brutal crackdowns by the military on anti-coup resistance.
Junta vehicles drove into the protest column in both May and June, injuring demonstrators. Six protesters including a university lecturer were arrested near Mandalay University on the morning of June 14 after the column was hit by a car driven by military personnel.
The Mandalay Protest Alliance Force formed when multiple Mandalay protest columns joined forces to revolt against the dictatorship. They include Daung Sit Thi (Peacock Warriors); All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU); Academics; Labourers; Farmers; Mandalay University Students; BEHS (7) Students; and Sein Pan.
Thura Aung said that they would not be stopping their resistance to military rule.
“They can arrest us all they want but they can’t break our revolutionary spirit. We’re not backing down, not by an inch. We will fight for the truth until the end,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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The military has arrested more than 300 party members, including 98 lawmakers, since February.
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta is targeting members of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD), including its leader Aung San Suu Kyi and dozens of lawmakers, in a bid to disband the party and secure its tenuous hold on power six months after overthrowing the government, ousted lawmakers and analysts said Monday.
A member of the NLD’s Central Committee told RFA’s Myanmar Service that the military regime has arrested a total of 324 NLD members—98 of whom are members of parliament (MPs)—since its Feb. 1 coup d’état. Among the detained are 15 members of the NLD’s Central Committee, as well as five regional and state chief ministers, the committee member said, speaking on condition of anonymity due to security concerns.
Other senior NLD members have died in detention since the coup, including Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal attorney Nyan Win on July 20 and Bago region MP Nyunt Shwe, who died of COVID-19 in prison on Monday. Three party members—Khin Maung Latt and Zaw Myat Lin of Myanmar’s largest city Yangon and Kyaw Kyaw from the capital Naypyidaw—were allegedly tortured to death at interrogation centers, according to the committee member.
Meanwhile, 10 people, including Magway Region Chief Minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, have been sentenced by the military to between two and three years in prison and face additional charges. NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, former president Win Myint, and several other party leaders remain in detention on a variety of anti-state charges after being rounded up in the aftermath of the coup.
The Central Committee member told RFA that the junta is targeting the NLD with the goal of removing the party from politics altogether.
“The junta is afraid of losing the state authority it unlawfully seized,” they said.
The committee member said they believe the military’s leadership was unhappy with the socio-economic development, transparency, and other reforms that the NLD delivered after winning the country’s 2015 elections, and afraid of being held to account for the corruption and other crimes it had committed during its 1962-2011 rule.
“That must be why they are trying to completely remove the NLD from Myanmar politics, hoping that afterwards they’d be free to do what they want,” the committee member said.
“[NLD] party leaders and party members are being unlawfully persecuted, and people are being brutally suppressed so that they cannot interact with the party.”
Holding on to power
The junta says a landslide victory by the NLD in the country’s November 2020 general election was the result of voter fraud, but has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently repressed widespread prot4ests, killing 998 people and arresting 5,711 since the coup, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
The regime’s Union Election Commission (UEC) announced on July 26 that the 2020 election results had been officially annulled, although the NLD has dismissed the decision as illegal, saying it invalidates the will of the people. The military has called for a change in the format of the election to include proportional representation ahead of a new ballot.
Political analyst Than Soe Naing told RFA that the military’s actions are aimed at holding on to power.
“It doesn’t matter when elections are held—as long as the people wholeheartedly support the NLD, it will be difficult for the military to maintain power,” he said.
“This is why the junta is working towards the abolition of the NLD and the long-term imprisonment of its leaders.”
In the aftermath of the coup, the military raided NLD offices across the country, confiscating documents and office equipment and destroying party signboards. Party officials say grassroot-level NLD offices have since removed all signs, citing security concerns.
Aung Kyi Nyunt, a member of the NLD Central Committee, said that despite the military’s efforts, the party will endure because it continues to represent the will of the people.
“I don’t believe that the people will accept the annulment of the election results or participate in new elections, as they already made their decision,” he said.
“As long as the people are there, the party will be there.”
Little hope for justice
Meanwhile, family members of imprisoned NLD lawmakers told RFA on Monday that they have little hope for justice while the junta remains in charge of the country.
Lin Naing, the husband of jailed Taungup township MP Ni Ni May Myint, said that the military had arrested his wife and many other NLD members with complete impunity.
“We didn’t know where people were interrogated after being taken away—most were taken to court from interrogation centers and imprisoned straight away,” he said.
“There is no transparency. Those arrested were not allowed to speak with their lawyers and were jailed on random charges. Almost all the cases are like that. Anyone who is charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code [for ‘defamation of the military’] has no legal protection.”
Ni Ni May Myint was arrested in Yangon on May 12 along with NLD youth leader Chit Chit Chaw and sentenced to three years in prison for defaming the military. The pair have been denied visits with family members, Lin Naing said.
Thant Zin Tun, a Pyithu Hluttaw member from Dekkhina Thiri township, has been in detention in Naypyidaw Prison since March 2, when he was arrested in the capital along with Naypyidaw Council Development Committee member Min Thu, NLD MP Kyaw Min Hlaing, and Amyotha Hluttaw member Maung Maung Swe.
A member of Thant Zin Tun’s family, who declined to be named, said the junta has been devoting a significant amount of effort to building a case against the MP.
“We were allowed to see him 12 days after his arrest, but we haven’t seen him since,” the relative said.
“They are meticulously constructing a case so that they can sentence him to prison. They have called in ‘witnesses’ that they want to testify in the case. There is nothing we can do for him.”
Attempts by RFA to reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Monday..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"As of 16 August, (998) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (27) fallen heroes today. (1) was an MP from Bago Township in Bago Region who died today and (26) from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, Bago Township in Bago Region, Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 16, a total of (5711) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Nyunt Shwe, MP of Bago Region Hluttaw in constituency No. (1) of Bago Township and also executive committee chairman of the NLD in Bago Township, contracted COVID-19 in prison and died in the early morning of August 16 from the disease while at Bago Hospital receiving medical treatment. Nyunt Shwe had been charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained in Bago Prison.
A civilian named Aung Yu from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, who was arrested on the night of August 11, died on August 14, three days after his arrest. His wife was informed Aung Yu died due to COVID-19, but his wife has denied that her husband caught the disease.
On the night of August 14, a young man playing a game on a bench in front of a shop panicked and ran into the house in front of him when he saw a junta soldier patrol in Paya Gyi Town, Bago Township, Bago Region. The other young man in that house named Ye Htet Ko was shot dead in his left chest as the junta troops opened fire into the house with the door closed.
Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye who suffers from mental illness and lives in Pa Dan Village, was beaten by the terrorist junta’s appointed night guards and died on the spot. The incident happened in front of the Ward (20) administrator’s office in Hlaing Thayar Township in Yangon Region at 2:30 am on August 13 while Han Zaw Tun a.k.a Toke Pye was returning from his mother’s home.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Myanmar, a nation whose young democracy began only a decade ago, is currently facing a threat it may not recover from. On February 1st of 2021, the military of Myanmar staged a coup d’état in the Southeast Asian country, overthrowing the democratic government and issuing a year-long state of emergency. Orchestrated under the idea that the nation’s November election was fraudulent, a claim that lacks any substantial evidence, the armed forces took control and arrested senior members of the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) party. The situation was exacerbated by the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, a pro-democracy activist and Nobel Prize winner, who led the NLD. The country’s state of emergency has been extended for another two years under the direction of Min Aung Hlaing, a leading army general who declared himself to be the nation’s prime minister at the beginning of August. Now, after months of violence and oppression, Myanmar is confronted with the same military regime that it suffered under previously.
The populace of Myanmar has expressed their outrage over the return to military rule in the form of extensive protests. The demonstrations first became lethal on February 20th, when two unarmed protestors were killed by militant forces—by the 22nd, millions of civilians were marching in the streets, and the movement has since expanded into a large civil disobedience campaign. According to Reuters, at least six separate protests recently occurred on August 8th, the anniversary of a 1988 uprising against the earlier military junta. Across all of these events, violence has only escalated. Responses from the installed government have included rubber bullets, water cannons, and live ammunition – which has had deadly consequences. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has documented the deaths of 965 protestors since the military’s coup, along with the arrests and sentencings of over 5500. Furthermore, reports from the International Rescue Committee have detailed the disruption of social media and online communications in the country, systems that protestors rely on to organize.
The humanitarian crisis caused by the military takeover has left Myanmar crippled. The large-scale fighting has impeded civilian access to public services and basic life necessities, such as food and water. Businesses and financial institutions have closed, leaving people out of work and fleeing from cities while Myanmar’s economy collapses. On top of the thousands of refugees that the coup has created, COVID-19 continues to ravage the nation. Reuters announced that the United States alone has given Myanmar $50 million in aid for coronavirus relief. The situation is intensified by the government’s detainment of medical professionals who have spoken out against the military and participated in civil disobedience. According to the Wall Street Journal, almost 200 doctors have been imprisoned and many more are facing warrants for their arrest. Despite this, hospital workers and practitioners continue to toil in secret to help people suffering from COVID-19. The restraints imposed by the government have impaired Myanmar’s ability to respond to the virus and the destruction it brings, leaving millions at risk.
International reactions have been consistent in the condemnation of Min Aung Hlaing and his military government. Multiple actors, including the United States and the European Union, have issued sanctions on the government’s martial officers. Other countries in the region, especially those within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have worked to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. Even with these endeavors, finding an answer to end the government’s crackdown and move towards peace has been difficult. ASEAN held a summit in April at which General Min Aung Hlaing agreed to abandon the fighting and engage in communication. While this connection indicated progress, the unstable agreement lacks substance and the international denunciation of the coup has not pushed the government back towards any semblance of a democracy. The human rights abuses in Myanmar have expanded and the military government has only raised the death toll higher. As violence persists and the country’s humanitarian crisis grows, the need for progress towards a secure and peaceful state is increasingly apparent.
Amidst the disorder and dangers, Myanmar is struggling with the problem of democratic backsliding; the nation’s government has gone from the bare minimum of democracy to a military junta. The electoral system only lasted a decade, having been founded in 2011, and the country has now regressed to the same militant regime that held Myanmar for over half a century. Despite the promise of General Min Aung Hlaing to return to “a free and fair multiparty general election” in the future, the chances of this happening are slim. The deconstruction of their budding democracy has only increased the trials that the public faces, and the new regime is unlikely to promote the welfare of the populace. Myanmar’s survival as a democratic government has been limited even further. With development towards a liberal democracy halted, if not completely destroyed, the future of Myanmar stands in the balance.
In order for there to be a resolution to this crisis, the international community needs to create an environment conducive for peace and a strong electoral government. This involves promoting discourse between the military leadership, the opposing political party, and other countries in Southeast Asia. External actors need to use their power to influence the military regime and push them away from violent crackdowns and towards a conflict-free outcome. Isolating the administration and refusing to engage in dialogue will only aggravate the issue. Moreover, avoiding economic repercussions is crucial, as the citizens of Myanmar do not deserve and cannot handle the additional pressure that such actions would cause. The country’s current condition is perilous and requires the world’s attention, but beyond what has already occurred, there are few options that emphasize the protection of the public.
The consideration of these restricted possibilities highlights a fundamental aspect of the situation that must be improved upon: intensifying the level of international accountability that Myanmar’s military is facing. Authoritarians and armies cannot be allowed to continue discrediting democratic proceedings for their own gain. Questioning the integrity of voting systems and using that as an excuse for a takeover, such as what happened in Myanmar, damages the electoral institution from the inside. It threatens the reliability and stability of democracies around the globe, and when no punitive action is taken against the perpetrators, it opens up the prospect to other abusers worldwide. The increase in democratic backsliding and corrupt leadership that can be seen in the recent past demonstrates how great the need is to encourage a resolution to this crisis.
Should democracy in Myanmar be restored, returning the country to its previous state of affairs is not the most beneficial outcome. If international efforts to reestablish peace and democracy can succeed and result in the rehabilitation of the nation’s government, it cannot end with the implementation of what existed before the coup. Myanmar’s democracy was under the influence of the army before the coup. In 2017, the Myanmar government initiated a military operation against the Rohingya, a Muslim minority group. The Council of Foreign Relations approximates that 700,000 Rohingya people were forced to flee the country and become refugees. Returning to that quasi-democracy will not improve human rights or the nation’s state of affairs. World leaders need to work on building up Myanmar and giving them enough support to create a government and national order that will last. With the revival of the country’s military control, outside organizations must help in the reinforcement of democratic values and norms. Offering financial and political backing to the civilians of Myanmar throughout the myriad of crises they face is essential. While the military government will be resistant to change, combining the condemnation of democracy’s decline and the provision of aid to victims of oppression are ways in which peace and stability can at least be encouraged..."
Source/publisher:
The Organization for World Peace
Date of publication:
2021-08-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
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Description:
"As of 14 August, (971) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Falam Township in Chin State, Waingmaw Township in Kachin State and Myaung Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 14, a total of (5604) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
A woman called Lang Pyung was shot by the 58th Infantry Battalion after returning from purchasing groceries from Waingmaw on the evening of August 13 when their motorbike passed through a road in front of the 58th Infantry Battalion, her husband managed to escape. The couple, from Wu Yan village in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. Lang Pyung died at Waingmaw Hospital from a gunshot wound from left to right rib.
On August 12, Joshua from Parmun Chaung village in Falam Township, Chin State, was arrested by the terrorist junta’s troop, and shot dead in the back of the head.
On the night of August 10, the terrorist junta’s troop raided Kyi Kone village in Sagaing Region’s Myaung Township and beat unprovoked a local villager called Nyi Nyi Latt. The junta soldiers shot him to death when he then ran away. The body of Nyi Nyi Latt was found in a port in the village with many injuries on his body, and gunshot injuries to the neck and head, according to locals.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected] ..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.37 MB 5.35 MB 1.82 MB
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Sub-title:
A video of Sister Ann Rose Nu Tawng pleading with soldiers to stop firing on protesters went viral in March.
Description:
"A Catholic nun who stood between Myanmar security forces and peaceful protesters, pleading with troops not to open fire on the anti-junta crowd, is now helping coronavirus patients — under regime scrutiny in the wake of the fame her act of defiance won in her predominantly Buddhist country and around the world.
In early March, a month after the army overthrew the country’s elected civilian government in a coup that sent millions of protesters into the streets, Sister Ann Rose Nu Tawng placed herself between junta forces and a crowd of protesters in Myitkyina, one of the country’s largest cities.
In a video that swiftly went viral on social media, the 40-year-old Kachin nun waved her hands in the air, crying and begging, and then kneeling before the soldiers and police, entreating them to shoot her instead of the protesters.
In a widely circulated video, Sister Ann Nu Tawng told the heavily armed men: “You'll have to come through me.”
Her plea fell on deaf ears and was followed by rounds of tear gas and gunfire, leaving Sister Ann Nu Tawng to retrieve the bodies of slain protesters.
Five months after that day, she told RFA’s Myanmar Service that she had to overcome a lifelong fear of Myanmar soldiers to confront the troops in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin state in the multiethnic country’s far north.
“I ran to where the soldiers were, like a madman, like a mother hen protecting her chicks. I didn't even realize I could be in danger myself. I just didn’t want people to get killed,” said Sister Ann Nu Tawng.
Many lawyers, government employees, teachers and students were among those protesting against the military that day, she said.
“I was scared,” she said. “I was afraid they would be killed and beaten up. I just wanted to beg them to stop, not even worrying they might beat me up.”
Sister Ann Nu Tawng was born in Namkham in Shan state into a family that had been displaced by armed conflict and terrorized by uniformed Myanmar soldiers, serving the military regime that ran the country once known as Burma from 1962 to 2011.
“In our village, we always had to flee to safety when we saw soldiers coming,” she said. “We had to hide, or flee into the wilderness or stay in bomb shelters.”
When the soldiers left, Sister Ann Nu Tawng said she and the others in hiding returned to their village, though the troops would take away some residents and force them to work as their porters.
“I was very scared when I saw soldiers in uniforms. I’d be trembling,” she said.
More than 960 people across Myanmar have been killed by security forces since the coup that overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
‘People who stand for the truth’
Anti-junta protests in Myitkyina have tapered off because of the COVID-19 virus pandemic and the violent suppression and mass arrests of demonstrators.
Sister Ann Nu Tawng has since shifted her focus from helping displaced persons in Myitkyina to nursing sick coronavirus patients at the city’s Catholic Missionary Clinic and in remote Kachin state villages that health care workers cannot reach.
Catholics comprise about 1.4 percent, or about 750,000 people, of Myanmar’s population of 54 million.
As of Wednesday, Myanmar health officials recorded in 344,730 confirmed cases of the contagious respiratory virus, including 3,430 new ones, and 12,452 related deaths, including 215 new fatalities.
“There are people with COVID symptoms, but there are no test centers, and people have no money to take tests,” the nun said. “They also lack knowledge about how to stay away from one another. There are a lot of people who don’t know how to protect themselves.”
Sister Ann Nu Tawng said she was motivated to act when she saw families suffering and many deaths.
“I can’t live with seeing that, so I thought that I must do something, no matter what,” she said. “Even if I were to die while treating them, I would still do it. Otherwise, many more lives will be lost.”
Sister Ann Nu Tawng’s popularity as a social activist, boosted by the viral video and media attention, has brought scrutiny from Myanmar authorities, she said.
“I know people who stand for the truth and do good are hated,” the nun said. “If you are scared all the time, if you don’t dare to do things fearing criticism, you won’t be able to accomplish anything.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-08-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Human Rights Defenders
Language:
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Description:
"As of 13 August, (968) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 13, a total of (5571) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
A young girl around one-years-old was shot in the head and stomach and died on the spot in the morning of August 12 at Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region when the terrorist junta’s soldiers opened fire on three young men on motorbikes near the child’s house. In addition to this, Nyein Chan, father of the child, was shot twice in the arm, and the mother was also shot in the leg.
On August 5, junta soldiers and the Pyu Saw Htee detained five Than Pauk villagers near Obo village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township allegedly for being involved in the anti-coup revolution. A 26-year-old was beaten to death, called Hlaing Wai Oo, right in front of the detained persons at a school in Pan Sat village. Two sons had taken their mother to Yar Village which is close to Pan Sat village because she was suffering from illness. A total of five people including two sons and their mother and two other men were arrested while returning together. Hlaing Wai Oo was killed in front of his mother. A few days later, three of the villagers were released, but nothing has yet been heard about the one remaining villager.
Win Zaw was arrested when terrorist junta troops wearing plain clothes did not find his son when they searched his home in Dawei, Tanitharyi Region on the morning of August 12.
Myint San, MP of Magwe Region Hluttaw in the constituency No. (2) of Pauk Township and also NLD party member, who was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and had a warrant issued against her, was arrested in Nattalin Town in Bago Region on the night of August 11 by local junta police.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-13
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.36 MB 5.38 MB 1.81 MB
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Description:
"As of 12 August, (966) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Botahtaung Township in Yangon Region was killed on August 10 and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
In relation to the apartment raid by the terrorist junta on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, today, AAPP added Wai Wai Myint a.k.a Apple to our fatality list as we confirmed she had died then. AAPP will continue to verify and report information regarding this incident.
As of August 12, a total of (5562) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
At least five philanthropists including Naing Lin and Jue Mar were arrested on the morning of August 11 whilst they were planning to provide rice to the poor in Wakema Town, Ayeyarwady Region. A local said it is unknown why they were arrested.
On the evening of July 31, Poe Ei Khaing, the wife of Aung Kyaw Htet and his one-year-old daughter were arrested as hostage when the terrorist junta did not find Aung Kyaw Htet from Mandalay who is accused of having relations with the PDF. Poe Ei Khaing was suffering from an illness when she was arrested. The one-year-old daughter was released on August 2 two days after her arrest. The day his one-year-old daughter was released, the police station announced they would allow part-time breastfeeding, but they did not end up allowing this the next day, at which point they said Poe Ei Khaing contracted COVID-19. After this, he did not hear anything about his wife, according to Aung Kyaw Htet.
The nephew of Nay Myo named Myat Noe Lwin was detained as a hostage when the junta did not find Nay Myo, NLD Ward and Village Secretary of Kyauk Gyi Su Ward in Bago at home on the night of August 5. Nay Myo is charged under Section 505 of the Penal Code. In addition to this, the parents and son of Han Tun were detained as hostages when the junta did not find Han Tun, NLD campaigner of Pyan Kya Village in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township on the afternoon of August 8.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"At least 252 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities, and transports have been perpetrated in Myanmar from February 1 to July 31, 2021, according to an analysis based on open-source reports conducted by Insecurity Insight, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Public Health and Human Rights (CPHHR).
The country’s armed forces and police reportedly committed the vast majority of attacks amid ongoing protests against the military coup. In addition to the military’s attacks on civilians and demonstrators, health workers have been targeted for providing medical care to injured civilians and other health workers have been attacked for their participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which is protesting the military takeover. Violence against health care is increasingly derailing Myanmar’s COVID-19 response and vaccine roll-out, the research brief finds.
Within the 252 total incidents that took place across Myanmar during the first six months of the military’s coup and crackdown (February 1 to July 31, 2021), Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR highlight reports of:
190 health workers arrested
37 health workers injured
25 health workers killed
Hospitals raided at least 86 times
Hospitals occupied at least 55 times
17 incidents impacting COVID-19 response measures
The incidents referred to are based on the dataset 01 February – 31 July 2021 Violence Against Health Care in Myanmar Data, which is available on the Humanitarian Data Exchange (HDX).
For the purposes of this research brief, one incident can comprise multiple types of violence or threats such as those above. For example, in one reported incident in Kyauk Kone township in Yangon city on February 27, 20 health workers were arrested and four were injured. The brief does not include incidents of violence against patients.
While the vast majority of attacks and threats against health care have been perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces, non-state actors also reportedly committed violence against health care in May and June. Of the 252 total incidents, 234 are attributed to Myanmar’s armed forces (State Administrative Council/SAC or the Tatmadaw) and 15 to non-state actors. The increase in attacks by non-state actors was driven in part by escalating conflict between the military and local ethnic militias in recent months, particularly in the Chin and Kachin states.
The research brief highlights reports that staff from the World Health Organization , non-governmental organizations (NGO), and international non-governmental organizations have been threatened and forced to return to work by the military council. Most of them were either working from home or had stopped working due to the current security situation. There are reports that the SAC is trying to replace NGO workers believed to be close to the CDM with government appointees.
“Myanmar’s COVID-19 response is on life support – yet another consequence of the military’s unconscionable violence against health workers and facilities,” said Jennifer Leigh, an epidemiologist serving as PHR’s Myanmar researcher. “Six months into the coup, the military’s war on medics rages on. By brutalizing medical professionals during a pandemic, Myanmar’s junta is escalating its COVID-19 catastrophe and violating long-standing international principles of protection of health care, including the obligations of health professionals to care for the sick and wounded without interference.”
The research brief highlights a range of violence that has marred the country’s COVID-19 response. For example, personal protective equipment and oxygen supplies were confiscated for exclusive use by the military in Chin, Kayin, and Yangon. Throughout July, the military reportedly assaulted four civilians for transporting an oxygen tank in Mandalay, arrested three civilians retrieving oxygen and nine volunteers assisting with fills, and killed one civilian in search of oxygen. In one incident on July 13, 2021, security forces opened fire on crowds of civilians queuing in line for oxygen cylinders in Yangon.
COVID-19 centers have been raided and, at least two, closed down. A COVID-19 facility in Mandalay was raided and its medical equipment seized for alleged COVID-19 violations. Two COVID-19 treatment centers in Sagaing were destroyed by military shelling.
“Tragically, Myanmar has endured more reported attacks and threats against health care in 2021 than any country on Earth,” said Christina Wille, director of Insecurity Insight. “Myanmar’s surging COVID-19 crisis increasingly threatens other countries in the region and the global community. We call on all United Nations (UN) Member States to act to ensure the full implementation of Security Council Resolution 2286 and adopt measures to enhance the protection of and access to health care in situations of armed conflict. All people in Myanmar should benefit from unhindered delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccinations, medication, and supplies.”
Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR used an open-source methodology to compile incidents noted in local, national, and international news outlets, online databases, and social media reports. The incidents reported are neither a complete nor a representative list of all incidents. Most incidents have not undergone verification by Insecurity Insight, PHR, and CPHHR. Data collection is ongoing and data may change as more information is made available. However, the data offers a snapshot of how Myanmar’s military is persecuting health workers and targeting facilities amid its broader crackdown on dissent.
The research brief makes several recommendations to UN Member States, urging the international community to ensure the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2286, adopted May 2016, which strongly condemns attacks on medical personnel in conflict situations..."
Source/publisher:
Physicians for Human Rights (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Health: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"As of 11 August, (965) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
In relation to the terrorist junta’s raid of the apartment on 44th street in Botahtaung Township, Yangon, some media outlets have said five people died, others that six died. It is without doubt there were deaths, but we are continuing to inquire and confirm the exact figure and identities.
As of August 11, a total of (5550) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Terrorist junta’s troops entered Htauk Kyant village in Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township on the afternoon of August 10 and arrested the father-in-law and mother-in-law of Maung Phyu when they did not find Maung Phyu living in that village.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.37 MB 5.3 MB 1.83 MB
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Sub-title:
Six months after seizing power in a coup, Myanmar’s military leaders now appear to be moving to consolidate their rule, the UN Special Envoy for the country said on Tuesday, in her latest briefing to journalists in New York.
Description:
"Christine Schraner Burgener said the situation in Myanmar “is still very worrisome”, amid a “severe” third wave of COVID-19 infections.
Last week, senior army general Min Aung Hlaing announced he was appointing himself Prime Minister, and pledged to hold elections by 2023.
Solidifying their grip
“In my view, the Commander-in-Chief appears determined to solidify his grip on power with the latest caretaker government announcement; also, with the formal annulment of the election result from last year and declaration of the Commander-in-Chief to be Prime Minister of the country,” the UN envoy said, speaking from Switzerland.
Ms. Schraner Burgener also expressed fear that the National League of Democracy (NLD), which won the November 2020 election, could also soon be forcibly disbanded. State Counsellor and party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, alongside President Win Myint, were detained in the 1 February coup.
“This is an attempt to promote legitimacy against lack of international action taken”, she said. “And I have to make (it) clear that the UN does not recognize Governments, so it’s up to the Member States.”
She underlined that “as long as Member States do not make any decision”, Myanmar’s Permanent Representative in New York, Kyaw Moe Tun, remains the country’s legitimate UN Ambassador, while Ms. Suu Kyi and President Myint are its leaders.
Recently, international media reported that a plot was uncovered to kill or injure Ambassador Tun, who denounced the coup in the General Assembly Hall in New York.
“I was really shocked to hear this, and clearly it’s now up to the investigation team to find out who is behind this attack,” said Ms.Schraner Burgener.
Violence and pandemic
The situation on the ground in Myanmar remains “very difficult”, she reported.
“There is no freedom of speech, and I have still grave concerns about attacks against the free press. And I urge always in my discussions with the army to release political prisoners, including many media workers.”
The military cracked down on pro-democracy demonstrations in the wake of the coup, and more than 960 people have been killed so far. Thousands more were arrested and detained, including foreigners and over 100 children.
Meanwhile, clashes between the army and local defense forces continue. Violence has risen, and the defense groups are increasingly using “professional weapons”.
At the same time, Myanmar is also facing a devastating battle against the coronavirus. More than 331,000 cases have been reported.
UN agencies and partners are working to resume provision of health assistance, with priority given to vaccine rollout through the global solidarity initiative, COVAX, and to revitalizing immunizations generally.
Ongoing UN engagement
Ms. Schraner Burgener continues her engagement to find a peaceful solution to the political crisis in Myanmar, although she has yet to be allowed to travel there.
The UN Special Envoy has been holding talks with the military, ethnic armed organizations, and other stakeholders, who include the National Unity Government (NUG), formed by exiled lawmakers ousted in the coup. Representatives come from the NLD, other parties and ethnic armed groups.
Over the past two months, she has been promoting the idea of an inclusive dialogue organized around four “clusters” covering pandemic response, humanitarian assistance, and issues related to the Rohingya community.
The final and biggest cluster would address root causes of the crisis, such as discussions around the federal system, the constitution, law reforms and the electoral system.
She has also proposed establishing an international observer group on Myanmar. Membership would comprise China, India, Japan, Thailand, the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway, and Switzerland, in addition to the UN, the European Union and the Southeast Asian regional bloc, ASEAN.
Promoting inclusive dialogue
“The ethnic armed groups were in the majority very positive of this idea, and really want to find a peaceful solution,” she said, referring to the dialogue proposal.
“The NUG…was interested in the idea but clearly would have pre-conditions to start such a dialogue.”
Ms. Schraner Burgener held “a long conversation” with Soe Win, the army’s Deputy Commander-in-Chief, on 16 July.
Although receptive to some of her ideas, including integrating health workers in COVID-19 prevention measures, “on the dialogue, I didn’t receive an answer: not a positive, not a negative.”
She hoped that with the recent appointment of an ASEAN Special Envoy on Myanmar, an all-inclusive dialogue will take place, otherwise “it goes more and more in the direction of a civil war,” she warned..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights Reporting (global, regional and Myanmar), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, COVID-19 (Coronavirus)
Language:
more
Description:
"As of 10 August, (965) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Falam Township in Chin State was killed today and (2) from Myaing Township in Magway Region and Myanaung Township in Ayeyarwady Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 10, a total of (5534) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
60 year-old Pi Ngeih Tling was shot dead in the chest at home in an unprovoked shooting by the terrorist junta’s soldiers on the morning of August 10 at Falam Township in Chin State.
On the afternoon of August 9, three junta police wearing plainclothes entered Pike Thin village and opened fire because a protest leader San Ko from Pike Thin Village escaped from arrest when three junta police tried to arrest him at a COVID-19 checkpoint. Aung Zay Ya, a villager from Pike Thin village in Magway Region’s Myaing Township, was dragged into their car because he was holding a slingshot when he went out of the house to look. When junta police arrived near a pond at the top of the village, they told Aung Zay Ya to get out of the car and told him to run towards the pond. While Aung Zay Ya was running, they shot him from his back. Aung Zay Ya died on the spot from this gunshot injury, according to a local.
A family was informed that San Win from Tha Pyay Kone village in Ayeyarwady Region’s Myanaung Township, who was arrested by Tha Pyay Kone Village Police Station in the morning of August 7 for questioning, died at the hospital at 2 pm that day due to severe injuries. It is reported there were beatings all over his body consistent with torture. Win Tun and Aung Myint Oo from Tha Pyay Kone village were arrested with him and were released the same day. On the morning of August 9, local police Kyaw Kyaw Maung and a person wearing plain clothes came to his family to settle the case for 3 million kyats. It is reported that his family members will not accept this negotiation.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"Twenty-year-old law student Theint Sandi Soe had been visiting her mother and four-year-old sister at their family home in Mogok when military police burst in and detained all three of them.
Against the backdrop of Myanmar’s ongoing military coup, the arrests themselves did not send shockwaves. It was what happened next—an act of courageous defiance met with draconian law enforcement measures—that propelled Theint Sandi Soe’s name into news headlines, and that continues to fuel a frantic search for answers amid reports that the law student’s health is rapidly deteriorating in prison.
Bargaining Chips Backfire
Few were surprised when Myanmar’s military police burst into the family home; after all, Theint Sandi Soe’s father, U Soe Htay, was a prominent local protest leader, making him an obvious target for the oppressive regime. Since Myanmar’s military leadership, known as the Tatmadaw, overthrew the country’s elected government in February, millions have taken to the streets in protest. As of August 9, more than 7,000 people had been arrested, 962 had died (including, according to Human Rights Watch, some 75 children), and nearly 2,000 people remained in hiding from arrest warrants, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a human rights advocacy group that tallies these figures daily.
Few were surprised, even, when the authorities instead arrested his wife and two daughters after discovering their target was not at home the morning of June 13, despite only having arrived with a search warrant for the home and an arrest warrant for U Soe Htay. Reports of this grim tactic, detaining an activist’s family to lure him or her out of hiding, have abounded since the early days of the coup.
Upon hearing Theint Sandi Soe had been detained, her friends worried for her, especially given her ongoing struggle with rheumatoid arthritis, which required frequent treatment and vigilant medical observation. Still, none of the individuals whom we spoke with for this interview had suspected at that point that she would be formally convicted of a crime, let alone sentenced to prison time. Common wisdom held that the authorities would use the women as bargaining chips to compel U Soe Htay to come forward, before ultimately releasing them.
The release of the youngest daughter, four-year-old Su Htet Win, on June 30—two days after her fifth birthday, according to local media—seemed at first to affirm this theory. Had they played by the rules, Theint Sandi Soe and her mother Kyi Kyi Khaing, 44, would likely have walked free.
But Theint Sandi Soe and Kyi Kyi Khaing refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of a court purporting to uphold the laws imposed by the Tatmadaw, whose very rule was illegal as far as they were concerned. The two women protested a routine hearing, and shortly thereafter were sentenced to three years incarceration on the grounds that they had violated article 505(a) of Myanmar’s penal code—a law on incitement that has attracted much controversy.
In the aftermath of the sentencing, as Theint Sandi Soe’s family remains in hiding, we spoke with close friends about the promising young law student and the days and months leading up to her sentencing. JURIST conducted these interviews via video chat from Myanmar, with the assistance of a local translator on JURIST’s staff. Our interviewees will remain anonymous for the time being due to concerns for their security.
Her Father’s Daughter
By the time his wife and daughters were arrested, U Soe Htay had come full circle. He first made a name for himself as an impassioned proponent of Myanmar’s 1988 student uprising—a movement that championed democratic values, before being violently suppressed by the country’s military dictatorship. In more recent years, Myanmar appeared to have been charting a gradual course toward democracy; in 2008, the Tatmadaw established a new constitution that secured the military’s grip on power while also opening the door to civilian leadership. Between 2011 and 2021, power shifted from the military junta to a pro-military civilian administration before ultimately reaching the democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who had been broadly recognized as the face of the 1988 uprising, and who had spent some 15 years under house arrest by the time of her release in 2010. Once the Tatmadaw overthrew the NLD in February 2021, U Soe Htay swiftly reclaimed his role in the pro-democratic protest movement.
Given their lack of a relevant warrant, the Tatmadaw forces were likely unaware at the time of her arrest that Theint Sandi Soe had also been an active member of the opposition. “She thought that the coup was a violation of human rights, and she protested both on the streets and via social media,” said a close friend who had spent three years living in student dorms with Theint Sandi Soe. “She quickly joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and advocated vocally for the opposition.”
The impassioned advocacy was in keeping with her character: “She lives for the truth,“ said another friend and fellow law student. “And she’s so brave. If she believes something is right, she will never give up in fighting for it.”
Despite their innate understanding of Theint Sandi Soe’s courage and commitment to the movement, her friends were frantic upon learning of her arrest. “When I found out she had been detained, I panicked. Before she was arrested, she had been very active in donating money to the CDM. I was worried that if I spoke out too much, she’d be tortured,” said one friend, who explained that her initial impulse was to attempt to control the potential damage from Theint Sandi Soe’s protest activities.
“The first thing I did was get access to her and her mom’s social media accounts and deactivate them. I then set about looking for lawyers to put her family in touch with. All the while I felt like I was in a mist—I didn’t know what was happening or what I could do, and just felt so helpless and angry,” they said.
Dire Conditions
Much of what is known about Theint Sandi Soe’s prison conditions came from her five-year-old sister, who remained with her mother and older sister for nearly three weeks after their arrest.
“Her baby sister told me how horrible it was in there—how they were forced to sit in stress positions for hours at a time, how they were forced to bathe in toilet water,” a friend and former dormmate recounted.
Other detainees who were subsequently released also spoke of her declining health. “We were told that she’s extremely ill, and that she has not received any medical treatment for her rheumatoid arthritis,” the friend said.
Audibly distressed as she spoke of the situation, the friend added: “I was so upset when I heard about her worsening health, but the more I thought about it, the more I realized that there’s really no difference between her and the other detainees who have been arrested by the military junta. They are so used to torturing people by this point—they have no humanity left in them,” she said. “This has become everyday life for the people of Myanmar.”
Her friends were thrown for another loop when, less than a month after they were arrested, following their refusal to comply with what they saw as a show trial, Theint Sandi Soe and Kyi Kyi Khaing were sentenced to three years in prison for incitement.
“I couldn’t believe it when I heard she was sentenced so quickly. I figured she and her mom were essentially being held as bargaining chips, as a means of forcing her dad to present himself to the authorities. But I wasn’t as shocked when I learned that she had protested the legitimacy of the court and the judges, who were not members of the CDM. I don’t think her bravery just came because she was arrested; I think her bravery is in her character,” a friend said.
Another friend seconded this point: “I think her courage is in her character. If I were arrested, I wouldn’t have the courage to protest the court. She is unbelievably brave.”
Reverberations Across the Globe
The degradation of Myanmar’s justice system has been lambasted by human rights advocacy groups.
As stated by Human Rights Watch Asia researcher Shayna Bauchner in a recent article: “These bogus military tribunals are handing down unfair and unappealable death sentences under direction from a commander sanctioned by the European Union, United States, and others for committing the worst crimes under international law… “The United Nations, EU, US, and other governments should be demanding the release of all those wrongfully imprisoned and ramping up pressure so the junta knows that what they do—even behind prison doors—is being watched.”
In an open letter, Amnesty International has expressed similar sentiments: “Activists, human rights defenders, journalists, and other individuals opposed to the military’s brutal crackdown have been arrested and charged on spurious grounds. There are allegations of those arrested and detained being denied the rights to prompt access to legal counsel of their own choice and other fair trial rights. Those detained are also allegedly being denied access to healthcare and the medications on which they are reliant. Amnesty International has also received credible reports of ill-treatment and torture, including at least two deaths in custody.”
As they continue to work through the fallout of her arrest, Theint Sandi Soe’s friends are left with a palpable sense of anger. “The way her trial started, the way it ended, and the way she was arrested was simply evil. She wasn’t given the chance to defend her case, and the military fabricated a case against her. They charged her without any reasonable grounds,” one said.
But they remain undeterred in their fight against injustice: “Unjust and unlawful as her and so many other stories are, we hope that law students outside of Myanmar will help protest, raise awareness and fight for the release of all our political prisoners.”
In the days that have passed since our interview with her friends, Theint Sandi Soe has been diagnosed with COVID, which at present is spreading uncontrolled through Myanmar. With this diagnosis compounding her chronic condition, those who know the fearless law student, as well as members of the Burmese diaspora around the world, are watching the story unfold with increasing concern for her health.
Source/publisher:
JURIST
Date of publication:
2021-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"As of 9 August, (962) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. (1) from Myingyan Township in Mandalay region died today and (1) from Mandalay died yesterday. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 9, a total of (5526) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Doctor Maung Maung Nyein Tun, lecturer of surgery of University of Medicine of Mandalay, who is involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was arrested on June 13 and sued three counts of charges, died on August 8 at Mandalay General Hospital due to COVID-19. It is reported that he was contracted COVID-19 while detained in the Interrogation Center of Mandalay Nandwin. At first, it is heard that the terrorist junta did not transfer him to the hospital and detained him at the No.9 police station for two weeks. He was transferred to the Mandalay General Hospital when his condition was worse as he did not receive sufficient medical treatment in the cell.
Maung Htay from Kywe Chan Village in Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region, who was arrested on July 10 allegedly because he kept youth protesters and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code, died in Myingyan Prison on August 9. According to a friend of his family member, although the Prisons Department said Maung Htay died due to atherosclerosis and hypertension, his body was covered and only allowed to look at the face.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup campaigns, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Size:
1.35 MB 5.29 MB 1.78 MB
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Description:
"The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network, was formed on 7th August 2021 by religious leaders and
civil society leaders from different ethnic and religious backgrounds, who are actively opposing and
fighting against the military dictatorship. The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network has the following
objectives:
1. To end the military dictatorship
2. To establish a federal democratic union that holds values of freedom, justice, and equality
by working together with different religious groups
3. To build a new society that guarantees the right to freedom of religion and practice, and
eliminates discrimination among people of different ethnicities and between different
religions
Our network hereby issues the following statement in honour of the 33rd Anniversary of the 8.8.88
Revolution.
1. We pay tribute to the martyrs and people of all religions and ethnicities who have sacrificed
their lives in various pro-democracy movements, including but not limited to, the Myanmar Spring
Revolution.
2. The military junta must follow continuous calls for the unconditional release of all the unjustly
detained political prisoners, including the President and the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
3. We do not recognize the military junta - who staged the coup to seize power from the elected
civilian government - as a legitimate government. We only recognize the National Unity
Government (NUG), which was formed under the Federal Charter, as a legitimate government.
4. We strongly urge the United Nations and the international community not to recognize and
work with the military junta, but to recognize and cooperate with the NUG which has received the
support of the majority of the people of Myanmar.
5. We strongly condemn the weaponization of the Covid-19 pandemic for political gains by the
military junta, and we call for the United Nations and the international community to intervene as
soon as possible to address this humanitarian crisis.
6. We will support and coordinate with other pro-democracy forces from different backgrounds
in order to establish a federal democratic union in accordance with our values and objectives..."
Source/publisher:
The Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
Date of publication:
2021-08-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Spring Revolution, Military History
Language:
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Size:
25.92 KB 363.49 KB
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Description:
"The United States on Saturday condemned a thwarted plot to attack Myanmar's U.N. ambassador in New York, saying it fits a "disturbing pattern" of authoritarian leaders and their supporters seeking to persecute opponents around the world.
Two Myanmar citizens have been arrested in New York state for plotting with an arms dealer in Thailand - who sells weapons to the Burmese military - to kill or injure Myanmar's U.N. ambassador, U.S. authorities said on Friday.
Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, who represents Myanmar's elected civilian government which was overthrown by the military in February, told Reuters on Wednesday that a threat had been made against him and U.S. authorities had stepped up his security. read more
The U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, said on Saturday that the threat "fits a disturbing pattern of authoritarian leaders and their supporters reaching across the globe ... to persecute and repress journalists, activists, and others who dare speak or stand against them."
Thomas-Greenfield cited Krystsina Tsimanouskaya, a Belarusian athlete who refused to return home from the Tokyo Olympics and sought refuge in Poland, and a thwarted plot by several Iranians to kidnap a New York journalist and rights activist who was critical of Iran.
"These are only the most recent acts of transnational repression, and they must be met with the condemnation of the world and with full and certain accountability," Thomas-Greenfield said in a statement..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-08-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"As of 7 August, (960) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (12) fallen heroes today. These (12) fallen heroes from Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 7, a total of (5512) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Khun Nyein Chan, Khun Bay and Khun Phoe O, living in Kayan Tharyar Village in Kayah State’ Loikaw Township, were arrested by the terrorist military at the Kayan Tharyar checkpoint in Loikaw on August 6. They were arrested on suspicion of an alleged connection to the PDF after inspecting their phones.
Wai Yan Tun a.k.a Myo Myo, a dance teacher, who was arrested on June 24 for allegedly being a protest leader in Mohnyin Town, Kachin State, was charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code on July 31.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”...."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.34 MB 5.33 MB 1.78 MB
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Description:
"Audrey Strauss, the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, Jacqueline Maguire, the Acting Assistant Director in Charge of the New York Field Office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), and Dermot Shea, Police Commissioner of the City of New York (“NYPD”), announced the arrests of PHYO HEIN HTUT and YE HEIN ZAW for conspiracy to assault and make a violent attack upon Myanmar’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations. HTUT and ZAW were charged in two separate complaints and will be presented later today in the U.S. District Court in White Plains before U.S. Magistrate Judge Andrew E. Krause.
U.S. Attorney Audrey Strauss said: “As alleged, Phyo Hein Htut and Ye Hein Zaw plotted to seriously injure or kill Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations in a planned attack on a foreign official that was to take place on American soil. We commend the tireless work of our law enforcement partners at all levels of government to ensure the safety of foreign diplomats and officials.”
FBI Acting Assistant Director Jacqueline Maguire said: “Time was of the essence when we received information about a threat to Myanmar’s Ambassador to the United Nations. I would like to thank our Westchester Safe Streets Task Force and each of our partner law enforcement agencies that worked quickly and diligently to track down the men allegedly hired in this plot to harm and potentially kill a foreign diplomat on U.S. soil. Our laws apply to everyone in our country, and these men will now face the consequences of allegedly breaking those laws.”
NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea said: “As alleged in today’s federal charges, these defendants reached across borders and oceans in designing a violent plot against an international leader on United States soil. But our NYPD investigators and prosecutors from the United States Attorney’s Office in the Southern District of New York worked relentlessly with our law enforcement partners to bring them to justice before any harm could be done.”
According to the allegations in the two Complaints filed today[1]:
Between at least in or about July 2021 through at least on or about August 5, 2021, HTUT and ZAW, citizens of Myanmar currently residing in New York, conspired to injure or kill Myanmar’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations (the “Ambassador”). During the conspiracy, HTUT communicated with an arms dealer in Thailand (the “Arms Dealer”) who sells weapons to the Burmese military, which overthrew Myanmar’s civilian government in or about February 2021. In the course of those conversations, HTUT and the Arms Dealer agreed on a plan in which HTUT would hire attackers to hurt the Ambassador in an attempt to force the Ambassador to step down from his post. If the Ambassador did not step down, then the Arms Dealer proposed that the attackers hired by HTUT would kill the Ambassador.
Shortly after agreeing on the plan, ZAW contacted HTUT by cellphone and transferred approximately $4,000 to HTUT through a money transfer app as an advance payment on the plot to attack the Ambassador. Later, during a recorded phone conversation with ZAW, HTUT discussed how the planned attackers would require an additional $1,000 to conduct the attack on the Ambassador in Westchester County, and for an additional payment the attackers could, in substance, “finish off” the Ambassador. In response, ZAW agreed, in substance, to pay the additional $1,000 and to try to obtain the additional money.
HTUT, 28, and ZAW, 20, both citizens of Myanmar, are each charged in separate complaints with one count of conspiracy to assault and make a violent attack upon a foreign official, which carries a maximum sentence of five years in prison. The maximum potential sentences in this case are prescribed by Congress and are provided here for informational purposes only, as any sentencing of the defendants will be determined by the judge.
Ms. Strauss praised the outstanding investigative work of the FBI’s Westchester Safe Streets Task Force, which comprises special agents and task force officers from the FBI, NYPD, United States Probation Office, New York State Police, New York State Department of Corrections and Community Supervision, Westchester County Department of Public Safety, Westchester County District Attorney’s Office, Putnam County Sheriff’s Office, and the police departments of Yonkers, Mount Vernon, New Rochelle, Greenburgh, White Plains, Peekskill, Ramapo, and Clarkstown. Ms. Strauss also thanked the Pelham Manor Police Department and the U.S. Department of State’s Diplomatic Security Service for their assistance in the investigation.
Ms. Strauss said that the investigation is ongoing, and asked any individuals with relevant information to contact the FBI at (800)-CALL-FBI.
The prosecution is being handled by the Office’s White Plains Division. Assistant United States Attorney Nicholas S. Bradley is in charge of the prosecution.
The charges in the Complaints are merely accusations and the defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty.
[1] As the introductory phrase signifies, the entirety of the texts of the Complaints and the description of the Complaints set forth in this release constitute only allegations, and every fact described should be treated as an allegation..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of Justice (Washington, D.C.)
Date of publication:
2021-08-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Human Rights Defenders
Language:
more
Description:
"As of 6 August, (948) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 6, a total of (5502) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Peter Aung, Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Hpei Hkon Township, Shan State and also NLD member Maung Lwat, Zin Thaw Hein, Sai Lu, Maung Thet, were arrested by the junta at a checkpoint in Shan State’s Nant Hsan Township on July 30.
Nan Sandar Win and Nan Hsu Paing Phue, 4 th year students of Mawlamyine University, living in Sin village in Mon State’s Paung Township, were arrested by the terrorist junta on August 3, and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code then sent to Mon State’s Kyeikmaraw Prison on August 4.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.33 MB 5.21 MB 1.79 MB
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Description:
" People arrested
In Karenni State the total number of people arrested since the coup has increased from 132 to
135 during the past two weeks. The three arrested, including a young woman, were aid
volunteers, who were on the way to provide assistance to one of the IDP camps on July 30,
2021.
Ongoing military aggression
The SAC troops have been continuing clearance operations in the areas where KNDF and
IDPs are staying, so on July 23 the KNDF issued a statement that fighting could occur at any
time.
On July 19, SAC troops who had set up a camp near Kalilyah village, Nan Peh village tract,
in Bawlake township fired artillery into the village. On the same day, SAC troops based in
Bawlake town also shelled artillery into Nan Peh village, about 10 kilometers away After the
shelling, SAC troops in civilian clothes patrolled around the villages of Taw Khu, Kalilyah,
Nan Peh and Tah Leh. Most of the villagers of Kalilyah and Nan Peh have now fled to hide in
the jungle.
On July 20, 2021, the SAC shelled into Pruso town for no apparent reason. Residents of
Pruso suddenly heard loud explosions of shells, but luckily no one was injured or killed.
On July 22, 2021, at 4 pm, KNPP troops and KNDF troops ambushed a convoy of SAC
trucks transporting rations and troops near Kayan Thayar village and Kyauk Kone village in
Loikaw township.
On July 31, 2021, at 11:45 am, KNPP troops and KNDF troops clashed with SAC troops near
Pah Tima village and Daw Muklah village in Loikaw township. The SAC troops, from LIB
261 and LIB 250, were heading to IDP camps in Kayan Thayar village tract and Pakyeh
village tract in Loikaw township, on the instructions of the Eastern Regional Command and
Loikaw-based military command.
Situation of IDPs and humanitarian aid
The new displacement of 812 villagers from Kalilyah and Nan Peh villages in Bawlake
township, due to ongoing SAC artillery attacks on civilians, has raised the total numbers
displaced to almost 120,000 in all townships of Karenni State and Pekhon township. This has
increased the need for food, medicine and shelter for the IDPs.
Some villagers have risked returning to their original villages to try and farm their lands, but
dare not bring their children with them in case fighting breaks out again. They therefore leave
their children in the IDP camps, where makeshift schools have been set up..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni Civil Society Network
Date of publication:
2021-08-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
Format :
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Size:
849.27 KB 902.22 KB
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Description:
"As of 5 August, (948) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Ye Township in Mon State and Minkin Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 5, a total of (5497) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Pyay Thein, who was arrested while protesting in Ye Township, Mon State on March 22 and charged under Section 505(a) of the Penal Code and detained at Kyeikmaraw Prison, died on August 4 in prison. Even though police said he died from diabetes, Pyay Thein had never suffered from diabetes according to his family’s friend. Myo Chit, a member of Minkin PDF of Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township, who was trapped and arrested along with over 50 members of Minkin PDF on July 28 at Taung Phyu Village in Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township, was killed on August 3 in an interrogation center in Kalay Town.
Thet Htar Hnaung, MP for Kachin State Hluttaw of No (1) Constituency of Mohnyin Township, Kachin State and also NLD member, was arrested and beaten around 2am of August 4 by junta soldiers and those wearing plain clothes. Approximately six people were arrested along with her at the home.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: [email protected] [email protected]
“Our uprising must succeed”..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.32 MB 5.57 MB 1.8 MB
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Description:
"As of 4 August, (946) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 4, a total of (5495) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1984 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Khin Mar Lin, a chair of Myittar Lay Nyin Social Association of Nan Mar Town in Kachin State’s Mohnyin Township, was arrested at 1am on August 4 by the terrorist junta. Other people were arrested along with her. In addition to this, Min Min Tun, a political activist from Pyay Town and NLD member of Pyay Township in Bago Region, was arrested on the morning of August 3 by the terrorist junta when his father’s funeral ceremony was being held.
Nan Sandar Win and Nan Su Paing Phue, 4th year students of Mawlamyine University, living in Sin Village in Mon State’s Paung Township, were arrested at their homes by the terrorist junta in the evening of August 3. Moreover, Thinzar Tun, third year student of University of Nursing, living in King Ma Village in Magway Region’s Pauk Township, was arrested on the way from King Ma Village to Kan Ma Village on August 2. Three youths from King Ma Village were also arrested with Thinzar Tun.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.32 MB 5.47 MB 1.77 MB
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Sub-title:
Police once again blame COVID-19, despite the bodies exhibiting signs of severe trauma.
Description:
"Two more people have died under suspicious circumstances while undergoing interrogation by security forces in Myanmar, bringing to 32 the total number of such deaths since the military seized power in a coup d’état six months ago.
In nearly all the cases, authorities have blamed the deaths on COVID-19, despite markings on the bodies of decedents that are consistent with torture. Family members have also been given limited access to view the remains of their loved ones before they are cremated or buried.
The latest to die in police custody was Htet Ko Oo, who was arrested on July 19 in connection with the bombing of the Shwe Nandaw (Golden Palace) jewelry shop in Myanmar’s largest city Yangon. The July 8 incident was the second in less than a month targeting a business owned by Thet Thet Khine, the junta’s minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement.
According to Burma VJ, a website formed by a group of citizen journalists that documents human rights abuses by Myanmar’s military, Htet Ko Oo died on July 31 after being severely beaten during an interrogation session. The website said that authorities never informed his family members of his death and that they only learned of it after seeing a report on social media.
RFA was unable to contact Htet Ko Oo’s family for comment on Tuesday.
Lan Ko Thang, a resident of Sagaing region’s Kalay township, was arrested along with a friend on July 29 while returning home from the Chinese border, where he had labored as a migrant worker for nearly a year. Police had set up a checkpoint to control the spread of the coronavirus following a surge in cases in China and claimed to have “found weapons” on him after stopping the bus he was riding on for an inspection.
Lan Ko Thang died a day after his arrest at an area interrogation center and his family was informed that the cause of death was COVID-19, even though his body exhibited signs of heavy trauma, a relative told RFA’s Myanmar Service, speaking on condition of anonymity citing fear of reprisal.
“When we asked how he died, the military said he died of COVID, but our brother had a lot of injuries all over his body,” said the relative.
“There was a big wound on his head and one of his legs and one of his arms were broken. There were beating marks on his back and leg. There were also marks on his neck, as if he had been strangled. We are furious.”
RFA was unable to verify police reports that Lan Ko Thang was armed, but a resident of Kalay called him “calm and quiet,” adding that it was “totally impossible” that he would have had any weapons on him.
Lan Ko Thang is the fifth person to die from suspected torture while in custody in Kalay since the military ousted Myanmar’s National League for Democracy (NLD) government in a Feb. 1 coup. Government troops have engaged in a major offensive in the region with members of the People’s Defense Force (PDF) militia, formed to protect the public from the military.
A resident of Kalay, who declined to be named, said the rise in arrests and deaths from torture during interrogation has made residents “very insecure.”
“These days, many houses are being raided and people are being arrested. It’s not safe even on the streets in the afternoon. People are always scared,” they said.
“I don't know where [the troops] are getting all their information. They search any house they want without a warrant. Most of those arrested were kept in detention without any reason. Troops have been stationed at the city gates for some time. People have been arrested there too.”
Veteran lawyer Kyee Myint told RFA that any death that occurs during an interrogation should be considered wrongful and families of victims are entitled to file a lawsuit seeking compensation. Family members have said they were unaware of how to file a complaint against the military and questioned what kind of justice they could expect if they did.
Seeking accountability
On Feb. 1, the military overthrew Myanmar’s democratically elected government, claiming voter fraud had led to a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party in the country’s November 2020 election. The junta has yet to provide evidence of its claims and has violently suppressed nationwide demonstrations calling for a return to civilian rule, killing 946 people over the past six months.
Last month, the family members of those killed or maimed by junta soldiers urged the Netherlands-based International Criminal Court (ICC) to prosecute those responsible for the death or dismemberment of their loved ones. They say the military’s leadership must be held to account for its actions, which they believe fall under the court’s jurisdiction according to its founding treaty, the Rome Statute.
Under the statute, the ICC can accept cases related to four main crimes—genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. The actions by the junta would most likely fall under crimes against humanity—which include murder, rape, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, and torture as part of a large-scale attack against any civilian population.
Aung Myo Min, human rights minister for the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), recently told RFA that torturing someone to death and not providing the actual cause of death is “a grave violation” of a person’s right to life.
He said the NUG is systematically collecting data on extrajudicial killings and plans to bring the perpetrators to justice at the ICC.
Before the ICC will investigate a case, the Office of the Prosecutor must determine whether there is sufficient evidence of crimes of sufficient gravity falling within the ICC’s jurisdiction, whether there are genuine national proceedings, and whether opening an investigation would serve the interests of justice and of the victims.
After gathering evidence and identifying a suspect, the prosecution requests that the ICC judges issue an arrest warrant or summons against a suspect and—based on summations presented by the prosecution, the Defense, and the Legal representative of victims—the judges decide if there is enough evidence for the case to go to trial.
Attempts by RFA to contact junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered Tuesday..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Updated 3 August 2021:
As of 3 August, (946) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (1) fallen hero today. This (1) fallen hero from Myingyan Township in Mandalay Region was killed on a previous day and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 3, a total of (5478) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Moe Zaw, who was arrested with four other villagers from Sone Ywar Kone Village in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Township on July 6, died on July 31 at Myingyan Hospital and found with injuries consistent with torture from interrogation. Injuries on his dead body included knife cuts, cigarette burns on his back and his ribs and abdomen were bruised with gunstock.
Policeman Phyo Zaw Hein from Yesagyo Town in Magway Region, who is involved in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was assaulted and arrested on August 1 by police wearing plain clothes. In addition to this, three youths named Soe Thura Moe, Aung Myo Chit and Zaw Khet, who were involved in the Motorbike Strike Column in Pyinmana, Nay Pyi Taw, were arrested at their homes on the night of August 1. Moreover, Aung Sein, Pyithu Hluttaw MP from Dawei Township in Tanintharyi Region, was arrested at his home in Dawei on the night of July 30.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Updated 2 August 2021:
As of 2 August, (945) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Mandalay in Mandaly Region, Kalay Township and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed on previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of August 2, a total of (5474) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1964 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Sai Ye Yint a.k.a Myo Chit Thu, who was shot in the groin and detained when the terrorist junta raided a home where youth protesters were staying in Patheingyi Township, Mandalay Region in the morning of July 31, died that same morning. The body was not returned to his family. Moreover, the condition of Khaing Tun who was shot in the leg and detained remains unknown, as with Sai Ye Yint a.k.a Myo Chit Thu initially.
Lam Khant Htan and Lar Kein from Thar Yar Kone Village in Sagaing Region’s Kalay Township were arrested on July 30 on suspicion over weapons allegedly found in a private car they were passengers in when they arrived at the entrance of Kalay Town returning home from work in China. His family was informed on July 31 that Lam Khant Htan died due to COVID-19. However, it is reported his leg and hand were broken, with many injuries to the head, back, leg and neck. Lar Kein who was detained along with Lam Khant Htan is still being detained.
12 men who were arrested by terrorist junta’s troops on July 26 and July 27 in Sagaing Region’s Kani Township, were later found killed with injuries consistent with torture. These men included three brothers named Aung Myint Thu, Chin Twin Maung, and Phyo Kyaw Aung from Kani Town, seven men including a 14 year-old child from Thayet Taw Village, and two men from Kho Twin Village. Their bodies were found in the forest near East Taung Pauk Village in Kani Township on July 31.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-08-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Ye Yint, 22, died after he was shot in the pelvis and captured by junta forces on Saturday
Description:
"A 22-year-old anti-coup protester who was shot and injured before being detained during a raid in Mandalay on Saturday morning has died in military custody, two protest organisers have told Myanmar Now.
Ye Yint was among nine protesters who were detained when about 30 soldiers and police raided a house they were staying in in Patheingyi Township’s Nan Oo Lwin neighbourhood.
He was shot in the pelvis while another young protester, 22-year-old Khaing Tun, was shot in the leg during the raid.
“Two kids tried to run in panic and one was shot in his leg,” said one of the protest organisers. “The other one got shot in the back and the bullet went cleanly through his pelvis.”
The detainees were brought to Mandalay Palace, which houses the military’s Central Command headquarters, and Ye Yint’s family was told at around 4pm that he had died, the second organiser said: “His wife told us.”
As of 8pm, the family still had not been able to retrieve his body, the organiser added. Myanmar Now was unable to reach his relatives for comment.
Three other protesters were detained in Mandalay on the morning that Ye Yint and Khaing Tun were shot.
They were captured in Mahar Aung Myay Township after a military-owned vehicle rammed into their motorcycles as they rode back from a march led by Mandalar University students. One of those detained, Zin Myo Khant, is 17 years old.
Late last month Thu Thu Zin, 25, was shot in the head and killed at a protest near the Mahamuni pagoda in Mandalay. Her family had to hold her funeral without her body because the military would not let them retrieve it..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-08-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Anti-coup protesters, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Tatmadaw, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, initiated the military coup on February 1, 2021 which forcibly seized power from the democratically elected National League for Democracy and pushed Myanmar into the current state of nationwide political instability marked by ongoing impunity for human rights violations and an exacerbating humanitarian crisis. Since then, security forces have been employing extremely violent tactics against the general populace in major cities –– tactics which have been regularly used to persecute ethnic minorities even before the coup, especially in the peripheries of the country.
From the outset, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar warned that the atrocities committed by the junta since the coup could amount to crimes against humanity.[1] Some of these atrocities entail the disproportionate use of force against demonstrators and strikers;[2] killings of at least 884 people;[3] arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances of thousands of people including journalists, activists and others opposed to the coup;[4] raids of homes without warrants to arrest and detain those suspected of being in opposition to the coup;[5] and torture of detainees.[6]
In conjunction with these acts of violence against civilians is the Tatmadaw’s unlawful use of article 419 of the 2008 Constitution to form the State Administration Council (“SAC”) [7] through which it then enacted several amendments to Myanmar’s domestic laws which have encroached upon the fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar. Specifically, article 419 permits the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services (“Chief of Defence Services”) to form a body to exercise powers of the executive, legislature, and judiciary after the President declares a “state of emergency” (article 417) and transfers all branches of the government to the Chief of Defence Services (article 418).[8] Experts on Myanmar’s Constitution have pointed out, however, that the Tatmadaw’s February 1 declaration of a “state of emergency” under article 417[9] is absent of any legal basis, as it is impossible for allegations of voter fraud during the November 2020 elections to amount to a “state of emergency”. According to experts, article 417 relates to a situation in which the sovereignty of the country is threatened through “violent and wrongful forcible means” which involves the use of force.[10] Further, the Tatmadaw’s declaration of a “state of emergency” is unconstitutional as the Constitution only gives the President, who was arrested and detained by the Tatmadaw since February 1, the power to declare a state of emergency.[11] It is manifest that the SAC is an illegal entity and that any powers it exercises (executive, legislative, and judiciary) including the amendments it enacts are invalid under the Constitution.
2. PURPOSE AND SCOPE
The amendments the SAC enacted in the weeks following February 1 also bear adverse consequences for the protection of the fundamental rights of the people of Myanmar under international human rights law. Therefore, this brief examines the legality of some of the amendments in accordance with some of Myanmar’s legal obligations under international human rights law. Taking note that Myanmar is not a state party to some international human rights treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”),[12] this brief also identifies relevant non-binding principles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”) and ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (“AHRD”). At the same time, this brief demonstrates the SAC’s attempts to legitimize its human rights violations by using its illegitimate authority to enact invalid amendments to Myanmar’s domestic law to institute a climate of impunity for its human rights violations. Finally, it includes some recommendations on actions that ASEAN, the National Unity Government, and states can take to protect and promote the fundamental rights of the people of Myanmar.
The analysis of this brief is limited in scope. The four amendments examined in this brief, outlined in Section 3 (Overview of Selected Amendments), were selected based on their prominence in the news at the time that the concept of this brief was conceived in early March 2021. Similarly, the scope of analysis in Section 4 (Applicable International Law) and Section 5 (Analysis) is a non-exhaustive account of the relevant international human rights standards applicable to Myanmar. The examined human rights laws and principles focus on night raids, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and restrictions of social media platforms and internet shutdowns as these featured most prominently in the news within the period of February to April 2021 during which the concept of this brief was under discussion. In recent months, more of the SAC’s atrocities have come to light particularly its perpetration of sexual and gender-based violence against girls, women, and members of the LGBTIQ community.[13] In this regard, further research could focus on a gender-analysis of the coup which could, for instance, include some of Myanmar’s relevant human rights treaty obligations such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.
Ultimately, we hope that this brief would serve as a resource for civil society and community-based organizations to conduct further advocacy and research aimed to raise awareness on the SAC’s use of its illegitimate authority to enact “laws”[14] to encroach on the human rights of the people of Myanmar.
3. OVERVIEW OF SELECTED AMENDMENTS
AC Law No. 3/2021 enacted the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law. In particular, the amendment to section 17 requires any person living in a ward or village-tract to inform the ward or village-tract administrator of the arrival and departure of any overnight guests not listed in the family unit and not residing in the same ward or village-tract.[15] Violation of section 17 leads to a “fine not exceeding ten thousand kyat”, or a prison term not exceeding seven days if the person defaults on the fine.[16]
SAC Law No. 4/2021 enacted the Amendment of Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens. The SAC suspended rights protected in sections 5, 7, and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens.[17] By suspending these provisions, authorities are permitted to enter into homes and private properties without a warrant for purposes of search, seizures, and arrests (section 5); to detain a person without a warrant for more than 24 hours (section 7); to intercept all forms of communications without a warrant (section 8); and to collect and seize all information and data gathered from intercepts (section 8).
SAC Law No. 5/2021 enacted the Law Amending the Penal Code. Amongst other changes to the Penal Code is the amendment of section 505 (a). Section 505 (a) has been broadened to allow authorities to prosecute individuals, inter alia, for causing or intending to cause “fear to a group of citizens or to the public”; for spreading “false news”; or for “affect[ing], hinder[ing], damag[ing] the motivation, discipline [or] health” of a civil servant.[18]
SAC Law No. 7/2021 enacted the Law Amending the Electronic Transactions Law. Relevant to this brief is the inclusion of section 38 in the amendment to the 2004 Electronic Transactions Law (“ETL”).[19]
Section 38 (b) imposes criminal sanctions on a broad range of conduct regarding the handling of digital information. Specifically, a person (A) could be sanctioned for obtaining, disclosing, using, destroying, modifying, or disseminating any personal data of another person (B) without B’s approval. Section 38 (c) imposes criminal sanctions on anyone who creates “misinformation and disinformation” in the digital space with the intent of “causing public panic, loss of trust, or social division.” Section 38 (d) imposes criminal sanctions on a broad range of cybercrimes perpetrated with the intent to threaten national sovereignty, national security, and the rule of law, notions which are undefined in the provision. Some of these cybercrimes include preventing unauthorized access into one’s own digital platforms such as networks, computers or digital data (supposedly if a person takes measures to prevent authorities from conducting unlawful surveillance); and attempts to hack into digital platforms. Section 38 (e) imposes criminal sanctions on a range of cybercrimes committed with the intent to “deteriorate” Myanmar’s foreign relations with other states. These cybercrimes include vague and unclear language such as “attempts of unauthorized access and hacking cyber sources”.
4. APPLICABLE INTERNATIONAL LAW
A. Prohibition Against Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home or Correspondence
Myanmar ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (“CRC”) in 1991. Article 16 (1) of the CRC imposes a legal obligation on Myanmar to ensure that “no child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation.”[20] Further, article 16 (2) also requires Myanmar to enact laws to protect the child from the prohibitions set out in article 16 (1).[21] Finally, Myanmar has a non-derogable obligation to “respect and ensure”[22] these rights under article 16 by making the best interest of the child a primary consideration,[23] through undertaking all appropriate measures including legislative and administrative.[24]
Myanmar is also a signatory to the UDHR. Specifically, article 12 provides that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with [their] privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honor and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.”[25] In a similar vein, article 21 of the AHRD holds a similar provision to article 12 of the UDHR, even going a step further to explicitly protect personal data from arbitrary interference.[26]
B. Prohibition Against Arbitrary Deprivation of Liberty
Legally binding on Myanmar is customary international law’s absolute prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of liberty, wherein no derogation is permitted under any circumstances.[27] According to the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, the content of the prohibition under customary international law includes arbitrary arrest and detention of a person which include measures such as house arrest and secret and/or incommunicado detention.[28] Further, an arrest and detention can be considered “arbitrary” even if authorized and enforced by law if “premised upon an arbitrary piece of legislation or is inherently unjust.”[29]
C. The Right to the Freedom of Expression
Under article 19 of the UDHR, the right to the freedom of expression constitutes the freedom to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”[30] A similar provision can be found in article 23 of the AHRD.[31]
While Myanmar is not a party to the ICCPR, the scope of the freedom of expression under the UDHR may be understood through the Human Rights Committee’s[32] (“HRC”) interpretation of article 19 of the ICCPR, as the ICCPR is a codification of the same protections provided for in the UDHR. The HRC noted that the freedom of expression includes the right to express and receive communications of every form that is capable of transmission.[33] As regards to legitimate restrictions to the right, it may only be restricted for the protection of the rights or reputations of others, of national security or public order, or of public health or morals.[34] Further, restrictions must fulfill three cumulative requirements to be legitimate (also referred to as the three-part test): 1) They must be “provided by law” meaning they have to be formulated with sufficient precision so as to allow individuals to regulate their conduct;[35] 2) be “necessary” for a legitimate purpose;[36] and 3) be “proportionate” to the interest they serve to protect.[37]
5. ANALYSIS
A. The Facilitation of Impunity for Arbitrary Raids, Arrests and Detentions
Part of the SAC’s tactic to stifle dissent in efforts to assert total control over the country has been to arbitrarily arrest and detain people suspected of being in opposition to its rule by encroaching on privacy. Security forces have been arbitrarily arresting and detaining people after finding any shred of evidence considered to be offensive to the junta through arbitrary inspections of mobile phones. Further, security forces without warrants have been entering into homes and offices to arrest and detain people aligned with the anti-coup movement such as protestors, members of the opposition party, healthcare workers, and lawyers.[38] The SAC has even gone so far as to arbitrarily arrest and detain children. As of March 22, Save The Children alone reported that it had responded to a total of 146 cases of child arrests and detentions, of which 17 are still in detention.[39] Meanwhile, UNICEF reported on March 4 that its partners estimated that since the coup more than “500 children have been arbitrarily detained. Many of those arrested or detained are being held incommunicado.”[40]
To evade arrest and detention by security forces, those aligned with the anti-coup movement including protestors, activists, and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement, have sought refuge in the homes of relatives, friends, and other local residents.[41] Security forces, however, have issued threats against residents warning that they too would be arrested if found harboring those they deem as fugitives.[42] Recent reports indicate that security forces have resorted to arresting and detaining family members and friends of those they sought to arrest but were unable to locate during raids, effectively taking hostages.[43]
Former detainees have reported being tortured by security forces. Accounts of torture include beatings, being placed in stress positions, and even mock burials.[44] Some detainees were even tortured to death.[45] Further, reports indicate that security forces use sexual and gender-based violence as a form of torture.[46] In one account, security forces stripped naked a transgender woman and raped her by penetrating her with a bottle.[47]
These acts of torture, raids, and arbitrary arrests and detentions are accompanied by the SAC’s enactments of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village Tract Administration Law and the Amendment of Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens. The contents in the provisions suggest that the SAC issued the amendments to enable its security forces to conduct raids as well as to arbitrarily arrest and detain anyone with impunity, as illegitimate as these “laws” may be. At the same time, these amendments contravene Myanmar’s international legal obligations under treaty law protecting children against the arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence; and under customary international law protecting against arbitrary arrest and detention. These amendments are also incompatible with the same principles in the AHRD and UDHR.
i. Section 17 of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law violates Myanmar’s obligations under the CRC and are incompatible with the UDHR and AHRD
The SAC’s amendment of section 17 of the Fourth Amendment of the Ward or Village-Tract Administration Law requiring the registration of overnight guests, violates Myanmar’s obligations under article 16 of the CRC. The enforcement of the amended section 17 against children constitutes an “arbitrary interference” of their privacy, family or home under article 16 (1) of the CRC.[48] The Human Rights Committee’s interpretation of the meaning of “arbitrary interference” in article 17 (1) of the ICCPR is relevant to Myanmar’s violation of article 16 since article 16 (1) of the CRC protects the same rights as that of article 17 (1) of the ICCPR,[49] the difference being that article 16 (1) focuses specifically on children. In particular, it states that the meaning of “arbitrary interference” includes laws that counter “the provisions, aims and objectives” of the protections afforded to a person’s privacy, family or home.[50] It follows then that the amended section 17 amounts to an “arbitrary interference” within the meaning of article 16 (1). Further, amended section 17 –– permitting such sweeping and arbitrary encroachment on the prohibition against arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home or correspondence –– contradicts article 16 (2) which guarantees that children have “the right to the protection of the law against such interference.”[51]
Moreover, the amendments are incompatible with the principles enshrined in article 12 of the UDHR, as well as article 21 of the AHRD. Containing a similar provision to article 12 of the UDHR,[52] article 21 of the AHRD states “every person has the right to be free from arbitrary interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence.”[53]
ii. Suspension of sections 5 and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens contravenes prohibition against arbitrary interference with the right to privacy, family, home or correspondence
The SAC’s suspension of sections 5 and 8 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens[54] contravenes Myanmar’s non-derogable obligations[55] under the CRC to “respect and ensure” rights,[56] including article 16, are applied to every child within its jurisdiction by adopting all appropriate measures; and by placing the best interest of the child as a primary consideration in all matters.[57]
Further, the amendments violate article 16 (1)’s prohibition of arbitrary interference with the child’s “privacy, family, home or correspondence, [and] to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation”,[58] as it permits authorities to interfere, without a warrant, in virtually all aspects of the private lives of any citizen. At the same time, it is incompatible with article 16 (2) as it denies children within its jurisdiction of their right to protection from arbitrary interference with, or attacks on their rights enshrined in article 16 (1).[59]
In a similar vein, the suspension of sections 5 and 8 are inconsistent with the principles in article 12 of the UDHR and article 21 of the AHRD, which declared that every person within its jurisdiction has the right to be free from arbitrary interference with their privacy, home, or correspondence,[60] including personal data.[61]
iii. Suspension of section 7 of the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of the Citizens contravenes the prohibition against the arbitrary deprivation of liberty under customary international law
The SAC’s suspension of section 7 enables security forces to arbitrarily arrest and indefinitely detain[62] individuals it considers as threats to its rule, including opposition political leaders, anti-coup protestors, and human rights defenders. It breaches Myanmar’s obligations under customary international law prohibiting the arbitrary arrest and detention of any individual and under any circumstances,[63] which includes laws that authorize “automatic and indefinite detention without any standards or review.”[64]
B. The Infringement on the Enjoyment of the Right to the Freedom of Expression
The digital space has been a platform for the people of Myanmar to organize themselves domestically and to mobilize international support against the coup. Equally, it serves as a medium for journalists, citizen journalists, and other activists to criticize the SAC, as well as to document and expose human rights violations perpetrated by security forces. The SAC’s response, particularly in the early months of the coup, was to restrict access to social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, as well as to enforce regular nationwide internet blackouts.[65]
Part of its strategy to stifle dissent has also been through the amendment to section 505 (a) of the Penal Code, as well as the amendment to the ETL. The amended provisions curtail the enjoyment of the right to free expression by criminalizing an array of conduct under, inter alia, dubious pretexts of national security and public order which are incompatible with the standards required to constitute permissible restrictions to the freedom of expression under international human rights standards.
i. Section 505 (a) fails the “necessity” test making it an illegitimate form of restriction to the freedom of expression
Section 505 (a): Imposes a prison term of a maximum of 3 years, or a fine, or both on any person that: (i) causes or intends to cause “a member of the Defence Service or any civil servant” to disobey or to be disloyal to the government by hindering or damaging their motivation, discipline or health; or (ii) causes or intends to cause “fear to a group of citizens or to the public”; or (iii) intends to spread or spreads “fake news when knowing or believing that the news is false”; or (iv) commits or intends to commit a criminal offence against a member of the civil service.”[66]
The SAC’s use of section 505 (a) to prosecute individuals and to sue news agencies who have reported on the coup and exposed human rights violations[67] is incompatible with legitimate restrictions to the freedom of expression. Under international human rights law, restrictions to free expression must be “necessary” for the protection of the “rights and reputation of others”, or protection of “national security or of public order, or of public health or morals.”[68] Contrary to this standard, the SAC has been regularly prosecuting journalists for reporting on the facts of the coup.[69] Additionally, it has also charged and prosecuted ordinary citizens voicing their opposition to the coup on social media, celebrities supporting anti-coup protests, as well as youths involved with the anti-coup movement.[70]
ii. The ETL amendments fail the “provided by law” and “proportionality” tests to constitute permissible restrictions
Section 38 (b): “Any person, if convicted of obtaining, disclosing, using, destroying, modifying, disseminating or sending personal data of a person to another without approval, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 1 to 3 years […].”[71]
Even supposing that the purpose of section 38 (b) is for the protection of privacy, the language is overbroad such that it is incompatible with the principle of proportionality which requires that restrictions be the least intrusive of measures to prevent jeopardizing the exercise of the right to the freedom of expression.[72] Under the amendments, “personal data” is defined as any information associated with a person.[73] In turn, the formulation of the amendment could impose criminal sanctions on anyone who, for instance, discloses or sends information on individuals responsible for human rights violations to international criminal or human rights investigative organizations. Under human rights standards, restrictions to free expression “may never be invoked as a justification for the muzzling of any advocacy of multi-party democracy, democratic tenets and human rights.”[74]
Section 38 (c): “Any person who is convicted of creating misinformation and disinformation with the intent of causing public panic, loss of trust or social division on cyberspace shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 1 to 3 years […].”[75]
The vague and undefined terms, “misinformation and disinformation” and “public panic, loss of trust or social division”, are incompatible with the meaning of “law” under human rights standards. Restrictions must be formulated with sufficient precision such that individuals are able to regulate the content that they produce and publish in the digital space.[76] The current formulation would allow authorities “unfettered discretion”[77] in using the law to retaliate against journalists, activists and academics who expose the SAC’s human rights violations.[78]
Section 38 (d): “Any person who is convicted of [cybercrimes] such as preventing or making it difficult to access a cyber resource; or attempting to hack into a cyber source without permission; or using more than permitted; and inserting or installing dangerous malware with the intent to hurt someone; [or] with an intent to threaten or disturb national sovereignty, security, peace and stability, rule of law, and national solidarity, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 2 to 5 years […].”[79]
Section 38 (e): “Any person who commits acts of cyber-attack on cyber resources which have been kept confidential for reasons of national or international security, such as attempting to access without authorization into or hacking into such cyber resources, with the intent to deteriorate the relationship between the country and other foreign countries, or on behalf of the interest of a foreign country, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term of 3 to 7 years […].”[80]
The provisions in section 38 (d) and section 38 (e) criminalize a wide range of conduct in the digital space by employing justifications of “national sovereignty, security, peace and stability, rule of law, national solidarity”, as well as the protection and preservation of Myanmar’s foreign relations.[81] Chiefly, these imprecise and overbroad exceptions under the pretext of national security are in non-conformity with human rights standards requiring that restrictions be “provided by law”[82] and be “proportionate”.[83] In turn, these “amorphous” notions of national security serve as a weapon for the SAC to curtail the enjoyment of legitimate free expression.[84] For instance, it is unclear what types of conduct section 38 (d) covers when it criminalizes “preventing or making it difficult to access a cyber resource […] or using more than permitted”[85] under the pretext of national security. Free Expression Myanmar has suggested that the provision could be used to prosecute journalists and activists for using a VPN to bypass the SAC’s internet restrictions or for using encryption when working to expose and report on the SAC’s human rights violations.[86]
6. RECOMMENDATIONS
The grim reality is that unless the SAC steps down from power it will continue to perpetrate atrocities against the people of Myanmar and oppress the country with these illegitimate “laws”. This reality signifies the need for relevant actors to stand with the people of Myanmar in their resistance to the SAC. To this end, we have identified measures that ASEAN, the National Unity Government, and states can take to validate the human rights of the people of Myanmar through the international human rights protection regime.
Recommendation to ASEAN:
In addition to pursuing the Five-Point Consensus,[87] member states in their engagements with the SAC must make the promotion and protection of human rights provided for in the AHRD a central part of their diplomatic efforts. Notwithstanding the non-binding nature of the AHRD, the enshrined principles including those identified here are minimum human rights standards afforded to the people of Myanmar that member states have a stake in promoting and protecting should the AHRD be recognized as a credible regional human rights instrument.
Recommendations to the National Unity Government:
Declare that the SAC’s amendments following the events of February 1 are null and void as a matter of domestic law. As an illegal entity under Myanmar’s constitution, the SAC is unauthorized to amend or enact laws. At the same time, the SAC’s “laws” contravene Myanmar’s human rights obligations under treaty law and customary international law. Commit to ratifying the outstanding international human rights treaties beginning with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Commit to ratifying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court as a first step to pursuing accountability for past and present alleged international crimes including crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes.
Recommendation to states:
Adhere to the principle of non-refoulement under international law. Meaning that anyone who faces a real risk of being arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered by the SAC should not be involuntarily returned, expelled, or extradited to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2021-07-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
Release Journalists Wrongfully Detained, Sentenced
Description:
" Myanmar’s military junta should stop prosecuting journalists and end its assault on independent media, Human Rights Watch said today, releasing a video about the media crackdown.
Since the February 1, 2021 coup, Myanmar’s junta has arrested 98 journalists, 46 of whom are currently in detention, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Six journalists have been convicted, including five for violating section 505A of the penal code, a new provision that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” “Fake news” appears to be any news that the authorities do not want to reach the public.
“Myanmar’s junta has made the mass arrest of journalists and control over the media a key component of its seizure of power from a democratically elected government,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director. “The junta’s intensifying surveillance, harassment and detention of journalists is rapidly turning Myanmar into one of the region’s most dangerous places to be a journalist.”
On June 30 the Ministry of Information issued a warning to journalists to stop describing the military-appointed State Administration Council as a “junta” or face prosecution. It also warned foreign news agencies to cease using the terms “military council” or “military junta,” and to stop “disseminating false news to global people.” The order threatened that “action will be taken against them under the existing laws if they apply wrong usages, quote and exaggerate fake news, and disseminate false information.”
Those sentenced under section 505A are:
Kaung Myat Hlaing, from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was arrested at his home in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, and sentenced to two years in prison.
Min Nyo, from DVB, who was arrested while reporting on a protest in Pyay Region, and sentenced to three years.
Thet Naing Win, from DVB, who was arrested in Bago Region and sentenced to three years.
Zaw Zaw, a freelance reporter who was arrested while covering demonstrations in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region and sentenced to two years.
Htoo San, a freelance photographer in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region, who was sentenced to three years.
Another DVB reporter, May Thwe Aung, was sentenced to one month in prison under penal code section 188 for disobeying a public servant. She had learned on March 16 that the authorities had arrested her husband, Min Min Aung, who is a reporter for The Voice Daily. When she arrived at the police station in Oakkan township in Yangon region to try to find him, the police detained her, ultimately leading to her being charged and prosecuted.
The crackdown on journalists is part of the junta’s larger effort to suppress independent media coverage of the situation in Myanmar, and to deny the serious rights violations the military is committing across the country, Human Rights Watch said. “If the situation becomes worse, then it becomes not a safe place for us and the only choice would be to leave the country,” one local reporter told Human Rights Watch.
On May 4 the authorities arrested the US journalist Danny Fenster, the managing editor of Frontier Myanmar, at the Yangon International Airport as he prepared to leave the country. On June 18 the authorities charged Fenster under penal code section 505A in a closed hearing inside Insein prison. The basis for the charge against him is not clear.
On March 9 the police arrested the Kamayut Media founders Nathan Maung and Han Thar Nyein at their office in Kamayut township in Yangon. Nathan Maung, who has since been released and left the country, said both endured days of torture including routine beatings and sleep deprivation. Han Thar Nyein remains in detention. “Although I am free, my aim now is to make sure Han Thar and the others are also released,” he said. “They are journalists, not criminals.”
The many arrests and prosecutions of journalists have had a severe chilling effect on independent journalism in Myanmar. On March 8 the junta stripped media licenses of five local outlets: DVB, Khit Thit Media, Mizzima, Myanmar Now, and 7Day. On May 4, the authorities banned 2 other outlets, the Kachin-based 74 Media and the Shan-based Tachilek News Agency. They also banned satellite television on May 4, extending strict censorship restrictions. Mobile internet restrictions imposed on March 15 remain in place.
International human rights law prohibits arbitrary restrictions on the rights to freedom of speech and expression, including by detaining journalists and banning media outlets.
“The military’s sustained crackdown on independent media and the arrests of journalists, combined with tightening censorship, threatens to isolate Myanmar’s people with only junta propaganda,” Robertson said. “The junta should immediately and unconditionally drop all politically motivated charges against journalists, reinstate the licenses of banned media outlets, and revoke abusive laws used against members of the media.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-07-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Updated 24 July 2021:
As of 24 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of July 24, a total of (5360) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
On July 17 in Magway Region’s Pwintbyu Township, Min Wai from Pay Taw Village, Soe Naing from Kywel Di Village, Tin Htay Aung from Thamin Chan Village and Myint Myint Htwe from Kan Pyae Village were arrested by many terrorist junta troops, due to informers alleging they were in possession of weapons. Myint Myint Htwe is pregnant and was arrested as a hostage when the junta did not find her husband Nyunt Win, in Kan Pyae Village.
On the night of July 23, Kyaw Moe, who has COVID-19, was arrested while he was banging pots against dictatorship in North Dagon Township, Yangon Region.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-07-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Melbourne swimmer Win Htet Oo says pulling out was an ‘easy decision to make’ and a small price to pay
Kieran Pender in Tokyo
Sat 24 Jul 2021 16.00 EDT
There are almost 1,000 athletes here for the swimming competition, which began on Saturday. Win Htet Oo is not among them. Having qualified for the 50m freestyle, Oo was ready to make his Olympic debut as Myanmar’s lone swimmer. No longer.
Oo is absent, in lockdown 8,000 kilometres away in Melbourne, after the military seized power in a coup in February. With the junta committing human rights atrocities and dismantling civilian governance – and the Myanmar Olympic Committee (MOC) among those government structures expected to fall in line – Oo felt he could not represent his nation’s flag.
“After the February coup I knew I couldn’t go to the Olympic Games,” he says. “It was a very easy decision to make, even after training for two decades for the chance to go to the Olympics.
“I just couldn’t bring myself to attend, if [the MOC] was being controlled by the military.”
Oo says this so plainly, almost nonchalantly, that it is hard to imagine the internal turmoil it must have caused him. Because of his principled stance, the 27-year-old will probably never make it to an Olympics. But for Oo, that is a small price to pay to resist the military regime.
“This is a military government accused of genocide and crimes against humanity. They are now the ones controlling the MOC,” he says. “That should be grounds for expulsion from the Olympic movement.”
Born and brought up abroad – he went to college in the US – Oo had always dreamed of representing Myanmar at the Olympics. Competing under its flag for the first time on home soil in 2013, at the Southeast Asian Games, was a proud moment. Securing a spot in Tokyo with a B qualifying time at the 2019 Southeast Asian Games even more so.
At the beginning of this year, the situation in Naypyidaw began to deteriorate. “We were watching closely,” he says. “The elections had just happened, there were some signs that the military might pull something, but it still came as a surprise to me and my family that they would completely remove the government.”
Myanmar’s democratically elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, was detained. The crisis has been compounded by Covid-19, which is rapidly spreading across the country.
“The human rights situation is rapidly deteriorating as a devastating third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic hits Myanmar,” says Manny Maung, a researcher at Human Rights Watch.
“Since the coup, the junta has killed hundreds of civilians and detained thousands including medical professionals. The military has attacked doctors and ambulances and now they are looting medical equipment and hoarding oxygen, preventing civilians from accessing life-saving medical care.”
In March, grappling with the morality of representing such a regime on the global stage, Oo wrote to the International Olympic Committee asking them to distance themselves from the MOC and allow athletes to compete independently. The IOC declined.
“At that point I knew talking to the IOC wasn’t going to lead me anywhere, so I went public,” he says.
The Guardian asked the IOC why Oo’s request to compete as a neutral was denied and how the MOC could be seen as complying with Olympic values, given the military junta’s human rights violations. The IOC said that it was in regular contact with the MOC, which had “repeatedly confirmed its focus on the preparation of its team for the Olympic Games”.
While Oo is not in Tokyo, three other athletes have made the journey. In an open letter Oo recently penned to the trio, he implored them not to represent the junta-run MOC at the Games. “History will judge you for your actions,” he said.
Next Sunday, Oo will be at home in Melbourne, watching his event, the 50m freestyle splash and dash. “I know how hard it is for athletes to have trained through the pandemic,” he says.
“I want to see them parading at the ceremony and competing at the highest level. I am very proud of all those athletes – I’ll be watching.”
Oo wants the IOC to examine the MOC more carefully. “I’m hoping that after the Tokyo Games – they have plenty to focus on right now – but afterwards they might make an independent investigation and expel the MOC.”
In the absence of action from the IOC, Oo is hoping his own absence will encourage solidarity from his peers in the pool.
“I wish athletes would try to be aware of what is going on in my country,” he says. “That’s why I have made this stance – to let people know what is happening. That’s all I can ask; that they take the time to learn what is going on in Myanmar.
“I hope they can show solidarity with the people of Myanmar in whatever way they can.”
It is a small ask from someone who has sacrificed their Olympic dreams. While an appearance at the Paris Games in 2024 is not impossible, Oo knows that the latest struggle for democracy in Myanmar will not triumph overnight.
“It all depends whether the military relinquishes power in Myanmar,” he says. “That is the only way I can see myself competing for Myanmar.
“Until the MOC is fully independent of the military, until the struggle against the military dictatorship succeeds, I don’t see myself representing Myanmar at the Olympics. That might take more than three years."..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-07-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"As of 23 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. Today there were no confirmed fallen heroes. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of July 23, a total of (5358) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
On July 17, four youths named Ye Myint, Htet Wai Min, photography enthusiast Kyaw Zin Win and another youth (name still unconfirmed), who all are from Lashio Town in Shan State, were arrested at their homes by junta police and soldiers for being accused of associating with the PDF.
In the evening of July 21, workshop owner Soe Aung who was filling oxygen at Myingyan Industrial Zone in Mandalay Region and his 26 years old son, two others from the workshop, and a person who arrived to fill oxygen were arrested by the terrorist junta wearing plain clothes with five private cars.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-07-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.29 MB 5.31 MB 1.85 MB
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Description:
"Two senior detained members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) have been moved from Insein Prison to Yangon General Hospital, according to their lawyers.
NLD legal adviser U Kyaw Ho was taken to hospital on Wednesday with difficulty breathing. He tested negative for coronavirus and is likely to be tested again next week, said U Kyaw Ho’s lawyer.
“He had heart surgery and needed hospital treatment and is still on oxygen support as he is out of breath,” said his lawyer.
U Kyaw Ho has been detained since early February by Myanmar’s regime.
U Han Thar Myint, another NLD central executive committee member, was infected with coronavirus in Insein Prison and taken to hospital last week.
“His oxygen level keeps falling. His oxygen saturation drops to 80 once oxygen is disconnected. He needs oxygen support at all times. His condition is poor,” said U Han Thar Myint’s lawyer.
The military regime has detained senior NLD leaders, including older members. While most of them are on medication for health problems, they were denied bail and forced to remain in crowded prisons as the country is gripped by a fresh wave of COVID-19.
NLD’s CEC member and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s long-time personal lawyer U Nyan Win died of COVID-19 on Tuesday, while detained. The 79-year-old was arrested on the morning of the Feb.1 coup and held in Insein Prison, where he caught coronavirus.
NLD government’s Yangon Region chief minister U Phyo Min Thein and his wife have also been reportedly been infected with coronavirus while being detained at a military interrogation center in Mingaladon Township, Yangon. He was taken to a military hospital after he lost consciousness on July 17.
There were also reports that the NLD’s Yangon region minister U Naing Ngan Lin and Dr. Htar Htar Lin, who pushed for Myanmar to receive COVID-19 vaccines under the NLD government, have also caught the virus in Insein Prison. The Correctional Department has denied the two were infected.
While COVID-19 deaths are increasing across the country, many political prisoners are sick and displaying COVID-19 and flu symptoms, said lawyers and recently released inmates.
On Friday morning, inmates staged a protest inside Insein Prison, complaining about overcrowding, COVID-19 infections and a lack of proper protection and treatment of the virus.
Inmates at Shwe Bo Prison in Sagaing Region and Obo Prison in Mandalay Region have also protested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
The Australian, Canadian, European Union, French, German, US and nine other embassies issued a joint statement urging the junta to respect the basic right to proper healthcare for all prisoners.
The shadow National Unity Government (NUG) formed to rival the military regime accused the junta of using COVID-19 as a weapon to persecute political prisoners. The military regime will be held responsible for COVID-19 deaths in prisons, warned the NUG.
The military regime, however, is keeping political prisoners locked up and has released numerous criminals jailed for drug dealing, theft and illegal logging..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-07-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The death toll in Bago was the biggest one-day total for a single city since mid-March. It had a chilling effect on the pro-democracy movement.
Description:
"Running through alleys or hiding in terror at home, they feared for their lives as friends were picked off one by one. Many were never heard from again.
It started in the early morning on April 9, as people in Myanmar woke up to graphic social media posts about military operations unfolding in the city of Bago, just 55 miles northeast of the country’s biggest city Yangon. But this was no normal operation.
As blasts and gunfire lit up the predawn darkness, heavily armed forces launched an unprecedented assault on pro-democracy protesters in the medium-sized city studded with pagodas.
After security forces arrested leader Aung San Suu Kyi and seized power in a Feb. 1 coup, Bago emerged as a flashpoint in the nationwide demonstrations sweeping Myanmar. Local civilian protesters set up barricades in the eastern part of the city, establishing a level of autonomy signaling resistance to junta rule.
But in just 24 hours in Bago, human rights groups and residents say soldiers hunted down and killed more than 80 people there, many of them young activists. The government downplayed the crackdown and blamed protesters for the violence, but witnesses tell a different story of nearly being killed and losing friends.
According to human rights monitor the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which keeps a running database of confirmed deaths and detentions, more than 900 protesters and bystanders have been killed by the military since February. The death toll in Bago was the biggest one-day total for a single city since March 14. It had a chilling effect on the pro-democracy movement and forced many activists to flee into the borderlands of Myanmar to join guerrilla resistance groups.
It was just before sunrise, when troops encircled the “safe” zone established by protesters in the city, then stormed the encampment, using rifle grenades to destroy barricades on main cross streets and firing live rounds indiscriminately.
“Some of us who were taking cover behind that barricade lost their lives. But we couldn’t go to pick up their bodies,” said Myo Ko, a protest organizer who had spent the previous night with his friends guarding barricade number 7 on the city’s Magadit Road. “While the road and the streets were filled with smoke, they started shooting at any moving thing or shadows they saw with a machine gun.”
“Some of us who were taking cover behind that barricade lost their lives. But we couldn’t go to pick up their bodies.”
In a matter of minutes, protesters on Magadit Rd were trying to defend themselves with homemade airguns, slingshots and fireworks against encroaching troop movements. While Myo Ko took cover with friends, “Thiri” could see what was happening on the street from her home.
“We all heard the sound of shelling. We heard the noises continuously,” she said. “From the next streets we heard the machine guns. We heard the screams ‘run!’”
Her real name is not being used out of fear of reprisals from security forces, who have arrested more than 5,000 people since the coup, according to monitors.
With little effort, the army had taken over Magadit Road. Soldiers moved east to San Daw Twin Road to reinforce units attacking protesters there. That’s where another protest organizer going by the name of Kay was trapped.
“Some of my friends were killed and many others were also arrested,” Kay said.
In just over an hour, the last barricade on San Daw Twin Rd fell. The military had full control of the city. But the bloodshed was just beginning, as soldiers went door to door as people cowered in whatever safe place they could find.
“We felt like we could die anytime,” said Thiri, who hid in an old storage room for 24 hours. She remained in utter silence and did not open the door until the next morning.
“We felt like we could die anytime.”
Myo Ko survived by fleeing south through alleys and fields, but his cousin wasn’t so lucky.
“My cousin, he got shot in the leg and was hidden in a neighboring house. When the soldiers got into that house, he tried to run away and was shot from behind,” he said.
Residents reported seeing soldiers stack dozens of bodies at the Zeyar Muni pagoda near Magadit Road. They said the injured were slumped over the dead. By the next morning, most of the bodies had disappeared, according to residents, along with much of the evidence of the military’s massacre.
Only three bodies of victims were recovered by families in the days that followed the massacre, according to human rights organizations and sources on the ground.
The next day, residents picked up shells, bullet casings and other remnants of the bloody day that littered the streets of Bago. Used mostly in remote border areas to fight rebel insurgents, the rifle grenades stood out in the urban environment. The message to the people of Myanmar was chilling: if you rise up against the army, you will pay.
The junta disputes the allegations, claiming only one person was killed, even as AAPP has confirmed the deaths of 82 people. But the day marked a turning point in the protests. Months later, many protesters have given up on the idea of mass demonstrations and strikes, taking up arms with a People’s Defense Force as a last resort.
“We will keep on fighting any way possible,” Myo Ko said, from an undisclosed location. “The youths are gathering to fight, to end this military dictatorship.”..."
Source/publisher:
"VICE" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-07-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Updated 22 July 2021:
As of 22 July, (931) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (2) fallen heroes today. These (2) fallen heroes from Minkin Township and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region were killed yesterday and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of July 22, a total of (5333) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
On July 21, terrorist junta’s troops raided Kun Seik Village in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township and shot dead local villager Thein Tint a.k.a Jit Leik, when he was running away in fear.
Khin Mar Yi a.k.a Phwar Cho, former chairman of Sagaing Region’s Minkin Township Development Committee, who was arrested and charged under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code since March for involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and protesting, suffers from chronic diabetes. She died on July 21 in a Minkin detention cell due to diabetes and heart failure as she was not allowed to receive medical treatment at hospital while detained.
On the night of July 20, Mya Wunn Yan, chief editor of Than Lwin Thway Chinn News Agency based in Shan State’s Taunggyi City, and her two daughters, Nan Khin Hphone Thwe and Su Myat Noe, who are also reporters, were arrested at home in Taunggyi by the terrorist junta.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-07-22
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.29 MB 5.28 MB 1.62 MB
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Description:
"Updated 21 July 2021:
As of 21 July, (929) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (7) fallen heroes today. These (7) fallen heroes from Momauk Township in Kachin State, Htandabin Township in Bago Region and Kalay Township in Sagaing Region were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of July 21, a total of (5323) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
On July 20, Su Su Htay, a 2nd-year university student Kaung Myat Naing, and an 8th-grade student May Htoo Naing. The wife, son and daughter of Kyaw Soe Naing, MP for Nganzun Township of Mandalay Region, were arrested at Shwe-Kyar-Inn Monastery in Myittha Township when the terrorist junta could not find Kyaw Soe Naing there. Moreover, San San Maw, who is involved in Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), and lived with the family, was also arrested. In addition to this, Chit Naing, a 1st-year distance education student majoring in Geography at Dawei University, was followed and arrested by the terrorist junta wearing plain clothes in Dawei City, Tanintharyi Region on July 20.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-07-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.52 MB 5.39 MB 1.62 MB
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Description:
"Updated 20 July 2021:
As of 20 July, (922) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. These (3) fallen heroes from Sanchaung Township and Hlaing Tharyar Township in Yangon Region and Kyaukdaga Township in Bago Region were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of July 20, a total of (5315) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
Nyan Win, NLD Secretary, who contracted COVID-19 while he was detained in Insein Prison, and only then transferred to Yangon General Hospital due to his severe condition because he did not receive adequate medical treatment in prison, died on July 20 in hospital. Likewise, Win Kyaing, NLD executive member of Western Hlaing Tharyar Township of Yangon Region, died on July 20 due to COVID-19 having been detained in Insein Prison.
Aye Hla, Vice Chairman of NLD of Kyaukdaga Township of Bago Region, died on July 19 at Daik-u (Kyaik Za Kaw) Prison due to injuries consistent with torture during interrogation. He was arrested on June 16 having been accused of providing training to PDFs and allegedly in possession of weapons, when the junta did not find his son Linn Linn Kyaw, MP for Kyaukdaga Township of Bago Region.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-07-20
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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1.51 MB 4.96 MB 1.62 MB
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Description:
"IFEX is calling for the restoration of media licenses to IFEX member Mizzima News and other media outlets who have played an essential role in shedding light on the violence inflicted by the junta against their own people. 897 people have been killed and over 6500 arrested, charged or sentenced since the coup in February.
IFEX, the global network of over 100 organisations dedicated to promoting and defending the right to freedom of expression and information, is calling on Myanmar’s military junta to drop all charges under its repressive censorship legislation, Penal Code section 505A, and to immediately release all protestors and journalists detained under section 505A and other laws.
IFEX is also calling for the restoration of media licenses to IFEX member Mizzima News and other media outlets who have played an essential role in shedding light on the violence inflicted by the junta against their own people. 897 people have been killed and over 6500 arrested, charged or sentenced since the coup in February.
Shortly after seizing power, the junta amended section 505A to criminalize comments that supposedly “cause fear,” spread misinformation, or incite crimes against government employees. Offences under section 505A are non-bailable and subject to arrest without a warrant, with a guilty charge punishable by up to 3 years in prison. Legal experts have highlighted how the legislation has been used widely against opponents of military rule.
“This legislation is typical of how repressive regimes the world over seek to silence critics, limit civic space and threaten the safety and freedom of expression of journalists and media outlets,” stated IFEX Executive Director Annie Game. “With the junta continuing to perpetrate violence against their own people, access to reliable information has never been so important. All charges under section 505A should be dropped, all protestors and journalists freed, and media licenses restored so that our colleagues at Mizzima News and other outlets can operate freely.”
Addressing a recent session of the UN Human Rights Council, Thomas H. Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, described how the military junta continues to stifle freedom of expression, including by “using criminal defamation charges to target journalists, human rights defenders, and civil society leaders.”
Speaking at the same session, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet labelled the situation in Myanmar as a, “multi-dimensional human rights catastrophe,” that requires immediate action. She pointed to the silencing of civil voices, the arrests of journalists, and the shuttering of media outlets, and highlighted “multiple reports of enforced disappearances; brutal torture and deaths in custody; and the arrest of relatives or children in lieu of the person being sought.”
Mizzima News has been one of the many targets of these attacks. Since the coup, Mizzima has been outlawed and their offices raided. Despite these threats, the organisation has continued to operate, oppose the coup, and call for the restoration of democracy. In response the military junta has charged 18 Mizzima staff members and journalists under section 505A, including Ko Zaw Zaw, Mizzima’s Myeik-based freelance reporter who was sentenced to two years in prison.
Women human rights defenders and journalists have been at particular risk of arrest under the legislation. On April 8, Thin Thin Aung, co-founder of Mizzima, was arrested in Yangon along with James Pu Thoure, a Mizzima staff member. Her house was ransacked, her computer seized and the entirety of her and her news outlet’s funds taken away. Both of them were taken to Mingalardon interrogation center (Yay Kyi Aing) for two weeks, before being transferred to Yangon’s Insein prison on April 21.
Thin Thin Aung remains in prison to this day, charged under section 505A. Her next court hearing is scheduled for July 28. There have been numerous calls for her release, including from a group of Nobel Peace Prize Laureates, with concerns being expressed over her health and high risk of torture.
IFEX member organisations across the Asia-Pacific region and the globe have expressed their strong condemnation of the coup and support for those struggling for their rights. Updates from the developing situation in Myanmar are available on the websites of IFEX and Mizzima..."
Source/publisher:
International Freedom of Expression Exchange
Date of publication:
2021-07-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Updated 19 July 2021:
As of 19 July, (919) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. AAPP compiled and documented (5) fallen heroes today. These (5) fallen heroes from Bago Township in Bago Region and Shwebo Township in Sagaing Region were killed the previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when.
As of July 19, a total of (5293) people are currently under detention. (255) people have been sentenced in person, of them 26 have been sentenced to death (incl. 2 children). 1963 are evading arrest warrants. 118 people have been sentenced in absentia, of them 39 sentenced to death in absentia. In total 65 sentenced to death, in person and absentia. We are also continuing to verify the recently released detainees.
The family was informed that political activist Naing Linn Soe a.k.a. Ye Gyi from Bago Township in Bago Region, who was detained and interrogated by Infantry Division No.77 in Bago since June, was sent to hospital on July 17 due to COVID-19, and died on July 18. He was arrested after his wife was detained as a hostage on June 14, and forced to show his hiding place to the terrorist junta. On the night of July 17, junta troops raided Seik Khun village in Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township and shot four youths to death unprovoked while they were guarding the village. These youths are Thet Soe, Htay Hlaing Win, Aung Paing Htwe and Aung Hein Kyaw.
Activist Tin Htut Paing and Aung Min Oo were arrested at an apartment in Yangon Region’s Hlaing Township by junta forces on the night of July 18. In addition to this, on the night of July 18, Lin Htin Soe, Mandalay Region’s Chairman of the Takhon Farmer Federation for Burma, living in Pyin Oo Lwin Township in Mandalay Region, was arrested at his home by the junta, the junta forces also confiscated some money and a car from his home.
AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses..."
Source/publisher:
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
Date of publication:
2021-07-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
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Size:
1.44 MB 5.31 MB 1.59 MB
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