Business and the Military
Individual Documents
Description:
"An application for a criminal investigation into the activities of the Israeli arms manufacturer CAA Industries and officials from the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been filed with Israel’s Attorney General, over the suspected aiding and abetting of the Myanmar military’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The application is based on leaked shipment records showing that in July 2019, CAA Industries dispatched injection moulds and tooling used for the upgrading of the Myanmar military’s small arms, via known arms broker Star Sapphire Trading.
Star Sapphire Trading is a company ultimately controlled by Dr Tun Min Latt, a Myanmar arms broker who has been indicted on money laundering, transnational organised crime and drug trafficking charges in Thailand.
The application:
argues that CAA Industries and officials in Israel’s Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs aided and abetted war crimes and crimes against humanity by supplying the Myanmar military with machinery to manufacture accessories for the Myanmar military’s domestic small arms production lines, knowing that the military was committing atrocity crimes;
calls for concerned individuals to be prosecuted under Israel’s Penal Code;
calls on Israeli authorities to immediately seize relevant documents from the offices of CAA Industries, the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to avoid the concealment of evidence and potential disruption to the investigation.
The application was filed with Israel’s Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara on June 6 by the advocate Eitay Mack on behalf of more than 60 Israeli citizens, among them the former speaker of the Knesset Avraham ("Avrum") Burg, prominent academics including Prof. Daphna Golan-Agnon and Prof. Ruth HaCohen Pinczower, and human rights activists.
In addition to the complaint for a criminal investigation, a letter has been sent to Israel’s Defense Exports Controls Agency (DECA) of the Ministry of Defense demanding it immediately cancel export and marketing licences granted to CAA Industries for sales to Myanmar.
The application for a criminal investigation follows a similar 2018 submission by Eitay Mack into the aiding and abetting of atrocity crimes by Israelis who exported arms to Myanmar; a 2022 application requesting a criminal investigation into corruption over Israeli arms companies’ dealings with the Myanmar broker Dr Tun Min Latt and his conglomerate, Star Sapphire Group; and a 2023 application into the aiding and abetting of atrocity crimes by Cognyte for its sale of spyware to Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar is concerned that the 2018 complaint has not yet led to a criminal investigation and calls for an investigation to be expedited.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “CAA Industries’ support for the Myanmar military’s arms industry is unconscionable, and amounts to aiding and abetting the military’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, which are continuing on a daily basis.
“The fact that this transfer took place after the Israeli government claimed to have stopped selling arms to Myanmar raises serious questions that should be urgently addressed through a criminal investigation of both CAA Industries and officials from the ministries of defence and foreign affairs for their role in the 2019 shipment of equipment to Myanmar.
“By providing moulds and tooling, CAA Industries has helped boost the military’s in-country arms production capabilities, which has lasting consequences for the people of Myanmar who are subject to daily acts of terror at the hands of the illegal junta, which is committing mass murder, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, torture, property destruction and forced displacement.
“Israeli officials and those in CAA Industries who have enabled the supply of arms and dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar military, aiding and abetting international crimes, must be held accountable.”
Eitay Mack, Advocate, says: “Thanks to Justice For Myanmar's investigations, we repeatedly discover that Israeli military exports to the country did not stop, but continued in more sophisticated ways.
“This is illegal, immoral and shameful conduct by the Israeli government that approves licenses to Israeli military companies to continue doing business as usual with the murderous military in Myanmar.
“This time it is not a one-time export of weapons but equipment that enables the production of weapon parts and therefore requires ongoing licenses for export and the provision of services to the junta.
“Therefore, in addition to demanding a criminal investigation against the CAA company and the Israeli officials involved in the scandal, we also demand that the ongoing licenses granted to the CAA company be revoked.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Business and the Military
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146.33 KB 126.88 KB
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed a decision by TJC to withdraw Burmese rubies from sale.
TJC is one of the biggest TV shopping channels and online jewellery retailers in the UK.
In a letter to Burma Campaign UK, TJC stated that following the military coup in February 2021 it had an official policy not to source gems from Burma, and the Burmese rubies it had been selling on its website were listed in error. After receiving correspondence from Burma Campaign UK, the Burmese rubies had been withdrawn from sale.
TJC stated: “First and foremost, I want to assure you that we share your concerns and ethical values regarding the situation in Myanmar. Following the military coup in 2021, we made a conscientious decision to withdraw all Burmese jewellery items from our inventory, as we understood the gravity of the situation and the importance of taking a stand against human rights violations.
Unfortunately, due to an unintended oversight, some Burmese jewellery items were mistakenly listed for sale on our platform. As soon as we became aware of this error, we took immediate action to rectify the situation. The listings were promptly removed, and we have taken steps to ensure that such an oversight does not occur again in the future.”
Burma Campaign UK has written to 40 of the biggest and highest profile jewellery retailers in the UK asking them to demonstrate that the gems they sell are not sourced from Burma/Myanmar in ways which help fund the Burmese military.
Following the attempted military coup, which began in February 2021, the Burmese military now dominates Burma’s gems industry, which is potentially worth $2bn per year. Through its own private companies, control of the state-owned enterprises and government ministries, control of trade routes into areas not under its control, legal and illegal trade, and the business interests of military family members, the Burmese military extracts revenue from the gems industry in numerous ways.
This revenue can be used by the Burmese military to buy arms and equipment and so funds the human rights violations they commit.
“It is impressive that TJC had proactively decided not to source gems from Burma following the coup,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “TJC deserve praise for taking an ethical stance on this issue. We hope that other British jewellery retailers will do the same.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Gems - mining and trade
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Description:
"According to leaked documents and public sources, the Tokyo-based ASEAN-Japan Centre on Trade, Investment and Tourism provided a grant to the junta’s investment and foreign economic relations ministry for a capacity building program on reforms required to implement international investment agreements.
The grant was awarded for the 2022-23 fiscal year, and financed at least one event held in March 2023, opened by EU-sanctioned junta minister Kan Zaw.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has refused to disclose to Justice For Myanmar the amount of funds provided to the junta, stating that the information is only available to board members.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is an intergovernmental organisation made up of the Japanese government and the governments of each ASEAN member state, including Myanmar.
The Centre is governed by a council, which consists of 11 representatives appointed by each member country.
Myanmar is wrongly represented on the council by Soe Han, the junta’s ambassador to Japan, and this legitimises the junta and facilitates continued support, emboldening the junta’s terror campaign.
Japan is represented on the council by Yutaka Arima, an assistant minister of foreign affairs.
The capacity building grant is one of several ASEAN-Japan Centre initiatives with junta ministries, legitimising the junta, encouraging business engagement and building the capacity of junta staff.
The centre has an active partnership with the junta’s hotels and tourism ministry, supporting the junta’s attempts to promote tourism, which provides it with legitimacy and a source of foreign revenue.
Since late 2021, as the junta’s violent attacks against the people intensified, the junta tourism ministry organised regular trainings and seminars supported by the ASEAN-Japan Centre. These involved the participation of junta minister Htay Aung and Japanese ASEAN-Japan Centre senior members, aimed at promoting Japanese tourism in Myanmar.
In January 2022, the ASEAN-Japan Centre supported the junta to run a Japanese culinary skills training, opened by Htay Aung and ASEAN-Japan Centre Secretary General Kunihiko Hirabayashi.
In late 2022 and early 2023, Htay Aung opened seminars for service providers of Japanese tourists in Bagan and Kalaw with ASEAN-Japan Centre officials, which were featured in junta propaganda.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has also supported the junta to provide Japanese language training for tour guides.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is now promoting tourism to Myanmar as part of the fiftieth anniversary or ASEAN-Japan “friendship and cooperation”, and has launched a website in Japanese. In consultation with the junta, the site includes five ideas for Japanese tourists to visit Myanmar, misleading the Japanese public that it is a safe and ethical destination for a holiday.
That comes despite the clear call from the legitimate National Unity Government (NUG) against tourism to Myanmar. In November 2021, Minister of Planning, Finance and Investment Tin Tun Naing told the Straits Times, “The people of Myanmar are being killed, raped, detained and their houses and possessions seized or destroyed. This is not a time for sightseeing”.
A third junta ministry the ASEAN-Japan Centre works with is commerce, supporting it to promote market access in Japan. Under that program, a workshop was held in January in Naypyidaw and again touted in junta propaganda. The workshop was opened by the permanent secretary of the junta’s commerce ministry, Min Min, and Yuka Kubota, an ASEAN-Japan Centre senior executive.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s actions to include the junta on its council representing Myanmar, to fund junta ministries, to provide capacity building and to promote business links embolden the junta to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
Justice For Myanmar urges the ASEAN-Japan Centre and all other organisations to immediately remove the junta from its council and end all support. As the number of people killed by the junta rises daily, lives literally depend on the international community urgently taking action. Japan has a particular responsibility to end the junta’s killings as a democracy and Asian neighbour with a long historical relationship with the Myanmar military.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN and Japan are now celebrating 50 years of friendship and cooperation.
“Yet this anniversary has so far shown that ASEAN and Japan’s friendship in Myanmar is with the illegitimate military junta, not the people who are being slaughtered in the junta’s relentless attacks.
“The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s activities with the military junta support its illegal and failed attempt to gain control of Myanmar and embolden its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Without an immediate end to ASEAN and Japan’s support for the junta, the fiftieth anniversary of ASEAN-Japan relations will be forever tarnished with the blood of Myanmar people.
“It’s time ASEAN and Japan end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
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138.38 KB
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Sub-title:
UK Sanctions Coordinator met with US, EU and Canadian counterparts to discuss continued cooperation on Myanmar sanctions efforts.
Description:
"On 24 May, the Sanctions Coordinators for the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, and the services in charge of sanctions policy and implementation of the European Commission and the European External Action Service met to continue to assess and align ongoing efforts related to sanctions on Myanmar.
The partners discussed the significant scope of actions taken since the military coup in February 2021, ongoing coordination efforts, and the importance of continued information and target sharing to support sanctions packages. The UK announced further sanctions on 31 January and 27 March 2023, targeting suppliers to the Myanmar regime of military equipment and other material being used to attack its civilians. The partners identified the continued need for sustained direct cooperation in order to restrict the regime’s ability to carry out atrocities against the people of Myanmar and pressure the regime to change course to restore the country’s path toward genuine and inclusive democracy..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2023-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"FIVE BRITISH INSURERS ADDED TO ‘DIRTY LIST’ FOR AVIATION FUEL DELIVERIES TO BURMA
May 23, 2023
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Burma Campaign UK added five British insurance companies to the ‘Dirty List’ after they failed to give a commitment to stop providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Burma.
The five companies are: UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard and Shipowners’ Club.
They are mutual insurance clubs which have provided insurance cover (protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance) to vessels which have delivered aviation fuel to Burma. Their role in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma was exposed in the Amnesty International Report, Deadly Cargo. The report is available here.
“The Burmese military are using airstrikes indiscriminately against civilians, even against schools and hospitals, and insurance is a vital part of the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK.
Since the Burmese military began its attempted coup on 1 February 2021, it has increasingly used airstrikes to try to gain control over the country.
On 11th April, a Burmese military airstrike in the Sagaing Region in the north of Burma killed around 170 people, including around 40 children.
In February 2022 the British government issued guidance to British companies to avoid involvement in the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. These companies are ignoring the guidance.
“These insurance clubs have clearly taken a decision not to add delivery of aviation fuel to their cover exclusions, despite knowing this means they may insure aviation fuel that reaches the Burmese military and is used to kill civilians,” said Mark Farmaner. “This is the definition of putting profit before principle.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Myanmar military junta has imported at least US$1 billion worth of weapons and related materials from Russia, China and other countries in less than two years, according to a new UN report.
“Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Tom Andrews, the UN independent investigator on human rights in Myanmar, said in a press release.
Launched on Wednesday, the report, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: The International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar”, documented over 12,500 purchases that were shipped directly to the Myanmar military or known Myanmar arms dealers working for the military from Feb. 1, 2021 to December 2022.
The report identified $406 million worth of arms-related trade from entities in Russia including state-owned entities, $267 million from China including state-owned entities, $254 million from entities operating in Singapore, $51 million from entities in India including state-owned entities and $28 million from entities operating in Thailand.
Andrews said at a press conference that the diversity and volume of goods provided to the Myanmar military since the coup is staggering.
He identified transfers of fighter jets, attack helicopters, reconnaissance and attack drones, advanced missile systems, tank upgrades, radio and communication equipment, radar complexes, and components for naval ships in the report.
The deadly items were used by the junta to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar, the UN Special Rapporteur said.
He gave examples of the junta’s air attack on Pazi Gyi Village in Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, in which the junta used a Russian Yak-130 fighter jet followed by an attack by Russian Mi-35 helicopters. At least 160 people including 40 children were killed in the attack.
And the junta’s Directorate of Defense Industries domestically manufactured bombs and machine guns, relying in part on raw materials supplied by private entities from Singapore, China and Thailand, the report stated.
Since the coup, 28 Russian entities, including state-owned entities, have transferred fighter jets, advanced missile systems, reconnaissance and attack drones, and spare parts for fighter jets, attack helicopters, and other systems, it said.
Additionally, 41 private and state-owned companies registered in China and Hong
Kong continued to supply the Myanmar military with an extensive array of arms, equipment, and raw materials between October 2021 and December 2022 including advanced trainer jets/light attack aircraft, upgrades to tanks, and overhaul and
repair work for the older Chinese fighter jets that make up the Myanmar Air Force fleet.
Chinese firms also provided essential raw materials directly to the Myanmar military for domestic weapons manufacturing, including aluminum, copper, steel, rubber, and lubricants, it said.
The report also stated that Singapore has become a major source for spare parts, raw materials, and manufacturing equipment especially for the continued operation of Myanmar’s KaPaSa weapons factories.
At least 138 Singapore-based firms have served as intermediaries for the Myanmar military since the coup.
Andrews requested the government of Singapore use the information in the report and enforce its own policies to the maximum extent possible.
The government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorize the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
Unlike Russia, China, and—to a much lesser extent—India, Andrews said he has received no information indicating that the governments of Singapore or Thailand have approved or transferred arms to the Myanmar military.
Rather, arms dealing organizations appear to be using the jurisdictions of Thailand and Singapore, and specifically the banking and shipping sectors there, to facilitate arms transfers, he said.
The report suggest arm dealers may be seeking to use Thailand as an alternative route. It said 12 Thai companies exporting arms and related materials to the Myanmar military were established following the coup, and many were established by sanctioned arms networks already operating in Singapore.
Andrews said that the Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system because sanctions are not being adequately enforced.
“Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement.”
The UN Special Rapporteur urged a complete ban on the sale and transfer of weapons to the military, and urged governments to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member states now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
Language:
more
Description:
"NEW YORK / GENEVA (17 May 2023) – The Myanmar military has imported at least $1 billion USD in arms and raw materials to manufacture weapons since the coup in February 2021, according to a new report today by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews.
UN Member States are enabling this trade either through outright complicity, lax enforcement of existing bans, and easily circumvented sanctions, according to the report.
“Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Andrews said. “Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member States now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said.
While calling for a complete ban on the sale or transfer of weapons to the Myanmar military, Andrews pleaded for Member States to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources.
The Special Rapporteur’s paper, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar” is the most detailed study on post-coup arms transfers to the military to date. Accompanied by a detailed infographic, it identifies the major networks and companies involved in these transactions, known values of the transfers, and jurisdictions in which the networks operate, namely Russia, China, Singapore, Thailand, and India.
“Russia and China continue to be the main suppliers of advanced weapons systems to the Myanmar military, accounting for over $400 million and $260 million respectively since the coup, with much of the trade originating from state-owned entities. However, arms dealers operating out of Singapore are critical to the continued operation of the Myanmar military’s deadly weapons factories (commonly referred to as KaPaSa),” Andrews said.
The report reveals that $254 million USD of supplies have been shipped from dozens of entities in Singapore to the Myanmar military from February 2021 to December 2022. Singaporean banks have been used extensively by arms dealers.
Andrews recalled that the Government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorise the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
“I implore leaders of Singapore to seize the information within this report and enforce its policies to the maximum extent possible,” the Special Rapporteur said.
“If the Singapore Government were to stop all shipments and facilitation of arms and associated materials to the Myanmar military from its jurisdiction, the impact on the junta’s ability to commit war crimes would be significantly disrupted,” he said.
The report also documents $28 million USD in arms transfers from Thai-based entities to the Myanmar military since the coup. India-based entities have supplied $51 million worth of arms and related materials to the military since February 2021.
The report examines why international sanctions on arms dealing networks have failed to stop or slow the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military.
“The Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system. That’s because sanctions are not being adequately enforced and because arms dealers linked to the junta have been able to create shell companies to avoid them.
The expert said the ad hoc, uncoordinated nature of current sanctions were allowing payments to be made in other currencies and jurisdictions.
“By expanding and retooling sanctions and eliminating loopholes, governments can disrupt junta-linked weapons dealers,” Andrews said.
The report also focuses on the main sources of foreign currency that have enabled the Myanmar junta to purchase over $1 billion in arms since the coup. “Member States have not adequately targeted key sources of foreign currency that the junta relies on to purchase arms, including most significantly Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise,” Andrews said.
Andrews highlighted that no Member State has imposed sanctions on Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) since the coup. “My findings demonstrate that MFTB is not only important for receiving foreign currency but is also being used extensively by the junta to purchase arms. It should be a prime target for international sanctions,” the expert said.
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2023-05-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the passing of a European Parliament Resolution on Thursday, which called on the European Union to impose sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. The calls were made in a new Resolution condemning the back-door ban on 40 political parties in Burma.
The Resolution is available here.
Almost daily airstrikes by the Burmese military over the past two years have killed and injured thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands of people, creating a humanitarian crisis. As Burmese military jets use commercial aviation fuel and have taken fuel intended for civilian use, only a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma will help reduce airstrikes.
Reports by Amnesty International and Global Witness have exposed the role of European companies in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma.
The European Parliament Resolution also calls for targeted sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military, including No2 Mining Enterprise and the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank.
Other demands include supporting a referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court, and for the EU and member states to increase funding for Rohingya refugees.
The European Parliament also condemns Russia and China “for their political, economic and military backing of Myanmar’s junta”.
The European Parliament Resolution is not binding but increases pressure on the European Union to impose sanctions on the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma, and to speed up the slow pace of the implementation of sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military.
“The European Parliament has called on the European Union to do more to stop the flow of aviation fuel and revenue to the Burmese military, and the European Union must now listen and act”, said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There is much more the European Union can do to reduce the capacity of the Burmese military to keep bombing and killing the people of Burma.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-05-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, Oil and gas, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The Myanmar military’s budget has increased every year since Min Aung Hlaing became its chief in 2011. The budget of the air force in particular has jumped significantly, as new aircraft have been purchased and the military regime has become increasingly reliant on air attacks to combat the resistance movement.
For the 2023-24 fiscal year, the junta has approved a defense budget of almost US$2.7 billion, an increase of US$920 million on the previous year.
However, until very recently the air force budget was comparatively small. According to a separate defense expenditure list acquired by The Irrawaddy that the military did not submit to parliament, the air force’s expenditure for the 2019-20 fiscal year totaled US$376 million. That amount did not include aviation fuel bills and salaries.
At that time, Myanmar was dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic and holding the 2020 general election. There were some clashes between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army in northern Rakhine State. But overall the period saw the fewest clashes since Min Aung Hlaing became the military chief in 2011.
As the air force’s spending was around US$376 million during that period of relative calm, its spending might reach US$1 billion per year between 2021 and 2023.
But half of the budget usually ends up in the pockets of generals, officers and cronies.
U Kyaw Min Oo, the owner of Sky Aviator Co, who was born to an ordinary family in Ayeyarwady Region’s Mawlamyinegyun Township, amassed huge wealth in the decade after he was awarded licenses to supply the air force. The crony has limited edition Mercedes cars in his garage.
Brigadier-General Kyaw Moe Thet, who served as the commander of an air base in Mandalay’s Tada-U Township, is one of the beneficiaries of business deals involving the air force. He sponsors artists with millions of kyats. Among the artists are Yone Lay and J Fire. The general also owns dozens of land plots in Mandalay, each worth hundreds of thousands of US dollars.
Even richer are the air force chief and his relatives who have accumulated immense wealth within a few years to join the country’s ‘League of Cronies.’
The structure of the Myanmar Air Force was based on the UK’s Royal Air Force, with three key departments — procurement, engineering and administration — designed to exercise checks and balances in procurement and usage of equipment, thereby preventing corruption. But the air force has become increasingly corrupt since 1988.
Under the previous military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the air force stopped inviting open tenders for the procurement of new aircraft, spare parts and maintenance.
Instead, licenses were awarded to those who were close to the air force leadership. Back then, the sister-in-law of Vice Senior General Maung Aye, known as Daw Daisy, was the key middleperson in procuring aircraft for the air force.
Business owners awarded licenses paid commission to the likes of Daw Daisy and the generals. But under Min Aung Hlaing, the children of generals have established their own companies to supply the military.
Notable examples include Ivan Htet, the son of former air force chief General Maung Maung Kyaw, who established Alliance Engineering Service to supply the air force. General Maung Maung Kyaw’s nephew and niece, U Lin Htet and Daw Mon Yee, also made fortunes by supplying and providing maintenance services for the air force.
It was easy money for the generals and their suppliers, as all they need to do is to cook the books by charging higher prices for items and services provided to the air force. So the generals awarded licenses to supply the air force to their relatives.
Companies have to give commission to both the military chief and air force chief for business deals made with the air force. The head of the air force reportedly gets at least five per cent of the value of each deal.
Among the middlemen who helped purchase aircraft, helicopters and parts under former military dictator Than Shwe were U Tay Za, who runs the Htoo Group of Companies, and Dr. Naing Htut Aung, who owns Gate Way International. U Tay Za has close ties with former air force head General Myat Hein. The general’s son worked for U Tay Za’s company.
Since Min Aung Hlaing became the military chief in 2011, his son and daughter, General Maung Maung Kyaw’s children and U Kyaw Min Oo have monopolized business with the air force. U Kyaw Min Oo previously worked for U Tay Za, while his younger brother served as the commander of an air force Mi-17 squadron.
Mahar Sit Thu Gyi Co, which supplies the air force, is owned by Min Aung Hlaing’s daughter Khin Thiri Thet Mon.
Aircraft need different types of maintenance after flying for certain hours. It is a business with huge profits.
The annual maintenance cost for a MiG-29 fighter is over US$4.6 million, while a Yak-130 bomber’s maintenance costs US$2.1 million, according to air force figures. But the actual cost is 50 per cent less, according to some air force officers.
In the 2019-20 fiscal year, the Myanmar military spent US$2.4 million on two Mi-35P assault helicopters from Belarus. One of them crashed in 2021 because they were substandard, according to air force officials.
The military regime is increasingly reliant on its air force to combat the growing resistance movement. But while the junta’s airstrikes cause ever-greater civilian casualties, senior air force officers and their cronies are getting even richer..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-05-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
Language:
more
Description:
"The Australian Centre for International Justice (ACIJ), Justice For Myanmar and Stop Adani condemn Adani Ports & Special Economic Zone Limited (Adani Ports) for its continued development of the Ahlone International Port Terminal 2, which provides a revenue stream and a lucrative future asset for the Australian, Canadian, EU, UK and US sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).
After announcing in October 2021 an intention to withdraw from the project, Adani Ports has pumped millions of dollars into developing the port and procuring valuable cranes that will ultimately benefit MEC.
Details of Adani Ports’ development of the Yangon port after the company announced its intention to withdraw has been revealed in a Justice For Myanmar investigation.
In addition, new evidence from leaked documents shows that following the Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt, Adani Power Limited submitted an expression of interest to a US-sanctioned junta minister for the import of coal into India from the Sagaing Region of Myanmar and to seek cooperation in the development of the coal mining industry in Myanmar. At the time, the junta was waging a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar in the very region where Adani was seeking to purchase coal. The junta’s attacks on the people of Myanmar continue today in Sagaing and across the country, in what amounts to ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
On April 11, the junta carried out a shocking aerial attack against a gathering of people in Pazigyi village, Sagaing, killing at least 168 people, including many children. The youngest was a six-month old child.
Leaked documents published by Justice For Myanmar also raise concerns over the propriety of the US$22 million “land clearance fee” that Adani Ports paid to MEC in 2019. Details of the payment was first reported by ACIJ and Justice For Myanmar in 2021, and now confirmed in new evidence leaked from the Myanmar Investment Commission. The payment is non-standard, grossly inflated, and may amount to a kickback. Adani Ports should be independently investigated over its payments to MEC, including for land clearance.
The Ahlone International Port Terminal 2 project is a partnership with MEC under a build-operate-transfer deal, which as the UN warned makes Adani Ports complicit in the Myanmar military’s ongoing atrocity crimes. Adani Ports’ deal with MEC came after the Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of genocide against the Rohingya and was identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission in their report on the Myanmar’s military’s economic interests, which called for all businesses to cut ties with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates.
In March 2021, ACIJ and Justice For Myanmar published Port of Complicity, a report into Adani Ports’ business in Myanmar that included new evidence of payments to MEC and the company’s direct relationship with the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing, increasing pressure on investors. Adani Ports’ initial response was to deny the stark evidence of its business relationship with MEC.
In June 2021, Adani Ports disclosed that they had paid US$90 million to MEC.
In August 2021, ACIJ and JFM wrote to the US Treasury urging them to reject a request from Adani Ports for a general licence to exempt them from US sanctions on MEC.
In May 2022, Adani Ports announced that they had signed a binding share purchase agreement on a “completed project basis”, stating that the company would ensure full recovery of its investment. Adani Ports has refused to disclose the identity of its buyer.
Adani Ports’ business dealings in Myanmar and Australia have severely damaged the company’s reputation. In April 2021, Adani Ports was removed from the Dow Jones Sustainability Index after human rights and environmental groups submitted a case for review due to Adani Ports’ links to the Myanmar port project and the Adani Carmichael coal project in Australia. Adani Ports set up the Bowen Rail Company who will soon begin hauling coal from Adani’s mine to Adani’s coal port on the Great Barrier Reef, the North Queensland Export Terminal, which is operated by Adani Ports. Investors continue to exclude the company citing environmental and human rights concerns.
In March 2022, Norway’s sovereign wealth fund, Norges Bank Investment Management (NBIM) added Adani Ports to its watch list and in February 2023, it dumped it entirely by divesting from it and other Adani Group companies. Other investors should follow suit.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung said:
“Adani Ports has been duplicitous in its dealings with the Myanmar military from the start, bankrolling a secretive and corrupt military conglomerate that is implicated in international crimes.
“Rather than exiting by the 2021-22 financial year as originally announced, Adani Ports has misled the people of Myanmar and its own shareholders, refusing to disclose the buyer and proceeding to develop a lucrative financial and logistical asset for the Myanmar military as it wages a campaign of terror against the people.
“Adani Power’s attempt to buy coal from the junta would, if successful, amount to misappropriation and help fund the junta's ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Adani’s complicity with the junta’s atrocity crimes and apparent payment of kickbacks has been enabled by the Indian government, which has pursued business and arms sales in a blatant disregard of its international responsibilities. India should change course, stand with the people of Myanmar and impose targeted sanctions and an arms embargo on the junta.”
Rawan Arraf, Executive Director at the Australian Centre for International Justice said:
“Adani Ports has misled the public, investors, creditors, the human rights community, but most importantly the people of Myanmar and their supporters who had welcomed the news of Adani’s announcement to exit Myanmar.
“Adani continued to build the Yangon port to sell an asset which will remain in the hands of the MEC and the criminal junta.
“This dishonest behaviour must be condemned, and we urge investors to take responsible steps and divest from Adani Ports once and for all.
“Governments in Australia have emboldened Adani Group companies through lucrative climate-wrecking licenses, and have failed to take account of Adani’s shady deals with the junta. Sovereign wealth funds like the Future Fund have shown a complete disregard for their human rights responsibilities, and should follow the lead of Norges Bank and dump Adani entirely.
“Those complicit with human rights abuses and international crimes must be held to account.”
Fahimah Badrulhisham, campaigner with #StopAdani said:
“US short seller Hindenburg recently exposed Adani Group’s accounting fraud, stock manipulation and money laundering.
“Hindenburg has highlighted how Adani Group moves money around its vast corporate empire so that any investment in any Adani company could end up financing Adani’s dirty coal projects and their business with the Myanmar military.
“Adani’s investors like Blackrock and Barclays must do their due diligence on Adani and its immoral business practices that are funding the Myanmar junta’s massacres of peaceful protestors, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, torture and the forced displacement of over 1.6 million since February 2021.
“Blackrock and Barclays should stand with the people of Myanmar and for human rights and immediately withdraw their money from Adani Group.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-05-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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200.69 KB 170.55 KB
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"Canal+ and its satellite partner, Thaicom, are broadcasting Myanmar military junta propaganda against their responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines, and international law and norms.
The illegal Myanmar military junta uses television for psychological warfare as part of its campaign of terror against the people, in breach of international law, and this content is broadcast by Canal+ and Thaicom.
Canal+ operates a subscription television business in Myanmar in partnership with the crony company Forever Group, launched in 2018. Forever Group is a longstanding broadcast partner of the military and was formerly sanctioned by the EU.
Canal+ is a subsidiary of the French corporation, Vivendi SA, which also owns Gameloft, Dailymotion and Havas Group.
In 2019, Canal+ signed a capacity agreement with the Thai publicly listed satellite corporation Thaicom to broadcast content through the satellite, Thaicom 6.
Thaicom has deep links to the Myanmar military. It formerly broadcast the army’s Myawaddy TV (MWD) channels and Thaicom has its own service agreement with Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV), which was renewed in 2021.
MWD is run by the Directorate of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare of the Office of the Commander-in-Chief (Army), Soe Win, who is sanctioned by the EU. MRTV is run by the Ministry of Information, illegally controlled by the military. The junta’s information minister, Maung Maung Ohn, has also been sanctioned by the EU.
By broadcasting MWD, MRTV and the junta’s international propaganda channel, MITV, Canal+ and Thaicom regularly distribute images of individuals that the junta has captured as claimed members of the People’s Defence Forces, and are routinely subject to torture, arbitrary imprisonment and death in junta custody.
The broadcast of these images are against the spirit of Article 13(2) of the Third Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War (1949): “prisoners of war must at all times be protected, particularly against acts of violence or intimidation and against insults and public curiosity.”
Article 13(2) can be interpreted as applicable to “any materials that enable individual prisoners to be identified must normally be regarded as subjecting them to public curiosity and, therefore, may not be transmitted, published or broadcast.”
While Article 13(2) originally applied to international armed conflict, Protocol II extends the application of the Geneva Conventions to non-international armed conflicts.
France and Thailand have both ratified Protocol II, and as such have a responsibility to prevent companies in their territory from violating the Geneva Conventions.
Images of prisoners shown on MRTV and broadcast by Canal+ and Thaicom include close-ups of individuals detained by the junta with signs of torture, such as swollen faces and with their names identified.
Canal+ and Thaicom also broadcast content that refers to Rohingya as “Bengali”, a term associated with the military's genocidal intent because it is intended to Other and dehumanise Rohingya.
By doing so, the junta, which unlawfully claims to be the government of Myanmar, is disregarding the Provisional Measures imposed by the International Court of Justice in The Gambia v. Myanmar case under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide prohibiting, among other actions, incitement to genocide.
Recent content include footage of Rohingya arbitrarily detained when trying to flee the conditions imposed on them by the genocidal military, which include confinement in camps that amounts to the crime of apartheid.
Canal+ has enhanced corporate human rights responsibilities because of its status as a multinational enterprise. It should follow the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises that obligates multinational enterprises to "consider additional standards" and to pay particular attention to situations of armed conflict and the applicability of international humanitarian law.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "The genocidal Myanmar military is waging a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, in which it uses media for psychological warfare, spreading fear, disinformation and hate.
“By broadcasting MWD, MRTV and MITV, major weapons of the junta’s propaganda arsenal, Canal+ and Thaicom are blatantly disregarding their human rights responsibilities and obligations under international law.
“Through the broadcast of the junta’s images of captured PDFs, Canal+ and Thaicom are making a commodified spectacle of prisoners of war, against the spirit of the Geneva Conventions, which their home countries, France and Thailand, are signatory to.
“The fact that Canal+ and Thaicom also transmit content that refers to Rohingya as 'Bengali', disregards the Provisional Measures imposed by the ICJ that prohibit the direct and public incitement of genocide.
“Canal+ and Thaicom are broadcasting MWD and MRTV's use of the term ‘Bengali’, knowing it is a genocidal slur.
“We call on Canal+ and Thaicom to immediately stop broadcasting junta propaganda and to abide by their responsibilities under the OECD Guidelines and international law.
“France and Thailand, who are responsible for the conduct of companies in their territories, should take urgent steps to ensure that their companies are upholding international law and norms in their business in Myanmar.”
Canal+ and Thaicom did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-04-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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pdf
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143.23 KB
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"The Swedish engineering firm AFRY has announced its intention to withdraw from Myanmar, where it has been involved in controversial hydropower projects for over two decades. The undersigned organisations welcome the move to stop doing business with the military junta but remain deeply concerned about AFRY’s delayed response and failure to realise the gravity of its dealings with the Myanmar military.
AFRY’s decision to leave Myanmar comes after criticism from local and international human rights organisations. AFRY allegedly disregarded sustained opposition from communities affected by its dam projects, and continued to cooperate with and receive payments from Myanmar authorities after the military coup in 2021. According to leaked documents, obtained by Justice For Myanmar, AFRY received almost USD 5 million in consultancy fees directly from the Department of Hydropower Implementation of the junta’s electricity ministry.
AFRY’s conduct in Myanmar raises serious questions about the company’s human rights due diligence procedures. It took the company more than two years after the attempted military coup to announce its exit, and it chose to do business with the Department of Hydropower Implementation after it was illegally taken over by the Myanmar military, which stands accused of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. AFRY’s cooperation with the junta continued despite EU sanctions on the State Administration Council and junta leadership.
Now that AFRY has announced its intention to withdraw from Myanmar, we urge the company to:
Immediately end all technical support and cooperation with the military junta.
Make public its human rights due diligence in relation to its Myanmar operations, including the evidence to support its conclusion that “AFRY has not contributed to any violations of human rights.”
Take all measures necessary to ensure a responsible exit from Myanmar in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
Investigate any negative impact on human rights that might have occurred as a result of AFRY operations in Myanmar, in close dialogue with affected local communities. All negative impact must be properly remediated.
The company’s shareholders and financiers, including several big Swedish banks, should also act to ensure that the company takes these necessary steps, which are in line with the investors’ own human rights commitments..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-04-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Due to the negative development in Myanmar with deteriorating human rights situation and on the back of an enhanced human rights due diligence process, AFRY has decided to end its commitment in hydropower projects in Myanmar.
Following the UN report: Situation of human rights in Myanmar since 1 February 2022, which was published in March 2023, AFRY has re-assessed its engagement in the country. The report concludes that the human rights situation has worsened during the last year and recommends that any engagement in Myanmar should undergo an enhanced human rights due diligence process.
AFRY has been present in Myanmar for over twenty years, having worked on several hydropower projects, all aiming to accelerate the transition to a clean and stable energy system in the country. UN global development goal number seven declares that access to clean and affordable energy is key to the development of agriculture, business, communications, education, healthcare, and transportation. The lack of access to energy hinders economic and human development. In Myanmar, 30 percent of the population still lack access to energy.
AFRY is currently involved in three hydropower projects in Myanmar, whereof one project is active. The contracts were signed before the military coup in February 2021 and AFRY has not signed any additional contracts after that. We have evaluated our presence in the country, international sanctions, the client with regards to the military regime, safety of our employees, environmental and social impact relating to the ongoing projects, and whether we are able to complete our engagement without being complicit or provide direct or indirect support of the military or other operations that violate human rights. Our conclusion is that AFRY has not contributed to any violations of human rights, we have ensured stronger safeguards for the environment through our engineering competence and the hydropower projects have contributed to a cleaner energy system.
Nevertheless, AFRY’s assignments will be ended at the latest by the end of this year due to the negative development in the country, while we continue to monitor the situation closely..."
Source/publisher:
AFRY (Sweden)
Date of publication:
2023-04-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Assessment of hydropower projects in Burma/Myanmar, Business and the Military, Dams and other hydropower projects (global, regional)
Language:
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pdf
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83.23 KB
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today called on five British insurance companies to stop providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Burma.
The five companies are: UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard, Shipowners Club.
They are mutual insurance clubs which have provided insurance cover (protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance) to vessels which have delivered aviation fuel to Burma. Their role in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma was exposed in the Amnesty International Report, Deadly Cargo. The report is available here.
“Any company involved in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma is potentially complicit in airstrikes against civilians, and should stop immediately,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Without insurance, vessels cannot deliver aviation fuel.”
Since the Burmese military began its attempted coup on 1st February 2021, it has increasingly used airstrikes to try to gain control over the country.
The Burmese military use airstrikes indiscriminately and deliberately against civilian targets, including health clinics, schools, homes, religious buildings and camps for people who had fled previous Burma military attacks.
On 11th April, a Burmese military airstrike in the Sagaing Region in the north of Burma killed around 170 people, including around 40 children.
In February 2022, the British government issued guidance to British companies regarding aviation fuel to Burma. It stated:
“The Myanmar military regularly uses air strikes against civilian targets. If dealing with any entity linked to Myanmar’s aviation sector, businesses should conduct thorough supply chain diligence to ensure that commodities such as jet-fuel do not reach the military.”
The guidance is available here.
In their report, Deadly Cargo, Amnesty International exposed how aviation fuel intended for civilian use was taken by the Burmese military. This means it is impossible to be involved in supplying aviation fuel to Burma and ensure that fuel does not reach the Burmese military. Companies insuring vessels delivering aviation fuel to Burma are not following British government guidance.
Despite its own guidance being broken, the British government has failed to impose sanctions preventing British companies being involved in supplying aviation fuel to Burma. Canada has imposed such sanctions. So far, the British government has only sanctioned Burmese companies and individuals which have sold aviation fuel to the Burmese military.
“Insurers largely operate behind the scenes but play a vital role in the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma,” said Mark Farmaner. “These companies must now publicly commit that they will no longer provide insurance cover for vessels delivering aviation fuel to Burma.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"Drink giants Heineken, Carlsberg and ThaiBev are paying tens of millions of dollars in tax to the Myanmar military junta, Justice For Myanmar has revealed in an investigation of tax filings released by Distributed Denial of Secrets.
The foreign companies are partnered with the family of the deceased crony Thein Tun, who controlled Myanma Golden Star Group with his son, Thant Zin Tun. Myanma Golden Star Group produces beer with Carlsberg and soft drinks with a subsidiary of LOTTE Corporation.
Thein Tun’s daughter, Mar Mar Tun and son-in-law, Aung Moe Kyaw, are the local partners of Heineken and Thai Beverage (ThaiBev). ThaiBev controls Grand Royal Group.
An analysis of available tax filings from October to December 2021 show that Heineken, Carlsberg and ThaiBev subsidiaries paid 49.9 billion kyat in Specific Goods Tax (SGT) alone to the military junta, equivalent to US$27.6 million based on average exchange rates from the Central Bank of Myanmar, which is illegally under junta control.
SGT is a tax on the production and import of alcohol and other products that is applied to beer at a rate of 60% and a sliding scale for spirits, depending on the price level.
ThaiBev, Heineken and Carlsberg companies also pay commercial tax and income tax to the junta, which totalled 12.6 billion kyat in the period, equivalent to US$7 million.
Spread across a year, ThaiBev, Heineken and Carlsberg companies in Myanmar could be paying as much as 250 billion kyat or US$155 million in taxes to the junta, bankrolling its international crimes.
LOTTE, which is not subject to SGT, pays smaller amounts of tax and is also responsible for lease payments to the Myanmar Army as part of its hotel subsidiary’s investment in a hotel development with POSCO International.
Payments from these corporations aid the junta as it wages a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, increasingly relying on its air force to carry out indiscriminate attacks.
On April 11, the junta launched an indiscriminate aerial attack against people gathered at an event in Pazigyi village, Sagaing, killing at least 168 people, weeks after the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution that called on the Myanmar military to immediately cease all air strikes.
An October 2022 air strike against a concert in Kachin State killed over 80 people. Large tax payments from the drink giants help the junta buy arms, fuel and equipment and pay soldiers, supporting ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Justice For Myanmar calls on ThaiBev, Heineken, Carlsberg and LOTTE to follow the guidance of the National Unity Government and their international human rights responsibilities, and end payments to the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "Heineken, Carlsberg and ThaiBev are paying the equivalent of tens of millions of dollars in taxes annually to the Myanmar military junta, which is a terrorist organisation that has been committing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
"The illegal junta desperately needs revenue to sustain its campaign of murder and destruction, and these taxes from drink giants help fund the bombs, bullets and jet fuel the junta needs to attack the people.
"Since there is a specific goods tax for beer and spirits, the junta gets a massive share of the revenues of Heineken, Carlsberg and ThaiBev in Myanmar.
"These are funds that belong to the people of Myanmar and should be paid to the National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government. Instead, Heineken, Carlsberg, ThaiBev and LOTTE are ignoring NUG’s guidance and bankrolling the illegal junta, making themselves complicit in its international crimes and undermining democracy.
"It is also concerning that the companies are partnered with the Thein Tun family, who have deep links to the Myanmar military, evidence of Heineken, Carlsberg, ThaiBev and LOTTE’s historic human rights due diligence failures in Myanmar.
"We call on Heineken, Carlsberg, ThaiBev and LOTTE to fulfil their international obligations under the OECD Guidelines and UN Guiding Principles, and end their substantial payments to the military junta, which is a terrorist organisation."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Burma's economic relations with Thailand, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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pdf
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135.12 KB
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"On April 13, ENEOS Holdings (hereinafter referred to as“ENEOS”) announced that their withdrawal from the Yetagun gas project inMyanmar had been approved by the Myanmar “government” on April 12, in referenceto the illegitimate military junta.
This announcement by ENEOS provided little information,with the company stating, “The impact of this transaction on our consolidatedfinancial results is expected to be minimal”, and made no reference to thecompany’s obligations to responsibly exit, in accordance with the UN GuidingPrinciples on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines.
Malaysian company Petronas has been the operator of theYetagun gas project, under a partnership with Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise(MOGE), PTTEP of Thailand, and the ENEOS consolidated subsidiary, Nippon OilExploration (Myanmar). Other investors in Nippon Oil are the JapaneseGovernment and Mitsubishi Corporation.
While Petronas announced its withdrawal in 2022, ithas not issued an update on the current status of its exit and any steps it hastaken to divest from Myanmar responsibly.
Last year and also this year, Mekong Watch, FoE Japanand Justice For Myanmar (JFM) strongly urged ENEOS and its partners to responsibly disengage, with transparency andthrough consultation with local communities and civil society stakeholders.However, our demands were ignored.
In exiting Myanmar, ENEOS and its internationalpartners have apparently failed to ensure that revenue from the project wouldnot flow to the Myanmar military. Also, ENEOS and its internationalpartners have not taken appropriate steps to close the field, which ispredicted to be near depletion. While under control of the illegal militaryjunta, MOGE cannot be trusted to close the gas field in an environmentallyresponsible way.
According to information obtained by JFM, the Yetagungas project is being taken over by Gulf Petroleum Myanmar, which is part of the Thailand-based NorthernGulf Petroleum group. Northern Gulf Petroleum is structured through shell companies in Bermuda, a taxhaven, according to information on the GPM website on June 28, 2022 (which has nowbeen removed), and has a holding company in Singapore, a corporate structurethat uses secrecy jurisdictions that may help facilitate payments to the junta.The selection of GPM as a successor implies that ENEOS, the Government ofJapan, and Mitsubishi Corporation have not taken adequatemeasures to identify, prevent, mitigate and remedy the negative environmentaland social impacts related to their withdrawal.
We call on ENEOS, the Government of Japan and Mitsubishi Corporation todisclose their human rights due diligence in relation to their withdrawal fromMyanmar, and the steps they will take to address negative impacts, inaccordance with their international human rights responsibilities. .."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Oil and gas, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
118.95 KB 161.56 KB
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by the UK and US on subsidiaries and one individual from Asia Sun Group of Companies, to coincide with the illegal Myanmar junta’s “Armed Forces Day”.
Asia Sun Group of Companies is a key local partner of the Myanmar military junta and is involved in importing, storing and delivering jet fuel to the military.
Asia Sun’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research contributed by Justice For Myanmar.
On March 24, 2023, the US sanctioned three Myanmar-registered companies in the Asia Sun network: Asia Sun Group Company Limited, Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Company Limited.
On March 27, 2023, the UK sanctioned the Singapore-registered Shoon Energy Pte Ltd, which was formerly named Asia Sun Aviation, along with its director and sole owner, Khin Phyu Win.
Amnesty International has revealed that in December 2022, the Swiss and Singapore based Puma Energy transferred its share of National Energy Puma Asia Sun (NEPAS) to Shoon Energy. NEPAS is a joint venture with the junta controlled Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE) and is responsible for the import, storage and sale of jet fuel.
Shoon Energy is the second Singapore registered company to be sanctioned following the Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt, and further highlights the role Singapore continues to play as a base for businesses providing funds, arms and jet fuel to the Myanmar military.
The first Singapore business sanctioned since the coup attempt was Star Sapphire Group Pte Ltd, designated by the US on Friday.
In January, the UK sanctioned Asia Sun Trading, its sole director and shareholder Zaw Min Tun, former director and shareholder Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung, and Cargo Link Company Limited.
However, more action is urgently needed to stop the supply of jet fuel to the Myanmar junta, including through a total ban on jet fuel sales to Myanmar, sanctions on MPE and the extension of sanctions to all Asia Sun companies, directors and shareholders, including the key individuals May Thwe Aung and Moe Myint Aung, who remain unsanctioned.
Justice For Myanmar has documented at least 8 subsidiaries of Asia Sun Group of Companies that are directly involved in the jet fuel supply chain, and only four of these companies have been sanctioned in one or more jurisdictions. Asia Sun Group of Companies has at least 40 subsidiaries and 13 associated companies in total.
The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. In the first two months of 2023, Chin Human Rights Foundation documented one airstrike per day in Chin State townships under martial law. In late February, a campaign of indiscriminate airstrikes in Karenni State killed civilians and displaced thousands.
By supplying jet fuel to the Myanmar military, Asia Sun Group of Companies is complicit in the junta’s airstrikes, which amount to atrocity crimes, and all those responsible should be held accountable under international law.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from the US and UK targeting the junta’s jet fuel supply chain.
“However more urgently needs to be done to stop the junta from accessing jet fuel, which enables its ongoing air attacks against the people of Myanmar.
“The US, UK, EU and Australia should follow the lead of Canada by imposing a ban on the sale of jet fuel to Myanmar.
“The US, UK, EU, Canada and Australia need to coordinate to sanction MPE and the whole Asia Sun network of companies and individuals, as well all other companies and individuals that continue to supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military.
“The junta’s procurement of arms and jet fuel is enabled by its access to funds. Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) remains the biggest source of revenue for the junta and must be targeted to disrupt the junta’s ability to maintain its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“We urge the US, UK, Canada and Australia to follow the EU and sanction MOGE immediately, as has been repeatedly demanded by civil society and the National Unity Government.
“It is concerning that Asia Sun has continued to operate in Singapore, along with many other companies supporting the junta’s international crimes.
“Recent US and UK sanctions against Singapore companies should be a wake-up call to the Singapore government to act in accordance with its international responsibilities and stop allowing Singaporean companies to support the junta.
“We note Singapore Foreign Minister Dr Vivian Balakrishnan's recent statement committing to a prohibition on the transfer of arms and dual use goods to Myanmar, but comprehensive action needs to be seen.”
More information:
See our data on Asia Sun Group of Companies subsidiaries and directors here, and read Amnesty International’s Deadly Cargo report, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar
Read our joint press release with The Sentry welcoming US sanctions against Star Sapphire Group of Companies, subsidiaries and individuals here
Justice For Myanmar, a group of covert activists campaigning for justice and accountability for the people of Myanmar, is calling for an end to military business and for federal democracy and a sustainable peace..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
150.57 KB 119.92 KB
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Description:
"The sole legitimate Government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government (NUG) welcomes the announcement by the UK government of further targeted sanctions against those enabling the brutal Burmese military's assault on the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar.
The announcement comes on the annual Armed Forces Day in Myanmar. Today, the brutal Burmese military leaders celebrate their crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar by throwing massive military parades. Yesterday, the Government of the United States of America (USA) imposed fresh sanctions against the brutal Burmese military for inflicting terrible pain and unspeakable suffering of the people of Myanmar.
The sanctions will restrict the genocidal Burmese military's access to fuel and military equipment by targeting individuals and entities involved in the supply of military equipment and aviation fuel to the military regime. The entities and individuals sanctioned are:
Shoon Energy Pte Ltd. - a company supplying aviation fuel to the Myanmar Air Force,
Khin Phyu Win - Director and shareholder of Shoon Energy Pte Ltd.,
Tun Min Latt - Director of Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, a company that supplies restricted goods or technology through its business.
We hope and pray that all the International Communities will join the UK government by taking coordinated, targeted and tougher actions against the brutal Burmese Military. We hope and pray that all International actors will join the UK Government in condemning the inhuman Burmese military's brutal campaign against the people of Myanmar, which has resulted in violence and atrocities against civilians. In the last 24 months alone, the brutal Burmese Military's atrocities have totalled more than 9,000 attacks on civilians, resulting in the deaths of over 3,000 innocent individuals and the inhuman and illegal detention of over 20,000 civilians including President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and spiritual leader Rev. Dr. Hkalam Samson. These brutal evils forces of Burmese Military have destroyed over 60,000 homes, schools, churches, and monasteries, displacing more than 1.6 million civilians and causing over 17 million people to face hunger and starvation.
These genocidal attacks by the brutal Burmese military junta have been made possible by the massive supplies of fuel and finances provided to the fascist military. The individuals, groups, organizations, businesses, companies, and countries enabling these atrocities and crimes against humanity must be held accountable. These targeted sanctions are an important step towards holding those responsible for these crimes accountable, and we urge the international partners to maintain pressure on the brutal Burmese Military and support the people of Myanmar in their fight for rule of law, freedom, federal democracy and human rights.
We call on all countries to end the sale and transfer of arms and equipment that facilitate the brutal Burmese military's atrocities and to take similar targeted measures to hold accountable those profiting from, or supporting, the genocidal Burmese Military (Tatmadaw). It is time for the international community to stand with the people of Myanmar and demand an end to the genocidal Burmese Military's brutal campaign against them..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new UK sanctions targeting companies supplying aviation fuel, arms and aircraft parts to the Burmese military. The sanctions follow similar sanctions targeting aviation fuel announced by the USA on 24th March.
The new sanctions target the following:
Shoon Energy, linked to the already sanctioned Asia Sun company, which supplies aviation fuel to the military.
Khin Phyu Win, Director of Shoon Energy.
Tun Min Latt, Director of the Star Sapphire group of companies. He is a Burmese business crony close to the head of the military, Min Aung Hlaing, and also an arms broker and linked to the illegal drug trade.
The updated sanctions list is available here.
It follows Asia Sun Trading and two executives being sanctioned by the UK in February for supplying aviation fuel to the Burmese military.
Since the attempted military coup began on 1st February 2021, the Burmese military have increasingly used airstrikes against civilians and those resisting military rule. More than 1.5 million people have been forced to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian crisis.
These almost daily airstrikes are a violation of international law, with homes, schools, hospitals and medical centres being targeted, as well as churches and other religious buildings.
Stopping the supply of aviation fuel is one of the single most effective things the international community can do to address the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma.
“These sanctions are well targeted, prioritising suppliers of aviation fuel and arms brokers, but a complete ban on British companies supplying aviation fuel to Burma is the only way to ensure no British companies are complicit in airstrikes against civilians,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government has the right policy in seeking to cut off sources of revenue, arms and aviation fuel but they are implementing the policy far too slowly.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar warmly welcomes the United States Department of the Treasury’s announcement of further sanctions against individuals and entities connected to the illegal military junta.
Announced on 24 March 2023, the new measures target two individuals and six entities tied to the junta and its deliberate, widespread and systematic atrocities against civilians.
Significantly, they also take aim at the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel to the junta. Frustrated by the scale and resilience of the Myanmar people’s rights-based revolution and by its own failure to seize power, the junta is escalating its airstrikes against villages, schools and hospitals. According to the UN’s Human Rights Office, the junta has increased its aerial attacks against civilian locations by 141 percent over the past year.
In recent weeks, senior UN officials have condemned the junta at the Human Rights Council, the UN’s premier human rights forum.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, told the Council that “[t]he disregard and contempt for human life and human rights that are continuously demonstrated by the military constitute an outrage to the conscience of humanity.”
The UN’s Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, urged the Council to take action, pressing that the junta “does not offer any viable path to stability or an end to the human rights crisis in Myanmar because it is the very cause of this crisis”, and that the junta “lacks even a shred of constitutional or democratic legitimacy”.
The latest tranche of United States sanctions joins a growing movement of measures against the junta. In February, the European Union imposed a sixth round of sanctions that targeted the junta’s oil and gas revenues, building on earlier measures aimed at stripping the junta of access to arms, munitions and dual-use items.
The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the United States for its sustained commitment to the Myanmar people and calls on other members of the international community to take equal action..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
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"ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဆက်စပ်နေသော လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်နှင့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအား အမေရိကန်အစိုးရ၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးဌာနမှ အရေးယူပိတ်ဆို့မှုများ ထပ်မံ ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့်အပေါ် ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် မတ်လ (၂၄) ရက်တွင် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သည့် အဆိုပါကြေညာချက်သည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုများ ၊ ကျယ်ကျယ် ပြန့်ပြန့် စနစ်တကျ လုပ်ဆောင်နေမှုများကို ချင့်ချိန်သုံးသပ်လျက် စစ်တပ်နှင့် ဆက်စပ်နေသည့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် (၂)ဦးနှင့် အဖွဲ့အစည်း (၆)ခုတို့အား ရည်ရွယ်ပစ်မှတ်ထား ချမှတ်ခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
အရေးယူပိတ်ဆို့မှုတွင် ပိုမိုအရေးပါသည့်အချက်မှာ စစ်တပ်ထံသို့ ဂျက်လေယာဉ်ဆီ တင်သွင်းခြင်း၊ သိုလှောင်ခြင်းနှင့် ဖြန့်ဖြူးခြင်း တို့ကို ရည်ရွယ်ပစ်မှတ်ထား အရေးယူပိတ်ဆို့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မြန်မာ့ပြည်သူလူထု၏ မိမိကိုယ်ကို ခုခံကာကွယ်ပိုင်ခွင့်အပေါ် အခြေခံသည့် တော်လှန်ရေး၏ အတိုင်းအတာ၊ ကြံ့ကြံ့ခံနိုင်မှုများနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ၎င်းတို့ကိုယ်တိုင် အာဏာထိန်းထားနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိမှုတို့ကြောင့်၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် ကျေးရွာများ၊ စာသင်ကျောင်းများနှင့် ဆေးရုံများကို လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ အရှိန်မြှင့်တင် လုပ်ဆောင် လာပါသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးရုံး၏ အဆိုအရ ပြီးခဲ့သည့်နှစ်အတွင်း အရပ်သား တည်နေရာများအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုမှာ ၁၄၁ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းအထိ မြင့်တက်လာခဲ့ပါသည်။
အဆိုပါ ဖြစ်စဉ်များနှင့် ပက်သက်၍ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ၌ လွန်ခဲ့သည့် ရက်သတ္တပတ်များက ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဖိုရမ်တွင် ကုလသမဂ္ဂတာဝန်ရှိသူများက အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ အား ပြစ်တင် ရှုံ့ချခဲ့ပါသည်။
ကုလသမဂ္ဂလူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာမဟာမင်းကြီး Volker Türk က “လူ့အသက်နှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကို လျစ်လျူရှု ပမာမခန့်ပြုကြောင်း စဉ်ဆက်မပြတ် ပြသနေသည့် အကြမ်း ဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လုပ်ရပ်သည် လူ့သားများ၏စိတ်ကို နာကြည်းမှု ဖြစ်စေကြောင်း” လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီ၌ ပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။
မြန်မာ့လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ် Tom Andrews ကလည်း “ စစ်တပ်သည် အဆိုပါပြဿနာများ၏ အဓိကအကြောင်းရင်း ဖြစ်နေသည့်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း တည်ငြိမ်မှု သို့မဟုတ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ပြဿနာကို အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်မှုတို့အတွက် နည်းလမ်းမရှိကြောင်း” နှင့် “ အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်တပ်သည် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေအရဖြစ်စေ၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီအရဖြစ်စေ အနည်းငယ်မျှပင် တရားဝင်မှု မရှိကြောင်း” စသဖြင့် ပြောကြားခဲ့ပြီး စစ်တပ်အပေါ် အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်ရေး အတွက် ကောင်စီသို့ တိုက်တွန်းပြောကြားခဲ့ပါသည်။
အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် အပေါ် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များတွင် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ အရေးယူ ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများလည်း ပါဝင်လာခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂကလည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ ရေနံနှင့် သဘာဝဓာတ်ငွေ့ ရငွေများအပေါ် ပစ်မှတ်ထားသည့် ပိတ်ဆို့မှုများကို ယခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလတွင် ဆဌမအကြိမ် ချမှတ်ခဲ့ပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် အနေဖြင့် စစ်လက်နက်ပစ္စည်းများ၊ ခဲယမ်းမီးကျောက်များနှင့် စစ်ဘက် နည်းပညာများ မရရှိနိုင်ရေးကို လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။
အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ မြန်မာပြည်သူများအတွက် တစိုက်မတ်မတ် နှစ်မြှုပ် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးနေမှုများ အတွက် ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိပါ ကြောင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းမှ အခြားအဖွဲ့ဝင်များ ကိုလည်း အလားတူ အရေးယူမှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions - general, Business and the Military
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"Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome the adoption of sanctions today by the United States on Star Sapphire Group of Companies, Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, Star Sapphire Group Pte. Ltd., and two of their owners, Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe.
Star Sapphire Group of Companies is a Myanmar conglomerate with diversified interests in trading, power, hospitality, and mining. As revealed by Justice For Myanmar in an April 2022 report, Star Sapphire Group of Companies has substantial business links with theMyanmar military. The United Kingdom sanctioned Star Sapphire Group of Companies in August 2022.
According to the Department of the Treasury’s press release, Tun Min Latt has used his companies “to import military arms and equipment, including drones and aircraft parts” and has acted as Myanmar’s agent with the US-sanctioned Chinese arms manufacturer NORINCO.Alongside institutional links between Star Sapphire Group of Companies and the Myanmar military, significant ties exist between Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe and the family of junta leader and commander-in-chief of the Myanmar military Min Aung Hlaing. Research by Justice For Myanmar and Reuters published in January 2023 revealed that Tun Min Latt held assets in the names of Min Aung Hlaing’s adult children at the time of Tun Min Latt’s arrest by the Thai police in Bangkok in September 2022.
The arrest was carried out after Tun Min Latt and his associates were charged with drug trafficking and money laundering; he remains incustody in Thailand where his trial is ongoing. Thai police found at the time of his arrest that Tun Min Latt was in possession of the property deed for a luxury Bangkok condominium in the name of Aung Pyae Sone and a checkbook for a Thai bank account in the name of Khin Thiri Thet Mon.
Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon are the adult son and daughter, respectively, of Min Aung Hlaing; both children were sanctioned by the US in March 2021 for having “directly benefitted from their father’s position and malign influence.”
The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar welcome the decision by the US to sanction these military cronies and call for likeminded jurisdictions,including the European Union, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, to coordinate efforts to ensure that all of the Star Sapphire entities and owners are sanctioned by each jurisdiction.
Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar, stated: “We welcome the latest round of US sanctions against StarSapphire entities and two of their owners, who have aided and abetted the Myanmar military’s genocide, war crimes, and crimesagainst humanity through financial support and the brokering of arms. These sanctions are also significant for targeting aSingaporean entity for the first time and help send a message that Singapore is no longer safe for Myanmar cronies. Tun Min Lattalso has deep personal ties with the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing and his family, helping them profit from the military’s illegal coup attempt and hide assets offshore. We urge the US and its allies to extend sanctions to the whole Star Sapphire network, including Htet Aung, Khine Wint Mon, Sithu Maung, and Thant Lwin Moe, as well as all other enablers of the illegitimate Myanmar military junta.”
Justyna Gudzowska, director of illicit finance policy at The Sentry, said: “Tun Min Latt, Win Min Soe, and the Star Sapphireentities epitomize the enablers that facilitate business transactions with the Myanmar military in ways that benefit both the genocidal institution and its leadership. These welcome designations act as a warning and deterrent to businesspersons, corporate entities, and financial institutions from Myanmar and beyond that engaging in transactions with the Myanmar military will incur legal and reputational consequences.”
For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected]
For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected]
About Justice For Myanmar
Justice For Myanmar is a collective of covert activists working to create a just, peaceful, and federal democratic Myanmar. The collective uses painstaking research, data visualization, and hard-hitting reporting to expose multinational corporations with business ties to the Myanmar military—money that funds inequality, corruption, violence, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Their work has helped pressure multinational corporations to divest hundreds of millions of dollars from the Myanmar military, led to targeted sanctions, and raised international awareness of the situation in Myanmar.
About The Sentry
(Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”)
The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Two European engineering corporations have been paid millions consulting for the Myanmar military junta on harmful hydropower projects, Justice For Myanmar has revealed through an analysis of leaked tax filings, some of which were provided by Distributed Denial of Secrets.
The Swiss arm of the Swedish publicly listed company AFRY AB earned US$4.68 million in service fees for consulting work on the Upper Yeywa and Middle Paunglaung Hydropower Projects in Myanmar from February 2021 to September 2022.
The Myanmar branch of the Austrian-based ILF Group earned US$1.1 million in consulting fees from the junta from February 2021 to April 2022. ILF Group’s local branch is working on another dam scheme in Myanmar, the Tha Htay Hydropower Project.
Both companies are paid by a department of Myanmar’s electricity ministry which is illegally controlled by the military junta. They are advising the junta under tenders awarded in 2020 by the democratically-elected government, preceding the military’s brutal coup attempt.
AFRY did not respond to specific questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding the current status of their operations in Myanmar, but confirmed they have projects in the country.
ILF Group responded, “our activities were discontinued some time ago, and most recently focused on dam stabilization and slope stabilization for spillway purposes.” ILF Group did not disclose the date their activities were discontinued.
Both companies remain registered on Myanmar’s corporate registry.
The illegitimate military junta is building dams while attempting to crush freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Since the military’s coup attempt, the junta has created a state of terror, committing deliberate killings, arbitrary arrests, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, rape and torture. The junta has killed more than 3,100 people, and arbitrarily arrested over 20,000.
The Upper Yeywa dam is a 280MW hydropower project on the Namtu River, which is also known as the Myitnge River. It was conceived under the former military dictatorship in Myanmar in 2008, and has been opposed by local communities because of its devastating social and environmental impacts, lack of transparency, threat to ancestral lands and fuelling of conflict.
In 2020, the Shan Human Rights Foundation documented grave human rights violations by the Myanmar military near the Upper Yeywa project, including an extrajudicial killing and torture. The group called on foreign companies to withdraw from the dam project or risk complicity in the Myanmar military’s atrocities.
In December 2022 a local community network, the Namtu River Protectors, warned that more than 40,000 people living in villages near the dam could be impacted by flooding.
Following the military coup attempt, communities have courageously continued to protest the Upper Yeywa Dam, despite grave risks, and a group of workers from the dam project joined the Civil Disobedience Movement against the junta.
On the 2022 International Day of Action for Rivers, communities throughout Shan State protested against the junta’s dam projects, including Upper Yeywa.
The Tha Htay Chaung dam is a 110MW hydropower project in Thandwe Township, Rakhine State. In 2013, a coalition of Rakhine civil society and political parties demanded a halt to the dam, along with other infrastructure developments in the state, until Myanmar has a federal democracy which would ensure ethnic people have control over the management of their resources.
The Middle Paunglaung dam is a 152MW hydropower project on the Paunglaung River, near Naypyidaw. The dam threatens villagers with forced displacement, according to researchers.
Justice For Myanmar calls on AFRY and all other companies to responsibly suspend any remaining work on hydropower projects in Myanmar until there is federal democracy.
In the meantime, Justice For Myanmar calls for AFRY, ILF and all other involved companies to disclose their human rights due diligence and justify their reasoning and decision-making to advise on hydropower projects in Myanmar, and to remediate damage already incurred in accordance with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is deplorable that AFRY and ILF Group have been collaborating with the Myanmar military junta, supporting socially and environmentally destructive dams while their business partner wages a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“AFRY and ILF Group have disregarded the voices of local communities and their international human rights responsibilities by carrying out business as usual with war criminals.
“These dams displace communities, destroy livelihoods and harm Myanmar’s rivers, while emboldening an illegal military junta attempting to use infrastructure to gain control of territory.
“We call on AFRY to stop any remaining work for the military junta and for AFRY and ILF to remediate damage already incurred in accordance with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
“We urge AFRY’s shareholders to take concrete action urgently to ensure the company fulfills its human rights responsibilities, or to divest.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-14
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Water resources of Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Burma Campaign UK has today updated its Boycott List of Burmese military-owned companies and brands.
The Boycott Lists names the products and brands of the vast business empire of the Burmese military, enabling individuals, companies, organisations and governments to avoid purchasing goods and services from military companies.
The updated Boycott List is available here.
Five new listings have been added: The Angel Bistro (Pathein), NayPyiDaw Wholesale, Five Star Compound (Yangon), Five Star Port, Thateka Wharf (Yangon), and Gandamar Wholesale. These are not new military companies or brands, most are part of existing companies and brands on the list. They are being added to ensure the Boycott List is as comprehensive as possible.
One entry has been removed. The cargo vessel Yaan Byea has been sold by the military-owned Five Star shipping line.
Military-owned and controlled companies are an important source of revenue for the Burmese military. Buying goods and services from the military increases their revenue and this revenue is used to fund their operations, building their military capacity and paying for the human rights violations they commit.
“The Boycott List enables people in Burma to avoid funding the military, and should also be used by embassies, companies and UN agencies to make sure they are not funding human rights violations,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “All embassies and aid donors in Burma should have policies not to buy goods and services from military companies, and that local and international NGOs cannot use their funds to purchase goods and services from military companies.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-03-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
A People’s Defense Force member died after the junta sent in an attack helicopter.
Description:
"A pro-democracy militia in central Magway region set fire to a junta-controlled oil well after storming a military guard post at a Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise oil field.
Around five junta troops were injured in Thursday’s attack but the People’s Defense Force was hit harder, with one death and seven injuries following a junta airstrike, according to the Myaing People’s Administration Group, which is aligned with the PDF.
Around 40 junta soldiers, police and members of the Pyu Saw Htee militia were stationed at a camp in the oil field when the PDF attacked.
“The PDF forces surrounded Well Two and opened fire (on the guard posts),” Cpt. Mite Tee, administration officer of Myaing township’s western zone told RFA.
“We were able to burn it (the posts) down and had some success but we had to retreat due to a sudden airstrike.”
He said the junta attack helicopter fired around 20 times at the PDF after it set fire to tents at the camp’s gates and entered the camp.
The military junta has not released a statement on the incident and calls to junta spokesman Major Gen. Zaw Min Tun went unanswered Friday.
There are hundreds of oil wells in the Well Two oil field, which produces about 100 barrels per day, according to residents.
Mite Tee told RFA that troops often raid nearby villages to flush out People’s Defense Force members and try to limit attacks.
The junta declared martial law in Magway region’s Myaing, Pauk, Tilin, Gangaw and Saw townships on Feb. 2 this year..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-03-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"China’s appointment of a new special envoy to Myanmar in December last year followed the United Nations’ first resolution on Myanmar in 74 years, and the US Congress’ passage of the Burma Act. Observers say it was not a political coincidence.
The Burma Act authorizes funds and technical assistance for anti-junta forces in Myanmar, including EAOs. The US has pledged to continue to support Myanmar opposition forces inside and outside of Myanmar. The UN resolution demands an end to violence and urges the military junta to release all political prisoners, including ousted leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
China’s new special envoy Deng Xijun met seven of Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in China’s Yunnan Province in the last week of December. Then he flew to Naypyitaw and met junta chief Min Aung Hlaing. In less than a month, he visited the headquarters of the powerful EAOs including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA). His visit was different from previous ones.
Politics
Interestingly, the Chinese envoy was accompanied by the Mandalay-based Chinese consul. The consul did not participate in talks with the EAOs, and the reason Deng brought the consul along with him was not clear.
Secondly, he visited displacement camps in Laiza, the location of the KIA headquarters in Kachin State. It was followed by reports that China would provide assistance in health and education for EAOs as well as displaced civilians, indicating a new level of relationship between China and EAOs at the border.
Thirdly, Deng echoed his predecessor Sun Guoxiang, and urged EAOs to join peace talks and sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). But while Sun said he was acting according to Beijing’s policy, Deng stressed that his urging of the EAOs came at the request of Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing.
The flurry of activity by Deng after the US Congress’ passage of the Burma Act indicates that China does not want to see US aid and influence reaching EAOs based along the Chinese border.
China will be cautious about potential US influence and possible spying efforts that will come along with its assistance. It will use even greater caution now as tensions are rising over the Taiwan issue. This is why China has made a move to cement ties with EAOs at the border and provide them with non-military assistance.
Myanmar people are interested to see whether China will pressure the EAOs to stop fighting the Myanmar military regime, as some of them are fighting alongside resistance forces from central Myanmar.
Of the EAOs based in northern and northeastern Myanmar along the border, only the UWSA and the NDAA have de facto control of their own territories, so it is inevitable that the five others will continue to fight the Myanmar military to achieve greater status.
The Myanmar military’s policy is that EAOs must disband and turn themselves into militias or border guard forces under its control as per the 2008 Constitution. This will not be acceptable to the KIA, the Shan State Progress Party, the Arakan Army (AA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), which have high political ambitions and relatively strong armies. So, it is important to keep an eye on the moves of the Chinese special envoy in this regard.
Economy
Some Chinese investment projects have come back to life following the activities of the Chinese special envoy, the Chinese ambassador and the consul to Myanmar. The first one is the Letpadaung copper mining project. Around the end of February, junta troops shelled and raided around eight villages near the copper mine. Soon after junta troops were deployed along the road to the mine, 150 to 250 people believed to be Chinese employees of Wanbao Co. arrived at the copper mine in five vehicles from Monywa.
In a May 5, 2022 statement, Wanbao said mining had been suspended since the coup, but employees were paid their basic salaries, and only a maintenance team was working for maintenance of the mines. There have been reports lately that Wanbao is contacting its Myanmar employees to return to work.
The second one is an agreement with Chinese companies to install wind turbines in Ann, Thandwe and Gwa townships in Rakhine, western Myanmar. The project is scheduled to start in December this year and to be completed in 2025.
The Chinese ambassador attended the agreement signing ceremony, and it is the only Chinese investment project officially announced since the coup. The project emerged as a result of the ceasefire between the Myanmar military and the AA in Rakhine.
The third is construction of the Ruili-Mandalay-Kyaukphyu railroad linking China’s Ruili with Kyaukphyu in Rakhine, an important part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Neither the Myanmar regime nor China have officially talked about the project, but media outlet Frontier Myanmar, citing senior officials of Myanma Railways, reported that the regime and a Chinese company carried out an environmental impact assessment on the railroad construction in 2021-22, and that the first section of the railroad linking Ruili and Mandalay is in the process of being constructed. This is part of the reason China has urged EAOs in northern Myanmar to observe ceasefires and hold talks with the Myanmar military regime.
Shortly after the coup, the Myanmar military granted approval to the China-backed, US$2.5-billion power plant in Meelingyaing in Pathein, Ayeyarwady Region. China has not made any move regarding that project. But it is no coincidence that some Chinese investments have resumed following the trips of the Chinese special envoy this year.
Military
The area along the Chinese border with northern Shan State is overseen by the Myanmar military’s North-Eastern Command. In 2021-22, its presence in the area comprised a light infantry division and seven military operations commands.
Surprisingly, the regime has pulled out three military operations commands or around 30 battalions from the area since early this year, after over 1,000 troops trained by the MNDAA—most of them fighters from central and southern Myanmar who decided to take up arms against the regime following the coup—finished their military training.
Why has the Myanmar military pulled out a large number of troops while its enemy has got over 1,000 new soldiers? Perhaps the regime is taking advantage of the fact that China wants to de-escalate military tensions in northern Shan State for its Ruili-Mandalay railroad.
Thanks to the troops it has pulled out of Shan, the regime has been able to send reinforcements to Kayah (Karenni) State, and Yedashae and Pinlaung, where People’s Defense Force groups (PDFs) and the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force are active, as well as to Karen State.
Conclusion
The latest developments in politics, the economy and the military situation in Myanmar following the UN resolution, Congress’ passage of the Burma Act, and moves by the Chinese special envoy, are interesting. Besides the US and the West, China might also consider the steps of the Indian nationalist government, which is blindly supporting the regime to establish a foothold in Myanmar.
After both China and Russia declined to exercise their veto power and block the UN’s resolution on Myanmar, the regime came to understand that Russia will not go against China regarding important decisions on Myanmar. Since then, the regime has made moves to improve ties with China, after getting too close to Russia over the past two years. Again, the regime is saying China is Myanmar’s good neighbor.
The regime might also be considering seeking advantage in the competition between China and India. The regime replaced its foreign minister in February, appointing a former Myanmar ambassador to the US to the post. Political observers suggest the regime is planning to approach the US.
We have seen complicated diplomatic moves alongside hostilities over the past two years. The parallel National Unity Government (NUG) says it is the only government that can guarantee stability and safety for foreign investors.
We need to monitor the policies and moves of US and Western governments that directly engage the NUG and EAOs; of China, which has avoided getting too close to the NUG though it is engaging with both the regime and EAOs in northern Myanmar; and of Russia and India, which are closely cooperating with the regime.
Following his meeting with EAOs, Deng met junta chief Min Aung Hlaing on Monday in Naypyitaw, the second such meeting since the envoy’s appointment. The two vowed to cooperate in various sectors including the economy. The two discussed the role of China in border security and internal peace in Myanmar. It appears their ties have improved since the previous meeting.
The main question is whether China will turn a blind eye to the wishes of the Myanmar people in its involvement in the Myanmar issue. If it overly focuses on its rivalry with the US and ignores the wishes and popular revolt of the Myanmar people, it will face a stronger response from Myanmar people.
We must pay special attention to Deng’s shuttle trips between the junta chief and EAOs in northern Myanmar. According to credible sources from the border, Deng and seven EAOs in northern Myanmar plan to meet soon for a third time, this time collectively.
China has officially supported ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar. One of the points is a visit by the ASEAN special envoy to meet all parties concerned. Neither the ASEAN envoy nor the Chinese envoy have yet been able to do this.
If Deng fails to meet all parties concerned and his moves help support the regime politically, economically and militarily, the Myanmar people, especially the armed resistance who are fighting the regime, will not accept it.
If the situation goes on like this, Deng’s move will do more harm than good for the Myanmar people, and anti-Chinese sentiment will rise again, which could result in further complications..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Burma's economic relations with China, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"Representatives of the illegal Myanmar military junta have been invited to attend the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) Workshop on Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism this week, according to a Justice For Myanmar source.
The workshop is set to take place in Bali, Indonesia from March 8 to 10, 2023 and will be co-chaired by the European Union, Indonesia and Laos, with apparent financial support from the German development agency, GIZ. As part of the workshop, the EU is hosting a welcome dinner on March 8.
The ASEAN Regional Forum’s secretariat invited representatives of the Myanmar junta via its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which then invited the junta’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Central Bank of Myanmar. The Ministry of Home Affairs houses the junta’s police force and prisons department and is directly responsible for ongoing crimes against humanity.
The EU has sanctioned the junta’s home affairs minister and deputy home affairs minister, as well as the junta’s State Administration Council.
The workshop aims to build knowledge and capacity to address the security risks of money laundering and terrorist financing, focussing on the prevention of the financing of terrorism by non-profit organisations related to the intergovernmental Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Recommendation 8.
FATF blacklisted Myanmar in October 2022 over serious deficiencies in countering money laundering, urging countries to conduct enhanced due diligence against the risks emanating from Myanmar.
A group of former United Nations experts, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, have established that the Myanmar military junta is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law, and it should be treated as such by the international community.
In 2021, the junta illegally declared the National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, as a terrorist group. It also designated the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) as terrorist organisations.
Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, the junta has created a state of terror, committing deliberate killings, arbitrary arrests, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, rape and torture, using counter-terrorism as a pretext. The junta has killed more than 3,100 people, and arbitrarily arrested over 20,000.
As part of its attempt to gain control, the junta illegally introduced an organisation registration law in October 2022 to force non-profits to register with the junta, and disclose funding sources and details about their operations, under threat of imprisonment.
Analysis by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) found that the junta’s organisation registration law is “wholly incompliant” with international law and standards, violating the right to freedom of association, assembly, opinion, expression, and political participation.
The junta has also increased surveillance of the financial sector. An August 2022 directive by the junta’s Central Bank of Myanmar to mobile money businesses requires users to register a photo of their face, their ID card and phone number, increasing the grave risks of retaliation by the junta to those making payments to the NUG, CRPH, PDFs, civil society and other forces successfully resisting the military’s attempted coup and providing humanitarian aid and basic services to the people.
Justice For Myanmar wrote to the co-chairs of the ARF workshop to express dismay at the invitation of illegal military junta members, to urge that they are disinvited and that an invite is instead extended to the National Unity Government, and to seek clarification on funding arrangements.
A representative of the EU denied responsibility for the Myanmar junta’s participation, saying that invitations for ARF activities are distributed through the ARF Secretariat, and clarified that the EU is not funding the participation of representatives from Myanmar. GIZ responded that they are not financially supporting participants to attend the workshop.
Meanwhile, no response was received from Indonesia or Laos.
Justice For Myanmar requests the co-chairs of the workshop to immediately disinvite the Myanmar military junta and to ban the junta from this and all future ASEAN Regional Forum workshops and events.
Instead, these invitations should be extended to the National Unity Government.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is nonsensical for ARF to invite representatives of the Myanmar junta, a terrorist organisation, to a workshop on countering the financing of terrorism. The invite not only legitimises the junta but also provides it with an opportunity to improve their understanding of measures to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing, which may help them to better circumvent these measures as part of their organised, criminal activities.
“By providing the junta with capacity to regulate the transactions of non-profit organisations, ARF is in effect supporting the junta’s crackdown on freedom of association, assembly, opinion, expression, and political participation, which violates international law.
“The invite also undermines the integrity of ARF’s important work to address the security and economic risks linked to money laundering and terrorist financing activities.
“The Myanmar junta is systemically corrupt and uses a vast network of business to fund its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people. ARF should treat the junta as a threat to regional economies and security, rather than as a partner.
“JFM calls on ARF to immediately revoke the invite to the military junta, and instead extend an invite to the National Unity Government.
“The EU should use its leverage as a co-host to urge the exclusion of the junta in the upcoming workshop, the EU hosted welcome dinner and all other international meetings and events the EU is part of. Instead, the EU should support and recognise the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
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Description:
"The NUG welcomes the new export restrictions imposed by the U.S Commerce Department’s Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) on four entities - two Burmese military and security services entities for providing surveillance technology to the military regime. This action shows continued international pressure and condemnation of the military regime's human rights abuses, and supports the efforts of pro-democracy activists and lawmakers in their fight for a return to democratic governance in Myanmar.
We are grateful for the work of the US in placing these important restrictions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions and restrictions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-05
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
Language:
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22 KB 73.44 KB
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"State-owned arms company Yantra India Limited has shipped multiple 122mm barrels to the Myanmar military in October 2022 in likely breach of international law, a Justice For Myanmar investigation has found.
The 122mm barrels appear to be for howitzers that are produced in Myanmar by the Office of the Chief of Defence Industries (OCDI), also known as the Directorate of Defence Industries, a unit of the military that is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada.
The barrels were sent to a company owned by the Myanmar military arms broker, Kyaw Kyaw Htun, who Justice For Myanmar previously exposed for importing fuzes from the Indian company Sandeep Metalcraft to be used by the Myanmar military for the detonation of munitions. Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his network not yet been sanctioned.
Yantra India Limited is an official public sector undertaking operating under the Department of Defence Production of the Indian Ministry of Defence. Yantra’s exports of 122mm barrels to Myanmar follows several other known exports of weapons and weapon components from Indian companies after the Myanmar military’s attempted coup, including a remote controlled weapon station from the majority state-owned company, Bharat Electronics Limited.
Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, the junta has murdered protesters, shelled villages and conducted indiscriminate airstrikes, killing more than 3,000 people and displacing over 1.2 million. The latest shipment comes as the military junta continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity, including with howitzers.
The Myanmar army has recently been recorded firing 122mm howitzer rounds into civilian areas. For example, on 6 December 2022, the military fired rounds from a 122mm howitzer to the outskirts of Namsai Hkahku in Hpakant Township, Kachin State. On 13 December 2022, 122mm howitzer rounds were fired in Bhamo Township, Kachin State.
The fact that Yantra India Ltd is a fully state-owned company, coupled with the fact that Indian arms manufacturing companies have continued to supply weapons after the attempted coup, show India’s serious disregard for international humanitarian law and norms of conduct contained in the Wassenaar Arrangement.
Justice For Myanmar calls on India to immediately impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military junta, which is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law, and cease all training and other military support.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "India is directly supporting the junta’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians by allowing the export of barrels that that the junta will use in its continued gross violations of international law.
“As a democracy and a neighbour of Myanmar, we appeal to the Indian government to stand with the people of Myanmar, not war criminals and their illegitimate junta.
“India must immediately stop arming the Myanmar military junta and uphold its obligations under international humanitarian law.
“We urge fellow members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), Australia, Japan and the USA, to use their influence to stop the flow of arms from India to the Myanmar military.
“It is disappointing that Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his network has not been sanctioned, despite clear evidence of their complicity in the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity through the brokering of arms and surveillance equipment.
“We call for urgent sanctions against Kyaw Kyaw Htun, his businesses and associates, along with all other enablers of the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
Format :
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113.84 KB
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military coup in 2021 has triggered a widespread humanitarian crisis but also a breakdown in the rule of law. And the security situation is getting worse by the week. With the rise of lawlessness, the coup has provided freedom for cyber-criminals, human traffickers and gunrunners to operate along the border with Thailand. In the city of Shwe Kokko, Karen State opposite Thailand’s Mae Sot, Chinese triad gangs and criminals are exploiting the turmoil following the military takeover to expand their criminal activities.
Shwe Kokko, just north of Mae Sot, is notorious as a criminal hub for online gambling, scamming and trafficking.
The city is also known as Myanmar’s Silicon Valley, but since the coup its high-tech expertise and infrastructure has been geared to transnational criminal activity. Among the victims are foreigners lured to the city by offers of high-paying jobs in Thailand.
Last year, Filipinos, Malaysians, Indonesians, Indians, Thais, Taiwanese, Bangladeshis, Brazilians, Kenyans, Colombians and Hong Kongers traveled to Thailand on the promise of jobs, only to find themselves trafficked across the border to Shwe Kokko.
Just 20 kilometers south is KK Park, also known as KK Garden, which recently made headlines as a trafficking hub for Malaysian and Indian victims.
The victims in Shwe Kokko and KK Park are imprisoned and coerced to work for crime syndicates as online scammers. Those who refuse face physical punishment or even worse forms of abuse. Families of the victims have been asked to pay ransoms in exchange for the release of loved ones.
Embassies in Bangkok have been busy rescuing their citizens from Shwe Kokko. In diplomatic circles of the Thai capital, the name Shwe Kokko has now supplanted Myanmar’s democratic icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who languishes in a junta jail after her government was ousted in the February 2021 coup. The city is making headlines in regional newspapers as a hive of scams, abduction, and human trafficking, with governments increasingly under pressure to respond to emergency appeals from families and victims.
Shwe Kokko is under the control of the Karen State Border Guard Force (BGF) led by Colonel Saw Chit Thu, a Karen insurgent leader. Several years ago, he signed a ceasefire with Myanmar’s army that saw his breakaway Democratic Karen Buddhist Army rebadged as the Karen BGF under partial command of the military.
In the mid-1990s, Karen insurgents fought fierce battles with Myanmar armed forces around Shwe Kokko – an area known then as Kawmoora. The Kawmoora battleground was notorious among both Myanmar citizens and foreign journalists who arrived to cover the fighting between Karen rebels and state forces.
Few could have imagined this war-torn stretch of border would come under the control of a Karen breakaway group, which brokered peace and business deals with Myanmar’s military and invited massive investment by the Chinese underworld. These days, the regime in Naypyitaw is merely a sideshow in what could be dubbed Myanmar’s Special Criminal Zone.
In 2017, Saw Chit Thu formed a joint venture with Yatai International, owned by She Zhijiang, a Chinese national who holds Cambodian citizenship.
The result was the Karen BGF’s Chit Linn Myaing Co Ltd, the front for Chinese investment to develop a $15-billion special economic zone (SEZ) in Shwe Kokko. The project was portrayed as a high-tech hub with an airport, industrial zone, villas, amusement park, hotels and other facilities.
Once a fly-blown village of cattle smugglers and Karen BGF, Shwe Kokko transformed into the Chinatown of Karen State as Chinese investors, workers and gamblers flocked to the area. She Zhijiang was also responsible for turning it into a criminal hub for online gambling and scams.
In 2018, the Myanmar Investment Commission approved a first phase of the Shwe Kokko New City project: the $22.5-million construction of 59 luxury villas on 10.3 hectares. However, construction activity expanded well beyond those limits. Mae Sot, a sleepy town in the 2000s, transformed into a bustling city peppered with luxury vehicles, upscale restaurants and hotels, with flights from Bangkok mostly fully booked.
The developers initially claimed Shwe Kokko New City was part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), but Beijing disavowed the project after it was investigated by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government.
In 2020, the Chinese embassy in Yangon backed the government’s move to probe irregularities surrounding the controversial city development project in Karen State. Thailand shut off power and telecoms services to Shwe Kokko. However, power and Internet service were switched back on just weeks after the 2021 coup.
Chinese nationals continued to flow into Mae Sot. Among them was She Zhijiang, who is a fugitive in China but holds a Cambodian passport after investing in casinos there. She, also known as Dylan She, is chairman of Yatai International Holding Group.
Thai authorities arrested the billionaire fugitive tycoon in August 2022 for running illegal online gambling platforms, but Yatai said the arrest would not affect its business operations. Thousands of Chinese illegal immigrants continue to live in Shwe Kokko and the city’s online gambling venues are still busy.
The Myanmar military issues licenses for its allies and cronies to run hotels, clubs and casinos in towns on the border with Thailand and China. The operators pay annual fees to the military.
Among them is Myanmar crony businessman Tun Min Latt, an arms broker and drug trafficker who was arrested in Bangkok last year and has direct connections with top generals including junta boss Min Aung Hlaing and his family.
Tun Min Latt runs the Star Sapphire Group and operates several hotels and casinos in the border town of Tachilek, northern Shan State. His Allure Resort offers a casino, shopping and other entertainments for Thai and Chinese gamblers.
Tun Min Latt’s deep connections with high-ranking generals including Min Aung Hlaing give him freedom to run lucrative and illicit business along the border. His company pays annual fees to the military while he has also provided a considerable sum of money to the regime leader and his family. Junta leaders are reportedly trying to secure his release from detention in Thailand.
Several transnational Chinese criminal gangs operate hotels and casinos in the northern Shan State borderlands, also known as the Golden Triangle. Their local partners include the border guard forces and other militia and insurgent groups. The irony is they emerged after the coup “strengthened and with new opportunities to generate illicit income”, according to the United States Institute of Peace USIP.
How much tax revenue flows into the regime’s coffers from Shwe Kokko is not known. However, revenue received from criminals in the border city boosts the junta’s ability to purchase arms to suppress its own people.
New casino projects have mushroomed along the border in Karen State since the coup.
Meanwhile the regime has been condemned for mass killings and arbitrary arrests of opponents that amount to crimes against humanity. This criminal campaign extends from the heartlands to the ethnic border regions, so it is unrealistic to expect the regime to clamp down on transnational crime.
In fact, Chinese criminal tycoons are thought to have reached deals with Naypyitaw top brass involving substantial kickbacks. The military regime uses its control over the contested Karen territory to milk the area for revenues.
Elsewhere, it continues to loot citizens’ homes, shoot children, torture dissidents to death, torch villages, and bomb resistance forces and civilians with fighter jets.
The coup has triggered serious instability beyond the border regions, bringing an exodus of people, economic collapse, human tragedy and security concerns for neighbors.
Myanmar’s home-grown criminals are sitting in Naypyitaw. Meanwhile, transnational Chinese gangs are free to operate on the Myanmar-Thailand border, posing a serious security threat to the region.
It is time for governments of countries who share borders with Myanmar, including China, India and Thailand, to look into this matter more closely since criminal activities in Shwe Kokko and other casino hubs are directly linked to the junta in Naypyitaw. Criminals in Myanmar should not go unchecked – they pose a serious threat to countries across the region..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-27
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Individual Documents
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"As evidence grows of British companies’ involvement in Burma’s gas industry, Burma Campaign UK is calling on the British government to sanction the military-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise.
The British government must take action to prevent British companies being involved in Burma’s gas industry, which earns the Burmese military more than $2bn a year. They must also work with allies to prevent gas revenue reaching the Burmese military.
British involvement in Burma’s gas industry includes:
InterMoor, a subsidiary of British company Acteon Group, has been working on the Shwe gas project in Burma.
A holding company in Bermuda, a British overseas territory, is being used by Canadian company MTI Energy to purchase a 41% stake in the Yadana gas project.
Burma Campaign UK is working to confirm information about British insurance companies insuring vessels and infrastructure for gas projects in Burma.
“British companies involved in the gas industry in Burma are facilitating an industry which enables the Burmese military to receive billions of dollars,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Gas sales provide revenue which the Burmese military can use for the purchase of arms and equipment, including the jets used for airstrikes against civilians.”
The British government has a policy of systematically identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military. However, the policy is being implemented too slowly.
Burma Campaign UK is calling on Foreign Secretary James Cleverly MP to speed up the implementation of sanctions against other sources of revenue and arms.
The British government should seek to find creative ways of preventing gas revenue reaching the Burmese military, such as the creation of escrow accounts and sanctioning international bank accounts of MOGE.
Burma Campaign UK is asking supporters to write to the Foreign Secretary calling on him to sanction MOGE..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Oil and gas, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
Western sanctions should be welcomed but the country’s opposition must do more.
Description:
"Ever since the West turned on the military taps and flooded Ukraine with weapons capable of stopping the Russian advance, the backers of Myanmar’s ousted government have asked: “what about us?” It’s an understandable question.
The National Unity Government (NUG) and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force (PDF), are in dire need of weaponry as they push the civil war from the jungles into junta-held provincial zones where the military responds with Russian-made fighter jets and artillery.
But the Western response has been limited to sanctions.
The latest sanctions just announced by the European Union include travel bans on 16 individuals and entities, including the junta’s energy minister, high-ranking officers, the ministry of defense and private companies thought to be supplying fuel, arms, and funds to the military.
A number of sources who have advised the PDF on strategy, the NUG on policies and sought military help from the West, including Washington D.C., say perennial issues remain.
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“I have spoken with Congressmen who want to provide military aid but they don’t know who to deal with. The NUG and PDF have no public face. There is no leader that people can rally around, there’s no central point,” said one ASEAN politician who recently returned from the United States.
Unlike Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, few would recognize the leader and acting president of the NUG, Duwa Lashi La, and that’s more than two years after the Myanmar military – also known as the Tatmadaw – ousted an elected government headed by Aung San Suu Kyi.
Observers close to Lashi La, who does not speak English, say he lacks charisma and is reluctant to fill the shoes of Aung San Suu Kyi, who is languishing behind bars, because of old loyalties and his sense of hierarchy.
Aung San Suu Kyi is deservedly recognized by the United Nations as the legitimate leader of Myanmar, despite her fall from grace over her backing of the military during the slaughter of the Rohingya in 2017.
Her ability to carry an audience was formidable and her cult of personality well documented, but her days as Myanmar’s savior are over. There’s just not that much she can do.
Meanwhile, those around Duwa Lashi La have proved barely competent when dealing with journalists outside their comfort zone. Disunity remains a persistent issue among the official 135 major ethnic groups and seven ethnic minority states that contribute to opposition forces.
Latest estimates say the PDF has more than 65,000 troops serving in more than 250 units but there is no single command structure and it would be impossible for each ethnic group to negotiate military aid with countries like the U.S. on their own.
According to the Human Rights Foundation of Monland, a local NGO, much of the latest fighting has taken place in Karen and Mon state and in Tanintharyi Region, which border Thailand. It says the people in Karen State have been harshly impacted, which along with Mon State and the Tanintharyi Region, are being relentlessly and indiscriminately attacked by the junta.
“Destruction of property, including the burning of villages, is ongoing,” it said.
“Thousands more are being forced to flee their homes daily as military impunity and a lack of international action only encourage the junta to commit more atrocity crimes.”
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Thus the NUG leadership desperately needs to step up or move on, more so with Indonesia taking the helm of ASEAN for 2023. It has opened up the prospect of direct negotiations with the NUG, and hopefully, put an end to the dithering and silly political theatrics of the last two years.
The shift in direction matters with the military looking to shore up its legitimacy through rigged, stage-managed elections, which the U.N. special rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, has already described as fake because “these are not the conditions for a free and fair election.”
“These are conditions for a fraud that is going to be attempted to be perpetrated against the people of Myanmar,” he quite rightly said. Hence, the NUG needs to get its political act together..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, National Unity Government (NUG), Sanctions, Business and the Military
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Sub-title:
Prime Minister Should Fulfill Pledge by Stopping Payments, Imposing Sanctions
Description:
"During a televised parliamentary budget session on Wednesday, February 22, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida said his government will “appropriately handle” a development aid project in Myanmar that is benefiting the country’s abusive military. Yoshimasa Hayashi, the Japanese foreign minister, echoed the prime minister’s public pledge to take appropriate action.
The leaders’ comments came in response to questions from an opposition politician about Japan’s Bago River Bridge Construction Project, being built partly by Japanese construction giant Yokogawa Bridge Corp. In March 2021, Myanmar Now reported that a steel mill owned by the military-owned conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) was supplying steel for the project and “profiting enormously.” Financial transactions analyzed by Human Rights Watch show that from July 2022 to January 2023, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. transferred around US$2 million to MEC for the project, with United States government approval.
MEC generates vast revenue through businesses in sectors including manufacturing, mining, and telecommunications, according to a 2019 report by the United Nations-backed Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The US, United Kingdom, European Union, Canada, and Australia have sanctioned MEC and Myanmar’s other military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, for their role in generating significant revenues that help fund military abuses.
Since the February 2021 military coup, Myanmar’s military has been responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s security forces committed crimes against humanity and genocidal acts against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State, forcing thousands to flee to Bangladesh, where about 900,000 Rohingya are currently living in overcrowded camps. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, where they are subject to persecution and violence, confined to camps and villages without freedom of movement, and cut off from access to adequate food, health care, education, and livelihoods.
If Japan’s prime minister and foreign minister are serious about “swiftly restor[ing] Myanmar’s democratic political system,” they should fulfill their own pledge and take concrete action. This means stopping payments to MEC, suspending all non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar, and imposing targeted economic sanctions on military leaders and military-owned conglomerates..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"The #NUG welcomes the 6th round of #EU sanctions against 9 individuals and 7 entities in response to escalation of violence, human rights violations and crimes against humanity.
The 9 individuals include the Minister of Energy and high-ranking officers from the military, home affairs, police force, members of SAC and arms brokers. The 7 entities include Military arms procurement bodies and private companies supplying fuel and arms to the military.
These new sanctions are significant measures to tackle a worsening conflict and in particular ongoing air strikes against civilians amid a range of other barbaric attacks by the military. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes. Coordinated and targeted sanctions such as these are necessary to lessen human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the military regime.
We are grateful for the work of the EU government in placing these important sanctions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit. We once again request that all governments and the international community immediately place aggressive, targeted sanctions on the military regime and those who support and supply them.
Myanmar Spring Revolution will prevail!..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions
Language:
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28.32 KB 143.47 KB
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"Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by the EU on members of the terrorist Myanmar military junta, its arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers, more than two years after the military’s illegal coup attempt.
Arms brokers targeted in the latest round of sanctions include Aung Hlaing Oo, Sit Taing Aung and Kyaw Min Oo, along with the companies Dynasty International, International Gateways Group and Sky Aviator Company Limited.
Aung Hlaing Oo and Dynasty International have both had business with EU companies, and future activities will be prevented through these sanctions.
Aung Hlaing Oo has been a longstanding business partner of the Finnish energy corporation, Wärtsilä, and won two junta power plant tenders in 2022 in a consortium with Dongfeng Electric International Corporation. Wärtsila have told Justice For Myanmar they ended business with MCM after US sanctions, but refused to disclose details.
Dynasty International brokered the supply and maintenance of G120TP aircraft from the German corporation, Grob Aircraft SE. In response to recent questions in parliament from Die Linke, the German government stated they are not aware of the sale of Grob G120TP aircraft to the Myanmar Air Force.
The EU has also importantly designated Asia Sun Group, which brokers the supply of jet fuel to the junta and stands complicit in its international crimes. This will help disrupt the supply of jet fuel to the junta, which it needs for its continued indiscriminate airstrikes.
The new designations fill major gaps in the EU’s sanctions regime, targeting key arms brokers and military institutions.
These include the Myanmar military’s Office of the Quarter Master General, Directorate of Procurement and Directorate of Defence Industries, which were sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada in December 2021 and January 2022.
The new EU sanctions come as the people of Myanmar continue to courageously resist the junta in the face of its nationwide campaign of terror, ensuring its attempted coup fails.
The junta’s response to mass resistance has been the continued commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity, murdering over 3,000 people, arbitrarily arresting over 19,000 more, displacing 1.1 million people and carrying out indiscriminate attacks across Myanmar, enabled by the supply of funds, arms and jet fuel.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from the EU, targeting junta members and agencies, along with their arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers, which are complicit in ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“The people of Myanmar have sustained mass resistance to the military’s brutal and illegal coup attempt and its campaign of terror, ensuring that the coup and the junta’s sham so-called ‘elections’ will not succeed.
“While these latest sanctions are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources, far more needs to be done to coordinate sanctions that systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms and jet fuel.
“In particular, we call on the US to follow the EU, UK and Canada in targeting the military’s jet fuel supply chain, and we call on the US, UK and Canada to follow the EU and swiftly sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is the junta’s biggest source of foreign revenue.
“The EU needs to urgently expand its sanctions to target more individuals and businesses that enable the junta's access to funds and arms, in coordination with its allies.
“Democracies in the region, including Japan, South Korea and India, must also step up, end business with the junta, and impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its conglomerates.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"Two years after the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1st February 2021, the Council adopted today restrictive measures against 9 persons and 7 entities in view of the continuing escalation of violence, grave human rights violations and threats to the peace, security and stability in Myanmar/Burma.
The sanctioned individuals include the Minister for Energy, prominent businessmen who have supported the regime’s repression with arms and dual use goods, and high-ranking officers in the Myanmar armed forces that are closely associated with the regime. Also listed are politicians and administrators from the Yangon Region involved in the process of death sentences and execution of four democracy activists in July 2022, and in Kachin State, where they oversaw air strikes, massacres, raids, arson and the use of human shields committed by the military.
The listed entities include departments of the Ministry of Defence and a state-owned enterprise under its jurisdiction, as well as private companies supplying fuel, arms and funds to the military.
Restrictive measures currently apply to a total of 93 individuals and 18 entities. Those designated are subject to an asset freeze and a travel ban, which prevents them from entering or transiting through EU territory. In addition, EU persons and entities are prohibited to make funds available to those listed.
Other EU restrictive measure will remain in place: the embargo on arms and equipment and export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications which might be used for internal repression, the export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, and the prohibition of military training and cooperation with the Tatmadaw.
The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta.
The EU condemns in the strongest possible terms the grave human rights violations, including sexual and gender-based violence, the persecution of civil society, human rights defenders and journalists, attacks on the civilian population, targeting also children and persons belonging to ethnic and religious minorities across the country, and recent deadly air strikes on civilian targets, including on schools and hospitals, by the Myanmar armed forces. Those responsible for the coup, as well as the perpetrators of violence and gross human rights violations, should be held accountable. The EU reiterates its call for increased international preventive action, including an arms embargo in order to cease the sale and transfer of arms and equipment, as they facilitate the military’s atrocities.
All hostilities must stop immediately. The military authorities must fully respect international humanitarian law, and put an end to the indiscriminate use of force.
The European Union supports ASEAN’s and the UN´s efforts to help Myanmar to find a peaceful solution to the crisis and welcomes the UN Security Council’s adoption of Resolution 2669 on Myanmar. Myanmar should swiftly and faithfully implement ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus, as reiterated at the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in November 2022, and at the EU-ASEAN Commemorative Summit in December 2022.
The relevant legal acts have been published in the Official Journal of the European Union.
Background
In February 2021, the Council adopted conclusions condemning in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar/Burma.
On 31 January 2023, the High Representative issued a declaration on behalf of the EU on the 2nd anniversary of the military take-over stating that, in the absence of any swift progress on the situation in Myanmar, the EU stood ready to adopt further restrictive measures against those directly responsible for and those abetting the undermining of democracy and the serious human rights violations in the country.
The Council has imposed restrictive measures against those responsible for the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators on 22 March, 19 April and 21 June 2021, and 21 February and 8 November 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Council of the European Union
Date of publication:
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Sub-title:
Residents say administrators take bribes to look the other way as their livelihoods are destroyed.
Description:
"A rapid expansion in illegal gold mining since the military coup is poisoning the water supply in Myanmar’s Kachin state and destroying the livelihoods of residents who say the ethnic Kachin group that administers the region has failed to police the sector.
Illegal mining of gold, as well as jade and rare earth minerals, is rampant in Kachin state, where successive governments have failed to regulate the industry for generations. However, the number of unsanctioned operations has ballooned since the military’s Feb. 1, 2021, takeover amid conflict between junta troops and armed resistance forces in the region.
Residents of Sumprabum township told RFA Burmese that illegal gold mines had “nearly doubled” in Kachin state since the coup and are devastating the environment, despite local protests.
“They used to dig in areas farther from our village but now they are digging quite close,” said a resident of Hpon Ing Yang village who, like other sources in the area, declined to be named citing fear of reprisal.
“The water in our stream is no longer suitable, even for washing, he said. The miners “have already excavated all around our village ... [and] we might have to move to some other place where there is still good soil for us to farm.”
The Hpon Ing Yang resident said that more than 20 companies using at least 40 machines are currently digging for gold near his village, which he described as “basically destroyed.”
“Even if the political situation becomes more stable, I don’t think there is any hope left for us here,” he said.
Expanding unchecked
A similar situation can be found in nearby Puta-O township’s villages of Tsum Pi Yang, In Loi Yang, Shi Kai Yang, Ah Lang Gar, In Hkar Gar and Hpon Kyan, sources told RFA.
According to laws governing small-scale and private mining, gold mines must be at least 300 feet away from water sources such as rivers, streams and lakes to prevent contamination from mining waste. Furthermore, gold mines are required to operate in a way that limits their environmental and socio-economic impact on local communities.
Nonetheless, illegal gold mining has expanded virtually unchecked in Puta-O since last year, destroying local livelihoods, said a resident of In Loi Yang village.
“In the past, people used to run small home businesses [such as farming] based on the natural shifts in the land and water table,” said the resident. “These days, people are digging with big machinery … and impacting our village and plantations, regardless of how much we ask them not to.”
He said there may be as many as 150 gold mining rigs in Puta-O alone and complained that mines are even operating in areas of cultural significance to the Kachin people.
Looking the other way
Residents and environmental activists told RFA that mining companies pay bribes to both the junta and the rebel Kachin Independence Organization to look the other way as they operate illegally.
Col. Norbu, spokesman for the KIO, said his group has established policies regarding gold mining and does not allow operations in populated areas or places of cultural significance.
“We have provided written instructions regarding this matter at the state level,” he said.
“The activities are scrutinized and allowed only after discussions at the state level. That’s why I think they are working in accordance with the instructions.”
When asked by RFA about mining in areas where residents work for their livelihoods, Norbu said that there “may be a weakness” in oversight for the KIO's determination of permit areas, and noted that many companies do not ask for official permission to mine.
Win Ye Tun, the junta’s social minister and spokesman for Kachin state, told RFA in October that there is “no legal permit for mining” in Kachin state and said the military has taken action against illegal gold mining in Mohnyin township.
However, an environmental activist in Kachin state said that the only thing stopping companies from mining is running out of sites to exploit.
“From an environmental standpoint, the areas designated as nature reserves and their natural resources will all be destroyed, and only land that does not produce gold will be left untouched,” the activist said.
“All other areas will have been excavated,” the activist said. “If it goes on like this, Kachin’s natural resources will soon be gone.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-02-14
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"Myanmar’s economy has seen a dramatic downturn in the aftermath of the 2021 coup, with figures suggesting a contraction of at least 30%. Yet, even as households return to a state of “everyday economic survival,” to borrow a phrase from political scientist Ardeth Thawnghmung—with news outlets reporting rising unemployment and starvation—Myanmar’s real estate market has surged in both popularity and pricing. Industry reporting and coverage in national media suggest that market rates for land and property have doubled, and even tripled, in some areas—a statistic that underscores what has long been true in Myanmar: for many, land is the most reliable စုဗူး or savings jar.
Since the coup, the instability of other assets has buttressed peoples’ beliefs in the stability of investments in land. The value of the Myanmar kyat has fallen by nearly half, even as the junta has effectively banned foreign currency. Gold prices spiked to a record high of over 3.5 million kyats per tical last August. Investments in cars, another established asset in Myanmar, have dropped off, mirroring global trends that reflect pandemic-era supply chain disruptions and, more recently, sky-high gas prices. But, if land remains one of a very few ways to store value in Myanmar’s unfolding crises, important issues linger: Who buys land, who sells land, and how? These questions are perennial insofar as they intersect with historical dynamics of property and inequality. Yet, the current context also demands understanding how and why the land market—like Myanmar’s population more broadly—has increasingly migrated online.
Since 2019, we have conducted in situ and digital ethnography to trace shifts in land transactions as they moved onto social media. While brokers have, historically, swapped land documents, contracts, and cash around tables in teashops or in front of township land registration offices, during COVID-19 lockdowns, many began to advertise online. While the actors brokering land deals remain largely the same, their methods have transformed. Facebook—Myanmar’s dominant social media platform—has become especially popular as a tool for buying and selling land. We followed brokers, sellers, and buyers as they created or joined new pages and groups devoted to the sale of land. We reviewed dozens of rapidly growing public groups across Myanmar, many hosting tens of thousands of members, focusing on real estate groups that specialized in land sold in peri-urban Yangon, where plots of all sizes were in high demand as investments in proposed “new city” areas. Through close analysis of the advertisements and commentary in these groups, as well as interviews with group members, we charted the booms and busts of an unruly online property market. Our open-access article, recently published by Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography, shows that these digital activities have remade Myanmar’s land market in four significant ways.
First, Facebook activity drove shifts in how land is used and valued. While land has always been bought, sold, and traded in Myanmar, it used to be a slow, intimate, and illicit affair, conducted on the black market in the context of close, trusted relationships and largely for livelihood purposes. As Stephen Huard has explained, in Myanmar, land is conventionally tied up in personal relations of inheritance, obligation, and stewardship, above and beyond the law. Ownership was rooted in the responsibility to maintain land as a source of ongoing security—a task which usually involved maintaining its capacity for agriculture. On Facebook, however, advertisements rarely discussed the land’s suitability for farming; instead, and especially in the coming “new city,” plots were promoted to far-flung businessmen and investors who, as one commenter asserted, “will never farm there.” Rather than noting soil quality, access to water, or elevation, Facebook’s land brokers instead highlighted details such as the distance to special economic zones, deep seaports, and other nearby projects, assuring potential buyers that soon-to-be developed, peri-urban areas were sure sites of profitable investment. Such transformations are in line with larger patterns of speculative urbanization across Asia, but we demonstrate how Facebook posts, photos, and real-time interactions accelerated the transformation of rice paddies into real estate.
Second, Facebook expanded the scope of the land market, drawing in more people, in more places. Historically, research on brokerage in Myanmar has underscored the personal form of guarantee central to brokers’ work. Trusting a broker has long required clients have confidence in an individuals’ dependability and expertise in navigating a poorly regulated real estate market, rife with false documentation. One-to-one brokerage relationships were epitomized by bonds of trust, developed within close-knit familial, social, and geographic contexts. Yet, on Facebook, we observed that these intimate ties have splintered into a series of broader and more depersonalized online associations, what social media scholar danah boyd calls “networked publics.” On Facebook, middle-class, often first-time, buyers can browse listings for investment in peri-urban Yangon or a cool weather retirement in Pyin Oo Lwin. They look not only to brokers for assurance; instead, they rely on a collective perspective shared by Facebook group members that certifies the prudence of a purchase, posting queries about proper procedures and lucrative parcels. Meanwhile, brokers post images of sellers’ legal documents and piles of cash as evidence of legitimate and successful sales, branding their businesses to ever-expanding publics.
Third, brokers’ activity on Facebook amplified the urgency and speed of transactions. Price was no longer primarily based on the labor of a particular broker working to flip a single plot, but rather on a frenzy of hurried, online interactions. Increasingly, those we interviewed—buyers, sellers, and brokers, alike—struggled to “keep up” as more and more land was exchanged, at higher and higher prices. As one real estate agent we interviewed put it: “At the very beginning, there was a lot of land and a lot of people wanted to sell and cash out, and at that time, the price was cheap. And then, they started doing this on Facebook, and the price went up super high.” By January 2021, the month prior to the coup, many brokers we interviewed wished the land market would slow back down. Combined with land’s transformation into an asset and the expansion of brokerage, these rapid transactions enact what we call “networks of speculation.”
This brings us to a final, and perhaps the most significant, shift; Facebook intensified risk for those with the most to lose. Over the course of our research, we watched as farmers and other precarious landowners, first-time investors, and petty brokers all sought to weather the land market’s booms and busts, as land that would have barely garnered US$2,000 in 2018 had was suddenly selling for US$25,000 in 2020. Sellers rushed to liquidate to avoid missing out; brokers found that the speed and intensity of the Facebook land market was too much; buyers worried prices would crash before they could resell the high-value plots they had amassed. Ultimately, we found that the volatility of unregulated transactions intensified danger for all but the wealthiest investors involved in these Facebook-based markets. While Myanmar’s unregulated and often illicit land market has always been risky, Facebook raised the stakes for those unable to “wait out” the market’s booms and busts, and the reach of the platform enlisted a larger and less well-resourced subset of the population into sales that stretched far beyond trusted contacts.
This final point is all-the-more critical in the wake of Myanmar’s 2021 coup and the resulting economic collapse, which, together, have set off a real estate boom driven by fear, specifically the lack of confidence in Myanmar’s military-led financial institutions. Frontier has reported that after banks eased restrictions on withdrawals, many in Myanmar chose to redirect their savings from bank accounts and into land holdings. For those without established relationships with a trusted broker, or with little confidence in their ability to navigate the land market on their own, Facebook has become the predominant platform for seeking out available plots as well as experts who can guide new investors’ purchases. Our current work is tracking the rise of scams in Facebook-mediated land markets.
This inadvertent manifestation of platform power presents a new twist on generic global stories about digital transformations in property, which tend to focus on sites explicitly designed for renting, buying and selling (think Zillow or Airbnb). Crucially, and for the reasons our article underscores, brokers’ creative re-appropriation of the platform for buying and selling land exposes users to greater and more far-reaching risks. How Facebook’s role in Myanmar’s land market could be shifted to ensure—rather than undercut—forms of stability being sought by Myanmar’s majority is a critical political question for platforms and for their users, in and beyond the country. As the resistance seeks to shatter the military’s hold on land and resource wealth and most people struggle to stay afloat, online buying, selling, and speculating is shifting the ground beneath their feet.
The research upon which this article and Tea Circle post is based was conducted with the support of multiple collaborators based in Myanmar, who prefer to remain anonymous at this time. We are very grateful for their time and insights.
Courtney T. Wittekind is a Postdoctoral Associate at Yale University’s Program in Agrarian Studies, where she researches new forms of real estate speculation emerging in Myanmar and, particularly, in peri-urban Yangon..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-02-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) welcomes the new sanctions imposed by the governments of Australia, Canada, UK and USA on members of the illegal Myanmar military junta, its businesses, and jet fuel suppliers to mark the second anniversary of the military’s attempted coup.
“Governments worldwide should urgently deny the illegal junta weapons, funds, and legitimacy. For two years, the junta has continued to commit genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity with complete impunity,” said Kyaw Win Executive Director of BHRN. “The international community must act immediately to cut all resources to this terrorist regime and hold them accountable for their crimes.”
Over the last two years, the people of Burma have bravely resisted the junta’s violent attempt to take total control of the country. In the face of mass, unwavering public resistance, the junta continues to increase its campaign of brutality and savagery as it carries out killings, torture, forced disappearances, sexual violence, and daily airstrikes against the civilian population throughout the country. The junta’s continued commission of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, has been enabled by the supply of funds, arms, and jet fuel.
The steps taken by the Australia, Canada, UK and USA shows solidarity with the people of Burma in their fight to topple the dictatorship. The sanctions announced by Canada on January 31 prohibit the export, sale, supply, or shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar, making Canada the first jurisdiction in the world to ban the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
Meanwhile, the measures taken by the UK targeted two Myanmar companies and two individuals who have played an essential role in importing, handling, and transporting aviation fuel to the junta’s air force. Complementing these efforts, the US imposed new sanctions targeting the senior leadership of Myanmar’s ministry of energy, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), its air force, as well as an arms dealer and a family member of a previously designated business associates of the military. The US also sanctioned the Union Election Commission. Australia, which has been slow to impose sanctions on the junta has finally announced measures against 16 people, including the head of the junta, senior general Min Aung Hlaing as well as the military owned Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd.
Together, these new measures are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources and deterrent to their ongoing crimes. However, immediate and coordinated action is still needed from the international community to systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms, and jet fuel.
BHRN calls on:
Governments worldwide to urgently sanction the junta, its businesses, and arms brokers and impose a coordinated global arms embargo.
The US, UK, EU, and Australia to follow Canada’s lead in imposing a complete ban on the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
The US, UK, Canada, and Australia to follow in the EU’s footsteps and sanction MOGE, which finances the junta.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2023-02-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-04
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"A Justice For Myanmar investigation using open source and leaked documents has identified 22 international oilfield services companies active in Myanmar since the military’s illegal attempted coup.
The oil and gas sector in Myanmar is illegally controlled by the junta and is its biggest source of foreign revenue, bankrolling the military’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
These oilfield services companies provide critical support and equipment to the sector, from drilling to maintenance to supply. By doing so, they help to keep the gas revenues flowing to the junta, making them complicit in its international crimes.
8 of the companies identified are either fully or partially based in the USA, including the biggest companies in the sector: Halliburton, Schlumberger and Baker Hughes, which have branch offices in Myanmar that remain active.
Tax filings for the first year of the military’s coup attempt, provided by Distributed Denial of Secrets, show earnings in the millions of US dollars.
The activities of US oilfield services companies have been encouraged by the failure of the US government to sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), an agency illegally controlled by the junta.
MOGE regulates the sector and acts as both a state revenue collector and commercial partner in oil and gas projects, ensuring the junta gets lucrative tax and royalty payments, as well as a vast share of profits.
Concerningly, the continued presence of US companies has been encouraged by the US Department of Commerce’s International Trade Administration, which lists the oil and gas industry in Myanmar as a “best prospect industry” and encourages US companies to seek opportunities, including applying for junta tenders.
With the National Defense Authorization Act signed into law in December, the US must act now and impose sanction on MOGE, in coordination with its allies the UK, Canada and Australia.
Oilfield services companies outside the EU, where sanctions on MOGE are already in place, must uphold their international law and due diligence responsibilities and stop their activities in Myanmar unless the projects they are working on suspend payments to the junta, and withhold them in protected accounts.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Oilfield services companies in Myanmar have blood on their hands for operating in an industry that bankrolls the illegal Myanmar military junta, as it wages a campaign of terror against the people.
“It is deplorable that giants such as Halliburton, Diamond Offshore Drilling and Schlumberger that are listed on US stock exchanges have maintained operations in Myanmar, helping to keep oil and gas revenue flowing to the junta. Their business has helped the junta purchase the bullets, bombs and jet fuel that it needs for its indiscriminate attacks.
“These companies have breached their international legal responsibilities and are complicit in the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity by knowingly servicing oil and gas projects that fund the junta’s atrocities.
“We call on all oilfield services companies to suspend operations on projects that are funding the junta.
“The activities of US oilfield services companies following the military’s coup attempt demonstrates a failure of the US Government to take decisive action against the junta and its terror campaign by sanctioning MOGE.
“The Biden Administration’s contradictory approach to Myanmar has allowed US oil and gas corporations to continue business as usual in Myanmar, enabling the junta’s international crimes.
“While the Department of State has warned that dealing with MOGE risks money laundering, furthering corruption and contributing to serious human rights violations, the US Department of Commerce is advising US companies to seek profits in the oil and gas sectors in Myanmar and to compete for MOGE tenders.
“We call on the US and its allies Australia, Canada and the UK to stand with the people of Myanmar by imposing sanctions on MOGE and helping to cut the flow of funds to the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"On the anniversary of the Myanmar military’s brutal coup on 1 February 2021 and two years of violence inflicted on the people of Myanmar, Myanmar Campaign Network welcomes the announcement by the Australian government to introduce sanctions against 16 senior military and political leaders, and against two military owned entities.
Australia now joins our democratic allies in sanctioning military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings LTD (MEHL). We must join the international community in sanctioning the extractive and natural resource sectors by targeting Myanmar Mining Enterprises No.1 and No.2, Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, Myanma Gems Enterprise (MGE), Myanma Timber Enterprise (MTE), and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise (MPE) among others.
The UK, US, EU and Canada have issued 543 sanctions on 185 individuals and 180 entities in response to the atrocity crimes against the Rohingya in Rakhine state and since the coup. Sanctions announced today by the US, UK and Canada target human rights abusers, state-owned enterprises, aviation fuel suppliers and the military-appointed Union Election Commission.
Australian sanctions constitute only 4% of the international sanctions response on human rights abuses in Myanmar. The Myanmar Campaign Network encourages the Australian government to continue urgent consideration of further sanctions in line with its international allies.
Daw Zin Mar Aung, Foreign Minister, National Unity Government of Myanmar, said, “As the military has been using its resources to perpetuate the dictatorship, especially killing and suppressing the people, it is necessary for us to cut off the military council’s every way of making money.”
Charles Santiago, Chairperson, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights said, “Many of us have been highly frustrated with the passivity shown by Australia in dealing with the Myanmar crisis over the last two years, but this new round of sanctions is a step in the right direction and, hopefully, it heralds a new approach by the Albanese administration. The sanctions on the military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) are particularly welcome, as they could serve to obstruct the money flows for the junta.
Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States have also imposed new rounds of sanctions on the Myanmar junta coinciding with the second anniversary of the attempted coup staged by Min Aung Hlaing and his men. But much more needs to be done and now these countries should improve their coordination in putting pressure on the junta, beginning with sanctioning the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). Only the European Union has done so at the moment, and Australia, Canada, the UK, and the US should follow suit.
Yet isolating the junta is not enough. Australia and like-minded democratic countries should also recognize the National Unity Government (NUG), as the legitimate authority in Myanmar, and provide all their support they can, including funding and capacity building initiatives; increase their humanitarian assistance to Myanmar, and open its doors to refugees fleeing the country.”
Clancy Moore, CEO of Transparency International Australia said, “The sanctions on with military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings LTD (MEHL) are good first step as they provide large sources of revenue to the military. Other countries have also sanctioned state-owned enterprises in the lucrative resources sector, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) which lines the pockets of the military generals to the tune of more than 1 billion US dollars every year.”
Tasneem Roc, Campaign Manager, Myanmar Campaign Network said, “The junta forcibly prevented the democratically elected government from fulfilling its mandate, and looks for international legitimacy by holding sham elections later this year. Australia must further show its support for the democratic process and the will of the people by continuing to assess and introduce further sanctions.
Since the coup the death toll of those murdered by the military has risen to over 2,940 people and over 17,572 people have been unlawfully arrested. Over 38,000 civilian properties including places of worship have been destroyed by attacks by the Myanmar military. There are 128 cases of rape and gang rape by military personnel since the coup being investigated by the National Unity Government Ministry of Women Youths and Childrens Affairs..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Campaign Network
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
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"US oil major Chevon is selling its 41.1% stake in the Yadana Gas Project to a subsidiary of the Canadian oil company MTI Energy. Chevron first disclosed the deal to the Guardian.
Yadana is the biggest gas project in Myanmar, within an industry that is the largest source of foreign revenue for the illegal military junta. Gas revenue bankrolls the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The Yadana project was formerly operated by TotalEnergies, which withdrew in 2022, increasing Chevron’s stake to 41.1%, the largest in the consortium. Other stakeholders in the project are PTTEP, the current operator, and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state agency illegally controlled by the junta.
Through the sale, MTI Energy and Chevron will ensure funds continue to flow to the junta, making them complicit in the junta’s international crimes.
Who is MTI Energy?
MTI Energy Inc, based in Edmonton, Alberta, is an offshoot of oilfield equipment manufacturer Mitey Titan Industries and located at the same address. MTI Energy CEO Mehtab (Tab) Khehra has been described as heading “a whole galaxy of service companies active in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and especially Nigeria.”
An Alberta registry search shows that the company has four directors, including Toronto corporate lawyer, Ralph Lean, and Adewale Olorunsola (AKA Wale Sola), who heads the Nigerian-Canadian merchant bank, Rein Capital. Rein Capital subsidiary, Rein Energy, is a shareholder in MTI subsidiaries Shibah Energy and Caxes Energy, according to data from the Dutch corporate registry.
In 2021, Shibah Energy and Caxes Energy took over Chevron’s stake in Brazil’s Papa-Terra field. MTI Energy also secured four blocks in 2021 in Angola.
MTI Energy is registered as having no shareholders and it is unclear who the company’s profits are distributed to.
MTI Energy is purchasing Chevron’s stake through its Bermuda subsidiary, Et Martem Holdings. Bermuda is a tax haven and secrecy jurisdiction.
As a UK overseas territory, Bermuda has implemented UK sanctions on Myanmar under the territory’s International Sanctions Regulations 2013.
However, with MOGE unsanctioned in either jurisdiction, Canadian and UK sanctions appear insufficient in preventing the transaction.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Chevron’s irresponsible sale of its stake in the Yadana Project to MTI Energy will ensure that gas funds keep flowing to the illegal Myanmar junta, bankrolling their campaign of terror in response to two years of mass resistance that has prevented the junta from gaining control of Myanmar.
“MTI Energy’s investment will make the company complicit in the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“We condemn MTI Energy’s total disregard for the lives and democratic will of the people of Myanmar, and its blatant breach of the company’s obligations under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
“This sale is the result of failures of the Canadian and UK governments to sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
“Is the Canadian government willing to stand by while a Canadian company takes over the largest stake in such a significant gas project that enriches the murderous, illegal junta?
“We call on the Canadian and UK governments to immediately sanction MOGE and prevent companies in their territories from financing the junta’s international crimes."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"The NUG welcomes the long-awaited sanctions imposed by the Australian government targeting 16 military individuals including Min Aung Hlaing himself and his deputy Soe Win and 2 entities (Myanmar Economic Cooperation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd) on the second anniversary of the Coup.
The NUG also appreciates another wave of sanctions released by the US, UK and Canadian governments. The US has sanctioned six individuals: 3 from MOGE, 2 former and current military officials, 1 individual, daughter of Tay Za, as financial support to military regime and three entities: the Union Election Commission (UEC), and Mining Enterprises No 1 and 2. The new sanctions by the UK government target two individuals and two companies that play an important role in aviation fuel supply to the junta. The Canadian government targets 6 individuals and imposes a prohibition related to the export, sales and supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar military - the first such embargo in the world, and one we hope other nations will follow as a necessary step to limiting the junta's ability to bombard civilians from the air.
These new sanctions are significant measures to tackle a worsening conflict and in particular ongoing air strikes against civilians amid a range of other barbaric attacks by the military. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes. Coordinated and targeted sanctions such as these are necessary to lessen human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the military regime.
We are grateful for the work of the Australian, US, UK and Canadian governments in placing these important sanctions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit.
We once again request that all governments and the international community immediately place aggressive, targeted sanctions on the military regime and those who support and supply them, in particular restricting the supply of munitions, weapons, and jet fuel..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Title: JFM welcomes targeted sanctions imposed on Myanmar junta two years after illegal coup attempt
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by Australia, Canada, the UK and USA on members of the terrorist Myanmar military junta, its businesses and jet fuel suppliers to mark the second anniversary of the military’s illegal coup attempt.
The new sanctions come as the people of Myanmar continue to courageously resist the junta in the face of its nationwide campaign of terror, ensuring its attempted coup is failing.
The junta’s response to mass resistance has been the continued commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity, murdering over 2,900 people, arbitrarily arresting over 17,000 more, displacing 1.1 million people and carrying out indiscriminate air strikes across Myanmar, enabled by the supply of funds, arms and jet fuel.
Canada and the UK have both responded to a grassroots and international campaign to stop jet fuel sales to the military.
Canada is the first jurisdiction in the world to ban the supply of jet fuel to the junta, while the UK has sanctioned crony companies Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Company Limited, both part of Asia Sun Group, which broker the supply of jet fuel to the junta and stand complicit in its international crimes.
In November, Amnesty International released Deadly Cargo, a report into the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain with research supported by Justice For Myanmar. The report named Asia Sun Trading and Cargo Link.
At the time, Justice For Myanmar also published a list of Asia Sun Group companies, directors and shareholder for targeted sanctions.
The US has sanctioned the illegal junta’s energy minister and the managing director and deputy managing director of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), responsible for the junta’s biggest source of foreign revenue. But the US has disappointingly failed to sanction MOGE.
The US has also sanctioned Mining Enterprise No. 1 and Mining Enterprise No. 2, lucrative state agencies illegally controlled by the junta.
Australia has sanctioned military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and 16 junta members, including war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win, after refusing to sanction them in response to their role in the military’s genocide against the Rohingya.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from Australia, Canada, the UK and USA, which target military conglomerates, state-owned enterprises illegally controlled by the junta, and the military’s jet fuel supply chain.
“The people of Myanmar have sustained mass resistance to the military’s brutal and illegal coup attempt and its campaign of terror, ensuring that the coup and the junta’s sham so-called ‘elections’ will not succeed.
“The military junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity are enabled by the flow of funds, arms and jet fuel.
“While these latest sanctions are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources, far more needs to be done to coordinate sanctions that systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms and jet fuel.
“So far, only the EU has sanctioned MOGE, which bankrolls the junta. We call on the US, UK, Canada and Australia to follow the EU and also sanction MOGE.
“We call on the US, UK, EU and Australia to follow Canada in imposing a complete ban on the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
“Democracies in the region, including Japan, South Korea and India, must also urgently step up and sanction the junta, its businesses and arms brokers.
“The international community must take concerted action against the junta, a terrorist organisation, hold perpetrators of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity to account, and stand with the people of Myanmar.
“The Spring Revolution will prevail.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"January 31, 2023 – Ottawa, Ontario - Global Affairs Canada
On the eve of the second anniversary of the coup d’état by the Myanmar military, the Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced additional sanctions under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations against six individuals and a new prohibition on the export, sale, supply or shipment of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military regime.
Within two years, the regime has completely reversed a decade of democratic progress, plunging the country into political, economic and humanitarian crises, killing thousands of men, women, and children, detaining many thousands more, and forcing the displacement of over one million. The worsening crises in Myanmar continue to undermine peace, prosperity, and stability for the country’s neighbours and the broader region.
The sanctions announced today, in coordination with our international partners, including the United Kingdom and the United States, respond to the ongoing repression of the people of Myanmar by the military. Canada’s measures are in direct response to worsening armed conflict, in particular the increased use of aerial attacks against civilians, in contravention of international humanitarian law. They also respond to deeply concerning reports of serious violations of international human rights law by the military regime.
These latest measures are complementary to broader ASEAN efforts and its Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar. These sanctions are in line with Canada’s commitments under its Indo-Pacific Strategy, including promoting peace, resilience and security, and upholding democracy and human rights.
On the second anniversary of the Myanmar coup, Canada reiterates continued support for the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for an inclusive and democratic society, and for the range of pro-democracy actors advancing a peaceful return to a democratic, peaceful and inclusive Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new UK sanctions targeting suppliers of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. Limiting the ability of the Burmese military to carry out airstrikes is one of the single most effective steps the international community can do to address the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma.
The British government today announced sanctions on:
Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Company Limited both part of what is known as the Asia Sun group which dominates the aviation fuel sector in Myanmar and are involved in the transfer of aviation fuel to the Myanmar Air Force.
Zaw Min Tun: Director and sole shareholder of Asia Sun Trading.
Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung: former Director and shareholder of Asia Sun Trading.
The British government statement is here.
“The British government is spot on, targeting suppliers of aviation fuel to the military, but they need to go further and faster to cut supplies to Burma, as the military seize civilian supplies of aviation fuel,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK.
However, Burma Campaign UK is extremely disappointed by the incredibly slow pace of the implementation of sanctions.
“Two years on from the attempted coup starting there are still numerous sources of revenue and arms which have yet to be sanctioned,” said Anna Roberts. “The snail’s pace of sanctions implementation allows the military to access more revenue and arms. Foreign Office ministers need to devote more resources to the speedy implementation of sanctions.”
As the military fails to consolidate its coup in the face of growing resistance, it is using increasingly desperate tactics, including daily airstrikes and artillery strikes against civilians, displacing more than a million people.
Last year Amnesty International published a report exposing aviation fuel suppliers to Burma: The report is available here...https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2022/11/myanmar-the-supply-chain-fueling-war-crimes/..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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more
Description:
"Action Taken in Coordination with the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada
WASHINGTON – Today, on the day before the two-year anniversary of the brutal military coup d’état that deposed Burma’s democratically elected government, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is designating six individuals and three entities connected to Burma’s military regime pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014. This action will occur in conjunction with actions taken by both the United Kingdom and Canada.
On February 1, 2021, Burma’s military overthrew the democratically elected government and removed the civilian government leaders from power, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. Over the past two years, the military has continued to use violence and oppression to deny the people of Burma the ability to choose their own leaders. Burma’s military regime has used its military aircraft to conduct aerial bombings and other attacks against pro-democracy forces, killing and displacing countless civilians.
“Two years after Burma’s military forcibly overthrew the democratically elected government of Burma, the United States, along with partner nations like the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, continue to stand with the people of Burma as they seek freedom and democracy,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “The United States will continue to promote accountability for those who provide financial and material support to, and directly enable, the violent suppression of democracy in Burma.”
BURMESE GOVERNMENT ENTITIES
Following the 2021 coup, Burma’s military regime appointed new members to the UNION ELECTION COMMISSION (UEC) — including Thein Soe, who was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on April 21, 2021 — to oversee a post-coup do-over vote after rejecting the results of the November 2020 democratic election. The UEC is the constitutionally mandated body that is responsible for election-related procedures and activities, including organizing, verifying, and announcing election results.
Additionally, the regime has continued to control and benefit from the extraction and export of natural resources of Burma and has utilized various state-owned entities (SOEs) that are fully owned by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC) to act as joint venture partners, as well as regulators and policymakers. MINING ENTERPRISE NO 1, which was previously designated by the European Union on February 21, 2022, and MINING ENTERPRISE NO 2 are two such SOEs that play a dominant role in Burma’s mineral sector.
The UEC, Mining Enterprise No 1, and Mining Enterprise No 2 are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a political subdivision, agency, or instrumentality of the Government of Burma.
BURMESE ENERGY OFFICIALS
Since the 2021 coup, Burma’s military regime has continued to benefit from the substantial revenue provided by the production and export of oil and gas, which generates over $1 billion in revenue annually and is the single largest source of foreign currency revenue for the regime. Burma’s Ministry of Energy is controlled by the State Administration Council, which was designated on April 21, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014; manages the energy sector; and controls the SOEs involved in the production of oil and gas, including the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
Myo Myint Oo is the Union Minister of Energy. The Union Minister of Energy represents the Government of Burma in international and domestic energy sector engagements, while also managing the state-owned entities involved in the production and export of oil and gas.
Aung Min is the Managing Director and Than Min is the Deputy Managing Director of MOGE. As managing director and deputy managing director, both individuals are directly involved in the day-to-day operations and management of the regime’s single largest revenue generating SOE.
Myo Myint Oo, Aung Min, and Than Min are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being or having been leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021.
FORMER AND CURRENT BURMESE MILITARY OFFICIALS
Additionally, despite the international condemnation of the collateral damage caused by aerial attacks, Burma’s Air Force has continued to launch airstrikes against pro-democracy forces that have killed civilians and caused the displacement of tens of thousands of people. General Maung Maung Kyaw, who was previously the head of Burma’s Air Force and was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on February 22, 2021, was replaced by Htun Aung, who was previously the Air Force’s Chief of Staff, on January 12, 2022.
Htun Aung is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being or having been a leader or official of the military or security forces of Burma.
Hla Swe is an ex-military official and a former lawmaker under the military-associated Union Solidarity and Development Party who has admitted to helping to provide training and secure arms for pro-regime militias. Hla Swe is considered the man behind a pro-regime publication that regularly publishes death threats against members of minority groups.
Hla Swe is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being responsible for or complicit in, or having directly or indirectly engaged or attempted to engage in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of Burma.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME
Htoo Htwe Tay Za is the adult daughter of Tay Za, who was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on January 31, 2022. The Tay Za family, including Htoo Htwe Tay Za, are directors and shareholders of numerous subsidiaries and associated companies of Htoo Group of Companies, which was designated pursuant to E.O 14014 on March 25, 2022, including at least one subsidiary developing properties on land leased from the Burmese military.
Htoo Htwe Tay Za is being designated for being an adult child of Tay Za, a person whose property and interest in property are blocked pursuant to E.O. 14014.
On January 26, 2022, the U.S. government issued a business advisory to inform the public of the heightened risks associated with doing business in Burma, “Risks and Considerations for Businesses and Individuals with Exposure to Entities Responsible for Undermining Democratic Processes, Facilitating Corruption, and Committing Human Rights Abuses in Burma (Myanmar).”
SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS
As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the persons named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked.
Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person.
The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List (SDN List), but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law. The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish but to bring about a positive change in behavior. For information concerning the process for seeking removal from an OFAC list, including the SDN List, please refer to OFAC’s Frequently Asked Question 897. For detailed information on the process to submit a request for removal from an OFAC sanctions list, please refer to OFAC’s website..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Sub-title:
The UK announced sanctions to increase pressure on the Myanmar military junta, coinciding with the 2-year anniversary of the coup that ousted an elected government.
Description:
"UK announces further round of sanctions to ratchet up pressure on Myanmar military junta
announced ahead of 2-year anniversary of 1 February coup
sanctions target enablers of air force bombing campaign and repression of the civilian population
Companies supplying the Myanmar Air Force with the aviation fuel to carry out its relentless bombing campaign against innocent people have been targeted by the UK in the latest round of sanctions, announced to coincide with the second anniversary of the brutal coup that ousted Myanmar’s elected government.
Two companies and 2 individuals, all associated with what is known as the Asia Sun group, and integral to the aviation fuel industry in Myanmar, have been sanctioned. The group supplies fuel to the Myanmar Air Force enabling its barbaric air raiding campaign in an attempt to maintain power, killing thousands and displacing hundreds of thousands of Myanmar’s people in the process.
The first of February 2023 marks 2 years since the Myanmar military overthrew the democratically-elected government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and installed a military regime. Since then, they have used violence and atrocities to maintain power and supress any opposition voices.
Foreign Secretary James Cleverly said:
Our sanctions are meticulously targeted to deliver maximum impact, reducing the military’s access to finance, fuel, arms and equipment.
The junta must be held to account for their brutal crackdown on opposition voices, terrorising air raids and brazen human rights violations.
The UK has led a strong, coordinated international response to support the people of Myanmar, their democratic demands and right to fundamental freedoms.
The UK has worked with partners including Canada, the United States and the European Union since the coup to impose coordinated and targeted sanctions against the military regime, its business interests and those who facilitate and profit from its brutal campaign.
Since the coup, the UK has now sanctioned 18 individuals and 30 entities, targeting those responsible for the coup, the subsequent violence, and those facilitating it. These sanctions raise the cost for those aligned with and supporting the regime’s campaign of terror. The UK will continue to use economic statecraft to restrict the military’s access to finance and arms and increase the pressure on them to engage with calls for a return to democracy.
As part of its commitment to a free and open Indo Pacific, the UK has led the international community’s work to support a peaceful resolution in Myanmar and a return to democracy; and pushing for progress towards accountability and justice. It has also played a key role in calling on countries around the world to end the sale and transfer of arms and equipment which facilitate the military’s atrocities.
At the United Nations, the UK successfully passed a Security Council Resolution on the crisis, the first of its kind, to apply further pressure on the military junta to end its violence. It also strongly supports ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, which demands the military immediately ceases its violence and engages in constructive dialogue with all parties..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Description:
"Since the Myanmar military’s attempted coup in February 2021, over 60 foreign governments and international organisations (including United Nations entities) have provided support for the illegal military junta, directly and indirectly supporting its campaign of terror.
The report, titled Developing a Dictatorship: How governments and international organisations are supporting the illegal Myanmar military junta - and what must be done to stop this, provides details of the organisations and the forms of support they have provided.
Key findings include:
22 foreign governments;
26 intergovernmental organisations (including 14 United Nations entities);
8 foreign financial institutions; and
8 other international organisations are implicated.
The report covers four main types of support for the military junta:
political support through diplomatic relations and actions that legitimise and enable the junta to take decisions on behalf of Myanmar in international forums;
technical cooperation that enables the transfer of knowledge and skills to the junta and those who serve their interests;
financial support that may flow through development initiatives, loan disbursements, direct purchases from, or indirect business dealings with, companies and other entities controlled by the junta, as well as the development of infrastructure that may serve the junta financially and strategically; and
renting property such as hotel rooms, office spaces and residences from military-linked businesses.
The report includes 18 detailed case studies and provides clear recommendations for what must be done to prevent the illegal military junta from gaining further funds, resources and power.
It also provides an analysis of the legal considerations and consequences for international organisations found to be supporting the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It has been two years since the Myanmar military’s attempted coup. Over 2,700 people have been killed and more than 13,600 people are still detained.
“The junta is waging a scorched earth campaign against the people of Myanmar, carrying out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, and has caused a humanitarian catastrophe with more than 1.1 million displaced.
“So far, the international community has taken insufficient action to end the flow of funds and resources that enables the military junta’s campaign of terror.
“It’s clear that some foreign governments and international organisations are not only neglecting to help the people of Myanmar, but they are also actively supporting the military junta that is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people.
“All forms of support for the military junta are unacceptable – from inviting the military junta to represent Myanmar at international meetings to providing training to junta members and spending millions of dollars at military-linked hotels.
“The National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar needs to be invited to international meetings on behalf of Myanmar.
“All financial ties to the Myanmar military must be cut, and targeted sanctions must be imposed.
“We call on foreign governments and international organisations to take immediate action to end all forms of support for the military junta.”
Among the organisations named in the report, 13 have recently taken action towards ending their support for the military junta..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Yokogawa Bridge Corp. Should Cut Ties to Myanmar’s Military
Description:
"(Tokyo) – Japan’s Yokogawa Bridge Corp. apparently transferred over US$1 million in 2022 to Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which is owned by Myanmar’s abusive military, for a Japanese government development aid project, Human Rights Watch said today.
The Japanese government should suspend all ongoing non-humanitarian aid benefitting Myanmar’s junta, which has committed widespread and systematic crimes since the February 2021 military coup. The Japanese government should also ensure that Japanese companies, including Yokogawa Bridge Corp., end their business relationships with entities owned or controlled by Myanmar’s military.
“Through Yokogawa Bridge Corp.’s business dealings with MEC, the Japanese government has effectively helped fund junta atrocities,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government should ensure that it is no longer providing non-humanitarian development assistance to Myanmar’s junta.”
Human Rights Watch analyzed financial transactions that show that Yokogawa Bridge Corp. paid MEC about $1.3 million from July to November, 2022, for the Bago River Bridge Construction Project in Yangon. The funds were transferred in a series of payments from Yokogawa Bridge Corp. through Japan’s Mizuho Bank, Ltd. to MEC’s account in Myanmar’s Myanma Foreign Trade Bank.
The Bago River Bridge Construction Project, approved in 2016 as part of the Japanese government’s official development assistance to Myanmar, includes a ¥31 billion (US$240 million) loan from Japan’s aid agency, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). In March 2019, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. signed a contract to build the bridge.
In response to a Human Rights Watch letter about the issue, a Japanese Foreign Ministry official said the construction of the bridge resumed on April 1, 2022. The official added that the Japanese government is “not in a position to explain” Yokogawa Bridge Corp.’s payments to MEC as they are transactions “between private companies.”
In response to a letter from Human Rights Watch summarizing information about these financial transactions and seeking their comment, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. declined to comment on “individual cases.” Mizuho Bank also declined to comment.
The US, United Kingdom, European Union, and Canada have sanctioned MEC and Myanmar’s other military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, for their role in generating significant revenues that help fund the military. Since the coup, Myanmar’s military has been responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Junta security forces have killed over 2,700 people, including at least 277 children, and have arbitrarily arrested over 17,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
The Bago River Bridge Construction Project’s ties to MEC came to light when a local media outlet, Myanmar Now, reported in March 2021 that a steel mill, the corporation owned in Hmawbi, Yangon, had been making substantial profits by supplying steel for two-thirds of the bridge’s construction. JICA subsequently confirmed to Human Rights Watch that Yokogawa Bridge Corp. finalized a contract with MEC and its affiliate in November 2019. In April 2021, Yokogawa Bridge Holdings Corp., which wholly owns Yokogawa Bridge Corp., stated that construction of the bridge had been halted due to the “situation on the ground,” and that it would “conduct business that respects human rights.”
As previously documented by Human Rights Watch, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. and MEC had ties prior to the bridge project. In March 2014, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. signed a Memorandum of Understanding with MEC, according to a 2015 earnings document. The document says that Yokogawa Bridge Corp. has aimed to “build a relationship through technical cooperation,” while “cultivating” MEC into an “amicable steel fabricator.”
The Myanmar military owns MEC, which generates vast revenue through businesses in sectors including manufacturing, mining, and telecommunications, according to a 2019 report by the United Nations-backed Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The fact-finding mission concluded that “any foreign business activity” involving Myanmar’s military and its conglomerates, including MEC pose, “a high risk of contributing to or being linked to, violations of human rights law and international humanitarian law.” It added that “at a minimum, these foreign companies are contributing to supporting the Tatmadaw’s [military’s] financial capacity.”
In September 2022, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a follow-up report to the 2019 Fact-Finding Mission report, saying that not enough had been done to cut off the junta’s access to revenue, and urging the international community to “step up efforts to support the people of Myanmar and to ensure the military’s financial isolation in a coordinated fashion.”
The UN human rights office also said that governments should “ensure their humanitarian and development assistance programs do not benefit the SAC [State Administration Council junta] or military-owned companies,” citing the Bago River Bridge Construction project, and recommended that “business enterprises active in Myanmar or trading with or investing in businesses in Myanmar, including supply chain operations, should undertake due diligence to ensure they do not enter into or remain in a business relationship of any kind with the Tatmadaw, or any enterprise owned or controlled by them (including subsidiaries) or their individual members.”
On May 12, 2021, the UN Working Group on human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises stated that: “Businesses must uphold their human rights responsibilities and put pressure on the military junta to halt grave human rights violations.” Specifically, the Working Group urged companies to “act in line with the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights to avoid contributing to human rights violations, or becoming complicit in crimes if they continue to operate in Myanmar.”
The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights states that companies should “avoid causing or contributing to adverse human rights impacts through their own activities, and address such impacts when they occur,” and “seek to prevent or mitigate adverse human rights impacts that are directly linked to their operations, products or services by their business relationships, even if they have not contributed to those impacts.”
Japan, which has not coordinated with allied governments in taking concrete action to press the Myanmar military to end its abuses, should impose targeted sanctions on junta leaders and military-owned entities, and ensure compliance by Japanese companies such as Yokogawa Bridge Corp..
“The Japanese government should stop providing funds to the Myanmar military and instead act on behalf of the people of Myanmar,” Kasai said. “Japan should not be enablers of the junta’s atrocity crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-01-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Myanmar’s junta has deployed Russian arms to lethal effect in an escalating civil war but is highly vulnerable to a disruption of those supplies
Description:
"CHIANG MAI – When Myanmar’s military regime drops bombs and launches air strikes on civilian populations, a rising component of its intensifying war against anti-coup and ethnic rebel groups, the aerial assaults owe largely to Russia.
In recent months, Myanmar’s Air Force has used Russia-made Yak-130 jets and Mi-35 helicopters to drop munitions in areas where resistance fighters are known to be active but that have also often hit civilian populations, indiscriminate attacks that rights groups say are tantamount to war crimes.
Myanmar is believed to have at least 20 Yak-130 jets, two-seaters designed to train pilots but commonly used for counterinsurgency operations, including six it received in December 2021.
In October, Janes Information Group reported it had received imagery showing a Russian Kamov KA-29TB assault transport helicopter in operation in the northern Sagaing region, apparently one of five of the gunships Myanmar’s military agreed to buy earlier this year.
In a more recent November delivery, Myanmar received either four or six – reports vary – Russia-made Sukhoi Su-30 multi-role fighters replete with Russian trainers and technicians. Russian military instructors have also been spotted at airfields in Myanmar, presumably to help maintain their attack helicopters but also possibly for targeting advice.
But as Myanmar’s military regime, known as the State Administration Council (SAC), escalates its air war against rebel forces highly vulnerable to aerial attacks, its dependence on Moscow for its arms, supplies and assistance is both a source of strength and weakness that could have a significant bearing on the future course of the civil war.
Russia’s war against Ukraine, by any honest measure, has been a military disaster, with Moscow losing more men and materiel than in any armed conflict since World War II. As the losses mount and conflict intensifies, it is questionable whether Russia will have enough surplus military hardware and parts for export to far-flung customers like Myanmar.
Myanmar’s junta sought to enhance its alliance with Moscow last year, seen in its frequent expressions of support for its invasion of Ukraine. On February 25, SAC spokesman Major-General Zaw Min Tun said that Russia’s military had “carried out what is justified for the sustainability of their country’s sovereignty” and that the war proved Moscow’s “position as a world power.”
Junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has visited Russia at least three times since seizing power in a February 1, 2021 coup. He reportedly told Russia’s defense minister in June of that year that “thanks to Russia, our army has become one of the strongest in the region.”
During Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to Moscow in September last year, the general met with President Vladimir Putin and toured a plant producing fighter jets. Moscow, meanwhile, has backed the democracy-suspending junta’s bid to be recognized as Myanmar’s legitimate government by officially referring to Min Aung Hlaing as “prime minister.”
Myanmar’s special relationship with Russia began nearly three decades ago when the ruling generals sought to mitigate their heavy dependence on China for military hardware. Then, Beijing filled the gap when the country was placed under Western sanctions following the bloody suppression of a nationwide uprising for democracy in 1988.
The first contacts were forged in the 1990s when Russian dignitaries began visiting the country. Moscow sold its first consignment of four MiG-29 jet fighters to Myanmar in 2001, which was followed by another ten MiGs the following year.
Russia has since sold Myanmar’s generals Hind Mi-35 helicopter gunships, Mi-17 transport helicopters, Yak-130 ground attack aircraft, light armored vehicles as well as heavy machine guns and rocket launchers.
As many as 5,000 Myanmar soldiers and scientists have studied at Russian military schools since the early 1990s, more than from any other Southeast Asian country including old Cold War ally Vietnam.
In 2007, Russia also signed an agreement to build a nuclear research reactor in Myanmar but construction was delayed due to costs and the controversial project was not apparently any longer on the drawing board before the February 2021 democracy-suspending coup.
However, Alexey Likhachev, director of the state-owned Russian firm Rosatom, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with junta science and technology minister Myo Thein Kyaw in July last year covering “cooperation in training and skills development in the field of nuclear energy and shaping positive public opinion on nuclear energy in Myanmar.”
In September, Likhachev met Min Aung Hlaing on the sidelines of the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok where the two agreed to strengthen atomic energy cooperation including through the possible construction of a modular nuclear reactor in Myanmar.
Despite such big bang pronouncements, no doubt calculated to raise antenna in the West, betting on Russia rather than China as its closest security partner may not turn out as Min Aung Hlaing and his SAC members hope and expect.
If Moscow starts to falter in its military deliveries to Naypyidaw, as some analysts see as likely, Myanmar’s generals may soon be forced to swallow their pride and again go hat in hand to Beijing for military arms and related assistance in yet another hour of sanctions-induced need.
Russia, for its part, has vowed to honor arms deals signed before the coup in Myanmar, including for missile defense systems and fighter jets, but that was before the war in Ukraine took such a heavy toll on Russia’s weapons supplies.
It is no secret that Russian President Vladimir Putin seeks to restore the erstwhile Soviet Union’s old glory, a drive seen in his expansionist war in Ukraine and search for new strategic allies such as Myanmar.
While China has vital strategic interests in Myanmar as the only neighboring country that provides Beijing with direct access to the Indian Ocean, Russia has always been more interested in making money from its arms sales and other commercial engagements with Myanmar.
To be sure, Myanmar is not the only Southeast Asian country to buy military equipment from Russia – others include Vietnam, Indonesia and even Malaysia – but the relationship between Moscow and Myanmar’s generals goes way beyond lucrative arms deals.
Putin’s autocracy and Myanmar’s junta share a similar disdain for Western democracies, human rights and civil liberties. Russia is trying to bomb Ukraine to literal smithereens while junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and his cohorts are doing the same in their own country.
They are, as one Asian analyst who requested anonymity put it, “birds of a feather.” Xi’s China may be in the same autocratic league but China is perceived by the generals as too close for comfort and Russia never supported the once-powerful Communist Party of Burma, which waged a bloody civil war against the government then in Yangon.
The generals have not likely forgotten that the communist rulers in Beijing provided massive military aid and support to their then-ideological comrades in Myanmar during the decade spanning 1968-78.
Moscow has been able to leverage that lingering distrust, despite its comparative lack of commercial offerings. In August last year, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Myanmar to discuss what the official news agency Tass described as “security and economic issues.”
That was followed in November by a visit to Moscow by SAC minister for transport and communications, Admiral Tin Aung San, where several new cooperative agreements were concluded.
Among them, Russia vaguely pledged to help develop Myanmar’s railroads, an infrastructure area where Beijing is active through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Less strategically, the two sides announced that Myanmar International Airways will as of “early 2023” operate direct flights between Yangon and the three Far East Russian cities of Vladivostok, Novosibirsk and Krasnoyarsk.
It is hard to imagine that there will anytime soon be an influx of tourists to Myanmar from Siberia, where those cities are located, or that Myanmar vacationers would want to spend their holidays in such frigid locales.
However, there are important military installations and training facilities in the far-flung Russian cities, meaning the flight agreement is likely more militarily than commercially motivated..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2023-01-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, “One Belt, One Road” initiative
Language:
more
Description:
"An application for a criminal investigation into the activities of the NASDAQ-listed Israeli surveillance firm Cognyte Software Ltd and officials from the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been filed with Israel’s Attorney General, over the suspected aiding and abetting of crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
The application concerns Cognyte winning a tender from the state-owned Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) for a fixed data lawful interception gateway in 2020, with knowledge that it would provide the Myanmar military with capabilities to tap the calls of activists, journalists and politicians, thereby supporting the military’s international crimes. At the time, no safeguards were in place to protect the people of Myanmar from military surveillance.
The application:
argues that Cognyte and officials in Israel’s Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs aided and abetted crimes against humanity by supplying the Myanmar military with access to surveillance equipment knowing that the military was committing atrocity crimes;
calls for concerned individuals to be prosecuted under Israel’s Penal Code;
calls on Israeli authorities to immediately seize relevant documents from the offices of Cognyte, the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to avoid the concealment of evidence and potential disruption to the investigation.
The application was filed with Israel’s Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara on January 2 by the advocate Eitay Mack on behalf of more than 60 Israeli citizens, among them the former speaker of the Knesset Avraham ("Avrum") Burg, prominent academics Prof. Eva Illouz, and Prof. Ruth HaCohen Pinczower, and human rights activists.
JFM calls on Israel’s Attorney General to take urgent action in response to the application.
Cognyte’s Myanmar tender was revealed in leaked documents published by Justice For Myanmar.
Since the illegal coup attempt, the junta has built up a digital arsenal that supports its crimes against humanity, which have included the murder of more than 2,700 people and the arbitrarily arrest of more than 17,200, who face widespread torture.
In its 2021 country report on human rights in Myanmar, the US State Department found that “the regime regularly monitored private electronic communications through online surveillance; there were numerous reports that the regime monitored prodemocracy supporters” and that the military bought surveillance technology before its coup attempt.
MPT is controlled by the junta, and is jointly operated by the Japanese multinationals KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation.
In addition to the complaint for a criminal investigation, a letter has been sent to Israel’s Defense Exports Controls Agency (DECA) of the Ministry of Defense demanding it immediately cancel export and marketing licences granted to Cognyte for interception equipment to Myanmar.
Cognyte, formerly Verint Systems, has a history of selling surveillance technology to notorious regimes, including South Sudan, and it has been banned from Facebook. Last month, Norway’s sovereign wealth fund decided to exclude Cognyte over human rights concerns.
Cognyte has partnered with Khine Thitsar Company Limited, a Myanmar company whose owner Justice For Myanmar recently identified as brokering the supply of arms through an associated company, Bamar Pte Ltd. Khine Thitsar updated its website in the past weeks to list Cognyte as a partner and vendor.
According to a Justice For Myanmar source, Khine Thitsar received a payment from Cognyte in October 2021, more than eight months after the military launched its coup attempt.
The application for a criminal investigation follows a similar 2018 submission by Eitay Mack into the aiding and abetting of atrocity crimes by Israelis who exported arms to Myanmar; and a 2022 application requesting a criminal investigation into corruption over Israeli arms companies’ dealings with the Myanmar broker Dr Tun Min Latt and his conglomerate, Star Sapphire Group.
Justice For Myanmar is concerned that the 2018 complaint has not yet led to a criminal investigation and calls for it to be expedited.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The complaint filed against Cognyte and Israeli officials raise urgent questions over Israeli support for the Myanmar military’s surveillance capabilities, which it uses to commit crimes against humanity.
“Cognyte’s contract with MPT comes in the aftermath of the Myanmar military’s crime of genocide against the Rohingya, and in a context where there were no safeguards to protect the people of Myanmar from military surveillance.
“It is inexcusable that Israeli officials approved Cognyte’s business in Myanmar, which has continued following the military’s coup attempt.
“Israeli officials and those in Cognyte who have enabled the supply of arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military, aiding and abetting international crimes, must be held accountable.
“Cognyte’s business with MPT also raises serious questions for its joint operators, KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation, who have failed to fulfil their international human rights responsibilities.
“We call on KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation to immediately end all technical and financial support to the Myanmar junta, or responsibly divest.
“Investors in Cognyte, KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation should use their leverage to pressure these companies to end support for the junta immediately, or divest.
“Governments must urgently do more to cut the junta’s access to surveillance equipment, arms and funds, including through sanctions on Khine Thitsar Company Limited, the individuals involved and all other military brokers.”
Eitay Mack, Advocate, says: “The state of Israel has played a very important role in the establishment and organisation of the Myanmar military through its military aid, which has included weapons, training and military knowledge. The Myanmar military has used these with the intention to attack the people of Myanmar in an attempt to illegally seize power.
“Until now it was known that due to a petition to the High Court of Justice and huge public and media outrage in Israel, at the beginning of 2018 Israel’s Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to stop all Israeli military exports to Myanmar and all Israeli defense companies stopped their activities there. This is what was said repeatedly to journalists, Knesset members and other individuals who contacted the MOD and the MFA.
“Now, JFM managed to prove that Israel’s MOD and MFA have lied, and again prioritised their interests with the Myanmar military over international law and any sense of morality.
“The danger is not theoretical. Cognyte's interception system could help the military’s manhunting of democracy activists and journalists. The fate of anyone in Myanmar located and arrested with the help of Cognyte's interception system would be to suffer the worst horrors.
“Cognyte didn't operate in Myanmar on its own. In order to transfer the company's system to Myanmar, it needed an export license, and even the participation of Cognyte in the tender in Myanmar required a marketing license, both from Israel’s MOD and MFA.
“This is why Cognyte and all the Israeli officials who allowed its operation in Myanmar must be brought to justice.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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207.85 KB 149.8 KB 1.54 MB 1.6 MB
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Sub-title:
ASEAN Countries Should Adopt Tough Sanctions against Junta
Description:
"(Jakarta) – Myanmar’s junta has been responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity since the military coup in February 2021, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2023. The security forces have been implicated in mass killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, sexual violence, and attacks on civilians in conflict areas. Amid a post-coup economic crisis, the junta has severely hindered the delivery of humanitarian aid to communities most at risk.
Member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which Indonesia will chair in 2023, should coordinate to support targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military’s major revenue streams.
“Ending the Myanmar junta’s widespread abuses needs a global commitment to impose pressure through targeted sanctions and accountability for atrocities,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Indonesia as ASEAN chair should take the lead in imposing concrete measures that will curtail the junta’s ability to violate the rights of its citizens.”
In the 712-page World Report 2023, its 33rd edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in close to 100 countries. In her introductory essay, acting Executive Director Tirana Hassan says that in a world in which power has shifted, it is no longer possible to rely on a small group of mostly Global North governments to defend human rights. The world’s mobilization around Russia’s war in Ukraine reminds us of the extraordinary potential when governments realize their human rights obligations on a global scale. The responsibility is on individual countries, big and small, to apply a human rights framework to their policies, and then work together to protect and promote human rights.
Since the coup, Myanmar’s security forces have arbitrarily arrested more than 16,000 pro-democracy activists and supporters and killed at least 2,300, according to the nongovernmental Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. In July, the military executed four political prisoners in Myanmar’s first use of the death penalty in over three decades. The National League for Democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is serving a 33-year sentence after closed military trials for corruption, incitement, breaching the Official Secrets Act, and other politically motivated charges.
The Myanmar military has carried out indiscriminate ground and air attacks that have resulted in numerous civilian deaths. Fighting since the coup has displaced over one million people internally, with another 70,000 refugees fleeing into neighboring countries.
The junta has blocked desperately needed humanitarian aid from reaching millions of displaced people and others at risk, in violation of international humanitarian law. Across the country, security forces imposed new travel restrictions and attacked aid workers, blocked access to roads and aid convoys, destroyed non-military supplies, and shut down telecommunications services.
In Rakhine State, new restrictions on movement and aid affecting ethnic Rohingya camps and villages exacerbated water scarcity and food shortages, increasing cases of preventable diseases and severe malnutrition. Escalating hostilities between the Arakan Army armed group and the Myanmar military resulted in Rohingya and Rakhine civilian deaths, arbitrary arrests, and displacement.
Key international actors such as the European Union, United States, United Kingdom, and Canada have imposed targeted sanctions on senior military and junta officials and some junta entities. However, countries in the Asia-Pacific region, notably ASEAN member countries, Australia, and Japan have not taken meaningful actions against the junta, undermining efforts by other governments, Human Rights Watch said..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"The title of a luxury Bangkok condo and two Siam Commercial Bank passbooks belonging to the children of junta head and war criminal Min Aung Hlaing were among items confiscated during the arrest of Myanmar crony arms broker Tun Min Latt, Justice For Myanmar has revealed in a report today, based on the seizure record.
Tun Min Latt and three of his associates were arrested in dawn raids in Bangkok on September 17 and were indicted on December 13 on drug trafficking, money laundering and transnational organised crime charges.
Justice For Myanmar understands that Thai authorities have not seized the assets of Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon, despite evidence linking them to Tun Min Latt’s alleged criminal activities.
The title documents for a number of properties were confiscated belonging to Tun Min Latt and associates in his network.
Among them, a four-bedroom condo in Belle Rama 9 belonging to Aung Pyae Sone, Min Aung Hlaing’s son.
Comparable condos in Belle Rama 9 are being advertised for close to US$ 1 million.
The Siam Commercial Bank passbooks belong to Khin Thiri Thet Mon, Min Aung Hlaing’s daughter.
The condo title and passbooks were in the possession of Tun Min Latt at the time of his arrest.
Min Aung Hlaing and his two children are sanctioned by the US and Canada.
The revelations come as Min Aung Hlaing has maintained a close personal relationship with Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, who became Prime Minister after leading a military coup in 2014. Thailand provides substantial support to the illegal junta through the purchase of natural gas.
Justice For Myanmar urges Thai authorities to seize the assets of Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon and investigate whether they have benefited from the proceeds of crime, and to block junta members, their families and enablers from accessing Thai banks and purchasing assets in Thailand.
Justice Myanmar calls on Thai banks to close accounts held by junta members, cronies and their families sanctioned in other jurisdictions.
Justice For Myanmar further calls on governments to urgently sanction financial enablers of the junta to cut its access to funds and block opportunities for generals and their families to profit from the illegal coup attempt and steal public assets from the people of Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The fact that Min Aung Hlaing’s children’s assets were in the possession of an international criminal should be a wake-up call to the Thai government and international community.
“Justice For Myanmar urges Thai authorities to seize Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon’s assets and investigate whether they have benefited from the proceeds of Tun Min Latt’s alleged money laundering and drug trafficking and to hold them accountable for any violations of Thai law.
“The Myanmar military junta is both a terrorist organisation and a transnational criminal enterprise, working in partnership with criminal enablers like Tun Min Latt, who co-own a military-owned casino and has brokered arms while committing his alleged criminal activities.
“While the junta continues waging its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, the families of junta members are hiding their stolen assets offshore, as they benefit from the military’s genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Thailand and other governments must urgently block the transfer of stolen assets from Myanmar and close access to the international financial system for junta members and their families, or risk complicity in the junta’s international crimes and corruption.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-1-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Political History
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Description:
"Six civil society organizations that work on business and human rights sent a letter dated September 30, 2022 to 160 major investors in MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, and Mizuho Bank, major Japanese banks that are investing or lending to projects that may benefit the Myanmar military, or that hold shares in companies that may be complicit in human rights violations in Myanmar. In their human rights policies, the financial groups that oversee each of the banks, Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, Mitsui Sumitomo Financial Group, and Mizuho Financial Group, support international human rights standards such as the UN Global Compact and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and are expected to implement those standards without fail.
The letter requested that the institutions holding shares in the three banks promptly engage with the banks to take the "measures required of banks" shown in the letter, and that if the three banks do not take measures even after engagement, to consider divestment.
The recipients of the letter included multiple pension funds and mutual aid associations. So far, in addition to the Council on Ethics that manages four pension funds in Sweden that welcomed our input, we have received responses from nine institutions. One of the nine stated that it would conduct engagement, and two others said that they would utilize our request in their analyses of corporations and future engagement. However, the remaining recipients did not disclose information about specific activities including whether or not they were conducting engagement. Further, the recipients included multiple mutual aid associations for civil servants in Japan, but none of the associations even responded to our request.
In Myanmar, the military continues to commit international crimes such as the murder of people including children, unlawful arrest, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance, and torture. Investors may be complicit if they neglect the fact that they hold shares in and receive dividends from companies that are funding these crimes. We strongly urge investors to take action towards improving the human rights situation in Myanmar, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities.
Please refer to the letter linked below for further details.
[English] "Call for Engagement to Urge Banks to Take Measures to Stop the Flow of Funds to the Myanmar Military," dated September 30, 2022, sent to 160 institutional investors holding shares in MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, or Mizuho Bank..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, Network Against Japan Arms Trade, ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation and Japan International Volunteer Center
Date of publication:
2023-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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66.4 KB 108.52 KB
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Description:
"Six civil society organizations that work on business and human rights sent a letter dated September 30, 2022 to 160 major investors in MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, and Mizuho Bank, major Japanese banks that are investing or lending to projects that may benefit the Myanmar military, or that hold shares in companies that may be complicit in human rights violations in Myanmar. In their human rights policies, the financial groups that oversee each of the banks, Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, Mitsui Sumitomo Financial Group, and Mizuho Financial Group, support international human rights standards such as the UN Global Compact and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and are expected to implement those standards without fail.
The letter requested that the institutions holding shares in the three banks promptly engage with the banks to take the "measures required of banks" shown in the letter, and that if the three banks do not take measures even after engagement, to consider divestment.
The recipients of the letter included multiple pension funds and mutual aid associations. So far, in addition to the Council on Ethics that manages four pension funds in Sweden that welcomed our input, we have received responses from nine institutions. One of the nine stated that it would conduct engagement, and two others said that they would utilize our request in their analyses of corporations and future engagement. However, the remaining recipients did not disclose information about specific activities including whether or not they were conducting engagement. Further, the recipients included multiple mutual aid associations for civil servants in Japan, but none of the associations even responded to our request.
In Myanmar, the military continues to commit international crimes such as the murder of people including children, unlawful arrest, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance, and torture. Investors may be complicit if they neglect the fact that they hold shares in and receive dividends from companies that are funding these crimes. We strongly urge investors to take action towards improving the human rights situation in Myanmar, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities.
Please refer to the letter linked below for further details.
[English] "Call for Engagement to Urge Banks to Take Measures to Stop the Flow of Funds to the Myanmar Military," dated September 30, 2022, sent to 160 institutional investors holding shares in MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, or Mizuho Bank..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, Network Against Japan Arms Trade, ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation and Japan International Volunteer Center
Date of publication:
2023-01-06
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
66.4 KB 108.52 KB
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Description:
"The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group is divesting from Yoma Bank, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed through a source with knowledge of the transaction.
IFC owns 4.5% of Yoma Bank and is selling all its shares to First Myanmar Investment (FMI) for US$5 million, which equals the value IFC used to convert its 2014 loan to equity, which it completed in 2019.
IFC signed a share sales agreement with FMI and Yoma Bank on December 12, 2022.
The IFC’s divestment comes amid the Spring Revolution, with mass pressure from the people of Myanmar for companies to cut ties with the junta and its conglomerates. Yoma Bank has a record of doing business with the military and its conglomerates, which stand accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In 2020, Yoma Bank gave a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a Myanmar company owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported the company to build towers for the military-owned mobile operator, Mytel.
Last month, Justice For Myanmar disclosed that as of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for Telecom International Myanmar, the owner of Mytel.
Also in November, a release of records from the military owned Innwa Bank by Distributed Denial of Secrets exposed over 200 transactions with Yoma Bank. Innwa Bank’s parent company, Myanmar Economic Corporation, is sanctioned by the US, EU, UK and Canada.
Last month, the Australian bank ANZ announced it is exiting Myanmar after its transactions with Innwa Bank were exposed.
Yoma Bank is controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors.
Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, owns 10.6%.
FMI is buying out IFC’s shares through a transaction with Pun Holdings (HK) Limited, a holding company in Hong Kong.
Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank’s remaining international investors, Norfund and GIC, to use their leverage to stop the bank’s business with the military junta, its conglomerates and partners or responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights obligations.
IFC did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding responsible disengagement from Yoma Bank.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "IFC’s divestment from Yoma Bank is a positive step if it cannot prevent the bank from doing business with the Myanmar military, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“We urge IFC to responsibly disengage from Yoma Bank, in consultation with the National Unity Government, which is the legitimate government of Myanmar.
“IFC should be transparent over their divestment plans, human rights due diligence and any attempts they made to prevent Yoma Bank’s business with the junta and its conglomerates.
“IFC acquired equity in Yoma Bank following the Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of genocide against the Rohingya, and should have done its due diligence at the time on the bank’s support for the Myanmar military, its businesses and associates.
“The fact that IFC failed to prevent Yoma Bank’s support for military businesses and Min Aung Hlaing’s own family suggests serious human rights failings that requires investigation and rectification if IFC plans to continue operating in Myanmar.
“IFC also must also stop renting an office in Sule Square, a development on land leased from the US sanctioned Quarter Master General Office, and end any remaining business with the junta, its conglomerates and partners.
“We call on Yoma Bank’s remaining international investors, Norfund and GIC, to ensure Yoma Bank cuts all ties with the Myanmar junta, its businesses and partners or responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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Size:
160.71 KB
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Sub-title:
The BURMA Act allows the US to engage with the National Unity Government and mandates a plan for sanctions.
Description:
"The U.S. government will be able to engage directly with Myanmar’s government-in-exile and must develop a program of sanctions against the military junta that seized power in last year’s coup, according to a new law passed by Congress as part of a military spending bill.
The Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2022 – or BURMA Act – was passed by the Senate as part of the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act on Thursday night, after the House passed the gargantuan annual spending package a week prior.
The act enables the United States to engage directly with groups opposing the junta, including the National Unity Government, National Unity Consultative Council, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, and to provide non-lethal support to the People’s Defense Forces and Ethnic Armed Organizations in Myanmar.
It also forces the Biden administration to introduce a program of sanctions against the junta and its supporters, as well as anyone who has helped to undermine the country’s democratic institutions.
Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), the outgoing chair of the House Foreign Relations Committee, on Dec. 8 said the BURMA Act was “a major victory for the people of Burma who are fighting for democracy” and “a critical step in holding the murderous Burmese military accountable.”
The law would add “targeted sanctions on those responsible for the coup, those responsible for committing human rights abuses, and the state-owned companies bankrolling the junta,” Meeks said.
Government-in-exile
The act was welcomed by Myanmar’s government-in-exile.
"The National Unity Government (NUG) and the pro-democracy forces of Myanmar applaud passage today by the US Congress of the Burma Act,” NUG Acting President Duwa Lashi La said in a statement on Friday, praising the mandate for more sanctions against the junta.
“This important law clearly sets out United States policy to support the people of Myanmar … and our allied organizations in our struggle against the junta for democracy, human rights, and justice,” he said.
Nicole Cochran, the Burma program officer at the United States Institute for Peace, told Radio Free Asia that one of the biggest impacts of the law would be in allowing U.S. authorities to engage with the anti-junta organizations hoping to restore civilian government.
“Historically, the U.S. has been precluded from engaging with these actors. The authorization is important because they will be a critical part of the solution to the current crisis,” Cochran said, adding the bill would also force “stability and coherence” to American sanctions.
“Without this legislation, the State Department’s Office of Sanctions Coordination could have created a comprehensive policy on Burma-related sanctions,” she said. “With this legislation, they will have to.”
Zachary Abuza, a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, said the BURMA Act represented “Congress's way of forcing the administration's hand,” which he said had been resisting introducing some sanctions “largely due to Thai pressure.”
In particular, he noted Thai opposition to sanctions on the junta’s Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise company, which the new law explicitly targets for sanctions by the administration in one section.
“In the 2022 NDAA, [Congress] pushed the administration to increase its contacts with the NUG, which it did,” Abuza said. “This act paves the way for more aid and assistance to the NUG, PDFs, and EAOs, but it's really not clear how the administration will implement it.”
Abuza added it was not clear the bill would make a big difference in returning Myanmar to democracy, explaining that the U.S. government was “still not doing enough to cripple the regime economically”
“The sanctions have been inconsistent and insufficient,” he said. “The longer this conflict drags out, the more it favors the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"Twenty-six workers from the Myanmar Pou Chen Co. factory, which makes shoes for Adidas, have asked the global sportswear brand to investigate labor conditions there and help them get back their jobs back.
“The brand’s knowledge [of working conditions] and our actual situation may be very different. So I would like them to closely observe what is happening on the ground and stand with our workers,” said Ma Phyo Thida Win, 26, a labor union president at the Myanmar Pou Chen factory.
The workers were fired in October after leading a three-day strike at the factory in Shwe Pyi Thar Township, Yangon, over 21 points including low wages and workplace discrimination.
The Myanmar Pou Chen plant produces over 38,000 pairs of Adidas shoes per day under Taiwanese ownership.
The workers demanded a rise in the daily wage from 4,800 kyats to 8,000 kyats amid economic hardship and soaring prices for everyday goods. The factory management rejected the demand.
The first day of the strike saw a truck full of soldiers deployed to the factory. An army officer then used threats and intimidation in an effort to break up the strike, workers said. The strikers remained within the factory grounds over fear of a crackdown if they ventured on to the streets.
“But the military truck with about two-dozen armed soldiers followed us everywhere we marched inside the factory estate,” said one worker, speaking on condition of anonymity for safety reasons.
The strike swelled to around 2,000 workers on Oct 27.
The Pou Chen factory employs around 7,000 workers and is one of the biggest shoe factories in Myanmar.
On October 28, the factory management announced it had fired 26 unionized workers for breaching employment contracts. Security guards ejected the 26 from the factory, according to the union.
The factory management declined to comment.
Workers inside the factory attempted to continue the strike without the unionists, but were threatened with dismissal by the management and arrest by the soldiers.
The Labour Relations Department held three meetings over the dispute in November, but the factory management refused to reinstate the 26 workers.
The workers then filed a case with the Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population in Naypyitaw, explaining that union leader Ma Phyo Thida Win had worked at Pou Chen for over four years.
The ministry handed the case to Shwe Pyi Thar Township Labor Department, which held meetings with those involved in the dispute on Nov. 22, 25 and Dec. 8.
However, the factory management still refused to take the workers back, and instead proposed financial compensation. The workers declined the offer, asking only for their jobs back.
“Under labor law, this case is considered a personal dispute between the workers and the employer. If the workers are not satisfied, they can sue the factory owner in a civil court. But we don’t trust the judicial system under the junta, so, the only option left to us is to go to Adidas,” said a labor rights activist who is assisting the Pou Chen workers..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-12-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Economic, social and cultural rights, Business and the Military
Language:
more
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of Canadian sanctions in response to the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, to mark Human Rights Day.
Canada is the first jurisdiction to impose sanctions on Myanmar military jet fuel suppliers, designating Asia Sun Group, a Myanmar conglomerate.
Asia Sun Group is a local partner of the Myanmar military and is involved in procuring, storing and distributing jet fuel. Asia Sun has been found to import aviation fuel and directly deliver it to the Myanmar military.
Asia Sun Group’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar.
The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. Recent indiscriminate air strikes have included an attack on a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 80 people and an attack on a school in Sagaing, killing at least 12 people.
Canada also sanctioned key Myanmar military arms brokers, Dynasty International Company Limited and International Gateways Group.
Dynasty International Company Limited has brokered the purchase of arms and related equipment for the Myanmar military from Belarus, Russia and Germany.
International Gateways Group is a key broker of arms for the Myanmar military from China.
Dynasty International and International Gateways Group have also been sanctioned by the US and UK.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Canada’s latest round of sanctions, the first in the world to target the Myanmar military’s aviation fuel supply chain, as the junta carries out repeated aerial attacks that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“This is a win for the Spring Revolution, in which the people of Myanmar have categorically rejected and resisted the terrorist military junta, effectively preventing them from taking control of Myanmar, and for civil society that has campaigned for sanctions on jet fuel.
“However, far more needs to be done to cut the military’s supply of jet fuel and arms.
“We call on the US, UK, EU, Australia, Japan and South Korea to urgently follow Canada and coordinate sanctions against Asia Sun Group and all individuals involved.
“Governments should also immediately sanction Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE), ban the export of aviation fuel to Myanmar and sanction all arms brokers to stop the junta’s ability to carry out its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
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114.08 KB
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Description:
"Whereas the Governor in Council is of the opinion that the situation in Burma constitutes a grave breach of international peace and security that has resulted or is likely to result in a serious international crisis;
Therefore, Her Excellency the Governor General in Council, on the recommendation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, makes the annexed Regulations Amending the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations under subsections 4(1)a, (1.1)b, (2)c and (3) of the Special Economic Measures Actd.
a S.C. 2022, c. 10, s. 438(1)
b S.C. 2017, c. 21, s. 17(2)
c S.C. 2022, c. 10, s. 438(2)
d S.C. 1992, c. 17
Amendments
1 Part 1 of the schedule to the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations1 is amended by adding the following in numerical order:
61 Dynasty International Company Limited
International Gateways Group
Asia Sun Group
2 Part 2 of the schedule to the Regulations is amended by adding the following in numerical order:
Zaw Min Tun
Maung Maung Ohn (also known among other names as Mg Mg Ohn)
Tun Tun Naung
Khin Maung Yi
Myo Myint Oo
Thaung Han
Win Shein
Ko Ko Lwin
Aung Soe
Zin Min Htet
Hlaing Moe Myint
Myo Thitsar
Application Before Publication
3 For the purpose of paragraph 11(2)(a) of the Statutory Instruments Act, these Regulations apply according to their terms before they are published in the Canada Gazette..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
Language:
more
Description:
"Backgrounder
Effective immediately, Canada is imposing sanctions against the following individuals and entities in relation to the coup perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces on February 1, 2021.
Canadian measures
The Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations impose on listed persons a prohibition on any transaction (effectively, an asset freeze) by prohibiting persons in Canada and Canadians outside Canada from engaging in any activity related to any property of these listed persons or providing financial or related services to them.
The specific prohibitions are set out in the regulations.
The names of the individuals and entities added to the schedule of these regulations are the following:
Individuals
(1) Zaw Min Tun; (2) Maung Maung Ohn; (3) Tun Tun Naung; (4) Khin Maung Yi; (5) Myo Myint Oo; (6) Thaung Han; (7) Win Shein; (8) Ko Ko Lwin; (9) Aung Soe; (10) Zin Min Htet; (11) Hlaing Moe Myint; and (12) Myo Thitsar.
Entities
(1) Dynasty International Company Limited; (2) International Gateways Group; and (3) Asia Sun Group..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new sanctions announced by the British government, this time focused on perpetrators of sexual violence.
The British government has announced the following sanctions:
The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs
The 33rd Light Infantry Division (33 LID) of the Myanmar Army
The 99 Light Infantry Division (99 LID) of the Myanmar Army
The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs has been sanctioned because of its responsibility for the use of torture, including sexual violence, against human rights and democracy activists who are illegally detained in Burma.
Light Infantry Divisions 99 and 33 have belatedly been sanctioned for their use of sexual violence during the military offensives against the Rohingya more than six years ago.
“These new sanctions are welcome, but the pace of implementation of sanctions is far too slow,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There were reports of sexual violence against arrested protesters in March 2021, and the mass rape of Rohingya women took place in 2016 and 2017. Why is there such a big time-lag between these crimes and the sanctions? Ministers must allocate more resources to swiftly implementing targeted sanctions. There are numerous companies funding the Burmese military which haven’t been sanctioned yet. British companies are still involved in the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar, despite airstrikes against civilians causing a human rights and humanitarian crisis.”
Burma Campaign UK has praised the British government for leading international efforts to cut off supplies of arms and money to the Burmese military, which launched an attempted coup in February 2021. However, successive Foreign Office ministers have failed to allocate enough resources into swiftly doing everything they can to cut off supplies of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military.
Today 516 civil society organisations wrote to British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly calling on him to swiftly implement sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"A legal compliance review of Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore (ETC) released on Friday outlines steps for the company to evade sanctions and continue its business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office.
ETC commissioned Kelvin Chia Partnership (KCP) for the review in response to regulatory actions taken by Singapore Exchange regulators in February 2021.
Regulatory actions followed Justice For Myanmar’s publication of an investigation into ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office for the Golden City real estate development.
Justice For Myanmar’s investigation found that ETC’s payments to the Quartermaster General Office, which purchases weapons, finances the military’s international crimes.
The ETC legal review’s executive summary outlines steps for the company to avoid being caught by unilateral sanctions, advising the company to ensure that its businesses, shareholders, management and staff, are not US or UK persons; that those persons do not own any property or have financial interests in the US, UK or EU; and that the company does not do any sales or other business activities in the US, UK or EU.
The legal review also advises ETC to use third-party independent contractors to keep an arms length if the company or its customers need to import and install any equipment or machinery from the US, UK or EU for use in Golden City.
The review states that conclusions regarding potential sanctions enforcement are contingent on payments to the Myanmar army being made in kyat, although the lease agreement with the army and the land lease account is in US dollars.
This advice may encourage ETC to increase measures to evade sanctions, continue its business with the Myanmar army and attempt to resume trading in Singapore, while financing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
ETC, its directors, shareholders and subsidiaries have continued links to jurisdictions that have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military in response to its coup attempt.
The subsidiary ETC uses to channel investment into Myanmar, Uni Global Power, has four shareholders that are entities registered in the British Virgin Islands, a UK overseas territory with sanctions in place on the Myanmar military. These entities include Asiabiz Services Limited, whose sole shareholder is ETC director Zhu Xiaolin, D3 Capital Limited, whose sole shareholders are immediate family members of ETC director Teo Cheng Kwee, and Consortium Investments Limited, fully owned by ETC’s Senior Vice President and Regional General Manager for Myanmar, Lai Xuejun.
While the legal review’s executive summary does not directly address Uni Global Power’s shareholders in relation to their legal status in the British Virgin Islands, it notes that “there is a continuing risk that the activities of Minority Shareholders may be imputed to the Company or GL, first, upon the broad exercise by relevant authorities of their broad discretion to enforce relevant sanctions regulations and second, by virtue of the minority rights in favour of the Minority Shareholders, and UGP’s minority shareholders indirect rights to block shareholders’ resolutions”.
ETC’s legal review warns the company that “particular care should be exercised by the Company and GL in its financial dealings, specifically with banks and financial institutions” and notes continued legal risks from its relationships with banks that have transacted the company’s funds with US banks.
ETC’s creditors include E.SUN Commercial Bank of Taiwan, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and the Myanmar crony owned Kanbawza Bank, which are named in the legal review’s executive summary.
The company also remains in a “strategic collaboration” with Yoma Bank to finance Myanmar buyers of apartments in Golden City. Yoma Bank’s shareholders include the Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group, based in jurisdictions with sanctions against the Myanmar military. Yoma Bank and Golden City were jointly advertising discounted financing for local buyers as recently as November 2022.
The review warns against the use of goods, services and technology of US, UK or EU origin – presumably to avoid sanctions – in the maintenance and upkeep of machinery and equipment used in the Golden City complex. This suggests that the company’s business with Jardine Schindler, a joint venture of Schindler Group of Switzerland, may also be implicated in sanctions breaches. As of 2015, there were 27 Schindler elevators installed in Golden City, yet Switzerland has sanctions in place against the Myanmar military.
Exclusion of international law from review
Concerningly, ETC knowingly excluded the serious international legal implications of ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office in its legal review. These implications were the subject of a legal memo written by Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang and published by Justice For Myanmar in October 2021.
The legal memo found that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, such as transactions from ETC to the Myanmar army, and raised the possibility of reputational and sanctions risks for the SGX, its regulator the Monetary Authority of Singapore, and by extension, the Government of Singapore, should it not prevent continued payments from ETC to the Myanmar army.
The legal memo warned of ETC and SGX’s responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, and liability under international human rights and humanitarian law.
The legal memo also warned that the legal review then underway did not appear to consider international laws within its scope, inconsistent with the expectations of SGX in its own guidance to listed companies and their sponsors.
According to ETC announcements, the company received comments from SGX RegCo in October 2021 and undertook a follow-on engagement with KCP to address issues raised in the legal memo within the then ongoing legal review.
However, KCP states that they “have not considered as part of the Report the risk of liability under international law, including particularly international human rights law”, noting the exposure of ETC and its shareholders, directors and employees to the company’s business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office.
In circumstances where SGX RegCo has told them specifically to respond to the legal memo authored by the barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang, it appears evasive that ETC has excluded international law from KCP’s review.
Review legitimises junta
The Myanmar military junta was formed illegally in an attempted coup, and is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law. The National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, based on a popular mandate from the people of Myanmar through the 2020 election, designated the Myanmar military as a terrorist organisation under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law on June 7, 2021.
However, ETC’s legal review states that the Myanmar military has not been designated a terrorist organisation under Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law and, therefore concludes that lease payments to the Quarter Master General Office do not amount to terrorist financing. The review could only adopt this conclusion if the laws accepted to be the laws of Myanmar are those of the junta rather than those of the NUG. The people of Myanmar exercised their right to choose their own government, a right protected under international law, and the legal review has chosen to recognise the laws of an illegally installed occupier.
Justice For Myanmar asked ETC why its liability under international law was excluded from the review, why the review advised on sanctions evasion and why the review chooses to adopt junta law over NUG law, thereby recognising the illegal junta as the government of Myanmar. ETC did not respond.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "ETC’s legal review is a bad faith attempt to resume business as usual with the Myanmar army, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“ETC’s review encourages the evasion of sanctions on the Quarter Master General Office, while continuing its payments that help finance the bombs and jet fuel the military needs for its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Shockingly, ETC has omitted discussion of its liability under international criminal law, presumably because it knows the result will further outline the company’s complicity with the Myanmar military’s international crimes. This is unacceptable.
“As Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang have demonstrated, SGX and the Singaporean government may be liable under international law for ETC’s continued business with the Myanmar army.
“We urge SGX RegCo and the Government of Singapore to delist ETC unless the company ends all direct and indirect business links with the Myanmar military junta, and prevent its payments to the Myanmar army.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
187.38 KB
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today called on the Qatari government, currently hosting the football world cup, to stop allowing cargo vessels owned by the Burmese military to dock at ports in Qatar.
Cargo vessel U Thar is owned by Myanma Five Star Line, which in turn is owned by the Burmese military-owned conglomerate Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. It is currently docked at state-owned Hamad port in Qatar.
Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd has been sanctioned by the UK, USA, Canada, and EU because of its role in funding the Burmese military, and thereby helping to fund the human rights violations they commit.
At the United Nations, Qatar has supported resolutions calling for an end to human rights violations by the Burmese military. As a member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Qatar has supported the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice.
“By allowing Burmese military-owned vessels to use Qatari ports, Qatar is helping the Burmese military to raise funds to commit the human rights violations which Qatar condemns,” said Mark Farmaner, Director at Burma Campaign UK. “It is not consistent for Qatar to condemn human rights violations by the Burmese military but do business with them at the same time. Qatar must ban the Burmese military from using its ports.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-11-26
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Yoma Bank is providing banking services to Telecom International Myanmar Company Limited, the operator of the Myanmar military’s Mytel mobile network.
As of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for the company, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed.
Yoma is a Myanmar bank controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors.
Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution Norfund owns 10.6%. The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group owns 4.5%.
Telecom International Myanmar is a joint venture of the miliary conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada. Other Mytel shareholders are Viettel Global Investment of Vietnam’s Ministry of National Defence, and Myanmar National Telecom Holdings, an investment vehicle for Myanmar cronies.
Mytel is incredibly lucrative. Myanmar’s generals benefit through access to Vietnamese investment and technology, and future profits. Justice For Myanmar estimates that Mytel’s Myanmar military owners are projected to earn more than US$700 million in a decade from Mytel’s fifth year of operation.
Mytel also provides the Myanmar military leadership with capabilities for surveillance of troops and the public.
The Myanmar army’s signals directorate is operationally linked to Mytel and the mobile network uses and maintains the military’s network of fibre optic cables. Mytel operates towers on military bases, which are likely used to supplement military communications.
Transaction records from the MEC-owned Innwa Bank, recently released by Distributed Denial of Secrets, revealedmore than 200 transactions with Yoma Bank, including transactions with MEC.
In 2020, Yoma Bank issued a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a tower company co-owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported Pinnacle Asia to build towers for Mytel.
After Justice For Myanmar exposed the Yoma Bank loan to Pinnacle Asia, Norfund spokesperson Ylva Lindberg told Bistandsaktuelt that Yoma Bank will now use the UN Fact-Finding Mission as part of its standard background checks. However, she went on to say that “the military in Myanmar has a very extensive role in society and business, which makes it a demanding exercise to set a limit for indirect connections to the military… It is difficult to draw a clear line for how far the responsibility extends.”
Telecom International Myanmar was identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission as a military business, yet it has remained a Yoma Bank customer.
After the latest revelations, Norfund told Bistandsaktuelt that, according to Yoma Bank, it cannot block transactions between its customers and Innwa Bank unless those accounts are blacklisted by the junta’s central bank, and that Yoma Bank cannot deny accounts to companies.
As the Myanmar junta’s war of terror intensifies, Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank and its investors to immediately end its business with Telecom International Myanmar and all other companies owned by the Myanmar military, which stands accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "Mytel is a strategic resource of the illegal Myanmar military junta and the company aids and abets the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“By providing banking services to Mytel, Yoma Bank is supporting its international law violations.
“Norfund, IFC and GIC have been warned about Yoma Bank's business with the Myanmar military and its associates, yet Yoma Bank’s business with the Myanmar military is continuing.
“If Norfund, IFC and GIC cannot stop their investee, Yoma Bank, from providing services to Mytel and transacting with Innwa Bank, then they should responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"The German Federal Foreign Office is funding the training of Myanmar military junta personnel through a Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law project for the promotion of maritime peace and security in Southeast Asia, in potential violation of EU sanctions.
As part of the program, the Max Planck Foundation has invited the junta to nominate three representatives for a workshop to be held in Singapore from November 28 to December 2, 2022 on maritime security and the law of the sea, confirmed by a Justice For Myanmar source.
Topics to be covered in the workshop include military operations at sea, maritime terrorism, and ways to respond to unilateral sanctions.
The German government is paying the travel and accommodation costs for senior and mid-level junta personnel, including from the junta’s defence ministry. The Myanmar participants are under the control of and serve the State Administration Council (SAC), which is the illegal junta’s executive body.
Earlier this month, the EU sanctioned SAC, and it has previously sanctioned the junta’s leader, Min Aung Hlaing, the junta’s defence minister, Mya Tun Oo, and other junta ministers.
The EU’s recent designation states that “SAC is engaged in actions that threaten the peace, security and stability of Myanmar/Burma”.
Similarly, the war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Mya Tun Oo have both been sanctioned for “[having] been directly involved in and responsible for decision-making concerning state functions and [are] therefore responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma”, and for “[being] directly responsible for [SAC’s] repressive decisions and for serious human rights violations”.
The Max Planck Foundation project supports SAC and at least two EU-sanctioned individuals through the financing of international travel that rewards loyal personnel under their control and equips them with knowledge and skills that assists the junta’s illegal coup attempt.
The benefits of the junta’s participation in the Max Planck Foundation project is all the more strategically important to the sanctioned entity and individuals as the junta only has stable control of 17 per cent of Myanmar territory, meaning capacity-building is of assistance in increasing its control, as the junta intensifies its war of terror against the people. The Max Planck Foundation project provides specific skills to assist the junta’s illegal attempt to take control of Myanmar’s coastline and maritime borders.
Participation in the Max Planck Foundation project also legitimises the junta as the government of Myanmar, an outcome the people of Myanmar have been courageously rejecting for the past 22 months, effectively preventing the junta’s illegal power grab.
By the enablement of such benefits to a sanctioned entity and sanctioned individuals through the provision of funds, the German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Plank Foundation may be in breach of Article 4a(2) of EU sanctions.
The upcoming Singapore workshop is the fifth in a series of six planned activities. Two in-person workshops have been held since the military’s illegal coup attempt, one in Vietnam in September 2022 and one in the Philippines in July 2022.
Junta representatives were funded by the German government to attend the workshop in Vietnam, according to a post by the Max Planck Foundation, which stated that “all ASEAN Member States nominated their representatives, with 26 engaged participants from all 10 ASEAN Member States being able to participate.”
Representatives from nine ASEAN states attended the Philippines workshop and Justice For Myanmar cannot confirm if junta representatives were included.
The Max Planck Foundation maritime peace and security project started in October 2020, before the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, with the objective “to strengthen preventive diplomacy and regional cooperation in SEA to improve maritime peace and security”.
Max Planck Foundation continues to list the program on its website under “current projects in Myanmar”.
Germany has repeatedly spoken out for human rights and democracy in Myanmar through UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions.
German support for the Myanmar military junta through the Max Planck Foundation is inconsistent with its public positions on the crisis in Myanmar and its international human rights obligations.
The German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law did not reply to Justice For Myanmar’s requests for a response.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “By providing support and legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta, the German government and the Max Planck Foundation are emboldening the its atrocity crimes, undermining democracy and potentially breaching EU sanctions.
“The junta is the cause of war and human insecurity in Myanmar. It is deplorable that the German government sees it as appropriate to use public funds to financially support the junta’s participation in a program that purportedly aims to promote peace and security.
“The provision of these funds enable a sanctioned entity and persons and personnel under their control to reward loyalty, gain legitimacy and acquire skills and knowledge that supports the junta’s illegal attempted coup.
“In launching its coup attempt, the junta has killed more than 2,500 and arrested over 16,000 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
“The Myanmar military uses its navy to commit atrocity crimes and other human rights abuses, including the regular interception and arbitrary arrest of Rohingya trying to flee the junta’s ongoing campaign of genocide.
“It is junta officials involved in abuses at sea or people under junta control that are being rewarded with all expenses paid international travel.
“We call on the German government and the Max Planck Foundation to immediately exclude the junta from remaining activities in the “Promoting Maritime Peace and Security in Southeast Asia” program and all other programs, meetings and events.
“We call on the German parliament to urgently investigate why taxpayer money has been used to support members of the Myanmar military junta, and whether such acts constitute breaches of EU sanctions.
“We call on the European Union to further impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its businesses, including a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-24
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Individual Documents
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"Justice For Myanmar cautiously welcomes ANZ’s announcement that they will exit Myanmar by early 2023.
ANZ will be the first international bank to leave Myanmar and its decision follows the blacklisting of Myanmar by the FATF.
Earlier this month, Justice For Myanmar exposed ANZ transactions with Innwa Bank, a subsidiary of the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), found in data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets.
MEC and Innwa Bank are sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada.
ANZ has also facilitated payments from its customers to the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We cautiously welcome ANZ’s decision to leave Myanmar and call on them to responsibly exit.
“This must involve mitigating and remedying the impact on their staff and ensuring that they repatriate all funds so they do not leave a windfall for the terrorist military junta.
“Since the military’s illegal attempted coup, ANZ has transacted with the US, UK and EU sanctioned Innwa Bank and facilitated customer payments to the military junta, enabled by the refusal of the Australian government to sanction the junta and its businesses.
"The Australian government's appalling inaction in response to the crisis in Myanmar undermines its democratic values and international obligations.
“We call on the Australian government to support the people of Myanmar and take a clear stand for democracy and human rights by sanctioning the illegal junta and its businesses.
“ANZ is the first international bank to leave Myanmar and their planned exit is another sign of the destruction the junta is causing to Myanmar’s economy through the military’s coup attempt, war of terror and proliferation of illicit business activities under control of or profiting the military and its associates.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
The US $3.8 billion accounts for more than two-thirds of foreign investment.
Description:
"Myanmar has raked in $3.8 billion in foreign investment in the nation’s key energy sector as key Asian oil firms continue to do business with the military regime despite efforts to reduce cash flows to the junta since the February 2021 coup.
Earlier this month, independent research group the Institute for Strategy and Policy (Myanmar) reported that the junta had attracted U.S. $3.8 billion to Myanmar’s energy sector between its Feb. 1, 2021, takeover and Oct. 30, 2022, or nearly 68% of all foreign investment over the same period.
The report was based on numbers provided by the junta’s Directorate of Investment and Company Administration and comes despite a concerted effort by Western governments to cut off funding to the military regime through sanctions, citing its role in violence that has claimed the lives of at least 2,525 civilians since the coup.
It’s a substantial cash infusion for the junta, which observers expected would be starved of money 20 months after seizing power as foreign companies fled political turmoil and economic mismanagement by the regime. Since December, five major players in the country’s energy sector have announced their departure, including France’s Total, U.S.-based Chevron, Australia’s Woodside, Japan’s Mitsubishi and Malaysia’s Petronas.
However, Soe Thura Tun, minister of energy and electricity for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, questioned the accuracy of the junta’s numbers, which he said only accounted for the total amount of investment without addressing losses incurred from foreign companies leaving the country.
“The reality is that $1 billion came in as new investment while $1 billion of old investment pulled out,” he said.
“But the junta won’t include loss of investment in its calculations and showed only the total figure. I don’t believe that they have as much investment as they claim.”
‘Selfish opportunists’ ignore crisis
Despite the departures since December, companies such as Thailand’s PTTEP, South Korea’s POSCO, India-based ONGC, Nippon Oil of Japan and China-owned CNPC continue to operate in Myanmar and have become the major players in the country’s energy sector, expanding their presence to make up for the gaps.
Soe Thura Tun said that the shadow government is working with the international organizations to cut off that energy sector revenue and other sources of income, which rights groups allege is being used by the junta to crack down on pro-democracy civilians.
The junta, meanwhile, has ignored calls to seek a political compromise, prompting condemnation and sanctions from the global community.
Ko Ye, spokesman for the Blood Money Campaign, which seeks to shut down junta access to foreign income and international business, told RFA that the kind of foreign investment that has entered since the coup is “not good … for countries like Myanmar.”
“This kind of investment at this time of chaos in our country is the work of selfish opportunists,” he said. “Reputable and unbiased investments are hard to come by these days.”
According to Ko Ye, much of the new investment obtained by the junta in 2022 involved fuel, including for aircraft, and electricity production.
The National Unity Government and NGOs such as Blood Money Campaign estimate that as much as 50% of Myanmar’s total revenue comes from the energy and oil and gas sectors, and despite their efforts to reduce how much of that flows to the junta, they have a long way to go.
Junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun acknowledged in May that while energy sector production had seen a “pause” as the result of foreign investment withdrawals, Russia was expected to make up the difference with investments of its own “in the near future.”
Russia, China and ASEAN
A Myanmar-based economist, who spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity, said that while Western sanctions have been effective, China, Russia, and some of Myanmar’s fellow Association of Southeast Asian Nations member states are continuing to prop up the regime with foreign investment.
“The NUG’s attempts to cut off the junta’s sources of income won’t have much of an impact on Russia and China, because those counties have always supported the military regime,” they said.
Than Soe Naing, a political analyst, said Myanmar’s neighboring nations should know how the junta rule has impacted the country more than most.
“We are dealing with selfish neighbors that prioritize their national interest above anything else,” he said.
“That’s why we have seen oil and gas companies from Thailand replace western corporations that pulled out, such as Chevron and Total Energy.”
Myanmar’s Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is estimated to generate U.S. $1.5 billion in annual revenues – or half the country’s foreign currency reserves – signed a deal with Thailand’s PTTEP in August 2014 to cooperate on U.S. $72 billion-worth of energy projects.
Last week, the Blood Money Campaign issued a statement urging Thailand, which recently hosted the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, to stop investing in Myanmar’s energy sector..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ တွင် တရားမဝင် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ၎င်းတို့နှင့်ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့် ခရိုနီများကို စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှု အသစ်များ ထပ်မံ တိုးမြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ လှိုက်လှဲစွာကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
ယခုအချိန်သည် နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၀ နေ့က ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် အများစုက လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည့် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် အထွေထွေ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ၏ ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခု ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်သည့် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ် ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပေါ် ထောက်ခံအားပေးကြောင်း သတင်းစကားပါး လိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအားလည်း သတိပေးလိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်လိုက်သည့် စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုများသည် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ၁၉ ဦးနှင့် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတခုကို အရေးယူလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယခုအကြိမ်သည် ၅ ကြိမ်မြောက် ထပ်လောင်း အရေးယူခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ယခုအကြိမ် အရေးယူမှုသည် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ စစ်လေယာဥ်နှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစိတ်အပိုင်းများ ဝယ်ယူထောက်ပံ့နေ သူများကို ဦးတည်အရေးယူခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါအရေးယူမှုသည် အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၃ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်က အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုက ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ဖျော်ဖြေရေးအခမ်းအနားတခုကို လေကြောင်းမှ တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း တရာခန့် ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသော အကြမ်းဖက်ဖြစ်စဥ် နောက်ပိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အရေးအတွက် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ ဦးစီး ဦးဆောင်ပြု၍ ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများကိုလည်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions
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"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
strongly welcomes the new swathe of European Union (EU) and United States
sanctions against the illegal military junta and its cronies announced on 8 November
2022.
Timed to mark the second anniversary of the general elections held on 8
November 2020, which were independently determined to have been free and fair,
the new measures are a strong message of support to the people of Myanmar and to
the National Unity Government as their legitimate representative. Importantly, they
also send a sharp signal to the illegal junta that its appalling atrocities will be met
with escalating action.
The EU’s new sanctions, which target 19 individuals and one entity associated
with the junta, comprise its fifth round of restrictive measures. While the United
States’ new designation, which targets a key supplier of military aircraft parts to the
junta, follows the junta’s egregious 23 October 2022 aerial attacks on an ethnic
community festival in Kachin State, which killed as many as 100 concertgoers.
The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the EU and to the
United States for their international leadership and for their sustained commitment to
the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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23.46 KB
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"Six civil society organizations that work on business and human rights sent a letter dated September 30, 2022 to 160 major investors in three major Japanese banks (MUFG Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation, and Mizuho Bank) that are investing or lending to projects that may benefit the Myanmar military, or that hold shares in Japanese companies that may be complicit in human rights violations in Myanmar. The letter urges the investors to engage with the banks.
Since the Myanmar military attempted a coup d'etat in February 2021, we have pointed out that some of the Japanese companies investing in projects in Myanmar may be complicit in human rights violations by the Myanmar military through business operations benefiting the military. Through letters of request and meetings, we have also asked these companies to act in accordance with their human rights policies and international human rights responsibilities. There is a strong concern that if these business operations continue or are conducted as planned, they will provide a source of funds for the Myanmar military, thereby facilitating the military’s international crimes, which include the murder of citizens, unlawful arrest, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance, and torture.
In their human rights policies, the financial groups that oversee each of the banks (Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, Mitsui Sumitomo Financial Group, and Mizuho Financial Group) publicly state that they will follow and implement international human rights standards such as the UN Global Compact and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
The letter requests that the institutions holding shares in the three banks promptly engage with the banks to take the "measures required of banks" shown in the letter, and that if the three banks do not take measures even after engagement, to consider divestment..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
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pdf pdf
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211.81 KB 55.86 KB
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Sub-title:
Tokyo Should Immediately Suspend Non-Humanitarian Aid to Junta
Description:
"Tokyo) – Myanmar’s junta used Japan-funded passenger ships donated for civilian use for military purposes in September 2022, Human Rights Watch said today.
Letters from Myanmar officials, analyzed by Human Rights Watch, stated that two of three vessels delivered by Japan between 2017 and 2019 were used to transport more than 100 soldiers and material to the town of Buthidaung on the Mayu River in Rakhine State, where the military is fighting the Arakan Army ethnic armed group. The Japanese government should suspend non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar and sanction junta officials implicated in serious human rights violations.
“The Myanmar junta’s misuse of Japanese development aid for military purposes effectively makes Japan a backer of the junta’s military operations,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government needs to urgently reassess its obviously failing approach to curtailing the junta’s abuses.”
On September 13, 2022, the Rakhine State government’s transport minister ordered the Rakhine Department of the Inland Water Transport (IWT) to “ready” the Japan-provided “Kisapanadi I” and “Kisapanadi III” vessels for “Sittwe-Buthidaung-Sittwe voyages,” said a letter labeled confidential from the national IWT to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, on September 21. The letter stated that, on September 14, the two ships transported “over a hundred Tatmadaw [Myanmar] troops, as well as their supplies and materials” to Buthidaung.
The transport minister “instructed that the voyages were top secret and that their destination was also classified and no report [to a third party] should be made,” the letter said. Evidently recognizing that this was problematic, IWT noted that it “already had a discussion” with the Rakhine transport minister and “the vessels are no longer used for [military] purposes.”
On September 23, the Rakhine State chief of police and the transport minister, on behalf of Rakhine State’s chief minister, wrote to the national transport and communications minister and specifically confirmed that the two vessels had been used for “military purposes.” In the letter, the Rakhine authorities sought to justify this use of ships, citing provision no. 250 of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution, which states that “the Region or State Government shall have the responsibility to assist the Union Government in the preservation of the stability of the Union, community peace and tranquility and prevalence of law and order.”
An informal ceasefire between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, in place since November 2020, has broken down in recent months. In August, the military reinforced its troops in northern Rakhine State, where fighting has since escalated in intensity and scope, including airstrikes, heavy artillery shelling, and landmine use, with growing civilian casualties.
Since mid-August, the military has isolated and terrorized civilians in Rakhine and southern Chin States to weaken the Arakan Army, using abusive means embodied in the military’s longstanding “Four Cuts” policy. The junta has imposed broad new travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, blocked access to roads and waterways, and arbitrarily arrested aid workers, in violation of international humanitarian law.
On September 15, the junta issued a directive banning United Nations agencies and international nongovernmental organizations from six Rakhine State townships – Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Mrauk-U, Minbya, and Myebon – and shut down boat lines and public transportation. The fighting has displaced more than 18,000 people since August, joining over 70,000 others who are internally displaced, many of whom are facing shortages of food and medicine exacerbated by the junta’s restrictions.
In response to a Human Rights Watch inquiry on September 20, a Japanese Foreign Ministry official said on October 3 that the “Japanese government, based on the principle of ‘avoiding any use of development cooperation for military purposes’ in the Development Cooperation Charter, will work to secure appropriate use of facilities and equipment provided through ODA [Official Development Assistance] programs.” The official added that Japan “is taking appropriate measures regarding the issue in question,” but refrained from disclosing further details because it was a “diplomatic matter.”
Japan provided the three vessels to Myanmar under the 500 million yen (US$3.5 million) Economic and Social Development Programme, signed on September 12, 2016. The Japanese embassy in Myanmar said the program “aims to improve the ability of the water transport in Myanmar and to contribute to the Economic and Social Development of Myanmar, by donating passenger ships for the coastal transport in Rakhine State.”
Following the February 1, 2021 military coup in Myanmar, the Japanese government stated it would refrain from carrying out new non-humanitarian ODA programs in Myanmar, but did not suspend ongoing projects. As of November 2021, Japan had provided about 1.4 trillion yen ($9.6 billion) in loan assistance, 360 billion yen ($2.5 billion) in grant aid, and 100 billion yen ($690 million) in technical assistance to Myanmar.
The Japanese government should trigger human rights-based conditions enshrined in its Development Cooperation Charter, which states that “Japan will pay adequate attention to the situation in the recipient countries regarding the process of democratization, the rule of law and the protection of basic human rights, with a view to promoting the consolidation of democratization, the rule of law and the respect for basic human rights.”
With respect to humanitarian aid, Japan should maintain such projects but redirect the funds through nongovernmental groups to ensure it is used effectively and directly benefits populations in need, Human Rights Watch said.
“Japan’s halfhearted approach to sanctions has not slowed down the Myanmar junta’s abuses at all,” Kasai said. “Japan should make full use of its reputation as a rights-respecting democracy by using all diplomatic tools available to hold the Myanmar military accountable.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
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"Responding to Puma Energy’s decision to withdraw from Myanmar nearly two years after a military coup in early 2021, Amnesty International’s Business and Human Rights Researcher Montse Ferrer said:
“Amnesty International acknowledges Puma Energy’s decision to leave the country, which comes after a long campaign by civil society groups including Burma Campaign UK and Justice For Myanmar, who among others have placed vital scrutiny on aviation fuel supplies that may end up in the hands of Myanmar’s military.
“The announcement also comes one month after researchers from Amnesty International met with Puma company representatives to present findings from a forthcoming report on the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar.
“Puma Energy must ensure a safe and responsible disengagement now that it is leaving the country, including by providing a transparent and clear roadmap of its plans and preventing the military from accessing its aviation fuel infrastructure. Any valuable assets Puma Energy leaves behind should not fall into the hands of the military or its crony businesses.
“Puma Energy must also explore ways to remedy any harm it may have contributed to while operating in Myanmar.”
Background
Puma Energy said in a statement on 5 October that it was exiting the country and selling its stake in Puma Energy Asia Sun (PEAS) and minority share in National Energy Puma Aviation Services (NEPAS) to a “locally owned private company”.
Through PEAS and NEPAS, Puma Energy has been the main supplier of aviation fuel to the country since it commenced operations in 2015.
Several civil society organizations as well as Myanmar’s National Unity Government have called for aviation fuel supplies to the military to be restricted or outright banned.
Shortly after the 1 February 2021 coup, Puma Energy said it was suspending its operations in Myanmar. It subsequently resumed operations but, according to the company, only for civilian purposes..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2022-10-05
Date of entry/update:
2022-10-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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Description:
"MONTHLY HIGHLIGHTS: Director of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar announced that
Facebook provided millions of items to support accusations of genocide and war crimes against the Burmese junta.....The Burma Special Advisory Council demanded that the UNGA recognize the current NUG-appointed representative, Kyaw Moe Tun.....Since the attempted coup, the Australian government spent $2.5 million of taxpayer
funds on luxury accommodations linked to the Burmese junta.....The UN called on the international community to support human rights defenders in Burma.....APHR launched a press conference on the results from the international inquiry investigation on the global response to the
crisis in Burma..."
Source/publisher:
US Campaign for Burma
Date of publication:
2022-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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"CSW is calling on the Council of the European Union (EU) to introduce a fifth round of sanctions against the Myanmar/Burma military, with a particular focus on arms sales.
The EU has introduced four rounds of sanctions against the Myanmar army and its enterprises, and notably took the lead in sanctioning Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) in February 2021. However, the EU’s last round of sanctions was over seven months ago, during which time Canada, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US) have initiated new rounds of sanctions.
In a letter dated 29 September, signed by CSW’s Founder President Mervyn Thomas, and addressed to the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Vice-President of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, and the Foreign Ministers of the EU member states, CSW urges the recipients to “expedite the introduction of new sanctions, targeting the sources of arms, equipment, and revenue of the Myanmar military.”
Since the February 2021 coup, the military junta’s increasing use of airstrikes against civilians and civilian structures has been a major driver of displacement, occasioning a humanitarian crisis.
In its letter, CSW contends that limiting the military’s access to parts, ammunition, and aviation fuel could assist in reducing its ability to wage war on civilians from the air, and by extension save lives. The letter suggests that targets for additional sanctions should include “the numerous arms brokers exposed by the advocacy group Justice for Myanmar.”
CSW Senior Analyst for East Asia Benedict Rogers said: “Since the coup in February 2021, the people of Myanmar have suffered crimes against humanity, violations of human rights and humanitarian law, and war crimes. We commend the EU for its first four rounds of sanctions. However, seven months after last the round, it is beginning to fall behind its allies, and is missing vital opportunities to further obstruct the military’s ability to continue its brutal campaign against civilians. By acting swiftly to sanction arms brokers highlighted by Justice for Myanmar, the EU will assist in saving civilians lives.”..."
Source/publisher:
Christian Solidarity Worldwide
Date of publication:
2022-09-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
EU must introduce a new round of sanctions against the Myanmar military
Description:
"Your Excellencies will be aware of the horrific human rights violations that have taken place in Myanmar since the military coup last year.
Severe violations of human rights and humanitarian law, including war crimes and crimes against humanity, are occurring on a daily basis. More than a million people are now displaced internally, and more than 15,000 people are detained arbitrarily. Military tribunals have handed down extremely harsh verdicts, including the death sentence.
The people of Myanmar continue to resist the military junta in the face of air and ground attacks on villages, mass arrests, severe repression, and the use of the death penalty for the first time in decades. They believe that there will be no positive future for their country for as long as the military remain in power, and have been calling for international action to cut off the supply of revenue and arms to the Myanmar military.
The people’s unwavering commitment to struggle for their freedoms is being paid for with lives. However, the European Union (EU), which initially surpassed other countries in sanctioning the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), has now fallen behind in sanctioning arms brokers.
The military junta is currently using aerial bombardment on an unprecedented scale. Airstrikes are a major driver of displacement and have occasioned a humanitarian crisis. Sanctioning the suppliers of parts, ammunition, and aviation fuel alongside further revenue sources could save lives by reducing the military’s ability to wage war on civilians from the air.
It is now seven months since the EU introduced new sanctions against the Myanmar military, and there is an urgent need for further sanctions, including against the numerous arms brokers exposed by the advocacy group Justice for Myanmar.
May I, therefore, urge you to expedite the introduction of new sanctions, targeting the sources of arms, equipment, and revenue of the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher:
Christian Solidarity Worldwide
Date of publication:
2022-09-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
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"Mr. President,
Excellencies,
The report on economic interests of the Myanmar military is being presented to you pursuant to Human Rights Council Resolution 46/21, which requested the High Commissioner to report on the status of implementation of the recommendations made by the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar (FFM) in its conference room paper (A/HRC/42/CRP.3) on the same subject in September 2019.
I will be updating this Council separately on the overall human rights situation in Myanmar on 26 September.
In its 2019 report, the FFM concluded that the military’s ability to draw on various sources of revenue enabled its operations, including perpetration of serious international crimes. The FFM called for the Tatmadaw’s financial and economic isolation as a crucial element in pursuing accountability and contributing towards civilian oversight over the military’s actions.
Since the FFM report, the human rights situation in Myanmar has become even graver.
Further to the military coup of February 2021, the Myanmar military has continued its exploitation of the country’s resources to advance its own interests and fuel a campaign of violence and repression against Myanmar’s people. The Myanmar military has steadily escalated its use of force on cities, towns and villages throughout the country. To date, nearly 2,299 persons, including 188 children, have been killed and nearly 30,000 buildings, including whole villages, schools, churches/places of worship and other protected objects, have been burned to the ground. Such offensives have relied heavily on the use of air power, artillery and other military hardware, being bought and paid for by the profits from the Tatmadaw’s own business interests and exploitation of resources.
While there have been some steps taken by various actors following the FFM’s recommendations, particularly since the coup, substantially more can be done to stem the economic resources and supply of arms that enable the military to continue its assault on the Myanmar people.
Curtailing the Tatmadaw’s economic interests and, in particular, its access to revenues and foreign exchange are essential elements of preventing the further spiral of human rights violations.
In addition, the General Assembly has called on Member States to prevent the flow of arms into the country, and our report urges Member States that have not already done so to impose arms embargos on the Myanmar military.
As OHCHR has highlighted in previous reports to this Council, the military has been consistently repressing and terrorizing the country’s population in its attempts to assert full control. These actions have pushed an economy already hard-hit by the COVID-19 pandemic into a deepening crisis. We have observed a two-fold increase in poverty and the breakdown of the public health system. Also, over half of all school-aged children have not accessed education for two academic years.
Despite the dramatic economic, political, financial and social deterioration in the country, the military’s so-called State Administrative Council (SAC) continues to prioritize military operations by increasing defence spending and reducing budget allocations to education, health and social protection. The SAC has failed to govern in meaningful and sustainable ways, including by being unable to raise taxes, and with the local SAC administration collapsing in various parts of the country. This has been compounded by the Myanmar people’s courageous resistance to military rule. For instance, households are refusing to pay electricity bills despite threats of being cut off; and many are boycotting military-linked companies and businesses.
Excellencies,
The report shows that since the military coup of 1 February 2021, some companies ended their business relationships with military-owned companies, in line with some FFM recommendations. The coup has further heightened the reputational and other business risks of such relationships, whether for international or Myanmar companies.
In parallel, several Member States have introduced further targeted sanctions, including on military leaders, military-owned entities and some State-owned entities now under the direct control of the SAC.
However, the military’s continued use of foreign currency to buy arms, particularly, aircraft, aerial munitions, and artillery has enabled its attacks against its opponents including in populated areas, as well as the targeting of civilians and locations protected under international humanitarian and human rights law.
The current crisis has also enabled the military to extend and strengthen its patronage networks. It is involved through proxies in illicit extractive activities, for instance increased mining of rare earths in Kachin State, vital for production of “green technologies”, but at a cost of enriching key Tatmadaw allies and devastating the local environment. Given the ongoing non-international armed conflict in the area, this activity warrants further investigation as to the possible war crime of pillaging.
Excellencies,
Concerted action is needed now.
The report urges the international community to take all steps within its power to support the people of Myanmar and to act in coordinated fashion to financially isolate the military. In so doing, efforts must be made to avoid adverse socio-economic impacts on the people of Myanmar more generally. To that end, consultation on appropriate steps with civil society and the wider democratic movement, including the ‘National Unity Government’, representatives from ethnic and religious minorities, and trade unions, will be crucial.
The Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise generates approximately 50 per cent of Myanmar’s foreign currency earnings. Additionally, the military has open access to foreign exchange held in overseas accounts of State-owned banks. As a result, the report calls on Member States to implement additional targeted measures against key entities that facilitate the Tatmadaw’s continued access to foreign currency.
Furthermore, we urge all businesses active in Myanmar or sourcing from the country to take steps to ensure their operations do not economically benefit the military, including by conducting ongoing and transparent heightened human rights due diligence. Companies disinvesting or decoupling from supply chains in Myanmar should, of course, also take responsible measures to best protect the interests of their employees and consumers.
These measures are fundamental to uphold business and human rights principles and to ensure that financial partnerships do not fuel human rights violations..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2022-09-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations, Business and the Military
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Description:
"Over seven months have passed since the EU’s last round of sanctions on Myanmar, and the illegitimate military junta’s campaign of terror has intensified, with indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, the execution of political prisonersand the murder of school children.
In the past week, at least eleven school children have been killed, the highest recorded number of children killed in an attack since the Myanmar army’s attempted coup in February last year.
The junta’s ongoing atrocity crimes are enabled by their continued access to funds, arms and related equipment, including from within the EU.
Justice For Myanmar calls for an urgent round of EU sanctions, focussing on arms brokers who aid and abet the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
We have identified 31 companies that have been involved in these activities since the coup attempt that must be sanctioned.
Among the 31 companies documented, only one – Htoo Group of Companies – has been sanctioned by the EU to date.
Some arms brokers we identified have confirmed business links to the EU. These include:
Dynasty Group & its subsidiaries, which imported parts for Mi-17 helicopters from Russia since the coup attempt. Dynasty International Company Limited procured a fleet of aircraft, and later, parts from the Germany company Grob Aircraft SE. Dynasty Group has been sanctioned by the UK and its director, Aung Moe Myint, has been sanctioned by the UK and Canada.
KT Group, Ky-Tha Group & their subsidiaries, which have produced arms and equipment for the Myanmar military, including coastal surveillance radar from the French corporation Thales. They have ongoing business with the Myanmar military, financing atrocity crimes. KT Services & Logistics and its director, Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung, have been sanctioned by the US.
Mega Hill General Trading, which brokered a deal for an air defence weapon station since the coup attempt, and has procured equipment for the military from EU and US companies.
Miya Win International, which has procured unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) from the Austrian company Schiebel Corporation and received parts following the coup attempt. Miya Win International has been sanctioned by the UK.
Myanmar Chemical & Machinery (MCM), which has procured arms and related materiel including tanks and has also been involved in arms production and a technical transfer project producing K-8 trainer jets in Myanmar with the Chinese state-owned arms company, CATIC. MCM’s energy business involves a partnership with Wartsila Corporation. MCM and its director, Aung Hlaing Oo, have been sanctioned by the UK, US and Canada.
Other major arms brokers that have been sanctioned by the US, UK and/or Canada while the EU has delayed action include International Gateways Group, Star Sapphire Group, Sky Aviator and Synpex Shwe.
Last Saturday, a prominent arms dealer to the Myanmar military junta was arrested in Thailand on drug trafficking and money laundering charges.
Despite arms dealer Tun Min Latt’s well-known involvement in arms trading, he has so far escaped international sanctions.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Last year, EU members voted in the UN General Assembly to stop the flow of arms to the Myanmar military.
“The EU must take concrete steps to cut the junta’s access to arms, intensifying sanctions against arms brokers and all other business interests of the military junta.
“As long as the junta has access to arms, equipment and funds, it will be able to continue its terror campaign against the people of Myanmar, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
“This week, the junta murdered at least 11 children attending school, and will continue its rampage as long as it has access to resources.
“We call on the EU to stand with the people of Myanmar and sanction arms brokers now!”
More information:
Read our investigation into companies brokering arms and equipment for the Myanmar military here
Read our investigation into companies supplying the Myanmar miliary with arms and equipment from Russia here..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-09-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-22
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147.01 KB 220 KB
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"20 September 2022, London, UK - The European Union must push further actions against the Burmese military and its interests. The EU led the way in sanctioning Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, but further action is required as the junta continues a campaign of rape, murder, and widespread destruction. BHRN calls on EU members, particularly France and Germany, to push for further sanctions to undermine the junta’s access to funds, weapons, and legitimacy.
“The EU’s sanctions on MOGE were a tremendous help in bringing the world together to stop the genocidal rampage of the Burmese military, but seven months have passed since the EU has issued any new sanctions. In that time, the military has only become more brazen in disregarding human dignity and rights. The attacks in the Sagaing Region have increased steadily, and murder and rape by junta soldiers are now common. The junta feels the pressure of being sanctioned, but they are fighting desperately to cling to power. We cannot let them win,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win.
Fighting between the junta and democratic forces has spread throughout the country, and the military is struggling to maintain control. The junta is using its most inhumane tactics to reclaim territory and snuff out resistance. A democratic Burma remains possible, and the least the international community can do to help is to deprive the Burmese military of the money and weapons they use to terrorise the population.
BHRN calls on the European Union to take further steps to sanction the business interests of the Burmese military and its leaders, cut off Burma’s access to weapons, deny the junta any credibility internationally, and create a path of justice and accountability. While doing this, the international community, including the EU, must make greater efforts to support the National Unity Government and civil society organisations inside of Burma. The EU must also hold the NUG accountable for implementing a plan allowing full human rights and citizenship for all of Burma’s ethnics and religious minorities.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2022-09-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"Qatari telecom Ooredoo’s operation in Myanmar is now de facto owned by Zaw Win Shein, a military crony and the adopted son of a general who served as a minister in the military proxy Thein Sein administration, which ran Myanmar from 2011 to early 2016.
Ooredoo Group announced on Sept. 8 the sale of its telecom business in Myanmar to Nine Communications Pte. Ltd. at an enterprise value of US$576 million.
Nine Communications is a Singapore-based subsidiary of Link Family Office and Nyan Win.
While details about Link Family Office are unknown, according to data from the Directorate of Investment and Company Registration, Nyan Win is a director of Horizon Telecom International Company Limited based in Myanmar. Two other directors of that telecom company are Ne Ne Hlawn Moe and Ye Myat Soe.
Ne Ne Hlwam Moe is the managing director of Ayeyar Hinthar Construction Co. Ltd, and Ye Myat Soe, who has been the CEO of Horizon Telecom, is also the managing director of A Bank.
A Bank and Ayeyar Hinthar Construction are businesses of Ayeyar Hinthar Holdings Company Limited, which is owned by Zaw Win Shein, according to the companies’ websites.
Zaw Win Shein is an adoptive son of Soe Maung, who was a key President’s Office minister when the military proxy Thein Sein administration was in power. Soe Maung is a retired major general and also a former judge advocate-general.
The Thein Sein government was replaced by a civilian government led by the NLD in 2016. Soe Maung founded the Democratic Party of National Politics (DNP) in 2019 with other retired generals and contested in the 2020 general election. He was also a close confidant of former military regime leader Than Shwe and a member of the military commission that drafted the 2008 Constitution.
According to business circles familiar with Zaw Win Shein and his conglomerate, Ayeyar Hinthar group’s capital mainly came from Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is a former general and vice president during the Thein Sein administration; when the group was established in 2006, it was widely reported to be an asset of Naing Lin Oo, a former military captain who is the son of Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo. An executive committee member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry confirmed this. Naing Lin Oo and his wife Hnin Yee Mon are on a UK list of financial sanctions.
When the country entered a so-called democratic transition after a quasi-civilian government emerged in 2011, the transparency of the private sector was promoted and Ayeyar Hinthar group became Ayeyar Hinthar Holding. It is known as a conglomerate owned and operated by crony Zaw Win Shein.
Some of the leading businesspeople in Myanmar wondered how a conglomerate owned by Zaw Win Shein can afford half of a billion dollars to buy a telecom operator like Ooredoo during such a chaotic time, and suspected there could be unknown and/or invisible investors behind him.
“It is very risky to invest in such a big telecom during these days of economic decline. There might be some other investors behind it, even if it is publicly and officially bought by Ayeyar Hinthar,” said a businessman who is also a chair of a group of companies in Myanmar’s automobile industry.
The Ayeyar Hinthar group has engaged in several businesses with the Myanmar military. In one notorious example, it acts as a proxy company for the military at the Y Complex project in Yangon.
The Y Complex is built on land belonging to the Myanmar military, and, according to a copy of the lease revealed to the public by Justice for Myanmar, the money for the rent flows to the Quartermaster General’s office via a proxy company.
On March 20, 2021, French energy giant Électricité de France (EDF) suspended a hydropower project worth more than $1.5 billion in Myanmar’s Shan State over human rights concerns as the military regime continues to use lethal force to crack down on anti-coup protesters across the country then.
Électricité de France notified human rights groups that it has halted development of the Shweli-3 Project, including the activities of its subcontractors. Led by EDF, the 671 MW project was being jointly developed with a Japanese company and locally owned Ayeyar Hinthar.
“Now, Myanmar citizens have no choice at all as all the operators here in the country are owned or are still fully or de facto managed by the military regime, and also now, there is no operator too who would defend our rights to privacy,” said a female poet activist who has also been working for digital freedom..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Sub-title:
The junta’s gross mismanagement makes it even more unpopular amid currency, trade and banking chaos.
Description:
"Sept. 7 marked the first anniversary of the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar’s declaration of a defensive war against the military. Few at the time gave them much hope against a well-armed and brutal military that had ruled the country for all but seven of the past 60 years. But 19 months after the coup, Myanmar’s military is mired in a multi-front war and losing ground. Yet, the junta’s greatest vulnerability is the imploding economy.
The junta’s battlefield losses are real. The military is fighting with diminishing resources against a surprisingly durable alliance of the NUG, some 275 People’s Defense Force paramilitary groups under its chain of command, and several ethnic resistance organizations. There were more than 6,600 individual clashes in the past year.
A new report by the Special Advisory Council, a panel of former U.N. experts, contends that the junta only has effective control over 17% of the country, while the NUG and its allies control 52%. The remainder is contested space, and often the target of indiscriminate shelling against civilian communities and arson which has so far destroyed about 28,000 homes.
In addition, hostilities between junta forces and the well-armed Arakan Army, which has not formally aligned itself with the NUG, are escalating, putting more strain on the military.
The NUG has stepped up its attacks in cities, including bombings and the targeted assassination of military regime officials and their cronies. These attacks undermine the assertions of stability and normalcy from the State Administration Council (SAC), as the junta is formally known, to an urban population unaccustomed to war.
Estimates of junta casualties vary. The NUG says, perhaps optimistically, that 20,000 junta troops have been killed with an unknown number of wounded. (Conventional estimates are that the number of wounded are three times the number of killed in action). Others put the toll much lower, but it’s clear the military is suffering significant losses. It is also facing defections and desertions, while the NUG and allies are capturing more military personnel.
The military continues to wage its “four cuts” strategy, a doctrine based on terrorizing the population into submission. The NUG acknowledges that it has lost some 1,500 resistance fighters and 2,200 civilians in the year; both numbers are probably low estimates.
Yet the military has been unable to cow the civilian population into submission. The civil disobedience movement has continued, with daily protests breaking out across the country.
An Economy in Freefall
While the battlefield situation should concern the military, a greater worry should be the free fall in the economy.
The GDP contracted by 18% in 2021 and estimates for 2022, including the World Bank’s forecast of 3% growth, are overly optimistic.
Inflation was 14% in mid-2022 and is now over 18%, with rice prices up 35-50% and gas prices spiking amid shortages. This, of course, impacts production as many firms rely on generators due to electricity shortages. The International Monetary Fund estimates that 1.6 million jobs were lost in 2022, around 7 percent of the workforce. Forty percent of the population is now living under the poverty line.
The currency lost 60% of its value against the dollar in 2022. The kyat briefly traded at a record low, below 4,000 kyat to the U.S. dollar, while the official conversion rate is 2,100.
So what’s causing the collapse of the kyat?
First is the demand for foreign exchange, which is in very short supply. Indeed, the government issued regulations compelling businesses to sell their foreign exchange to the government at official rates.
Everyone is hoarding foreign exchange and gold, which is now trading at record highs. In September, the government announced the sale of some of its gold reserves to help stabilize prices.
The shortage of foreign exchange is so desperate that in July the Myanmar Central Bank issued orders to companies to stop servicing their $1.2 billion in foreign debts or renegotiate their repayment terms, which will have long-term ramifications for the country’s economic development.
Second is that exports, apart from monthly rents on oil and natural gas, have dried up, including border trade with China. That said, the state-run Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise is still collecting $800 million per quarter in gas export revenues alone. The pipelines to China and Thailand account for 10% of government revenue. This remains the junta’s financial
lifeline.
Third is that the Myanmar Central Bank is burning through its reserves. Prior to the coup it had $7.67 billion in reserves. Today, the junta claims $6 billion, an overestimate that also includes the $1.1 billion frozen by the United States.
Fourth is that according to the Nikkei Asian Review, the Paris-based Financial Action Task Force is about to put Myanmar on its money laundering blacklist. Only two other states, Iran and North Korea, are on the blacklist. This is the international financial community labeling the SAC as a criminal enterprise, incapable of conducting any financial oversight.
While this does not prevent international businesses from doing business in Myanmar, it adds very onerous reporting requirements for every financial transaction. That alone will deter businesses, including Japanese, South Korean, Singaporean, and Thai firms that have continued to do business with the junta.
The fifth point to keep in mind is that the collapse of the kyat is ultimately about rock-bottom confidence in the military-run administration because of its incompetence. The SAC has moved to consolidate full authority over the central bank. In July, it deployed six lieutenant colonels to oversee operations. The SAC recently replaced the bank’s top leadership with
sycophants. The new chairman survived an assassination attempt in April following the imposition of currency controls, while her deputy served as the Tatmadaw’s chief financial officer.
The country’s banking system is on the ropes. The junta has placed officers in all banks to monitor transactions to make sure funds aren’t making their way to the NUG or the civil disobedience movement. To that end, the SAC impeded the country’s burgeoning mobile banking market, causing irreparable harm, especially to farmers and local merchants.
The dearth of capital needed to carry farmers through the growing season compounds the real problem in the agricultural sector, which is that the lack of foreign exchange has curtailed the import of vital fertilizers and pesticides. The goal of doubling agricultural exports from 2 million tons by 2025 is beyond reach.
The junta’s own Internal Revenue Department acknowledged a 35% decline in revenue in 2021 over the previous year. That is 4.745 trillion kyat ($2.657 billion) in revenue, down from 7.296 trillion kyat ($4.086 billion), due to tax boycotts and a contracted economy.
It’s also worth noting that the military’s two conglomerates, which control more than 100 different companies that dominate Myanmar’s economy, are reeling from sanctions and domestic boycotts. Though we don’t know the extent of losses, the two firms never paid dividends to their “shareholders” (soldiers compelled to buy shares each month based on their rank) in 2021
and are unlikely to do so in 2022.
Major foreign investments, such as the telecoms firm Mytel, a joint venture with the Vietnamese military, are routinely targeted in both bombings and assassination attempts.
So while the military’s fighting force is being hollowed out in clashes and guerrilla attacks across Myanmar, its economic base of support is also under threat. The SAC’s gross mismanagement will allow the NUG to peel away military supporters who see the junta’s economic stewardship as irredeemable. Only a democratically elected government, with the rule of
law and empowered technocrats, will be able to protect their economic interests..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Description:
"Myanmar regime’s sale of gold coins is not bringing down the gold price as they are being sold too near the market rate, according to dealers.
On Monday the junta started selling gold coins at a gems emporium in Naypyitaw for 2.95 million kyats per tical (16 grams) while the market price is around 3 million kyats.
On Tuesday, the market price reached 3.15 million kyats and was around 3.12 million kyats on Wednesday.
A trader said: “If they sell at a price lower than the market rate, traders would buy and sell their gold at a lower rate. But as they are selling near the market price, gold prices have gone up. The policy is not working.”
The gold price has risen as citizens have bought gold as the kyat slumped because since the military coup in February 2021. In January 2021 the gold price was slightly over 1.3 million kyats per tical and the exchange rate was around 1,300 kyats per dollar.
The regime announced last week that it would sell gold coins to the public to bring down rising prices.
The regime is selling one tical coin per person. Buyers have to present their ID cards. The regime did not say how many gold coins were being sold.
Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told the media that the coins would be sold at international prices and that they were not from the country’s gold reserve. He said the regime would sell enough gold to affect the domestic market.
The gold price quoted by the Yangon Region Gold Entrepreneurs Association on Wednesday was 1.98 million kyats per tical at the official exchange rate of 2,100 kyats per dollar. The market exchange rate is around 3,600 kyats.
The international gold price is approximately US$1,695 per ounce (28 grams).
The coins show independence hero General Aung San, the father of jailed State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, minted in 2018 under her National League for Democracy government.
Gold coins are only being sold in Naypyitaw with no dates announced for sales in Yangon and Mandalay..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"Myanmar has begun buying petroleum products from Russia and is expecting the delivery of diesel fuel in the coming days, the Southeast Asian country’s military leader said Wednesday.
Senior general Min Aung Hlaing shared the news on his second visit to Russia in less than two months as both isolated countries seek to deepen ties in the face of international sanctions.
“Deliveries of petroleum products from Russia to Myanmar are already underway successfully,” Min Aung Hlaing told Russia’s state-run RIA Novosti news agency.
“We will receive the first shipment of diesel fuel from Russia in a few days,” he said, noting that Mynmar is ready to pay for supplies in Russian rubles.
“Whatever currency the Russian side accepts, that’s what we’ll pay. This makes it much easier for us because there are a lot of restrictions on receiving and transferring in other currencies,” Min Aung Hlaing said.
Min Aung Hlaing reprtedly agreed to import petrol from Russia during his last trip to Russia in July.
Myanmar has resorted to fuel oil imports after petrol prices surged and the country was hit by shortages.
Russia is meanwhile seeking new export destinations for its energy exports amid Western sanctions over the invasion of Ukraine.
Russia is a major ally and arms supplier of the Myanmar military.
The Kremlin said Wednesday that Min Aung Hlaing met President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of Russia’s Eastern Economic Forum in the port city of Vladivostok..."
Source/publisher:
"The Moscow Times"
Date of publication:
2022-09-07
Date of entry/update:
2022-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Burma's economic relations with Russia
Language:
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Description:
"Mekong Watch
Friends of the Earth Japan
Justice For Myanmar
Network Against Japan Arms Trade (NAJAT)
ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation
Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC)
Pacific Asia Resource Center (PARC)
Human Rights Now
Eight civil society organizations that are deeply concerned about business relationships that Japanese companies have with the Myanmar military sent a letter dated May 24, 2022 to 101 corporate investors holding shares in Tokyo Tatemono Co., Ltd. or Daiwa House Industry Co., Ltd. regarding a real estate development project in Yangon (commonly known as “Y Complex”) being implemented by the two companies. The letter pointed out that Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House Industry may be complicit in grave human rights abuses by the Myanmar military, and asked that the two companies take measures to ensure that Y Complex does not benefit the military. The letter further asked the corporate investors to consider divestment if the companies did not take sufficient measures.
In response, eight corporate investors have sent substantive replies to date, including one that stated that it engaged with the company concerned after receiving our letter. Two investors stated that they would consider engaging with the companies. However, the other five sent replies that did not correspond to our request, such as an explanation of their own human rights policies, and did not disclose the details of their efforts, including whether they engaged with the two companies.
The project company, Y Complex Company Ltd., is a Myanmar corporation. 80% of the shares are owned by Yangon Museum Development Pte. Ltd. (YMD), a Singaporean corporation, and 20% by Yangon Technical and Trading Company Ltd. (YTT), a Myanmar corporation. YMD was jointly set up by Tokyo Tatemono, Fujita Corporation (a subsidiary of Daiwa House Industry), and Japan Overseas Infrastructure Investment Corporation for Transport and Urban Development (JOIN). Investment and debt guarantee by JOIN, a government-funded infrastructure investment corporation, as well as a loan from the state-owned Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), signify that Japan’s public funds are being invested in the project. The project is being implemented on military-owned land on a sublease, under a build-operate-transfer agreement, and land lease payments are made to the Office of the Quarter Master General. The Office of the Quarter Master General is responsible for procurement for the Myanmar military, and land rent payments to the Office of the Quarter Master General may fund the Myanmar military’s international crimes and grave human rights violations such as the killing of citizens, wrongful arrest, arbitrary detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance, and torture. The US, UK, and Canada have imposed sanctions on the Office of the Quarter Master General.
According to what is reportedly an official Myanmar document, the land lease payment is about two million USD per year (about 230 million JPY), to be paid for the contract period of 50 years. As of April 2022, payments apparently have not been made since the attempted coup, but neither Tokyo Tatemono nor Daiwa House Industry has given concrete answers to concerns expressed by civil society about serious human rights abuses, and they have not withdrawn from the project.
In Myanmar, violence by the military is only escalating. A pro-democracy activist and a former member of parliament, among others, had been given “death sentences'' by a military court organized by the illegitimate junta, and in late July, it was reported that the sentences were carried out. There is strong criticism from the international community about the Y Complex Project. Progressive Voice, an organization that has been working on human rights in Myanmar for many years, mentioned Y Complex as an example of Japan prioritizing its business interests over human rights and democracy. Tokyo Tatemono and Daiwa House Industry should withdraw from contractual obligations under which rent payments are made to the Office of the Quarter Master General. Further, given that most of the shareholders to whom we sent our letter either did not respond or simply called attention to their own human rights policies, more action is needed. We request all shareholders to continue engaging with the companies to urge them to sever their economic relations with the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher:
Mekong Watch, Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar, Network Against Japan Arms Trade, ayus:Network of Buddhists Volunteers on International Cooperation, Japan International Volunteer Center, Pacific Asia Resource Center and Human Rights Now
Date of publication:
2022-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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110.38 KB 89.66 KB 141 KB
Local URL:
2022-08-29-J4M-Response-from-Eight-Major-Shareholders-Regarding-Y-Complex-Project-in-Myanmar-en.pdf- 2022-08-29-J4M-Response-from-Eight-Major-Shareholders-Regarding-Y-Complex-Project-in-Myanmar-bu.pdf
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Description:
"The Myanmar military has been invited to the Tri-Service Asian Defense & Security Exhibition, Conference and Networking Event, running in Bangkok from August 29 to September 1.
The Asian Defense & Security 2022 visitor profile features “High-Ranking Officials from Defence Ministries and Departments, the Army, the Navy and the Air Force” and lists Myanmar as one of the countries.
Defense & Security 2022 involves an arms fair, seminars, technical presentations and live demonstrations, supported by Thailand’s Ministry of Defence. The conference website lists the ASEAN Defence Industry Collaboration as part of the event, an ASEAN program that includes the Myanmar military.
In the last Asian Defense & Security, held in 2019, war criminal Min Aung Hlaing led the military’s delegation, and the army’s Myanmar Defence Industry had a booth.
Other official Defense & Security invitees include Australia, Canada, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Japan, Poland, South Korea and Spain, all of which have arms embargoes in place against Myanmar. The USA has a “partnership pavilion”.
Exhibitors with a record of selling arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military include CETC, Elbit Systems, NORINCO and Thales.
The event organiser, GML (Thailand), is a joint venture registered in China and 49% owned by Informa, a UK corporation listed on the London Stock Exchange, according to its last annual report.
Informa did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar on the Myanmar military junta’s attendance and if they will be exhibiting in 2022.
Informa is the parent company of the academic publishing giant, Taylor & Francis Group, and its subsidiary, Routledge.
Informa acquired the Hong Kong based exhibition business UBM in June 2018, giving them a stake in GML.
Other upcoming Informa events, where there is a risk that junta representatives could attend, include IFSEC India, a security industry trade fair to be held in New Delhi on December 1-3, showcasing surveillance technology. IFSEC India partner, Hikvision, has supplied CCTV equipment to the Myanmar junta. In 2018, the Myanmar police chief was a VIP guest at an IFSEC event in Southeast Asia, also organised by Informa.
On December 7-10, Informa is co-organising Marintec, an exhibition in Shanghai supported by the Equipment Department of the PLA Navy and co-sponsored by China State Shipbuilding Corporation Limited, a state-owned navy shipbuilder. Chin State Shipbuilding Corporation is a supplier of the Myanmar Navy, according to leaked documents concerning procurement.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We condemn Informa’s involvement in arms fairs that support the Myanmar military’s procurement of arms and equipment for use against the people.
“Informa must ensure that the Myanmar junta and its associates are barred from Defense & Security 2022, and all future events, and explain why it allowed Min Aung Hlaing to participate and exhibit in Defense & Security 2019, two years after the Myanmar military’s campaign of genocide against the Rohingya.
“By exhibiting locally produced arms, Informa has helped the Myanmar military develop export markets that can provide it with revenue to finance its international crimes and enrich war criminals.
“Since the military’s February 1, 2021 illegal attempted coup, the junta has launched a terror campaign that has involved the murder of over 2,200 people, the arrest of more than 15,000, widespread torture, indiscriminate air strikes and shelling, and mass forced displacement.
“The junta’s atrocity crimes are enabled by the continued flow of funds and arms. These must be cut.
“We urge academics who publish research through Taylor & Francis to pressure Informa to ban the Myanmar junta from all its events.
“We demand ASEAN immediately exclude the Myanmar military junta from all events, meetings and activities, including those associated with Defense & Security 2022, and recognise and engage with the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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155.37 KB 167.5 KB
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Description:
"Euromoney has awarded the military linked United Amara Bank (UAB) as “Best Bank” in Myanmar. Euromoney is a UK-based banking and finance media corporation.
Asiamoney, Euromoney’s sister publication, also gave UAB best bank in Myanmar awards for “Best Domestic Bank”, “Best Bank for ESG” and “Best Bank for SMEs”.
UAB is connected to the crony conglomerate, IGE Group of Companies, whose core entity, International Group of Entrepreneur Co. Ltd. was sanctioned by the EU on February 21, 2022.
In its sanctions designation, the EU stated, “IGE provided the Tatmadaw [Myanmar military] with financial support in 2017 in connection to the Rakhine ‘clearance operations’ and thus contributed to serious human rights violations in 2017 against the Rohingya population. IGE has also provided the Tatmadaw with indirect financial support by taking financial participations in several projects and companies linked to the Tatmadaw and its conglomerates. Therefore, it provides support to and benefits from the Tatmadaw.”
IGE is owned by Ne Aung, brother of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung. Ne Aung’s father, Aung Thaung, now deceased, was a minister in the former military junta and was a notorious hardliner who was sanctioned by the US in 2014 for “perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption”.
A 2008 US embassy cable, released by Wikileaks, called Ne Aung and his other brother, Pyi Aung, “rising cronies” and described how they “use their family connections and close ties to the regime to amass great wealth”.
According to Myanmar’s company registry, Ne Aung and his wife, Khin Moe Nyunt, were the sole owners of UAB Bank Limited until March 8, 2022, when they transferred their shares to two shell companies: Future Growth Investment Co. Ltd., owned by Myo Aung, and Capital Link Investment Co. Ltd., owned by Aye Aye Swe.
Future Growth Investment and Capital Link Investment were both established on March 1, 2022.
Myo Aung and Aye Aye Swe do not appear on directors lists of any other current or former Myanmar registered companies. Myo Aung may be a cousin of Ne Aung, who is an army colonel. Colonel Myo Aung was court marshalled for his involvement in the killing of five detained villagers in northern Shan State in 2016, and was reportedly the manager of an IGE subsidiary.
Corporate filings show Ne Aung left the UAB board of directors on February 25, four days after the EU sanctions designation against IGE. Ne Aung had previously acted as the bank’s chairperson.
The restructure of UAB, days after EU sanctions on IGE, appears to be an attempt to evade sanctions by creating a false separation between UAB, IGE and Ne Aung.
UAB remains linked to IGE Group through common directors. The most significant is IGE Group’s CEO, Than Win Swe, who remains a director of UAB after the ownership restructure. Than Win Swe and Ne Aung are the sole directors of the EU-sanctioned entity, International Group of Entrepreneur Co. Ltd.
Thant Zin, another UAB director, remains on the board of UAB infrastructure development subsidiary Future Creator Group Construction, and, until early 2022, was a director of IGE Land.
It is likely that Myo Aung and Aye Aye Swe are proxy shareholders, and that Ne Aung maintains ownership of the bank. Ne Aung’s control may be exercised through IGE, which would make UAB subject to EU sanctions.
Asiamoney also gave a CSR award to the crony bank KBZ, part of KBZ group of companies. KBZ is linked to the UK, US and EU sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), and has used its philanthropic arm, the Brighter Future Foundation, to make major donations to the military in support of the 2017 Rohingya genocide.
The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recommended that KBZ be criminally investigated for making a direct and substantial contribution to crimes against humanity.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Despite attempts at concealment, UAB is clearly linked to Ne Aung’s IGE group, a business empire that has built immense wealth from dealings with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates, profiting from the military’s systemic corruption and enriching war criminals.
“IGE’s complicity in the Rohingya genocide and financial relationships with a murderous military are well established, including in the recent EU sanctions designation.
“It is inexcusable that Euromoney has given its “Best Bank in Myanmar” award to UAB, reputation laundering for a bank that is deeply connected to an EU sanctioned company.
“Since the military’s attempted coup, the junta has murdered more than 2,100 people and arrested over 15,000, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners.
“The junta’s international crimes are enabled by IGE, KBZ and other crony companies that provide the junta with sources of revenue to finance its campaign of terror.
“Euromoney and Asiamoney must act responsibly and revoke their awards to UAB and KBZ immediately.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions
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Sub-title:
Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the U.S. and other governments to impose further sanctions on its army-controlled government
Description:
"BANGKOK -- Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the United States and other countries to impose further sanctions against military leaders who ousted an elected government early last year.
Human rights advocates and comments by U.S. lawmakers suggest the Senate is inching toward passage of the Burma Act, legislation already passed by the House of Representatives. Among other actions, it would pave the way for sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, or MOGE, a state-controlled company that is a vital source of hard cash for the impoverished nation.
That makes MOGE a key target in the push to cut off funding for the military’s efforts to quash a widespread public backlash against its February 2021 seizure of power.
Myanmar, also called Burma, has been ruled by the military for most of the past 70 years. The army’s takeover interrupted a gradual transition toward democratic civilian government and a more modern, open economy and resulted in a slew of sanctions against the military, which controls many industries, army family members and cronies.
The hangings in late July of four political activists prompted condemnation and stronger calls from U.S. lawmakers and others f or Myanmar’s neighbors, especially the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to exert more pressure on the country’s military rulers.
“It is time for them to impose meaningful consequences on the junta in Burma that is literally getting away with murder,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a supporter of ousted Myanmar civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said in a recent statement. If Myanmar’s neighbors and ASEAN won’t do more, the U.S. should “turn up the heat” on the army and its sources of financial support, he said.
“This should include sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise,” McConnell said.
In February, the European Union announced sanctions against MOGE, saying the military’s control means the company is “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma.”
Two of the other biggest Myanmar state companies, Myanma Economic Holdings Ltd. and Myanmar Economic Corp., already have been designated for U.S. sanctions.
Advocates of sanctions say they could make a difference if they are well-targeted and enforced. So far, Myanmar's economy has been insulated somewhat from the penalties imposed by the U.S. and other Western governments after the military takeover. Most of its trade — especially lucrative sales of gems, rare earths and timber — is with nearby countries, especially China, which has been signaling growing support for the military-controlled government. Most big Western energy companies already have pulled out of oil and gas projects in the country.
That leaves only financial levers. Exports of oil and gas to China and Thailand earn about $2 billion a year, according to reports in its state media, and are a key source of the foreign exchange Myanmar needs to pay for imports of all kinds, including weapons used to fight opposition forces who took up arms after the army crushed peaceful protests.
The EU sanctions led the Bank of China to advise operators of the Shwe oil and gas field in northwestern Myanmar that it will not handle payments in euros to MOGE out of concern they might fall afoul of those restrictions, according to activists briefed by two of the companies operating the project, Posco International and Kogas. Two other people familiar with the situation confirmed that euro payments to MOGE were being kept in escrow accounts. The people spoke on condition they not be identified out of concern over risks for themselves, family members and associates.
The billions that other global banks have paid for violating sanctions against other countries are a strong incentive for compliance.
The EU, in announcing its sanctions, said that since MOGE was controlled by and generates revenue for the military, it was “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma."
A 770 kilometer (475 mile) pipeline connects the Shwe field to China’s Yunnan province. It is the only major project whose contracts call for revenue from gas sales to be paid in euros, rather than U.S. dollars.
A spokesman for Posco International, which has a 51% stake in the project, confirmed that those revenues were being paid into an escrow account. Posco is being paid its share as normal, Song Chan, the spokesman, said in an emailed reply to questions. He said he could not comment on the status of payments to the other companies participating in the oil and gas pipeline.
Otherwise, the project was operating as normal, he said, referring further questions to China National United Oil Co., which buys gas from the Shwe project and pays sales revenue. That company, a subsidiary of state-owned China National Petroleum Corp., did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Neither did CNPC nor the Bank of China.
Korea Gas Corp., which has an 8.5% stake in the Shwe fields, did not reply to a request for comment.
The fact that the Shwe project has continued to send gas to China suggests that sanctions can be implemented without disrupting livelihoods or supplies of natural gas in Myanmar, said Keel Dietz, a policy adviser at the environmental non-profit Global Witness.
Critics of sanctions have often contended that they might harm employees of companies involved in the projects or worsen power shortages in the country. The Burma Act itself calls for assessing the potential impact of any sanctions against MOGE on people in Myanmar. The president could impose such sanctions if they would hinder abuses by Myanmar's military after ensuring they would be in the U.S. national interest, with benefits outweighing any harm.
Even though the EU sanctions, imposed in February, have only affected the Shwe project, “it’s clear that EU sanctions had a meaningful impact on the thinking of at least one bank in a way that at the very least has raised costs for the junta in accessing their money," Dietz said. “All of this was done with zero negative humanitarian impacts in Myanmar and Thailand."
A lack of impact on gas supplies to Thailand from other projects would alleviate concerns that U.S. sanctions against MOGE might harm relations with Bangkok.
The executions that Myanmar carried out recently have deepened frustrations for its neighbors. Human rights advocates say dozens of democracy activists remain on Myanmar’s death row.
“If more executions are conducted, then things will have to be reconsidered,” said Prak Sokhonn, Cambodia's foreign minister and ASEAN's special envoy for Myanmar.
Outside ASEAN, the countries with closest ties and most sway over Myanmar, China and Russia, have signaled support for the military and are unlikely to do much to apply pressure.
The nine other ASEAN members are waiting to see what happens in coming months ahead of an annual summit meeting in November, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah told reporters in Bangkok last week.
Saifuddin acknowledged that ASEAN countries, which tend to refrain from imposing economic sanctions against other members, are discussing that option as they search for ways to exert leverage on Myanmar's military leaders.
“We did discuss this measure, but there was no conclusion," Saifuddin said..."
Source/publisher:
"ABC News" (Sydney)
Date of publication:
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Sanctions, Business and the Military
Language:
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Description:
"The recent arrest of a controversial Chinese businessman by Thai police for running an illegal online casino would not have impact on his mega project and gaming venture in Myanmar, said an official from the company that is operating the project near the Thai border.
She Zhijiang was arrested in Bangkok last week. He is the subject of an international arrest warrant for allegedly running an illegal online casino, Thai police said Saturday.
Chinese and other media reports say the 40-year-old has been on the run from Chinese authorities since 2012. He has had controversial mega projects and gaming ventures in Cambodia and at Shwe Kokko in Myanmar’s Karen state, as well as a lottery venture in the Philippines.
An official from Myanmar Yatai International Co., Ltd, which is developing the Shwe Kokko project, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that he had learned about the arrest.
“It won’t have any impact on Shwe Kokko. He may be arrested for his activities in other countries,” he said, requesting anonymity due to the sensitivity of the issue.
Initiated as a new city project near the Thai border in 2017, the US$15-billion project is a collaboration between the BGF—a Myanmar military-backed armed group led by Colonel Chit Thu formerly known as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA)—and a Hong Kong-registered company, Yatai International Holding Group (IHG). Myanmar Yatai International Co., Ltd is registered in Myanmar as a collaboration between IHG and Chit Lin Myaning, a company run by the Karen Border Guard Force (BGF) active in the Shwe Kokko area near Myawaddy Township in Myanmar’s Karen State. She Zhijiang is the chairman of Yatai Group.
However it was halted and investigated by the National League for Democracy (NLD) government in 2019 due to a lack of transparency, land confiscations, confusion over the scale of construction and the growing influx of Chinese money as well as suspected illicit activity involving casino businesses. The Chinese Embassy in Yangon expressed support for Myanmar’s move to investigate the irregularities.
In 2020, however, Yatai IHG’s management continued its gambling operations in the new city, which was only partially finished, in spite of a coronavirus lockdown. That year, both Thai and Chinese citizens were arrested in Mae Sot by Thai border police after entering Thailand illegally. Those arrested confessed to having worked at casinos within Shwe Kokko. Their testimony indicates that both online and traditional casinos are still operating in Karen State.
Colonel Chit Thu told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the new city project is currently halted. He couldn’t say exactly how it would be affected by the arrest of She.
“I think he was arrested for what he was involved in before the Shwe Kokko project,” the colonel said.
When asked about gambling in the new city, he said Shwe Kokko is not a gambling city.
“We only have a little casino venue,” he said.
Interpol issued a red notice for She in May 2021. He faces criminal charges in China related to running a casino and could face a maximum penalty of 10 years in jail, AFP reported.
Between January 2018 and February 2021, She — who heads up a “criminal gang” — colluded with others to register companies, and research and develop online gambling platforms, the red notice says.
The notice adds that online gambling websites including Hongshulin, Yigou and Yiyou International were set up and 330,000 gamblers were recruited..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma's economic relations with China, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Gambling
Language:
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Description:
"116 Myanmar and Singapore companies with 262 directors and shareholders have brokered the supply of weapons and other equipment worth many millions in US dollars to the Myanmar military, including since the illegal attempted coup of February 1, 2021.
The known brokers include 31 companies with 77 directors and shareholders that Justice For Myanmar has identified as suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had active business with the military since its coup attempt.
These brokers of arms and equipment for a military that has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide must be urgently sanctioned.
Justice For Myanmar has also identified 27 companies with 51 directors and shareholders that brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military since 2017– the year of the Rohingya genocide. Justice For Myanmar also calls for sanctions against these companies and individuals.
Linked to the total of 78 Myanmar-based companies supplying the military are at least 38 subsidiary or associated companies in Singapore.
Singapore has long been a known financial and trade hub for the Myanmar military’s arms procurement and this poses an imminent threat to the lives of millions of Myanmar people.
As a member of ASEAN, Singapore has an obligation to play an instrumental role to resolve the Myanmar crisis, as well as a moral responsibility to act. It must end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.
We are calling for international sanctions on arms brokers and their directors and shareholders in order to halt the flow of arms to the military junta.
We call on Singapore to impose immediate sanctions to ban the use of its territory, including its banks and ports, for the supply of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military.
The Myanmar military’s resources are used by the junta in its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
The military junta has killed 2,158 civilians and imprisoned over 15,000 more since the military’s illegal attempted coup on February 1, 2021.
Since the attempted coup, the military junta has carried out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murdered villagers, committed rape, destroyed homes and crops, forcibly displacing an estimated 866,400 people.
Under the Arms Trade Treaty, to which 111 states are parties, it is prohibited to transfer arms with knowledge they would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies seeks to prevent the transfer of dual-use goods to countries of concern. Singapore is not party to the Arms Trade Treaty or the Wassenaar Arrangement.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “So far, only a few of the companies supplying arms and equipment to the military junta have been sanctioned. The vast majority are continuing to operate freely. This is unacceptable.
“When only a few countries impose sanctions, the junta is still able to get the arms, equipment and funds it needs to terrorise the people of Myanmar.
“Sanctions are only effective when they are imposed by all relevant countries, on all businesses and individuals enabling the junta and its atrocity crimes.
“JFM is calling for coordinated international sanctions on these companies and their directors and shareholders in order to stop the flow of arms and equipment to the military junta.
“Governments and companies – especially Singapore – have significant power to end the military junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity. Without meaningful action, Singapore will remain complicit in the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes.
“Singapore and other governments imposed swift and coordinated sanctions on the Russian government and its arms businesses in response to its aggression against Ukraine. The time is well overdue for governments to take a decisive and coordinated response to the Myanmar military’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions
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"116 Myanmar and Singapore companies with 262 directors and shareholders have brokered the supply of weapons and other equipment worth many millions in US dollars to the Myanmar military, including since the illegal attempted coup of February 1, 2021.
The known brokers include 31 companies with 77 directors and shareholders that Justice For Myanmar has identified as suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had active business with the military since its coup attempt. These businesses and their directors and shareholders are complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes. Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against these companies and individuals.
Justice For Myanmar has also identified 27 companies with 51 directors and shareholders that brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military since 2017– the year of the Rohingya genocide, preceding the coup attempt. They have been complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes and must be prevented from pursuing further business with the military. Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions against these companies and individuals.
Linked to the total of 78 Myanmar-based companies brokering for the military are at least 38 subsidiary or associated companies in Singapore.
Singapore has long been a known financial and trade hub for the Myanmar military junta and this poses an imminent threat to the lives of millions of Myanmar people. As a member of ASEAN, Singapore has an important role to play to resolve the Myanmar crisis. It must start by ending its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.
Myanmar’s military resources have long been used in its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, in aggression against ethnic minorities who resisted its attempts to suppress their equal rights in the union. The military has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity against ethnic minorities and in 2017, committed genocide against the Rohingya. Since the 1 February 2021 attempted coup, that deliberate violence is directed against people across the country who continue to reject and resist the military’s ongoing attempt to seize power.
The suppliers of arms to the Myanmar military have had knowledge of the war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed by the brutal military. Those who continue to provide arms are complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes.
Since the military’s attempted coup, the military has carried out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murdered villagers, committed rape, destroyed homes and crops, and forcibly displaced an estimated 866,400 people.
Under the Arms Trade Treaty, to which 111 states are parties, it is prohibited to transfer arms with knowledge they would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies seeks to prevent the transfer of dual-use goods to countries of concern. 42 states are parties to the Wassenaar Agreement. However, Singapore is not a party to the Arms Trade Treaty or the Wassenaar Arrangement.
So far, only a few of the companies supplying arms and other products to the military junta have been sanctioned, while the vast majority are continuing to operate freely.
Companies brokering arms to Myanmar military
The following companies are confirmed to have brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, and are divided into three categories, based on the current status of their identified business activities.
Category “A” lists brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military since the attempted coup.
Category “B” lists brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have conducted business with the Myanmar military following the Rohingya genocide from 2017 or later.
Justice For Myanmar calls for companies, directors and shareholders listed in category “A” and “B” to be sanctioned for their involvement in supplying the Myanmar military.
Category “C” includes brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have conducted business with the Myanmar military from 2015-2016, or where dates are not confirmed. The companies, their shareholders and directors should be monitored as there is a risk that they may have continued business with the Myanmar military. Any ongoing business with the Myanmar military must result in sanctions.
The sources are based on documents from the Myanmar Ministry of Defence's procurement department that have been leaked to JFM, previous disclosures made public by JFM, industry sources and other online and media sources.
Download the list of Myanmar military arms broker companies and individuals (11 August 2022): Download Excel File (65 kb)
Category A: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military since its coup attempt
A1 Group of Companies & subsidiaries: Yadanarbon Fibre Services Co. Ltd, Com & Com Co. Ltd, Terabit Wave Co. Ltd & Bright Sky Group Pte Ltd
A1 Group through its subsidiaries Yadanarbon Fibre Services Company Limited, Com & Com Company Limited, Terabit Wave Company Limited and Bright Sky Group Private Limited provide telecommunications technology and services to the Myanmar military.
According to Yadanarbon Fibre Services Co. Ltd’s website, the company has provided CCTV surveillance services to the Ministry of Defence, which is controlled by the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing.
Terabit Wave Co. Ltd and Com & Com Co. Ltd, which has business links to German and Israel companies, have had business with the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Signals since 2014.
According to JFM sources, purchases are made through Bright Sky Group Pte Ltd, a Singaporean business unit of the A1 Group.
In 2017, Terabit Wave brokered or attempted to broker the procurement of optical transmission systems from the Korean firm Coweaver for the Directorate of Signals, according to a leaked letter sent by the company to the Directorate of Procurement in September 2017.
The four companies share common directors and shareholders. In addition, Yadanarbon Fibre Services Company Limited is also a shareholder in Telecom International Myanmar (Mytel), a military-controlled telecommunications operator in Myanmar, through Myanmar National Telecom Holdings.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Creative Exploration Ltd
Creative Exploration Limited (formerly known as mySpace International or My Space International Company Limited) has imported fuzes from India to the Myanmar military since the attempted coup.
The most recent shipment was on March 25, 2022 and consisted of 3,000 fuzes, according to records from the Panjiva trade database. This followed a similar shipment in 2020 and 2019.
The company has also imported digital forensics technology from the United States (US) firm Oxygen Forensics and a digital forensics examination station from the US firm Sirichie, both via Indian suppliers.
Creative Exploration Ltd is also a major broker of arms and equipment for the Myanmar police force.
The company is owned by Dr Kyaw Kyaw Htun, a former military officer and graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy and his wife, Zar Phyu Tin Soe, is the daughter of a former military officer who was Myanmar’s ambassador to Russia.
For more details, see JFM’s feature
Dynasty Group & its subsidiaries
Dynasty Group of Companies, which has carried out business in the European Union (EU), supplied aircraft and spare parts manufactured by the German company Grob to the Myanmar Air Force.
A subsidiary of Dynasty Group, Dynasty International Company Limited, is also a key arms supplier to the Myanmar military, with links to companies in Russia, Belarus and Germany.
Dynasty International imported parts for Mi-17 helicopters since the attempted coup, according to data from the trade database, ImportGenius.
The Group’s director, Dr Aung Moe Myint, is the Belarus Honorary Consul to Myanmar.
His business unit registered in Singapore, Dynasty Excellency Pte Ltd, is highly likely to be used to facilitate arms transactions to Myanmar.
Aung Moe Myint is now targeted by sanctions from the United Kingdom (UK) and Canada, and his business Dynasty International Company Limited is also sanctioned by the UK.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Galaxy Shine Co. Ltd
Galaxy Shine Company Limited (formerly known as Aung Sein Hein Company Limited) has imported Mi-17 helicopter parts to Myanmar from Simplex LLC, a Russian supplier of aircraft parts, since the attempted coup.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Htoo Group of Companies & its subsidiaries: Myanmar Avia Export, Htoo Trading, YAECO
The Htoo Group of Companies (HGC) is a major crony conglomerate owned by arms broker Tay Za and his family.
Tay Za is a significant business associate of the Myanmar military, who has supplied the military with aircraft and parts through his companies, Myanmar Avia Export and Htoo Trading Company Limited.
Myanmar Avia Export Company has imported Mi-35P aircrafts and Mi-17 aircrafts parts worth millions of euros from Ukrainian firm Motor Sich and Russian firms including JSC Russian Helicopters, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY and a leaked letter from the Myanmar Air Force to the Directorate of Procurement, sent in November 2017. The company is now in liquidation.
The Group’s aviation service company Yangon Aircraft Engineering Company Limited (YAECO) has also provided services to the Myanmar Air Force.
The Htoo Group of Companies and some of key directors and shareholders have been sanctioned by the US, the UK and the EU for providing financial support and arms to the Myanmar military.
HGC has ongoing business with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
International Gateways Group of Companies, Myanmar Consultancy Co. Ltd & Venture Sky International Ltd
International Gateways Group of Companies (IGG) through its subsidiary Gateways Hongkong Company Limited – was awarded contracts worth millions of US dollars to supply equipment including spare parts and upgrades for the air force’s fighter jets and other aircraft and weapons for warships to the Myanmar military.
According to JFM sources, IGG is one of the biggest arms suppliers to the Myanmar Air Force and Navy, especially in trade from China.
IGG’s managing director, Dr. Naing Htut Aung, is sanctioned by the US.
Dr. Naing Htut Aung was a key director and shareholder of Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited (MCC), which has procured equipment from ALLWE, a Russian trading company that specialises in the supply of aircraft parts and related equipment for Mi-8 and Mi-17 helicopters. In 2019, Myanmar Consultancy attempted to supply a CASA CN-235 military transport aircraft, according to a leaked proposal.
MCC was an online exhibitor at the MAKS 2021 air show in Russia, which the Myanmar military coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended in person.
For details, see JFM’s feature.
Dr. Naing Htut Aung’s Singapore business Venture Sky International Ltd has directly supplied aircraft spare parts to the Myanmar military.
The company had at least 12 contracts with the Myanmar Air Force to provide aircraft spare parts in 2016 alone.
Notably, this is the same year the company was established, indicating that the company was likely to have been set up as an intermediary for the Myanmar military amidst sanctions that were in place at the time.
According to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement, the 2016 purchases include:
53 spare parts for MiG-29 fighter planes worth over USD$ 3.3 million
213 spare parts for G-4 planes worth USD$ 800,000
197 spare parts for K-8w trainer jets worth USD$ 700,000
30 spare parts for Y-12 multi-use planes worth USD$ 100,000
7 spare parts for Mi-17 military helicopters worth USD$ 10,901
25 spare parts for Mi-17 military helicopters worth USD$ 47,203
289 spare parts for Cessna Citation CCII planes worth USD$ 1.4 million
4 spare parts for main components of CCII planes worth USD$ 43,640
57 spare parts for F-7 fighter planes worth USD$ 200,000
3 pieces of lifting equipment for Myanmar Navy worth USD$ 359,750
11 main components for MiG-29 fighter planes worth USD$ 1.1 million
5 main components for Bell-206 helicopters worth USD$ 44,650
In 2017, when the Myanmar military carried out a campaign of genocide against the Rohingya,
Venture Sky International Ltd also sold spare parts for PC-7 aircraft and Mi-17 helicopters to the Myanmar military.
Venture Sky International Ltd was dissolved in October 2021 after JFM reported on arms shipments involving Dr Naing Htut Aung’s companies.
Dr Naing Htut Aung is a key arms dealer to the Myanmar military and his businesses are currently only sanctioned in the US and continue to operate freely elsewhere.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
KT Group, Ky-Tha Group & their subsidiaries
KT Group of Companies and Ky-Tha Group of Companies have procured arms and dual use goods for the Myanmar military through their subsidiaries.
A subsidiary Kyaw Htet Kyaw Company is a key broker for the procurement of equipment and services for the Myanmar military, including the air force and the army’s Directorate of Procurement.
The company won a one-million-euro tender for the purchase of a Sub-Atlantic Super Mohawk remotely operated vehicle (ROV), manufactured by the US-based Forum Energy Technologies.
According to a leaked document, the transaction was made through subsidiary Ky-Tha Trading in Singapore.
KT Group subsidiary, MWG Limited, has procured Fokker planes for the Myanmar Air Force, according to the New York Times.
Subsidiaries Ky-Tha Trading and Ky-Tha Industrial Development have also procured and provided services related to Thales Coast Watcher 100s – a French-designed long-range coastal surveillance radar – for the Myanmar Navy.
These companies are owned by Moe Kyaw Thaung and his son Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung, who is the Chief Executive Officer of KT Group.
Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung is currently sanctioned by the US for being a business associate of the Myanmar military.
Yet, no other country has sanctioned his arms-dealing companies and their directors.
KT Group has ongoing business with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates. For more details, see New York Times reporting and JFM’s feature.
L T Resources Co. Ltd
L T Resources Company Limited is linked to the procurement of aircraft for the Myanmar Air Force.
The company is owned by Linn Htet and Mon Yee and Thida Myint (niece, nephew and sister of the junta’s State Administration Council member, Maung Maung Kyaw).
For more details, see Reuters reporting.
Mega Hill General Trading Co. Ltd
Mega Hill General Trading Company Limited has procured arms, dual use goods and spare parts for the Myanmar military, including after the attempted coup.
The company also has a history of procuring technology and providing services through the army’s Directorate of Procurement.
It also provides medical supplies to the Myanmar military's Defence Services Medical Academy.
The company has business links to German companies.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Miya Win International & Asia Golden Phoenix Consultancy Services
These two companies procure arms and dual use goods for the Myanmar military, including from Austria and Germany.
Miya Win International procured Austrian-made Schiebel Camcopter S-100 unmanned aerial vehicles for the Myanmar military, in breach of the EU arms embargo.
Asia Golden Phoenix Consultancy procured an ATR flight simulator from the Austrian firm Axis Simulation, and registered it with the European Air Safety Authority.
Miya Win International has imported parts and a full-scale training model for Camcopter S-100s since the illegal coup attempt.
Miya Win International is now subject to sanctions from the UK for its role in procuring arms on behalf of the Myanmar military.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Myanmar Chemical & Machinery Co. Ltd & its subsidiaries
Myanmar Chemical & Machinery Company Ltd (MCM) is owned by arms dealer Aung Hlaing Oo.
The company’s subsidiaries are suppliers of arms and related materiel to the Myanmar military and are also involved in arms production and a technical transfer project producing K-8 trainer jets in Myanmar with the Chinese state-owned arms company, CATIC. K-8 trainers were last commissioned during the junta’s air force anniversary celebrations in December 2021.
MCM was part of a project with the Ukrainian state-owned arms manufacturer Ukroboronprom and the army’s Directorate of Defence Industries to produce BTR-4 armoured personnel carriers (APCs), MMT-40 light tanks and 2SIU self-propelled howitzers.
MCM has supplied spare parts, tools and accessories for T-72 tanks to the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps.
MCM has also procured arms from Serbia for the Myanmar military. A 2019 MCM proposal for the Myanmar Air Force, leaked to Justice For Myanmar, details aircraft-mounted rocket launchers, rockets, free-fall bombs, a multiple bomb launcher for use “on large surfaces” and fuses.
A Singaporean subsidiary of MCM Pacific Pte Ltd has provided parts for Mi-2, Mi-17 and Bell 206 helicopters to the Myanmar Air Force.
The company has also imported spare parts for a MTU12V 331TC 92 marine diesel engine as well as an engine display unit, propulsion system, lifesaving equipment and stern arrangement worth millions of US dollars for the Myanmar Navy.
MCM Pacific Pte Ltd supplied BTR-3U armoured personnel carrier parts to the Myanmar army’s Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps worth millions of euros.
MCM has been sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada.
For more details, see JFM’s feature and comany profile.
Myanmar New Era Trading Co. Ltd & Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd
Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, owned by Aung Myo Win, former managing director of arms supplier Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited, has procured goods for the Myanmar military.
Data from the trade database Import Genius reveals that Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited has shipped parts for Mi-17 and Mi-8 helicopters from Russia 83 times.
Yatanarpon Aviation Support Company Limited, which is linked to Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, has received aircraft parts from Ukroboronservice on behalf of the Myanmar military since 2020, including following the military’s attempted coup.
Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd was formerly a company of Sit Taing Aung, Mexico's honorary consul to Myanmar, who has been sanctioned by the US and Canada for brokering arms on behalf of the Myanmar military.
Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd is now in liquidation.
For more details, see JFM’s features here and here.
Sky Aviator Co. Ltd
Sky Aviator is a Myanmar miliary arms broker that has procured equipment from Russia and Ukraine since the attempted coup, including YAK-130 support equipment from Concern Radio-Electronic Technologies (KRET), refitted turbojet engines from United Engine Corporation and engine parts from Rosoboronexport and Motor Sich.
According to a proposal leaked to JFM, Sky Aviator represents JSC Russian Helicopters in Myanmar.
Sky Aviator is subject to UK sanctions.
For more details, see JFM’s feature and details of recent shipments received from Russia by Sky Aviator Co. Ltd.
Star Sapphire Group
A subsidiary of Star Sapphire Group – Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited – has played a key role in brokering deals for arms and military equipment on behalf of the Myanmar military over many years.
Equipment procured has included defence technology and products from China and, previously from Israel.
The company’s Managing Director, Dr Tun Min Latt, is directly involved in these arms deals and has direct access to military coup leader Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing.
His wife Dr Tun Min Latt jointly formed a company with Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of Min Aung Hlaing.
The company has ongoing business with the Myanmar military.
For details, see JFM’s feature.
Synpex Shwe Co. Ltd
The Synpex Shwe Company Limited procured material for the Myanmar Air Force in March 2021 and the company is also a supplier for the Directorate of Defence Industries.
Synpex Shwe is now subjected to sanctions from the UK for its role in procuring arms on behalf of the Myanmar military.
For more details, see the JFM feature.
Trident Marine Co. Ltd, Amber Star General Trading Co. Ltd, Atland Services Pte Ltd and D&K Intertrade Pte Ltd
These companies have supplied equipment and services worth many millions of US dollars for the Myanmar navy, as part of a major frigate construction project.
In the aftermath of the junta’s illegal coup attempt, Trident Marine Co. Ltd staff together with a Myanmar navy delegation travelled to Ukraine as part of the frigate project.
The deal was brokered in partnership with the Ukrainian-owned Singaporean company, Atland Services Pte Ltd, according to an industry source.
Trident Marine Co. Ltd also procured ship parts for the Myanmar Navy in 2015-16, including navigation equipment, electrical fittings and steering equipment.
For more details, see Myanmar Now reporting and JFM’s feature.
Category B: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military during the 2017-18 financial year or later
Aero Sofi Co. Ltd & Asia Trading Group Pte Ltd
Aero Sofi Company Limited is a supplier to the Myanmar Air Force.
The company’s agreements with the Myanmar Air Force include the luxury refurbishment of an Airbus A319-112 plane worth millions of US dollars, which was cancelled after it was exposed, and a proposed US$38.6 million deal to purchase two Airbus CASA C-295 military transport planes from the Royal Jordanian Air Force.
The company is wholly owned by an arms broker, Sai Kham Park Hpa, who holds a stake in the Singapore-based Asia Trading Group Private Limited, a company which is facilitates the transactions.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Asia Energy Supply & Services Co. Ltd
This company supplied a pump to the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
D S T Business Group Co. Ltd
In 2017-18, the company supplied an engine room ventilation system and accessories, an anchor winch and an F12 PLC industrial computer control card, a shipboard power cable, electrical hardware, a watertight cable sealing system, a navigation lamp, a search light, a signal light, a marine electrical lamp fitting and a steering system to be used by the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
General Machinery Trading Co. Ltd and General Machinery Trading Pte Ltd
General Machinery Trading Company Limited, a port equipment supply company, has provided welding accessories, a welding electrode, panelling materials and packing and joining materials to the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
The purchases were made through its Singapore business unit, General Machinery Trading Private Limited.
Another leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement shows General Machinery Trading Company also supplied a Laser Tracker System for the Myanmar Navy in 2017
The company is the official authorised distributor in Myanmar of a wide range of port equipment from international brands – such as cranes and lifting equipment from Konecranes in Finland, V-belts products from Bando in Japan, a mobile shredder from Metso in Denmark and products from Terex Fuchs in Germany, according to the company website.
Interstellar Ltd
This company is an official sales agent for the import of aviation parts from Ukroboronprom in Ukraine to the Myanmar air force, according to a leaked proposal, and was an online exhibitor at the MAKS 2021 air show in Russia.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
King Royal Technologies Co. Ltd
This company has had contracts with the Myanmar Air Force and the Myanmar army’s Directorate of Signals, and has reportedly been engaged in military research and manufacturing.
It is subject to US Department of Commerce restrictions.
For more details, see JFM’s report and feature on the arms trade with Russia, and a leaked proposal.
Life and Challenge Co. Ltd and LANC Pte Ltd
Life and Challenge Company Limited, a company which has links to the EU, provided an engine room ventilation system and accessories, an anchor winch, a F12 PLC industrial computer control card, and a piping machine and tools for the Myanmar navy, according to leaked Ministry of Defence documents concerning procurement.
In 2018, Life and Challenge Co. Ltd and its partner TBSS, a Singaporean company that specialises in radars and electronic warfare, and training and engineering services, were jointly awarded a contract to design and deliver a radar capability development programme for the Myanmar military officers from the Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), Defence Services Technological Academy (DSTA), Directorate of Signals and Directorate of Defence Industries.
Life and Challenge Co. Ltd has also supplied dozens of items to the DSSTRC through its Singapore business LANC Pte Ltd.
Life and Challenge Co. Ltd’s co-owner Wunna is also director and shareholder of Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited (MCC), a key arms supplier to the Myanmar military.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Lion Zone Co. Ltd
This company was contracted to supply a plating machine and other tools for the Myanmar Navy in 2017.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Machinery & Solutions Co. Ltd
This company supplied spare parts for a MTU12V 331TC 92 marine diesel engine and an engine display unit for the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Mega Dynamic Co. Ltd and Achiever Marine Service
These two companies have jointly provided items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for dozens of marine equipment items including ship wiring cables, navigation and marine electrical fittings, a propulsion system, a stern arrangement, a steering system, a ventilation blower, welding machines, mooring and towing equipment and other accessories, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY
In 2017, Mega Dynamic Co. Ltd also provided a propulsion system, a stern arrangement, a steering system and ventilation blower to Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2017-18 FY.
Monday International Co. Ltd
This company supplied an engine room ventilation system and accessories for the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Myan Shwe Pyi Tractors Ltd
This company sold a propulsion system and stern arrangement to the Myanmar Navy in 2014 and 2017, respectively, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Myanmar Future Science Co. Ltd
This company has procured Elbit drone parts that were sent to the Myanmar military.
For more details, see a proposal leaked to JFM, and reporting in the New York Times.
One Success Co. Ltd
This company was awarded a contract to supply foundry shop accessories to the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Royal Shune Lei Co. Ltd
The Royal Shune Lei Company Limited has supplied arms and related materiel from Russia and Serbia to the Myanmar military.
See the leaked 2019 proposal involving procurement from Serbia and this feature on the arms trade with Russia.
Shwepoe May Co. Ltd
Shwepoe May Company Limited is run by a former instructor at the Myanmar military’s Defence Services Academy.
The company has supplied rockets and missiles to the military, according to a JFM source.
It has also provided spare parts for BTR-3U armoured personnel carriers to the Commander in Chief (Army) Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps.
See 2019 proposal leaked to JFM.
Sixth Ocean Ltd & Midway Pte Ltd
Sixth Ocean Limited has procured equipment for the Myanmar military.
The company’s purchases were made through Midway Pte Ltd, a company that was registered in Singapore, but has since been struck off the company registry.
In addition, Sixth Ocean also has links to Allwe, a Russian company which provides parts to the Myanmar military.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Sun & Moon 777
Sun & Moon 777 works closely with the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung.
The company brokered French Zodiac Milpro inflatable rubber boats to Myawaddy Trading, a subsidiary of the Myanmar military’s conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), in August 2020, for delivery in 2021, according to leaked documents.
The Myanmar Navy is known to be the end user of these boats according to an industry source with knowledge of the transaction.
TBSS Group and TBSS Center for Electrical and Electronics Engineering
TBSS, a sole proprietor company owned by Singapore engineer Lee Kar Heng, has provided equipment, training and support for the Myanmar military to development its radar capabilities, in partnership with Myanmar military broker Life and Challenge Company Limited. This has included the provision of a 9-month radar capability development program for the Defense Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC) and Defence Services Technological Academy (DSTA) in 2018. Lee Kar Heng is a former staff of Singapore’s Defence Science and Technology Agency.
TBSS Group has involved its international partners in supplying equipment and training to the Myanmar military, including Keysight Technologies (USA), SkyRadar (Luxembourg/Germany), Dspnor (Norway) and RFBeam (Switzerland).
For details, see JFM’s feature and Straits Times reporting.
Trio Core Distribution Co. Ltd
Trio Core Distribution Company Limited is linked to arms broker Miya Win International.
This company was a business partner to Victorinox and arranged a meeting for Victorinox with the Myanmar military on August 22, 2017, as the military was committing genocide against the Rohingya. It led to the supply of knives with an imprint for the 72nd anniversary of the Myanmar Air Force in 2019.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
True North Co. Ltd
True North is a known arms dealer and the agent of the Indonesian state-owned enterprise, PT Pindad. PT Pindad has exported ammunition to Myanmar. True North is owned by Htoo Htoo Shein Oo, the son of the Myanmar military junta’s planning and finance minister, Win Shein.
For more details, see JFM’s feature.
Trust And Honesty International Co. Ltd / UK Logix Security International Co. Ltd
Aung Min Nyo (also known as Kevin Nyo) and these two companies that he co-owns have provided defence security consultation, services and technology to the Myanmar military, according to JFM sources.
Category C: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who had business with the Myanmar military from 2015 to 2016, or where dates are not confirmed
Asia Resource Developments Trading Co. Ltd
This company has had contracts with the Myanmar Navy to supply marine items including an engine room ventilation system and accessories, marine diesel gensets, a main switchboard, marine spare parts and an oxygen plant for a naval dockyard, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Bamar Pte Ltd
Bamar Pte, a Singapore based company owned by Myanmar citizens, has supplied arms and aircraft spare parts for the Myanmar military in 2016.
The items supplied include spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters and 37mm twin barrel AA guns worth millions in US dollars, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement, according to leaked Ministry of Defence documents concerning procurement.
The company has registered an overseas branch office in Yangon, Myanmar.
Eternity Star Co. Ltd and Pollux Marine Pte Ltd
Eternity Star Company Limited and Pollux Marine Private Limited have jointly imported ship wiring cables, marine navigation electrical fittings and a steering system for the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Both companies are owned by a Myanmar citizen, Ye Linn.
Eternity Star Co. Ltd is the authorised distributor of products from marine brands ESAB, Mercury Marine and Delfin in Myanmar.
Future Gift International Ltd
This company has provided an aviation jet refuelling vehicle for the Myanmar Air Force in 2016, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Lucky Bird Trading Company Limited
A leaked August 2017 Myanmar Air Force letter to the Directorate of Procurement shows that Lucky Bird Co. Ltd attempted to broker EWR 600 and EWR 750 weather radar manufactured by its partner. According to an arms industry source, Lucky Bird Trading has also won IT contracts from the Myanmar military.
Marinetech Limited
A Myanmar military broker with links to France. In July 2017, Marinetech together with a French partner CNIM met with the Myanmar army to negotiate the provision of a modular assault bridge system, according to a leaked letter sent to the Directorate of Procurement.
Mascot Company Limited
The company has supplied communications equipment to the Myanmar army from the South African firm Reutech, according to an industry source.
The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFMM) reported that Reutech has supplied ground-to-air radio transmitter V/UHF transceivers (Reutech/PAE 3060), according to the Ministry of Defence budget documents.
Moezac Company Limited
A leaked July 2017 Directorate of Procurement letter shows representatives from MoeZac Co., Ltd. is partnered with Russian firm UAZ LLC and met with Directorate of Defence Industries regarding the supply of armoured and other vehicles.
Nanova Company Limited and Nanova Pte Ltd
Nanova Company Limited supplied equipment including pneumatic fenders for the Myanmar Navy.
It has also provided scientific equipment for the Myanmar military’s Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Since 2014, Nanova has been purchasing Radar Absorbent Paint (RAP) manufactured by Micromag Co., Ltd. for the Myanmar military. According to a brief report, Myanmar Navy representatives travelled to Spain in Feb 2014 regarding Micromag purchases.
Nanova is registered in Myanmar as well as in Singapore as a supplier of medical, scientific and industrial equipment.
It has offices in Yangon, Naypyidaw and Mandalay.
Oro Vittorio Co. Ltd.
This company supplied spare parts for a flight simulator to the Myanmar Air Force in 2016, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Proven Technology Industry Co. Ltd.
This company has supplied thousands of vehicle batteries to the Myanmar military, according to a leakedMinistry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Pyae Naing Thu Co. Ltd and Xinde Marine Engineering Pte Ltd
Xinde Marine Engineering Private Limited had a joint agreement with Pyae Naing Thu Company Limited to provide items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for gyrocompass equipment and stabiliser systems, and an external firefighting system in 2015-16, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
Royal Pyae Phyo Company Limited
Royal Pyae Phyo, a trading and logistics company has involved in supplying the Myanmar military with nitrate from the Thai firm, Thai Nitrate Company, according to an industry source.
According to Royal Pyae Phyo’s website, their partners include the Chinese arms conglomerate AVIC, and the Chinese drone manufacturer Beihang UAS Technology Co. Ltd.
Sea Technology International Ltd and Sea Technology Cooperation Pte Ltd
Sea Technology International Limited is a major supplier of marine communication and navigation equipment in Myanmar.
The company has had multiple contracts with the Myanmar military. It provided items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for navigation and other equipment to be installed on landing craft, offshore patrol boats and other naval vessels, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
The company also supplied a Furuno navigation radar to the Myanmar army.
The purchases were made through Sea Technology Cooperation Pte. Ltd, a Singapore branch of Sea Technology.
Shwe Pan Thu Co. Ltd. and Duwon Pte Ltd
These companies have jointly supplied items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for anchor chain and accessories and a marine window, according to a Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
Singa International Enterprise Ltd and Royal Lion International Pte Ltd
These companies jointly brokered items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for an electric boat crane, firefighting and other equipment, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
The companies have the same directors: Khin Thin Swe and Sein Aung.
The Prime Inya Company Limited
The Prime Inya Company Limited and its partner, Chinese Aerospace Long March International Trade Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of CASC met with the air force commander-in-chief regarding CH-4 armed UAVs in Aug 22, 2017 according to a leaked Myanmar Air Force letter to the Directorate of Procurement. China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp. CASC has a plant to build CH-4 UAVs in Myanmar, according to the UN Fact-Finding Mission.
The Prime Inya has also been listed as a buyer of ammonium nitrate and sulphur.
Triple Phoenix Co. Ltd. and Triple Phoenix Pte Ltd
Triple Phoenix Company Limited and its Singapore subsidiary Triple Phoenix Private Limited were awarded multiple contracts to supply equipment for the Myanmar military, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY.
This has included providing items for the Myanmar Air Force following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters and main components for MiG-29 aircraft.
These companies have also supplied navigation equipment to be installed on a hospital ship used by the Myanmar Navy and cardiac consumables for the Defence Services Medical Academy.
Some of the purchases were made through a Singapore company, TRD Consultancy Pte Ltd, which has shared the same office and directors with Triple Phoenix Pte Ltd. TRD Consultancy has had an office in Myanmar and has supplied anti-drone guns to the Myanmar Police Force.
Shwe Htee San Trading Co. Ltd. and Shwe Htee San
Shwe Htee San Trading Company Limited, together with its Singapore business, have supplied navigation equipment for the Myanmar Navy to be installed on a naval ship, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement.
The companies have been struck off the Myanmar and Singapore company registries.
Reliance Products Pte Ltd
Reliance Products Private Limited is linked to Mega Hill General Trading Co. Ltd and has imported hydraulic cranes for the Myanmar navy and equipment for the Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for the 2015-16 FY.
Call for sanctions
Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions on the abovementioned category “A” and “B” companies and their directors and shareholders, for their involvement in supplying the Myanmar military.
Category “C” companies and their shareholders and directors should be monitored for any continued business with the Myanmar military. Any ongoing business with the Myanmar military must result in sanctions.
More sanctions are urgently required to prevent the continued flow of arms, equipment and revenue to the Myanmar military, which enable its campaign of terror. Targeted sanctions must capture:
Myanmar and international companies supplying and funding the Myanmar military;
Myanmar and international companies and their directors and shareholders brokering arms, dual-use goods, and funds;
any other companies and individuals that continue to provide the Myanmar military with arms, dual use goods and revenue.
Detailed list of Myanmar military arms broker companies and individuals
JFM has compiled detailed lists identifying Myanmar registered companies and Myanmar linked Singaporean companies involved in supplying the Myanmar military, along with company directors and shareholders, graded according to the abovementioned categories..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"YANGON, Aug. 11 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar's agricultural export earnings decreased 1.25 percent to about 1.27 billion U.S. dollars year on year in the first four months of the present fiscal year (FY) 2022-2023, according to the Ministry of Commerce.
The Southeast Asian country changed its fiscal year from the original October-September to April-March beginning this year.
Despite the slight decline in agricultural export earnings, the country's total export value grew 26.71 percent to over 5.49 billion U.S. dollars year on year between April 1 and July 29 this year, official data showed.
All the agricultural export during the period was done by the private sector alone, the commerce ministry's figures showed.
Among Myanmar's agricultural products, rice is the most cultivated crop and also one of the top major agricultural products exported to foreign markets.
According to the Myanmar Rice Federation, the country exported over 733,096 tons of rice and broken rice between April and July this year.
Kyaw San Oo, a rice exporter from Mandalay, told Xinhua that the export of agricultural products including rice and broken rice this year declined because of many factors including changing financial rules and low rice yield.
"This year's rice market is not as good as last year's because rice prices are rising in domestic market and the costs of exporting rice to other countries are high," he said.
The Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM) in April ordered anyone in the country to compulsorily convert foreign currencies into kyats, but then gradually relaxed the conversion order.
The latest relaxation of the conversion order was made on Aug. 5, allowing exporters to compulsorily convert only 65 percent of their export earnings into kyats, and the CBM also changed the reference exchange rate from 1,850 kyats to 2,100 kyats per U.S. dollar.
Aung Kyaw Oo, a rice exporter from Yangon, told Xinhua that the latest moves of the central bank are better for the export market which was sluggish in recent months.
"Currently, even the demand for rice is high in the market," he said, adding that the latest easing of currency conversion orders would help both exporters and importers smoothen their business activities.
Low yield was one of the major factors that decreased Myanmar's agricultural export earnings during the period, and the country's authorities are working on producing high yields of crops.
"The priority must be given to paddy cultivation so as to increase per-acre yield. It is necessary to encourage the manufacturing of products based on agriculture and livestock farms," Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, chairman of Myanmar's State Administration Council (SAC), said Tuesday.
From April 1 to July 29 this year, Myanmar's total foreign trade was valued at over 11.02 billion U.S. dollars including the import value of over 5.52 billion U.S. dollars.
Myanmar mainly exports agricultural, animal and marine products, minerals, forest products, manufacturing goods and others to its foreign trade partners including China, Thailand, Bangladesh and India, according to the commerce ministry..."
Source/publisher:
"Xinhua News Agency" (Beijing)
Date of publication:
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Border Trade - general, Business and the Military
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The toxic rare earth mining industry at the heart of the global green energy transition
Description:
"China has long dominated the world's supply of heavy rare earths, minerals needed to build electric vehicles and wind turbines. Demand for these products is skyrocketing as we rush to meet climate goals, but there is a problem at the root of the supply chain.
The processes used to extract heavy rare earths are highly polluting, ravaging landscapes and poisoning waterways. As concerns over the environmental toll of extraction have grown in China over the past decade, more and more domestic mines have been shut down. Yet global demand is growing rapidly, and China remains the world's largest processor.
But with many of its own mines now closed, where is China's supply of these minerals coming from?
A six-month investigation by Global Witness followed the outsourcing of this highly toxic industry across the Chinese border into Myanmar.
There, heavy rare earth mining has exploded so quickly that within just a few years a mountainous corner of Myanmar, known as Kachin Special Region 1, has become the world's largest source of supply. This region is a semi-autonomous territory run by militias that are affiliated to Myanmar's brutal military regime. The mining is illegal under Myanmar's laws, and hardly exists on paper.
Yet the damage that global demand for products manufactured by international companies is fuelling in this remote, lawless part of the world is all too real for the communities who are now risking their lives to defend their land.
LEACHING MYANMAR'S MOUNTAINS
For Zau*, a local worker, the mining boom is a rare chance to make money. He is paid 3,800 yuan ($600) in cash every month, around twice the average salary in Myanmar.
He works in the shadows, at a mine near the Chinese border, for a company that has no permits. On paper, Sin Kyaing Company is owned by a local militia leader called Lagwi Bawm Lang. But like other Burmese companies in the rare earth mining industry, it is really a front for illegal investment by Chinese businesspeople.
Zau's job is to remove vegetation and drill holes into the mountains. Then ammonium sulphate solution is injected into the holes, effectively liquefying the earth. Once the chemicals have percolated through the mountainside, the solution is drained into bright blue collection pools, where minerals are precipitated out in a process called in-situ leaching.
After this mountain has been leached, Zau and his colleagues will abandon the contaminated site, moving to the next place and starting all over again.
“In my opinion, the mountains will definitely collapse one day,” Zau told Global Witness, alluding to the risk of landslides.
Despite being paid well, he is worried about the harm the chemicals are causing to the water supply, and therefore to the health of local people.
“People from the surrounding villages are facing difficulties getting drinking water,” he said. “Even healthy people like us feel dizzy if we inhale these odours for a long time.”
The mountains beneath Zau's feet are rich in ores of dysprosium and terbium, the two most valuable of the heavy rare earth metals. Described by an industry expert as “basically irreplaceable”, we rely on them for a whole range of clean energy and smart tech products – from the smartphone you may be using to read this story, to your energy-conserving home electronics.
But their most important use, representing 90% of their value, is in permanent magnets, which are needed to make motors and generators for electric vehicles and wind turbines.
The stakes are high: it would be almost impossible to build a low-carbon future without these products, and many of them currently do not work well without heavy rare earths..."
Source/publisher:
"Global Witness" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-08-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Minerals and Mining - Burma (general articles and analyses), Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Burma's economic relations with China
Language:
more
Description:
"The world awoke on July 25th to news that Myanmar’s military junta had executed four democracy activists following a sham judicial process, the first death sentences carried out in Myanmar in decades. Although the military has killed thousands, including dozens who have been tortured to death in military custody, since attempting to wrest control of the country from the democratically elected government in a February 1, 2021 coup d’état, the executions, and reports that a further 41 may be planned, represent a significant escalation of the junta’s campaign of repression against the people of Myanmar. The executions also show irrefutably the junta’s indifference to appeals from the international community. It is past time for US policy toward Myanmar to respond meaningfully to the junta’s depravity by taking truly meaningful action to restrict the junta’s access to foreign currency through sanctions that target its largest source of foreign income: Myanmar’s oil and gas industry. The arguments against this approach do not withstand scrutiny.
Ma Thazin Nyunt Aung, the wife of hip-hop activist turned pro-democracy politician Ko Phyo Zayar Thaw, summed up the situation in an interview with Frontier Myanmar shortly after learning that her husband had been executed. She said:
“The military has been killing people in Myanmar since the military coup. But they always denied these crimes. Now, they killed publicly. They show now that they kill people, and they don’t care who. If they want to kill, they can kill. They don’t care about our human rights.”
The executions demonstrate the disdain with which the junta views international opinion and a disregard for diplomatic pressure, as even sympathetic dictators such as Cambodia’s Hun Sen had urged the junta to call off the executions. Not that this demonstration was needed. The junta has spent over a year thumbing its nose at ASEAN by ignoring the “Five Point Consensus” to which it agreed in April 2021 and has consistently refused to allow the United Nations Special Envoy to Myanmar access to the country.
The international community must take immediate action to weaken the military’s ability to retain power and the impunity with which it commits abuses. Condemnation of the junta’s actions, while necessary, is clearly insufficient. For the United States, this starts with leveling long-overdue sanctions on Myanmar’s oil and gas industry, and in particular the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) – the government entity that acts as both the industry regulator and commercial partner for oil and gas projects in Myanmar. The junta may not care about international opinion, but it relies on the international financial system for the funds it needs to fuel its repression and enrich its leaders. The junta needs foreign currency to purchase weapons, surveillance technology, and jet fuel – all the products that have allowed it to terrorize the people of Myanmar.
Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s offshore gas sector was the single largest source of foreign currency income for the government. MOGE was estimated to earn up to $1.5 billion in annual revenue, representing approximately 10% of the pre-coup budget. The increase in global gas prices coupled with the irresponsible decision by TotalEnergies to withdraw from Myanmar by gifting some of its shares in Myanmar’s largest gas field to the junta means it is possible that the junta has earned even more over the past year.
MOGE sanctions are already months overdue. The oil and gas industry has always been the most obvious and impactful target for US sanctions due to the small number of companies and limited employment in the sector, its disproportionate importance to junta revenues, and its reliance on the foreign financial system to process payments. Activists, NGOs, Myanmar’s National Unity Government, and the United Nations’ Special Rapporteur have been calling for US sanctions since shortly after the coup. The EU sanctioned MOGE in February. Some international gas companies, after months of lobbying against sanctions, have changed their tune and called for the United States to act.
Calls have also come from the U.S Congress. In April 2021 a bipartisan group of US senators, led by Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Jeff Merkley (D-OR) sent a letter to the administration calling for MOGE sanctions, as did House Financial Services Chairwoman Maxine Waters in August. Following last week’s executions, Senator Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Menendez and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell added public calls for MOGE sanctions as well.
Targeting Myanmar’s state-owned enterprises is already official US policy, especially those involved in resource extraction. The United States has sanctioned the state-owned enterprises that oversee the timber, pearl, and gemstone industries. In January, the US government released a business advisory warning of the risks of doing business with state-owned enterprises.
In spite of this, the Biden administration has thus far refused to take action against MOGE and the gas industry, instead targeting sanctions at industries that either provide minimal revenues to the junta or lack connections to the global financial system that would make them vulnerable to US sanctions. There appear to be two primary reasons for this refusal to target MOGE:
1. Concern about potential humanitarian impacts both in Myanmar and in Thailand (the importer of most of Myanmar’s gas), and
2. A related, but broader, opposition from the Thai government to US sanctions.
Both of these reasons are grounded in the inaccurate assumption that US sanctions would lead directly to a shutdown in gas production, which could then reduce electricity supplies to Yangon and disrupt Thai energy markets. This concern is a red herring.
Sanctions can, and should, be written to ensure that companies involved in gas production are not forced to suspend operations. Instead, sanctions should target financial transactions to ensure that revenue payments can be frozen or diverted from the military’s coffers and directed into restricted or escrow accounts. Only the junta could decide to suspend production, and there are four reasons to think that it would be unlikely to do so.
1. Domestic legitimacy. Gas fields provide supplies domestically, especially to the industrial base around Yangon. If the junta responded to sanctions by halting gas production, this would directly harm the businesses that provide a production and tax base for the military regime. This would undermine the junta’s claims to legitimacy, which are based on its self-image as the only institution that can maintain stability in the country;
2. International politics. China and Thailand, the export recipients of most of Myanmar’s offshore gas, are also key supporters of the military junta. These relationships are too important for the junta to antagonize by cutting off gas supplies;
3. Greed and economic self-interest. The junta will desire to gain access to this money in the future, even if sanctions freeze gas revenues right now. Shutting down production and export would prevent the junta from ever collecting these funds, but as long as production continues, money will continue to build up. Further, restarting gas fields is time-consuming and potentially cost prohibitive for a near-depleted field like the Yadana field; and
4. Precedent. EU sanctions did not lead to a shutdown in production, even though an EU company (TotalEnergies) was heavily involved in the largest field. US sanctions should be crafted with waivers to allow production to continue.
Even if the junta did decide to halt production, the Thai energy sector would see little impact. Research by EarthRights International shows that Thailand already has excess generation capacity. Further, Thailand could easily switch to fuel oil to manage immediate shocks while moving forward its plans to replace Myanmar gas with increased liquid natural gas imports.
There is a deeper reason for Thai opposition to sanctions. Myanmar’s coup-leader Min Aung Hlaing enjoys close ties with Thailand’s military establishment, to the point where he was adopted by a Thai general in 2012. In 2018, as the Myanmar military was committing genocide against the Rohingya people, he was given Thai military honors.
Mere days after the coup, Min Aung Hlaing reportedly wrote to Thai Prime Minister Prayut asking the Thai leader to “support the democracy of Myanmar” that he was in the process of trampling. Prime Minister Prayut, who first seized power himself in a 2014 coup, assured Min Aung Hlaing that Thailand would not interfere in Myanmar’s internal affairs. While US officials publicly tout Thailand’s role facilitating cross-border assistance, the reality on the ground tells a starkly different story, with the Thai government continuing to restrict aid, arrest activists, and force thousands of refugees back across the border.
In truth, the Thai government, dominated by former military officers and born from multiple military coups, has little interest in seeing resistance to a military coup succeed next door. We need only look at the Thai response to incursions by Myanmar’s air force into Thai air space during bombing raids on villages and opposition outposts, including a recent incident that forced Thai schoolchildren to seek safety in a bomb shelter. Prime Minister Prayut claimed the incident was “not a big deal” while Thai Air Marshall Napedej Thupatemi said, “Bear in mind, Myanmar is a friend.” He was not referring to the pro-democracy movement or deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
It is also clear that a successful coup would leave Myanmar almost entirely dependent on Chinese and Russian investment and political support, setting US regional influence back decades. Weakness in current US policy in Myanmar undermines the Biden administration’s stated efforts to re-prioritize support for democracy following four years of neglect under President Trump. The current US posture also calls into question the administration’s willingness to stand up to an increasingly assertive China in a key geostrategic area. Instead, the US has deflected responsibility by deferring to ineffective “ASEAN centrality” and blaming China for not doing more to rein in the junta. This could not be further from President Biden’s exhortation shortly after taking office: “Democracy doesn’t happen by accident. We have to defend it, fight for it, strengthen it, renew it.”
This is not to say that sanctions on MOGE will immediately cause the junta to change course or lead directly to its collapse.
Sanctions like those proposed on MOGE should be put in place specifically to degrade the ability of the military junta to entrench its power and murder the people of Myanmar by reducing the foreign currency that the junta can use to purchase weapons and surveillance technology. While not decisive on their own, sanctions on MOGE are crucial to any broader strategy the US wants to pursue.
Instead, US refusal to sanction MOGE undermines its already haphazard sanctions efforts by ensuring that the junta’s largest source of revenue remains intact. As seen in the international response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, no credible effort to disrupt the Russian war machine can ignore the oil and gas industry. Yet in Myanmar, where the military junta is also heavily reliant on gas revenues, US policy has insisted on doing just that — ignoring the reality. No wonder US sanctions have had little effect on the junta’s income.
Within this context, the Biden administration’s refusal to place sanctions on MOGE is an abdication of political responsibility that risks helping entrench a junta reliant on China and hostile to US interests. The humanitarian risks of MOGE sanctions are limited, especially compared to the clear and obvious costs of refusing to cut this key source of revenue as the junta drags Myanmar deeper into a humanitarian crisis while giving no indication that it will turn from the destructive course it has charted.
Youth activist Thinzar Shunlei Yi, in her own recent call for US sanctions on MOGE in the New York Times, put it best: “As the gas revenue flows, so will the blood of Myanmar’s people.” Time to stop that flow, President Biden..."
Source/publisher:
Justice Security
Date of publication:
2022-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2022-08-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Oil and gas, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Sanctions - general
Language:
more
Sub-title:
“တရားမဝင်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် နောက်ဆုံးအကြိမ် သတိပေးတားမြစ်ခြင်း”
Description:
"ကြေညာချက် ( ၅/၂၀၂၂)
၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၃၁ ရက်
“တရားမဝင်ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန်
နောက်ဆုံးအကြိမ် သတိပေးတားမြစ်ခြင်း”
၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက နိုင်ငံတော်အာဏာကို တရားမဝင်လုယူလိုက်သည့် ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစတင်၍ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းသည့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဆိုင်ရာ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်၊ အတည်ပြုမိန့်များထုတ်ပေးခြင်းကို ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၁/၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၂။ အဆိုပါအမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာကို၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ ၁၆ ရက်နေ့တွင်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၃/၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ စီမံကိန်း၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုဝန်ကြီးဌာနက အတည်ပြု ဆက်ခံကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုခုကခွင့်ပြုသည့် မည်သည့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုအသစ်ကိုမဆို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအနေဖြင့် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်းကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် ၆/၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် တာဝန်ယူမှုရှိသော ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုများအတွက် လမ်းညွှန်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၄။ ထို့အပြင် တားမြစ်ချက်များအား လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိလျှင် တည်ဆဲဥပဒေများနှင့်အညီ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်းကို ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဩဂုတ်လ ၃၀ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကြေညာချက် ၁၀/ ၂၀၂၁ ဖြင့် သတိပေးတားမြစ်စာကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။
၅။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင်အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီလက်အောက်ခံ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှု ကော်မရှင်(MIC)ထံမှ ခွင့်ပြုမိန့်၊ အတည်ပြုမိန့်များတောင်းခံ၍ ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း အလျဉ်းမပြုလုပ်ကြရန်နှင့် ဆောင်ရွက်ဆဲ တရားမဝင်ရင်းမြှုပ်နှံမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကိုလည်း ခြွင်းချက်မရှိ ရပ်ဆိုင်းထားရန် နောက်ဆုံးအကြိမ် သတိပေးတားမြစ်လိုက်သည်။
၆။ တားမြစ်ချက်အား လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိပါက လက်တွေ့ကျကျ ပြင်းထန်ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၇။ တားမြစ်ချက်ကို လိုက်နာခြင်းမရှိသော ကုမ္ပဏီများနှင့် ရင်းနှီးမြှုပ်နှံသူများ၏ စာရင်းကို ပူးတွဲပါအတိုင်း အခါအားလျော်စွာ ထုတ်ပြန်ပေးသွားမည် ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military
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519.04 KB
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Sub-title:
Unconditional suspension of unlawful investment activities: final warning and notice of prohibition
Description:
"Announcement 5/2022
31 July 2022
Unconditional suspension of unlawful investment activities:
final warning and notice of prohibition
1. By Notification 1/2021, the Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment in the Cabinet of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw imposed unconditional suspension on issuance of investment permits and endorsements on or after 1 February 2021, the date of illegal usurpation of state power by the terrorist military council.
2. The Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment of the National Unity Government (‘the Ministry’) endorsed the said Notification through Announcement 3/2021, dated 16 May 2021.
3. In the ‘Three-Pillar Framework Guiding Responsible for Investment and Continued Operations’ issued under Announcement 6/2021, it was confirmed that the National Unity Government shall neither recognise nor honour any new investment approved by an organisation under the control of the terrorist military council.
4. Further, under Announcement 10/2021 dated 30 August 2021, the Ministry has issued a warning that failure to comply with the above prohibitions shall be liable to enforcement action.
5. Final warning and notice of prohibition is hereby given that no investor shall seek a permit or an endorsement from the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) under the control of the terrorist military council and that any investor that had initiated or conducted investment activities unlawfully under the above provisions must now suspend their operations unconditionally.
6. Failure to comply with this final warning and prohibition shall be subject to enforcement action leading to severe sanctions and penalties.
7. The Ministry shall from time to time publish a list of companies and investors who are in breach..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Business and the Military, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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pdf
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430.67 KB
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Description:
"The Australian Embassy in Yangon has spent US$525,473 on accommodation, food and other services at the military linked LOTTE Hotel and LOTTE Serviced Apartment since February 1, 2021.
Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade disclosed the expenses to Justice For Myanmar under the Freedom of Information Act. The Department denied a request for information regarding the lease arrangements of Australia’s Myanmar Embassy and ambassador’s residence.
The Australian Embassy’s expenses at LOTTE Hotel and Serviced Apartment range from US$31.50 for chocolate cream cake, to a monthly fee of US$7,100 for a luxury lakeview apartment.
LOTTE Hotel and Serviced Apartment are built on land leased from the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Army, under a build-operate-transfer agreement. The Office of the Quartermaster General is sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada.
LOTTE Hotel investors pay the Office of the Quartermaster General an annual lease fee of US$1.874 million, in addition to a one-time land use premium of US$13.51 million, according to Myanmar Investment Commission records released by Distributed Denial of Secrets. The military will take control of the hotel and apartment complex at the end of the maximum 70-year lease, providing it with a lucrative future asset.
Australia’s business at LOTTE Hotel and Serviced Apartment goes against the recommendations of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, which recommended against all business with the Myanmar military, its conglomerates and business relationships, including real estate rental. The Fact-Finding Mission found that real estate is “a major revenue stream” of the Myanmar military.
Australia’s continuing business at LOTTE Hotel also undermines a mass boycott of military businesses in response to the military’s coup attempt. LOTTE Hotel is listed in the popular boycott app, Way Way Nay and businesses holding meetings at LOTTE Hotel have been publicly criticised. Last month, a Hong Kong government funded networking event at LOTTE Hotel was cancelled after public criticism over the location, including from the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG), the legitimate government with a mandate from the 2020 election.
In a June statement, NUG accused LOTTE Hotel of "knowingly aiding and abetting the atrocities of a junta that is widely held responsible for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide against its own people."
LOTTE Hotel’s EU-sanctioned investor
The main investor behind the hotel and serviced apartment project is the South Korean corporation POSCO International, with a 69.3% stake. POSCO International is a publicly listed subsidiary of the steel giant POSCO. LOTTE Corporation, which is also South Korean, owns 15.7% of the project. POSCO and LOTTE’s investment is channelled through a Singapore company, POSCO International Global Development Pte Ltd. The remaining 15% is owned by the project’s local partner, Spirit Paradise Services (formerly IGE-Sinphyushin).
Spirit Paradise Services is owned by Ne Aung, a Myanmar crony and the brother of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung. Ne Aung’s father, Aung Thaung, was a minister in the former military junta and a notorious hardliner who was sanctioned by the US in 2014 for “perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption”. Aung Thaung died in 2015.
Ne Aung’s IGE conglomerate was sanctioned by the European Union in February 2022.
In its sanctions designation, the EU stated, “IGE provided the Tatmadaw [Myanmar military] with financial support in 2017 in connection to the Rakhine ‘clearance operations’ and thus contributed to serious human rights violations in 2017 against the Rohingya population. IGE has also provided the Tatmadaw with indirect financial support by taking financial participations in several projects and companies linked to the Tatmadaw and its conglomerates. Therefore, it provides support to and benefits from the Tatmadaw.”
In an apparent attempt to evade sanctions, IGE Sinphyushin was restructured and renamed Spirit Paradise Services in April. International Group of Entrepreneur Company Limited, which is the entity named in the EU sanctions designation, transferred its shares to Myanma National Energy Company Limited. IGE group’s CEO, Than Win Swe, and executive director, Thazin Aung, left the IGE Sinphyushin board.
The two new sole directors of Spirit Paradise Services, Lwin Yadanar Oo and Thaw Zinn Lynn, as well as the new sole shareholder of Myanmar National Energy, Paing Zin, do not appear to be linked to any historical companies on Myanmar’s company registry. It is likely that they are acting as proxies of IGE to hide the company’s beneficial ownership.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is appalling that Australia is spending taxpayer’s money at the military linked LOTTE Hotel, ignoring the recommendations of the UN Fact-Finding Mission to end business with the Myanmar military.
“LOTTE Hotel finances the Myanmar Army, paying rent to the quartermaster general’s office, which buys the military’s bullets and bombs used in its indiscriminate attacks against the people of Myanmar. The Australian Embassy must have known this.
“Since the military’s attempted coup, the junta has murdered more than 2,000 people and arrested over 14,000, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. The junta is carrying out indiscriminate air strikes and shelling as part of a campaign of terror that has displaced an estimated 783,400 people.
“We demand Foreign Minister Penny Wong immediately end Australia’s business with LOTTE Hotel and all other companies linked to the Myanmar military, which it should have done long ago. Instead of sanctioning the military’s business interests, Australia is helping them profit.
“We reiterate the call of 688 Burma/Myanmar and international organisations for Penny Wong to impose targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military junta and its business interests to cut the revenue flows that fund the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, and call for her urgent action.
“We call on businesses, individuals, governments, UN agencies and non-governmental organisations to boycott LOTTE Hotel and all other businesses that are owned by or finance the Myanmar military.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-07-21
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Format :
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Size:
196.63 KB 194.75 KB
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Description:
"Myanmar’s last foreign telecoms operator, Ooredoo, will leave the country, as the Qatari firm is planning to sell its Myanmar unit, according to Reuters.
Citing two sources familiar with the case, the news agency reported on Wednesday that Doha-based Ooredoo is now in talks on the sale after informing Myanmar’s Posts and Telecommunications Department (PTD), the country’s regulator, of its intention to sell the unit.
Ooredoo, Myanmar’s third-biggest operator, had nearly 15 million users in 2020.
The announcement follows the withdrawal from the country in March of Norway’s Telenor, which sold its Myanmar unit to junta-affiliated firm Shwe Byain Phyu, with a minority stake purchased by Lebanese investment firm M1. The local unit’s name has since been changed to ATOM.
The Norwegian firm said it sold the Myanmar company to avoid European Union sanctions after “continued pressure” from the military junta to activate intercept surveillance technology.
Myanmar has been under military rule since a coup last year that has sparked social and political turmoil in the Southeast Asian country. The country’s telecom sector has been under pressure from the regime, in particular to track the data of those involved in anti-regime resistance activities. Mobile services remain shut down in some parts of the country where the resistance movement is active.
The reason behind Ooredoo’s withdrawal is not yet known. Reuters said the main potential buyers for the company include Myanmar conglomerate Young Investment Group, Singapore-headquartered network infrastructure operator Campana Group, and SkyNet, a broadcast company owned by Myanmar group Shwe Than Lwin.
Other telecom service providers in the country are MPT, a large state-backed operator run as a joint venture with a Japanese company, and Mytel, a venture between the Myanmar military and Viettel, owned by Vietnam’s Defense Ministry..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-07-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of Opinion and Expression - tools for change in Burma/Myanmar, Business and the Military
Language:
more
Description:
"Paris, July 20, 2022 – On January 21, 2022, TotalEnergies announced its decision to withdraw from the Yadana field and from gas transportation company MGTC in Myanmar, both as shareholder and as operator. In a context of continuing deterioration of the human rights situation in Myanmar, this decision resulted from the assessment that TotalEnergies was no longer able to make a sufficiently positive contribution in the country, and was not able to meet the expectations of stakeholders who were asking to stop the revenues going to the Burmese state through the state-owned company MOGE from the Yadana field production. In accordance with the contractual 6-month notice period, this withdrawal becomes effective on this 20 July 2022. This withdrawal was made in compliance with the European sanctions put in place in February 2022.
Since January 2022, TotalEnergies has continued to act as a responsible operator and has undertaken due diligence to ensure its withdrawal in a responsible manner towards its stakeholders in Myanmar, including its employees as well as the long-standing supported local communities. As such, TotalEnergies worked closely with PTTEP, Thailand's national company, which was appointed as the new operator by the project partners, to guarantee the continuity and safety of production at the Yadana gas field while ensuring an orderly transfer of operations.
All our employees in Myanmar were offered employment with the new operator, under the same job and salary conditions, thus securing their professional future. In addition, a complementary support agreement, through a contribution to a dedicated fund, was also set up between TotalEnergies and PTTEP to continue the historic economic development program with local communities in the MGTC pipeline area.
As TotalEnergies definitively withdraws from Myanmar, our Company repeats its condemnation of the abuses and human rights violations taking place in this country and reaffirms its support to the people of Myanmar and its hope for a swift return to peace and rule of law.
About TotalEnergies
TotalEnergies is a global multi-energy company that produces and markets energies: oil and biofuels, natural gas and green gases, renewables and electricity. Our more than 100,000 employees are committed to energy that is ever more affordable, cleaner, more reliable and accessible to as many people as possible. Active in more than 130 countries, TotalEnergies puts sustainable development in all its dimensions at the heart of its projects and operations to contribute to the well-being of people..."
Source/publisher:
TotalEnergies
Date of publication:
2022-07-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
180.93 KB
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Description:
"Indian firm Sandeep Metalcraft Private Limited is supplying fuzes to the Myanmar military, directly supporting its attacks against the people of Myanmar that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The Indian firm’s ongoing business with the Myanmar military is exposed in a Justice For Myanmar investigation.
Fuzes are devices that cause detonation in bombs and artillery.
The most recent shipment from Sandeep Metalcraft was on March 25, 2022, consisting of 3,000 fuzes, according to records from the Panjiva trade database. This followed a shipment of 1,000 fuzes in 2020 and 5 fuzes in 2019.
While the records of two later shipments did not specify the type of fuzes, the 2019 shipment was of time mechanical fuze 447, designed for 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rifles.
The Myanmar military has used 84mm Carl Gustaf rounds during attacks in ethnic areas.
Saab Group, a Swedish corporation that manufactures Carl Gustaf launchers and munitions, did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding licencing of fuzes to India’s Ordnance Factory Board and the Sandeep Metalcraft shipments to Myanmar.
The fuzes were sent to the private Myanmar military supplier, Creative Exploration Ltd, formerly named mySpace International.
Creative Exploration is a major broker of arms and equipment for the Myanmar Police Force.
The company is owned by Dr Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his wife, Zar Phyu Tin Soe, the daughter of a former military officer who was Myanmar’s ambassador to Russia. Kyaw Kyaw Htun is a former military officer and graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy.
Since 2020, Creative Exploration has also imported US digital forensics technology from the US company, Oxygen Forensics, and a digital forensics examination station from the US firm Sirichie, both via Indian suppliers.
Justice For Myanmar calls on India to impose an immediate arms embargo on the Myanmar military.
Sweden must suspend exports and licence production agreements with Indian arms manufacturers for launchers and munitions, and investigate if any of the Sandeep Metalcraft shipments to Myanmar contain Swedish technology.
Fellow members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), Australia, Japan and the USA, must use their influence to stop the flow of arms from India to the Myanmar military.
Sanctions must urgently be imposed on Creative Exploration, Sandeep Metalcraft, their owners and all other Myanmar military arms suppliers.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “India’s supply of fuzes to the Myanmar military is inexcusable.
“India is directly supporting the junta’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians by allowing the export of key components in the very weapons the military is using to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“The junta has used airstrikes and shelling to bomb homes and villages, kill and maim people and forcibly displace an estimated 690,000, in a nationwide campaign of terror.
“As a democratic country and a neighbour of Myanmar, we appeal to the Indian government to stand with the people of Myanmar, not war criminals and their illegitimate junta.
“We call on India to impose an immediate arms embargo on the Myanmar military and end complicity in the junta’s atrocity crimes.
“It is deeply concerning that a Swedish company may be tied to the provision of weapons that are killing innocent people in Myanmar
“We demand Sweden immediately suspend exports and licencing of launchers and munitions until India stops the flow of arms to the terrorist junta.”
More information:
Read our investigation, India supplying fuzes to Myanmar military, deepening complicity in its atrocity crimes..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-07-15
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
113.89 KB 188.53 KB
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