"n February 1, the Burmese military thwarted the will of the Burmese people and carried out a coup. The coup dashed the Burmese people’s hopes for a brighter, more democratic future for the Southeast Asian nation. In the months since the coup began, millions of Burmese citizens have taken to the streets to oppose the military takeover.1 Protests have been augmented by strikes in various areas of the Burmese economy, starting in the health care sector and extending to parts of civilian leadership. The apparatus for robust civilian resistance, formed in response to previous attempts by the military to thwart reform, remains in place. People are putting both life and livelihood on the line in an effort to get their country back on the path to democracy. The Burmese military has already killed close to 1,000 demonstrators, including at least 40 children,2 and have imprisoned far more: As of May 31, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 5,576 people had been arrested, and 4,443 “were still detained.”3 From the first days of the coup, de facto head of the country Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint have been under house arrest. That the response to demonstrations has been swift and often brutal is no surprise. The leader of the coup, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing, is the same Burmese military official who was responsible for carrying out what the United Nations calls genocide and crimes against humanity against the Muslim minority Rohingya.4 The likelihood of future atrocities is high and should be closely monitored, especially as the Tatmadaw (Burma’s military) exercises unbridled power and authority. Min Aung Hlaing says that the military will rule Burma for only one year; the reality may be different. The U.S. response to the coup has been relatively swift. The Biden Administration undertook a sanctions review and redirected aid away from the Burmese government toward the people and civil society.5 Since then, the Administration has issued additional sanctions against Burmese military leaders and their affiliates. As the coup stretches on, the U.S. Administration may look for additional steps that it can take to strengthen the hand of the Burmese people while holding the Burmese military accountable. To these ends, the Administration should: l Finally issue an atrocity determination saying whether the Burmese military carried out genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya; l Broaden its application of preexisting sanctions tools, including by designating Burma as a Primary Money Laundering Concern (PMLC) or identifying specific entities that might qualify as PMLCs; and l Press the Burmese regime to release all political prisoners. The Global Response to the Coup The Burmese People. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is the latest incarnation of Burma’s pro-democracy movement, which has innovated and flourished as civil society has grown increasingly robust in spite of various threats to its existence. The 2021 CDM started in the medical community where doctors and nurses refused to report to work and instead set up roadside medical clinics to meet the people’s needs.6 This response to the coup later spread to the transportation industries, banking sector, legal profession, educators, and beyond. Many in the Burmese government’s civilian leadership refuse to report to work and are playing a key role in leading the movement.7 An opposition National Unity Government (NUG) has emerged. The NUG represents a conglomeration of ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers and operates in consultation with the CDM and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (comprised primarily of NLD lawmakers elected in November 2020). While the NUG initially faced criticism for not engaging the Rohingya, they have since sought ways to include Rohingya voices in their movement. The NUG established a Federal Charter,8 an interim document intended to provide order to a movement that seeks to get the country back on the path toward reform and establish the NUG as the legitimate government of Burma as opposed to the military. Protests have extended beyond Burma’s borders and have included Burmese diplomats in New York and Washington, D.C., as well as staff on strike and otherwise declaring their allegiance to the CDM rather than the ruling military junta.9 Protestors in Burma are sacrificing their livelihoods and even their lives to stand in opposition to the coup and make their voices heard. Such bravery demands a strong response, especially when put in the context of the existential threat posed by the military junta’s leadership. The U.S. Government. The U.S. was among the first countries to condemn and take action in response to the coup. On the same day as the coup, the Administration inaugurated a review of U.S. sanctions and assistance programs directed toward Burma.10 The President declared a state of national emergency on February 11 when he issued Executive Order 14014 invoking the National Emergencies Act11 and using his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA)12 to issue sanctions.13 Within 10 days of the coup, the Administration issued sanctions against 10 individuals and three entities, including the coup’s leader, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing (the second time he has been sanctioned by the U.S.).14 This first tranche of sanctions also targeted Burma’s jade and ruby industries15 and froze over $1 billion in Burmese government foreign currency reserves in the U.S.16 Since that time, the U.S. has continued to issue piecemeal sanctions against individuals and entities in Burma..."