Panglong Peace Conference

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Title: 2016 Panglong Conference (Wikipedia)
Description: "The 2016 Panglong Conference, officially known as the Union Peace Conference 21st Century Panglong (Burmese: ပွညျထောငျစု ငွိမျးခမြျးရေးညီလာခံ ၂၁ ရာစု ပငျလုံ) is an upcoming peace conference which began on 31 Aug 2016 in Myanmar Convention Centre 2 of Naypyidaw, Myanmar. The first Panglong Conference was held in the Panglong region of British Burma in 1947, and was negotiated between Aung San and ethnic leaders. Despite several meetings between ethnic insurgent groups and the government prior to the Panglong Conference in 2016, it is unclear how many of them will actually attend. Eighteen ethnic insurgent groups are expected to attend the conference, whilst three ethnic insurgent groups (The Arakan Army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and the Ta?ang National Liberation Army) are not expected to attend.Ban Ki-moon, the Secretary-General of the United Nations also attended the opening ceremony..."
Source/publisher: Wikipedia
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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Language: English
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Title: Google search results for "Panglong Peace Conference"
Description: 48,700 results, 31 August 2016
Source/publisher: Google
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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Language: English
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Title: Google site-specific search for "panglong conference" on "the irrawaddy"
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" via Google
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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Language: English
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Title: Google site-specific search for "panglong conference" on mmtimes.com
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" via Google
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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Language: English
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Title: Aung San Suu Kyi Announces Reboot to Myanmar Peace Process
Sub-title: Despite her promise to welcome new voices into the peace process, many fine-grained obstacles to progress remain.
Description: "In a New Year’s address to the nation on January 1, Myanmar’s State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi promised to take a new approach to long-delayed peace negotiations aimed at ending the country’s tangled web of civil conflicts. According to a report in The Irrawaddy, Aung San Suu Kyi, whose second five-year term begins in March, announced plans for a “New Peace Architecture,” which would welcome participation by political groups, civil society organizations, and the public. She said that the aim was to broaden the scope of who had a say in the ongoing talks, with the hope of consolidating inter-ethnic trust and inducing more ethnic armed groups to join the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in time for the 75th anniversary of Myanmar’s independence in January 2023. “We recognize the important role of public participation [in the peace process],” Myanmar’s leader said, according to The Irrawaddy. “This depends on how much we can pave the way for all stakeholders to participate.” The NCA was signed in late 2015 between the Myanmar government and eight ethnic rebel organizations, while two more joined in February 2018. But the peace process continues to exclude some of the country’s largest and most prominent armed rebel groups, and since the signing of the NCA, fighting with some of them has reached levels not seen in years..."
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-08
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Title: The Role of CSOs in the Myanmar Peace Process
Description: "This report is the culmination of a year-long research project into the activities of civil society in and around the ongoing Myanmar peace process. This includes the negotiations taking place in the Union Peace Conference (UPC, also known as the 21st Century Panglong Conference (UPC/21st CPC) the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), and the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM). It also includes civil society peacebuilding outside of the peace negotiations and parallel structures. The research project aimed to identify: • the drivers of confict in Myanmar, • the civil society actors involved in peacebuilding in Myanmar, • the types of peacebuilding activities performed by these CSOs, and to classify these activities into types, • the contributions of these activities to ofcial and unofcial peacebuilding, • as well as any factors enabling and constraining civil society peacebuilding. The research was funded by the Joint Peace Fund Myanmar, and was conducted in partnership between the Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation (EMReF) and the Inclusive Peace and Transition Initiative (IPTI).3 The research team conducted interviews with 160 individuals from 123 organizations, including from civil society (including CSO networks and local and international CSOs), donors, members of parliament, as well as representatives of EAOs, members of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), members of political parties, and government representatives.4 The CSO sample was built by asking CSOs to nominate other CSOs working on peacebuilding, hence the sample is shaped by these individuals’ understanding of peacebuilding in Myanmar. The research was guided by the Civil Society and Peacebuilding (CS&PB) framework, developed by Pafenholz and colleagues.5 In the context of Myanmar, the term peace process is generally used to refer to a sequence of high-level peace negotiations and associated consultations and other supporting institutions. This process began in 2011, under the government of U Thein Sein, and led to the Nationwide Ceasefre Agreement (NCA) in 2015. The structure and sequence of the current negotiations were set out in the NCA and the Framework for Political Dialogue (also negotiated and signed in 2015). These negotiations are projected to lead to a permanent ceasefre, disarmament and demobilization of non-state armed groups, government and constitutional reforms. Since 2015, the main forum for these negotiations has been the UPC (21st CPC). The UPDJC acts as the secretariat for the UPC and has responsibility for important aspects of the process such as pre-negotiations and consensus building on issues to be brought before the UPC. This means that many issues are essentially decided by the UPDJC, with the UPC frequently acting to confrm decisions taken in the UPDJC (although this is not the sum total of its role)..."
Source/publisher: Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation (EMReF) (Yangon) and Inclusive Peace & Transition Initiative
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-17
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Title: Schedule Two of the 2008 Constitution
Sub-title: Avenues for reform and decentralization and steps towards a federal system.
Description: "Ever since the Panglong Agreement was signed on February 12, 1947, only two weeks after the Aung San - Attlee Agreement on Burma’s Independence of January 27, 1947, the issues of federalism, minority rights and self-determination have been central to Myanmar politics, confict and military-civilian relations. Accordingly, relations between the center and the periphery are at the core of the constitutions of 1947 and 1974, as well as the 2008 Constitution. Yet, by any standards, the Myanmar state has been unitary, and indeed centralized to an extreme degree, since independence in 1948, leading to 70 years of confict. To a large degree, the confict explains the other defning trait of the Myanmar state: for most of the last seven decades, it has been dominated by the military. Relations between the military and state institutions have been shaped by the relationship between the central government and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). The issues of democracy, federalism and the role of the military cannot be separated, and together they form the basis for modern Myanmar politics. In this context, it is not surprising that organizations representing the interests of ethnic nationalities spent the last two decades of military rule, after the emergence of the democracy movement of 1988 and the NLD’s victory in the 1990 elections, calling for a “tripartite dialogue” among the NLD, the military and themselves. It is no coincidence that these were also the decades when the military was drafting the 2008 Constitution. The current peace process was initiated by President U Thein Sein in 2011, the year Myanmar embarked on its transition to democracy. Although democracy and the pursuit of peace are undoubtedly two of Myanmar’s most pressing issues, the fact that two distinct processes – which will be referred to in this paper as the political process and the peace process – developed from there raises a number of issues..."
Source/publisher: Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung Ltd (Yangon)
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-17
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Title: Myanmar Military Shrugs Off President’s Call to Limit Role in Politics
Description: "Myanmar President Win Myint on Thursday warned the country’s powerful military to limit its involvement in politics, citing a mandate issued decades ago by independence hero General Aung San, during a ceremony inaugurating a new statue of the general and father of leader Ang San Suu Kyi in the capital Naypyidaw. Touching on a sensitive fault line in Myanmar politics as the country prepares for year-end elections, Win Myint said that Aung San issued a directive that members of the armed forces should refrain from participation in government administration, politics, and political party activities. “I have read that he issued guidelines for the Burmese revolutionary military that they were not to interfere in the administration or in politics, while the military officers and soldiers were not to interfere in political parties and administrative activities,” he said in a speech marking what would have been Aung San’s 105th birthday. “They are to work on the unity of the state,” Win Myint added. Myanmar’s military known as the Tatmadaw, ran the country for five decades after a 1962 coup. Its political power is enshrined in the 2008 constitution drafted by the then ruling military junta, and efforts to amend the charter remain an uphill battle. Military lawmakers who are appointed, not elected, control a quarter of the seats in parliament and retain a critical veto over proposed constitutional amendments. The military also controls three security and defense ministries..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-16
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Title: Unlocking Civil Society and Peace in Myanmar
Description: "Civil Society: Civil Society is defined broadly as the space between the family and the state, but does not include political parties, professional unions and associations, private businesses, and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs). For the purpose of this Discussion Paper, research was directed predominantly, but not entirely, to non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society organisations (CSOs) at Union and sub-national level and their emerging networks. Research also included ethnic literature and culture associations. It is important to note that many people “wear several hats” in Myanmar, meaning that the affiliations of individuals are not always limited to one organisation. The roles of as key stakeholders often change roles over time. Due to their importance in Myanmar, faith-based networks are also included in civil society. Civil society is not synonymous with communities. It is inherently heterogeneous; its diversity relates to a range of different ethnic, linguistic, religious, gender, and class identities among which ethnicity stands out as a particularly prominent marker of identity in Myanmar. Social cohesion: A cohesive society is one that works towards the wellbeing of all, creates a sense of belonging, promotes trust, and offers everyone the opportunity to prosper and advance peacefully. Peacebuilding: Peacebuilding is defined as initiatives that foster and support sustainable structures and processes that strengthen the prospects for peaceful coexistence and decrease the likelihood of the outbreak, reoccurrence, or continuation of violent conflict.1 Within this Paper, civil society engagement in peacebuilding refers to civil society-led initiatives that seek mitigate inter- or intra- ethnic, faith, and communal tensions and promote social cohesion. Peace process: For the purposes of this research, the ‘peace process’ is defined as the national tri-lateral negotiations related to the ethnic armed conflict. Peace process architecture relates to government-led initiatives since 2011, spanning bi-lateral ceasefires, the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), the Union Peace Conferences (UPCs), Joint Monitoring Committees (JMCs), and the national dialogue process. For the purpose of this Paper, participation in the peace process has been categorised into direct participation (contribution to decision-making and supporting roles within peace architecture), and indirect contributions, which are equally critical, that lie outside of the peace process and political structures. Gender: The socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities, and attributes that determine our understanding of masculinity and femininity. The question of gender difference and the construction of masculine and feminine is not universal, but culturally specific and strongly influenced by other factors such as ethnicity, religion, race, and class.2 Youth: Myanmar’s National Youth Policy defines young people as between the ages of 15-35. The United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2250 considers young people to fall between 18-29 years..."
Source/publisher: Paung Sie Facility
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-15
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Title: Rebel Groups Told to Unite to Save Myanmar’s Peace Process
Description: "A week after formal peace negotiations resumed, General Yawd Serk, who represents Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signatories, urged all sides to work collectively to move the peace process forward. The NCA signatories’ Peace Process Steering Team, currently led by Gen. Yawd Serk of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), meets from Friday in Chiang Mai to discuss future tasks in the peace process ahead of the implementation of the eight points agreed at the Joint-Ceasefire Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM). The meeting, a gateway to the formal peace talks, was held on Jan. 8 in Naypyitaw, joining peace negotiators from the ethnic armed organizations that signed the NCA and the government. Gen. Yawd Serk said: “In laying down future tasks, we have to do so in agreement” with the time set by the JICM for the convening of the fourth 21st-century Panglong peace conference, which is scheduled for no later than April. He said reaching “the goal of building a federal Union” depended on the groups’ constant engagement in the peace process and keeping “the affairs of the Union in the forefront, rather than the affairs of one group”..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-20
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Title: Myanmar to hold fourth meeting of Panglong peace conference
Description: "Myanmar has planned to hold the fourth meeting of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference within the first four months of this year. A total of eight agreements including holding the peace conference were reached at the 8th Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) on the nationwide ceasefire agreement held in Nay Pyi Taw on Wednesday, U Zaw Htay, the director general of the State Counsellor Office, told media after the meeting. The 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference was held in August 2016, May 2017 and July 2018, respectively. A total of 51 federal-related basic principles have been adopted into a union accord so far after the third conference. At the meeting, State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, in her capacity as the chairperson of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC), called for continued efforts for the emergence of complete federal-related basic principles on creating future union as the 51 ones previously adopted are not enough for the goal..."
Source/publisher: "Xinhua" (China)
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-09
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Title: Success of peace process hinges on federal union: U Zaw Htay
Sub-title: The success in implementing the peace process depends on enshrining a federal democratic union in the Constitution as a guarantee of the people’s aspirations, U Zaw Htay, spokesperson of the President’s Office, said.
Description: "“Ethnic people believe that they can achieve their political rights in full only if there is a federal constitution, which they have consistently demanded,” he told a press briefing on Friday. “A federal constitution is needed to get a full political guarantee. It must be a union stipulated by all, not by a one-sided decision.” Although Myanmar has had different political systems in different eras, it has not established a federal union acceptable to all ethnic people, so peace remains elusive, he said. “We all pledged to build the union at the Panglong Conference held in 1947. Although the leaders and system changed, we couldn’t build the union. The federal building process has not been completed. There are barriers,” U Zaw Htay said. As these problems can only be solved politically, meetings such as the 21st Century Panglong Conference are needed. Ethnic armed groups, political parties, civil organisations, the Tatmadaw (military) and the government must all agree on a federal union..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-16
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Title: FOURTH NCA ANNIVERSARY: A peace process drawback
Description: "The Fourth Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) Signing Anniversary, which supposed to be convened on the actual date of October 15, was held on October 28 in Naypyitaw with nine NCA-Signatory-Ethnic Armed Organization (NCA-S-EAO), as the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) delegation was absent. Reportedly, the RCSS issued a three-page statement underlining why it wasn’t able to attend the anniversary occasion. It was a blow to conveners, especially the government, for the gathering was supposed to uplift the stagnated peace process, which has been halted since over a year, and should have helped paved the way for Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM), the highest organ in NCA-based peace process, that would outline the negotiation agenda and eventual implementation by the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC). In short, the Tatmadaw blocking of the RCSS leader and his delegation travel using Maehongson – Homong-Langkhur-Nam Zarng-Taunggyi-Naypyitaw to attend the anniversary occasion was the real cause of setback..."
Source/publisher: "Shan Herald Agency for News" (Myanmar)
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-05
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Title: Myanmar state counselor stresses flexibility, broad-mindedness in achieving peace, emergence of federal union
Description: "Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday stressed the need to have flexibility and broadmindedness in achieving genuine peace and emergence of a federal union. Suu Kyi, who is Chairperson of both the National Reconciliation and Peace Center and the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee, made the remarks at a ceremony held in Nay Pyi Taw to mark the 4th anniversary of the signing of the government's Nationwide Ceasefire Accord (NCA). Suu Kyi outlined three-step peace process to be pursued by the government in the future. The first step, she said, is to lay down a common process on how to carry on the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference and to obtain framework agreements on the implementation of the NCA..."
Source/publisher: "Xinhua" (China)
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-29
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Title: Civilians in Myanmar’s Conflict-Torn Rakhine State Left to Fend for Themselves
Description: "SITTWE, Rakhine State—Ma Aye Myint, 24, has a bullet wound on her right arm from when Myanmar military troops were shooting near Mahamuni Village in Rakhine State’s Kyauktaw Township on July 31. When reporters from The Irrawaddy met her, she was sitting outside the rented guesthouse room where she lives. A baby, almost two months old, was lying next to her. In the Rakhine language, she told what happened to her. Ma Aye Myint was hit when Myanmar military troops shot at a motorbike driver who refused to stop after the soldiers ordered him to, according to her husband Ko Zaw Zaw. The couple’s home sits next to the Yangon-Sittwe highway, diagonally opposite from the village’s Mahamuni Pagoda, where Myanmar military troops were stationed until recently. The soldiers shot the motorbike driver out on the highway and people in the surrounding houses hid when they heard the sound of gunfire. All of Ma Aye Myint’s family members ran to hide inside the trench under the barn, or lay down, but she was pregnant and couldn’t hide as quickly. After she was hit, she was taken to Sittwe Hospital where she was treated for 21 days. On Aug. 16, while still in the hospital, Ma Aye Myint gave birth to a girl, but because of her injuries, she still can’t hold her daughter. Someone else has to help her breastfeed, bathe the baby and change the baby’s clothes. When The Irrawaddy asked the Myanmar military’s Western Command spokesperson Colonel Win Zaw Oo about the incident, he said at the time that there was no fighting near Mahamuni..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-12
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Title: Union Peace Conference: 21st Panglong
Description: Substantial coverage of the Conference. Includes full reports on and texts of speeches..."Welcome to ?The Myanmar Times? coverage of the Union Peace Conference, the cornerstone effort of the new National League for Democracy government-led peace process. Dubbed the ?21st Century Panglong Conference? in reference to the landmark 1947 summit led by independence hero Bogyoke Aung San, the Union Peace Conference will be held in Nay Pyi Taw over 5 days, beginning August 31, and will bring together armed ethnic groups, political parties, military officials, and government representatives. The NLD campaigned heavily on the importance of "national reconciliation" and has identified the peace process as bedrock effort of its opening agenda, but the new government has also indicated that it sees the conference as only a starting point in an ongoing political dialogue with Myanmar?s many ethnic and military players. Scroll below to see our live coverage, or click here to read background and analysis. You can also stream the opening of today?s Panglong conference on MRTV here!..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
Date of publication: 2016-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2016-09-01
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Title: Everybody should be part of Panglong
Description: "Next Wednesday Burma will hold the ?21st Century Panglong Conference” — the latest step in the country?s long peace process. It will be a moment imbued with symbolism. In 1947, Aung San Suu Kyi?s father, General Aung San, led the Burma delegation at the first Panglong Conference which reached a breakthrough agreement with three armed groups and is still etched in the popular memory of the country today. A lot is at stake with this Panglong Conference. As with the peace process generally in Burma, this is the opportunity to transform the country, into a state the people of Burma have wanted for several decades. But to do so it must be fully inclusive. Getting all of the ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) to the table is a major challenge in itself. There remain three groups, still in active combat, that were excluded from discussions on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and how they will participate in the Panglong Conference is still confusing. There has been much focus on the inclusion of these groups and this is important, especially given human rights violations which are particularly prevalent in areas of continuing conflict. But inclusivity is about more than just political players; it is also about all stakeholders. Experiences in other countries have shown time and time again the need for women to play an equal part, for grassroots organisations and civil society to have a strong voice and for information to be freely available for the people to follow developments. These are the ingredients for a sustainable, inclusive process which can propel the country forward and into the prosperous future for all. Unfortunately, during my recent visit to Burma I saw signs that the peace process risked neglecting these fundamental aspects. Burma has only a couple of days before the Panglong Conference and quick changes should be made to ensure these vital aspects are addressed..."
Yanghee Lee
Source/publisher: "Democratic Voice of Burma" (DVB)
Date of publication: 2016-08-26
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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Title: Panglong 21 and the long search for peace
Description: "The 21st Century Panglong conference is a symbolic step toward peace and national reconciliation, but huge challenges remain....It?s been a long time since the guns of war were silent in Myanmar. Fighting erupted within months of independence in 1948, when the Communist Party of Burma launched an armed rebellion against the government. Since then, numerous armed groups have formed, allied and splintered, leading to one of the world?s most complex and long-running civil wars. The military coup in 1988 ushered in a period of respite. The following year, the head of Military Intelligence, Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, began negotiating a series of ceasefire agreements. In reality most were ?gentlemen?s agreements”; one of the only formal ceasefires was signed with the Kachin Independence Organisation in February 1994. Many of the groups that signed the agreements were allowed to keep their arms and maintain some form of territorial control. But the lack of a substantive political settlement left the process vulnerable to backsliding into conflict. The arrival of the Thein Sein-led government in 2011 marked a new and more ambitious phase, in which a multilateral ceasefire and political negotiations were introduced. Despite facing substantial obstacles, it has achieved some success, most notably the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement signed last October by eight ethnic armed groups. While its legitimacy has been brought into question by the refusal of most leading armed groups to sign, the NCA has been retained by the National League for Democracy government as the foundation of the peace process. State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been a driving force behind the 21st Century Panglong Union Peace Conference, which opened in Nay Pyi Taw on August 31. She said in January that the peace process would be a major priority for her National League for Democracy government after it took office, and it would strive for an all-inclusive agreement. At the time of going to print, most ethnic armed groups involved in the process, including signatories and non-signatories of the NCA, were expected to attend the Panglong conference. This broad participation ? particularly the re-engagement of NCA non-signatories with the political dialogue process ? is likely to be the most substantive outcome of the conference, according to observers..."
Oliver Slow (text), Steve Tickner (photos)
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication: 2016-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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Title: Two peace conferences, one crucial difference
Description: "The big difference between President U Thein Sein?s Union Peace Conference early this year and the 21st Century Panglong Conference is inclusion...AS GUIDED by State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the 21st Century Panglong Conference will convene for the first time on August 31. It will be the first because it will re-convene at intervals of not more than six months. Now that important decisions have been made about convening the conference, we can imagine the shape and form of this historic event. This week I would like to discuss what can be expected from the 21st Century Panglong conference and how it will differ from the Union Peace Conference held by President U Thein Sein in January. The most important difference between the two conferences involves the participants. The main participants in the Union Peace Conference held by Thein Sein?s administration were past or serving military officers from the government or the parliament and the eight armed ethnic groups, including the Karen National Union, that signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement last October. The 21st Century Panglong event will bring together representatives from the government and the parliament, most of whom are members of the National League for Democracy elected in its landslide victory last November, along with Tatmadaw officers, signatories and non-signatories of the NCA, and members of civil society groups. It will be an unprecedented, genuinely all-inclusive peace conference. Another important difference involves the classification and status of participants. At the Union Peace Conference, only signatories of the NCA were recognised as delegates and representatives of non-signatory groups were invited to attend as observers. In protest against what they called discrimination, most non-signatory groups boycotted the five-day event..."
Sithu Aung Myint
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication: 2016-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-31
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