China-Burma relations
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Description:
Summary:
•
China?s interest in the Myanmar peace process is focused on the armed ethnic groups
along the border in Kachin and Shan states—in particular, the Kachin Independence
Army, the United Wa State Army, and the Kokang Army. These organizations have
historical and cultural ties with ethnic groups across the border in China as well as
political and economic connections.
•
China?s official position follows the principle of noninterference and its official policy
is ?persuading for peace and facilitating dialogues.” In practice, its attitude has
been more ambiguous.
•
Beijing does not necessarily believe that comprehensive peace is attainable for the
foreseeable future. Its priority is therefore to prepare for different uncertainties and
maximize its flexibility in the process.
•
China?s role is complicated by the behavior of certain Chinese special interest groups
and individuals who have offered direct financial support for ethnic armed organiza
-
tions in Myanmar.
•
Under Myanmar?s new National League for Democracy government, ties with China
have improved significantly. China has played a positive role in persuading armed
groups to join the Union Peace Conference in 2016, but its future policy and role
will depend on the development of bilateral relations and the evolving definition of
China?s national interests".....
Contents:
Historical Sources of Tension 2...
Chinese Diplomacy and the Myanmar Peace Process 3...
Factors Shaping Chinese Policy 5...
A Central-Provincial Disconnect? 7...
Chinese Business Interests 8...
Key Ethnic Armed Groups 10...
Conclusion .
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
United States Institute of Peace (USIP)
Date of publication:
2017-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2017-03-18
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Individual Documents
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Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), China-Burma relations
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English
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The presence of a Chinese diplomat at a conference of Myanmar?s armed ethnic groups has focussed attention on Beijing?s interest in a successful outcome to the peace process...Recent history shows that a lack of stability along the border harms China?s interests. Beijing understands very well that China did not benefit from the fighting in the Kokang region early last year, which sent thousands of ethnic Chinese fleeing to across the border to their ancestral homeland.
The Chinese government is therefore supportive of moves by Myanmar to maintain stability in border regions and this is one reason why Beijing backs the peace process. Its support is important for the peace process because many of the armed ethnic groups in Myanmar, including some of the biggest, are based in border areas..."
Sithu Aung Myint
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2016-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-31
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China-Burma relations
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"Cary Huang says the democracy advocate has made a statement by choosing Beijing for her first major foreign destination as de facto Myanmar leader, as she seeks to weigh idealist ideology and practical national interest.....Theoretically, nothing is more divided than the ideology between pro-democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi and China?s authoritarian government.
Thus, a democratic Myanmar may be naturally moving closer to the West and farther away from China?s communist regime, which put Suu Kyi?s fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo (劉曉波) in jail.
For a long time, Washington has isolated the military regime and supported pro-democracy forces led by Suu Kyi, while Beijing has steadfastly stood by Myanmar?s military junta and rejected any pro-democracy forces, fearful of a spillover of ideas across the border.
Given her status as one of the world?s most revered human rights and democracy campaigners, the rise to power of Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy(NLD) bodes ill for China?s leaders. However, national interest and pragmatism have always prevailed in diplomacy. And the world is now closely watching how Suu Kyi navigates great power politics and balances her idealist ideology with practical national interest.
Suu Kyi, human rights activist and opposition leader turned de facto state leader, is firstly tasked with the responsibility of governing a country. Many observers believe Myanmar?s China policy is at a critical juncture as the NLD government is faced with the challenge of striking a balance between two diverse policies. It could choose to cater to anti-China sentiment at home and implement a pro-West policy, at the risk of losing Beijing?s support for critical domestic economic development and the peace process. Or, it could try to build friendly relations with the communist giant, but at the risk of losing critical political support at home and in the free world. However, Suu Kyi?s interaction with Chinese leaders during her five-day visit, which ended on Sunday, suggests Myanmar is tilting towards giving priority to its relations with China, as leaders on both sides emphasised the traditionally ?fraternal friendship” between them. That is what lies behind Suu Kyi?s choice of Beijing instead of Washington as the destination for her first major foreign visit...."
Cary Huang
Source/publisher:
"South China Morning Post"
Date of publication:
2016-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-26
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China-Burma relations
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PUBLISHED : Thursday, 25 August, 2016, 2:37pm
UPDATED : Friday, 26 August, 2016, 9:18am.....
"China?s national prestige and energy security among factors behind pressure being put on Aung San Suu Kyi... Relations between China and Myanmar took a positive turn this month during Aung San Suu Kyi?s five-day visit to China as Myanmar?s de facto leader.
But both sides have yet to work out their differences over the deadlocked Myitsone dam project, which strained bilateral ties five years ago when it was suspended by the Myanmarese government, casting fresh uncertainty over efforts to put bilateral ties back on track..."
Shi Jiangtao
Source/publisher:
"South China Morning Post"
Date of publication:
2016-08-26
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-26
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China-Burma relations
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"Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD government faced a tough situation with China at the time of their inauguration in March. But, as she visits Beijing this week, hopes are high again in China that a redirection of Myanmar?s foreign policy could be underway and the pendulum of Myanmar?s balancing diplomacy is swinging back to the east. But many challenges lie ahead. These include resolution of the Myitsone dam impasse, repositioning political relations between the two countries, and peaceful settlement of ethnic conflicts in the Myanmar borderlands. The stakes are very high. The outcome of Aung San Suu Kyi?s meetings could well come to define Myanmar-China relations for many years to come..."
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2016-08-16
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-17
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Individual Documents
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China-Burma relations
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"It?s complicated: In an interview with The Irrawaddy, longtime Burma expert Bertil Lintner assesses the many interests at play during State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi?s visit to China on Wednesday... As a Burmese government delegation led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi leaves for a state visit to China, what can the Burmese expect from this trip?
It is quite possible that China would want to restart the Myitsone project, but that would be political suicide for any Burmese government. If China wants to improve its tarnished image in Burma, it should drop Myitsone altogether, and also make a public announcement to that effect.
The Burmese have always been concerned about China interfering in Burma?s internal affairs. In the North, China continues to support ethnic rebels including the Wa and Kokang. At the last ethnic summit in Mai Ja Yang, the Chinese envoy said that it supports and backs all forces working to achieve internal peace in Burma. It seems Beijing wants to see more stability along the border.
It is important to remember that China, not some Western, self-appointed peacemakers and interlocutors, is the most important foreign player in the peace process. China wants peace and stability along the border, but it will not give up the leverage it has inside Burma by severing ties with the UWSA [United Wa State Army], the MNDAA [Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army], the NDAA [National Democratic Alliance Army, also known as the Mongla Group] and other ethnic armed organizations. China?s relations with those groups gives it bargaining chips, and a much stronger position in the peace process than any Norwegian, Swiss or Australian entity could ever hope for..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-17
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Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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"A new sense of pragmatism on all sides bodes well for the visit of Aung San Suu Kyi—Burma?s state counselor and foreign affairs minister—to China later this week, says Bangkok-based expert on Asean affairs Kavi Chongkittavorn, in an interview with The Irrawaddy?s founding editor Aung Zaw..."
Kavi Chongkittavorn interviewed by Aung Zaw
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-08-15
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-16
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China-Burma relations
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"This briefing examines the changing political
and economic landscape, outlining the key
histories, developments and strategies in
recent Myanmar-China relations. A particular
concern is the continuing conflict in the ethnic
borderlands in Myanmar, which are in the
front-line of contention and where many of the
country?s most valuable natural resources are
located. History has long warned that instability
and political failure will continue until there is
inclusive peace and reform in these territories.....
Key Points:
" •• The changing socio-political landscape in Myanmar since the advent of a new system of
government in March 2011 has brought significant challenges to China?s political and
economic relations with the country. From a previous position of international dominance,
China now has to engage in a diversified national landscape where different sectors of
society have impact on socio-political life and other foreign actors, including the USA and
Japan, are seeking to gain political and economic influence.
•• China has made important steps in recognising these changes. In contrast to reliance on
?government-to-government” relations under military rule, Chinese interests have begun to
interact with Myanmar politics and society more broadly. A ?landbridge” strategy connecting
China to the Bay of Bengal has also been superseded by the aspiring, but still uncertain,
?One Belt, One Road” initiative of President Xi Jinping to connect China westwards by land
and sea with Eurasia and Africa.
•• Many challenges remain. Government change, ethnic conflict and the 2015 Kokang crisis
raise questions over political relations, border stability, communal tensions, and the
security of Chinese nationals and property in Myanmar, while Chinese investments have
been subject to criticism and protest. Mega-projects agreed with the previous military
government are subject to particular objection, and resentment is widespread over
unbridled trade in such natural resources as timber and jade that provides no local benefit
and is harmful to local communities and the environment.
•• Chinese interests prioritize stability in Myanmar. While keen to develop good relations
in the country and support ethnic peace, Chinese officials are concerned about the
sustainability of the present system of governance and what this will mean for China. A
continuing preoccupation is the USA, which often dominates strategic thinking in China to
the detriment of informed understanding of other countries and issues. These uncertainties
have been heightened by the advent to government of the civilian-led National League for
Democracy in March.
•• Given their proximity and troubled histories, it is essential that good relations are developed
between the two countries on the basis of equality and mutual respect. Initiatives to
engage with public opinion, communities and interest groups in both countries should
be encouraged. Based upon its own experiences, economic change, rather than political
change, is China?s primary focus. Chinese officials, however, need to understand that
Myanmar?s challenges are political at root. Criticisms should not be put down to a lack of
knowledge or ?anti-Chinese” sentiment. Good projects that will benefit the local population
will be welcomed: bad projects that ignore their priorities and vision for development will
not."
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2016-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2016-07-18
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China-Burma relations
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"Burma is experiencing its most dramatic moment of political change in more than half a century. In November, the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in parliamentary elections that were the freest and fairest in decades. A new government led by Nobel laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is about to take office. This will represent a remarkable departure from sixty years of authoritarian rule, even though the transition is taking place under a constitution that reserves key powers for Burma?s armed forces, which have ruled the country for decades. The coming months and years will be a critical time for Burma?s still-tentative democratic opening.
Over the past several years, the international media has, quite understandably, focused on Burma?s remarkable liberalization and its opening to the West. By contrast, the country?s relationship with China has received relatively little attention. This is unfortunate. The rise of China is reshaping the world, and nowhere else will its impact be felt more strongly than in neighboring Burma.
The incoming government will have two key priorities: developing Burma?s economy and ending its seven-decade-long civil war. Achieving these goals is essential to securing a sustainable democratic transition — and China has a big role to play on both fronts. Despite Burma?s opening to the West, China is still far and away its most important trading partner, and its outsized influence in the territories along Burma?s northern periphery makes it a crucial player in any peace process..."
Thant Myint-U
Source/publisher:
"Foreign Policy"
Date of publication:
2016-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-01-14
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China-Burma relations
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"From the 1870s to the 1940s, the construction of lineages among the Han settlers on the
frontier between China?s Yunnan province and Burma became significant. Through these
lineages the construction of Han identity was also extended toward Burma along various
transportation routes. In the continuing reformation of frontier society, gentry power, based
on lineage corporations, expanded and performed a crucial role in the construction of a
new style of border, as well as functioning as a leading force for ethnic competition by extend-ing state power into the borderland. After the colonization of north Burma by the British in
1886, new economic opportunities attracted more Chinese merchants who built networks
along transportation routes between cities in Burma and commercial centers in Yunnan,
which also changed the social landscape of the frontier. The construction of lineages as a
Han system not only overlapped with trade networks, but also provided sufficient economic
and political resources to build a Han identity, which competed with other types of identity-polity systems?such as those of the Dai, the Lahu and the Wa?between the Mekong
River and the Salween River..."
Jianxiong Ma
Source/publisher:
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST)
Date of publication:
2013-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2015-10-10
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Abstract: "This research reviews the formation of the Yunnan-Burma frontier since the
1720s, when the Qing government reformed the administrative systems from
chieftainships to official counties in the middle and southern Yunnan mountains
areas. One of some crucial political changes was the policy of salt revenue
which directly stimulated large scale ethnic resistance in the region of salt
wells. However, the social political context of continuing ethnic conflicts was
not only rooted in the reshaping of the salt-consuming districts, but also rooted
in social changes in the Yunnan-Burma borderland because of increasing Han
Chinese immigration and their penetration into mining, long distance trade and
local agriculture. In order to successfully control mountain resources as the base
of revenue, the Qing government continued to gradually integrate native Dai
chieftains into official counties. Local resistance continued and reached a peak
from the
1790s to the
1810s. Pushed by the Qing government, and with the
collaboration of different social actors, the synthesized mobilization of frontier
formation had made ethnic politics a main style of social political reconstruction,
even if commercial exchange, long distance trade, and demographic reshaping
also continued to be mixed with ethnic politics as another layer of the Yunnan-
Burma frontier formation..."
Jianxiong Ma
Source/publisher:
Cambridge Journals via Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
Date of publication:
2013-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2015-10-10
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Abstract: "This paper argues that a key factor in Myanmar?s new approach towards China since 2011 has been the Myanmar government?s foreign policy goal to reintegrate itself into the international community. The success of this approach is dependent on Myanmar?s rapprochement with the United States, which requires both domestic political reforms and a foreign policy realignment ? a need to reduce Myanmar?s dependence on China, particularly in the context of US?China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. In the context of China?Myanmar relations, the factors that have influenced Myanmar?s China policy since 2011 are growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar, growing concern over China?s interference in Myanmar affairs, and the rapprochement with the United States. Myanmar?s China policy shift, in terms of direction, is by no means to seek to be independent of China, but rather for there to be an increased interdependence between the two countries."
Maung Aung Myoe
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs , 34, 2
Date of publication:
2015-09-04
Date of entry/update:
2015-10-07
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China-Burma relations
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INTRODUCTION: "This paper will explore the relationship between the local Buddhist practices of Tăi people who cross the border between China and Myanmar and the religious policy of the two countries, in which these movements are situated. I shall explore the question of how the monks and holu, experts in Buddhist rituals, migrate from Myanmar to revive their local religious practices after the Cultural Revolution in China. The next question is how local people recognise the Buddhist practices which originated from Myanmar. By answering these questions, I will explore the practices of the border area between China and Myanmar, and disclose an aspect of Myanmar Buddhism which is invisible from the viewpoint of national religious institutions...".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015.
Takahiro Kojima
Source/publisher:
International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015
Date of publication:
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burmese Buddhism outside Burma, China-Burma relations, International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) 23-26 July, 2015
Language:
English
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Abstract" "The
long-lasting
contradiction
and
conflicts
between
north
Myanmar
minorities
and
central
government
resulted
from
that
the
bilateral
relations
status
has
not
yet
been
settled
down
after
Myanmar
obtaining
independence
from
British
colony
India:
that
is
to
say
Myanmar
government
betrayed
its
original
promise
and
deprived
the
ethnic
groups
autonomy
right.
Along
with
Myanmar
preparation
for
reform
and
reconciliation
with
the
US,
its
domestic
political
process
has
highly
involved
into
regional/global
big
power
struggles,
thus
the
conflicts
between
north
Myanmar
ethnic
militants
and
its
military
government
have
very
complicated
backgrounds
of
external
forces.
In
fact,
though
there
is
every
reason
for
Myanmar
domestic
contractions
to
break
out
and
for
a
long
time
lead
to
factual
conflicts,
however
the
current
conflicts
directly
result
from
the
US
Asia
pivot
strategy
to
contain
China,
not
only
making
China
a
victim
of
Myanmar
domestic
conflicts,
but
also
seriously
deteriorating
China-Myanmar
relations.".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015.
Qingsi Li
Source/publisher:
International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015
Date of publication:
2015-07-25
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations, International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) 23-26 July, 2015
Language:
English
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"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s visit to China last month created a frenzy of global media interest. The big question was about the apparent contradiction between her defiant resistance to this country?s former military regime and the repressive policies of China?s government.
Many wondered whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would comment on sensitive human rights issues under the noses of her Communist hosts. The long-term imprisonment of Liu Xiaobo, a fellow Nobel laureate, had some speculating that Myanmar?s icon of democracy would wade into China?s difficult domestic politics.
Yet the point of this visit was something else entirely: showcasing the overwhelming pragmatism of both sides. Whatever Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s misgivings about China?s internal management, she has become far too savvy a political operator to let that interfere with her changing stature on the global stage.
In the lead-up to this year?s election she is being courted aggressively by almost everyone, and it is understandable that the Chinese have sought to charm her into their embrace. The visit programs for such figures are always handled carefully to minimise the possibility of surprises.
But it is surprising that one of the conclusions from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s first China visit is about estrangement. Some have even sounded the death knell for strong relations between China and Myanmar. Surely this is premature.
Relations between the two countries will never be simple. With more than 2 million Chinese citizens and former Chinese citizens living in Myanmar, there is much at stake for both sides. Billions of dollars from China have been invested in Myanmar?s cities, and in the country?s transport, mining and energy infrastructure."
Nicholas Farrelly
Source/publisher:
"New
Date of publication:
2015-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2015-07-15
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Type:
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China-Burma relations
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Abstract: "This policy brief analyzes recent trends in the timber products trade between China and Myanmar, using Chinese customs data from 2000 through 2013. Timber is one of the primary commodities traded between the two countries, providing significant revenue to Myanmar?s central government and ethnic political armed opposition groups, while supplying China with materials to feed its growing wood manufacturing sector. In 2013, timber product exports from Myanmar to China reached an all-time high by both volume and value, with 94% of these exports (by volume) registered by Chinese customs in Kunming, near the Myanmar border. Both countries banned cross-border timber trade in 2006, so these findings suggest high levels of illegality. Representatives from both countries plan to meet in March 2015 to discuss these issues further, and to develop strategies to promote a timber trade that is legal, beneficial to both nations, and sustainable in the long term."
Eve Richer
Source/publisher:
Forest Trends
Date of publication:
2014-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations, Timber trade
Language:
English
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"...The re-ignition of conflict should be a reminder that as long as the incentives to control exploitable natural resources and illicit industries are greater than the incentives to create stability, there is little hope for long-term peace in Myanmar. Sustainable progress is possible, but only if the underlying economic structures of minority groups are altered by the diversification of local economies and the government continues opening up. While this is by no means a panacea for the conflict, it may begin to alter the economic circumstances which have facilitated such persistent violence and bring about the conditions which lead to a more enduring peace."
Jay Benson
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat"
Date of publication:
2015-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-01
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"When rumors spread around the sugar-cane farms in northern Myanmar that the army was advancing, Li Jiapeng and his family packed some clothes, grabbed some cash and joined a long line of people fleeing in cars and on foot. Everyone was heading for safety on the other side of the border in China, just six miles away.
The next day, he could hear the sounds of battle. ?We came to the Chinese side early in the morning, and we began to hear gunshots that afternoon from Laogai, our hometown,” Mr. Li, 23, a university student whose family grows walnuts, tea and sugar cane, said by phone from Yunnan Province in southern China.
In the last six weeks, the Myanmar Army has been fighting rebels of the Kokang, a Chinese ethnic group that has lived in the mountains of northern Myanmar for more than 400 years, and keeps strong linguistic, education and trading ties to China.
Myanmar has been afflicted with fighting between its various ethnic groups and the army for decades, but the current battle, fueled by rebels armed with weapons bought with the proceeds of a flourishing drug trade, is potentially more serious because it touches on the country?s sensitive relationship with China..."
Jane Perlez
Source/publisher:
"New York Times"
Date of publication:
2015-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2015-03-24
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"...When an estimated 50,000 ethnic Kokang civilians poured into southwest China last month to escape fighting between the Myanmar Army and Kokang rebels, Beijing called for peace and provided food, medical supplies and camps for the refugees. But China?s stance as a benevolent mediator in Myanmar?s many internal conflicts and its treatment of asylum seekers is far less altruistic than Beijing cares to admit.
The Myanmar military has been at war with dozens of ethnic groups for decades, fueled by long-burning animosities, competition over natural resources and minority demands for more autonomy. Kokang fighters, seeking to regain territory lost in 2009, are jockeying for a better position in nationwide cease-fire talks set to resume this month in Yangon. More than 130 soldiers from the Kokang and national armies have been killed in the latest clashes.
China has publicly distanced itself from the Kokang conflict and maintained neutrality. But Chinese-led development projects have long stoked the ethnic tensions and military conflicts in Myanmar, particularly in recent years..."
Mattew Smith
Source/publisher:
"The New York Times"
Date of publication:
2015-03-04
Date of entry/update:
2015-03-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations, Armed conflict in Shan State - displacement, mass exoduses and the humanitarian situation
Language:
English
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"The Kokang incident was a violent conflict or series of skirmishes that broke out in August 2009 in Kokang in Burma?s northern Shan State. Several clashes between the Burmese military junta forces (including the Myanmar Armed Forces, also known as Tatmadaw, and the Myanmar Police Force) and ethnic minorities have taken place. As a result of the conflict the MNDAA lost control of the area and as many as 30,000 refugees fled to Yunnan province in neighboring China..."
Source/publisher:
Wikipedia
Date of entry/update:
2015-02-19
[field_licence]
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"One week before the Chinese New Year, the former leader of the ethnic Kokang National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Peng Jiasheng, launched ferocious attacks on the government military in Kokang. Peng was driven out of power during the Kokang Incident in 2009 and has since disappeared from public view. While it remains unclear at this moment whether Peng will regain control of Kokang, the renewed conflict and his reemergence have added major uncertainty to Myanmar?s peace process and could potentially affect the upcoming elections.
China has a significant security interest at stake in the renewed conflict. The armed conflict and refugee crisis during the 2009 Kokang Incident marred the stability China?s borders, as did the Kachin conflict in late 2012 and early 2013. The instability underlines China?s biggest concerns over the Burmese ethnic groups on the border and the peace process. While local authorities in Yunnan Province were better prepared to manage the refugee influx this time, future uncertainly inevitably aggravates China?s negative outlook for the prospects of security and stability in the region..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2015-02-18
Date of entry/update:
2015-02-19
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China-Burma relations
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Description:
"...China?s role in the Kachin conflict has been anything but consistent. Up until the end of 2012, when fighting took on a new fierceness and resulted in artillery shells exploding on Chinese territory for the first time since the Cold War, Beijing had maintained a largely hands-off approach to the conflict.
Previous to the escalation in December 2012 the Chinese central government mostly stayed out of Kachin. China?s biggest interaction with the northeastern Burmese state had happened through local Yunnan government officials and private traders, who over the past two decades have established lucrative and illegal trading partnerships with KIO officials who facilitate and tax the sale and transport of mostly jade and teak to Chinese buyers. In 2011 alone, the trade of jade to China reached $8 billion, according to Harvard?s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation. These actors, encouraged by some officials in the Yunnan government, have complicated peace efforts in Kachin. ?Private businesses do not want to necessarily have the Myanmar government take full control of Kachin state,” says Yun Sun, an analyst for the Stimson Center. ?They want to have more flexible arrangements with local political forces and the rebel groups.” In other words, a lasting peace would be bad for business..."
Source/publisher:
The Diplomat
Date of publication:
2014-01-14
Date of entry/update:
2015-01-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Since the acceleration of democratic transition after the inauguration of U Thein Sein?s government
in March 2011, Myanmar society has become increasingly diversified and perceptions of China by
different entities has become more complicated. The negative perception of China by Myanmar
civil society has has had an especially poor impact on Sino-Myanmar relations. China and
Myanmar are both trying to guide public opinion by enhancing interaction in directions that would
promote less negative views by Myanmar society. However, it will take more time for Myanmar
society to form an objective perception of China..."
Song Qingrun
Source/publisher:
"Public Diplomacy Quarterly"
Date of publication:
2014-12-03
Date of entry/update:
2015-01-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English, Chinese
Format :
pdf
Size:
93.99 KB
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Description:
"China has long been concerned about ineffective Myanmar political, social and economic policies, many of which had direct impacts on Chinese interests, although as is customary for China, it tended to blur its public criticisms of Myanmar policies. After around 2000, in private conversations with other countries Chinese diplomatic representatives did not bother to hide their frequent frustration with the negative impacts on China from Myanmar?s poor economic management (manifested most openly in their inability to repay Chinese loans, albeit concessional loans), in striking contrast to China?s own post-1978 economic liberalisation..."
Trevor Wilson
Source/publisher:
"New Mandala"
Date of publication:
2014-02-10
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"As India and China have emerged as major powers in Asia, their interests and concerns have transcended their geographical boundaries. There is particularly the case in Myanmar, where those interests have converged. This is largely due to the fact that Myanmar shares common borders with both the countries. Myanmar shares a 2,185-kilometer border with China, and 1,643-kilometer border with India.
It has long been argued that Myanmar has always been a strategic concern for governing the dynamics of India-China
relations. Myanmar?s strategic location is considered as an important asset for India and China that offers tremendous opportunities for the countries of the region. Therefore, recent developments in Myanmar are a matter of concern for both India and China..."
Sonu Trivedi
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2013-08-13
Date of entry/update:
2014-05-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
KEY FINDINGS:
1.
The prolonged Kachin conflict is a
major obstacle to Myanmar?s national
reconciliation and a challenging test
for the democratization process.
2.
The KIO and the Myanmar
government differ on the priority
between the cease-fire and the political
dialogue. Without addressing this
difference, the nationwide peace
accord proposed by the government
will most likely lack the KIO?s
participation.
3.
The disagreements on terms have
hindered a formal cease-fire. In addition, the existing economic interest groups profiting from the armed
conflict have further undermined the
prospect for progress.
4.
China intervened in the Kachin negotiations in 2013 to protect its national
interests. A crucial motivation was a
concern about the ?internationalization” of the Kachin issue and the potential US role along the Chinese border.
5.
Despite domestic and external
pressure, the US has refrained from
playing a formal and active role in the
Kachin conflict. The need to balance
the impact on domestic politics in
Myanmar and US-China relations are
factors in US policy.
6.A
The US has attempted to discuss
various options of cooperation with
China on the Kachin issue. So far,
such attempts have not been accepted
by China.
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
Stimson Center (Great Powers and the Changing Myanmar - Issue Brief No. 2)
Date of publication:
2013-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2014-01-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma-US relations, China-Burma relations, Armed conflict in Kachin State - economic factors associated with the conflict, Armed conflict in Kachin State - general articles
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"China?s policy of pursuing relations strictly at an inter-governmental level has spawned negative perceptions among various politically relevant grass roots communities in Myanmar. From controversial investments that have had negative social and environmental impacts, to single-minded efforts to protect its commercial interests, China is now part and parcel of many of Myanmar?s deep-seated problem..."
Bernt Berger
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2013-09-10
Date of entry/update:
2013-09-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
A self-serving approach has clouded local perceptions of China?s presence, especially in troubled Kachin State...Over the years, China has expended considerable effort to improve its neighborhood relations, with the goal of maintaining stable borders and a viable trading environment. In so doing it has undertaken significant diplomatic efforts in maintaining networks among governments and governing elites. As time passes, one of the main shortcomings of this policy approach is becoming evident: China is increasingly finding itself at odds with non-governmental actors. Myanmar is a case study.
China?s interests and investments in ethnic areas of Myanmar, and Kachin State in particular, are increasingly touching on fundamental questions of political self-determination and with it national conciliation. The issue of disposition over land and resources is a matter of a constitutional process, something that Chinese actors seem to ignore.
In dealing with issues concerning Kachin State, a larger pattern of uncoordinated actors and self-serving interference has become evident. Until the transition from the Tatmadaw to civilian rule and the gradual lifting of international sanctions, China almost had carte blanche in its dealings with Myanmar. Deals with the elite did not go unnoticed but had no serious repercussions either inside or outside the country. Now, however, with an evolving civil society and greater prominence of inter-ethnic reconciliation on the national agenda, China?s operations have come under increasing scrutiny..."
Bernt Berger
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat"
Date of publication:
2013-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2013-09-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
Abstract:
"The author argues that the democratic reform in Myanmar is
rooted in profound internal and external factors. Since the beginning of the
reform, the changes in Myanmar have taken tolls in a series of China?s exist-
ing interests inside the country. Economically, Chinese investments have
come under increasing scrutiny, criticism, and even oppositions, threatening
the viability of strategic projects such as the oil and gas pipelines. Politically,
the initial success of the democratic reform in Myanmar raises questions
about Beijing?s continuous resistance to reform. Strategically, the changes in
Myanmar undercut China?s original blueprint about the strategic utilities of
Myanmar for China at ASEAN, in the Indian Ocean and more broadly in
the region. In light of the changes, China has adjusted its policy toward
Myanmar. Not only has Beijing dramatically reduced its economic invest-
ments in Myanmar, it also cooled down the political ties while established
relations with the democratic oppositions. At the same time, China also
launched massive public relations campaigns inside Myanmar aimed at im-
proving its image and relations with the local communities."
Manuscript received 14 January 2013; accepted 23 February 2013
Keywords
: PR China, Myanmar, Myitsone dam, bilateral relation
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 4/2012: 51–77
Date of publication:
2013-01-15
Date of entry/update:
2013-04-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Peace talks between Myanmar?s government and the rebel Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) in Ruili, China, on February 4, finally rendered a glimpse of hope after 17 months of bloody conflict. Although the two sides still need more time and further dialogue to reach a peace agreement, major breakthroughs were achieved on key issues such as strengthening communications, easing tensions and holding further talks before the end of February.
Peace talks are not unusual for the KIO and the Myanmar government. Since the most recent outbreak of the conflict in 2011, the two sides have engaged in multiple rounds of informal talks, including at least three rounds in Ruili. However, these latest talks set a new precedent because of the central role that China played in the process and signify a major intervention by Beijing that is unique.
China was instrumental in arranging the latest round of dialogue between the two parties. Due to the lack of trust between the KIO and the Myanmar government, both preferred a third party location rather than Laiza--headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA)--or Naypyidaw. During the talks, China not only provided the venue, but also explicitly guaranteed the security of all participants..."
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
Brookings
Date of publication:
2013-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2013-04-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
"Things are seldom as they seem in Myanmar, a country still little understood by the outside world. On a visit to Europe in early March, Myanmar President Thein Sein - an ex-general turned civilian politician - claimed that ??There?s no more fighting in the country, we have been able to end this kind of armed conflict?? between government forces and various ethnic resistance armies.
Back at home, the Myanmar army continues its fierce offensive against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in the country?s far northern region. As KIA representatives and government officials met for yet another round of peace talks in the Chinese border town of Ruili on March 11, more than a hundred trucks carrying
reinforcements and heavy equipment were seen entering Kachin State from garrisons in central Myanmar. In Shan State, almost daily skirmishes are reported with the Shan State Army, which has a shaky ceasefire agreement with the authorities. In Karen State, more government troops are taking up new positions in the hills bordering Thailand.
The Myanmar government?s doublespeak has not dissuaded Western nongovernmental organizations and think tanks from launching various peacemaking initiatives at a time an entirely different foreign power has taken charge of the process: China..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2013-03-19
Date of entry/update:
2013-04-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Burma?s President Thein Sein, while visiting Europe, announced that the government?s fighting against ethnic resistance forces has ended – even as the government moves more troops into the troubled areas. Meanwhile, the United States and China are scrambling for influence by brokering peace to end the ethnic conflicts. Dozens of think tanks and NGOs from the West are attracting donor funds and pouring into the country. ?The outcome has been overlapping initiatives, rivalry among organizations – and, more often than not, a lack of understanding by inexperienced ?peacemakers? of the conflicts? root causes,? explains journalist and author Bertil Lintner. China, unhappy with Burma?s embrace of the West, has been actively leading peace talks since January. Lintner points out that China?s Yunnan Province has more than 130,000 ethnic Kachin who sympathize with their fellow Burmese Kachin. Motivations may differ, but China and the US both want the conflicts to end. Burma?s leaders may find it difficult to pursue military solutions, continuing sending troops north, while playing China and the United States off each other..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
Yale Global Online -Yale Center for the Study of Globalization
Date of publication:
2013-03-18
Date of entry/update:
2013-03-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Kachin State - ceasefires and ceasefire talks, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"China?s plans to build a giant industrial
zone at the terminal of its Shwe gas
and oil pipelines on the Arakan coast
will damage the livelihoods of tens of
thousands of islanders and spell doom
for Burma?s second largest mangrove
forest.
The 120 sq km ?Kyauk Phyu Special
Economic Zone? (SEZ) will be managed
by Chinese state-owned CITIC group
on Ramree island, where China is
constructing a deep sea port for
ships bringing oil from the Middle
East and Africa. An 800-km railway
is also being built from Kyauk Phyu
to Yunnan, under a 50 year BOT
(Build-Operate-Transfer) agreement,
forging a Chinese-managed trade
corridor from the Indian Ocean across
Burma. Investment in the railway
and SEZ, China?s largest in Southeast
Asia, is estimated at US $109 billion
over 35 years.
Construction of the pipelines and
deep-sea port has already caused
large-scale land confiscation. Now 40
villages could face direct eviction from
the SEZ, while many more fear the
impacts of toxic waste and pollution
from planned petrochemical and metal
industries. No information has been
provided to local residents about the
projects.
It is urgently needed to have stringent
regulations in place to protect
the people and environment before
projects such as these are implemented
in Burma."
Source/publisher:
Arakan Oil Watch
Date of publication:
2012-12-17
Date of entry/update:
2012-12-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Other Special Economic Zones, China-Burma relations, Shwe gas field and pipeline -- reports and articles
Language:
English, Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
809.78 KB 1011.42 KB
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Description:
This report covers several countries in Asia and Africa....."Myanmar contains some of the most significant
natural forests left in the Asia Pacific region,
host to an array of biodiversity and vital to the
livelihoods of local communities. Forests are
estimated to cover 48 per cent of the country?s
land. Yet other recent estimates put forest
cover at just 24 per cent.
These vital forests are disappearing rapidly. Myanmar has one
of the worst rates of deforestation on the planet, with 18 per
cent of its forests lost between 1990 and 2005. Myanmar?s
forest sector is rife with corruption and illegality, leading to
over-harvesting and smuggling. Natural teak from Myanmar is
especially sought after on the international market for its
unique characteristics and availability.
Since the late 1990s, neighbouring China has imported large
volumes of timber from Myanmar, the bulk of which have been
logged and traded illegally. In 1997, China imported 300,000
cubic metres of timber from Myanmar; by 2005 this had risen
to 1.6 million cubic metres....In April 2012, EIA investigators travelled to the southern
Chinese provinces of Guangdong and Yunnan to examine current
dynamics of the illicit cross-border trade in logs from Myanmar,
especially Kachin State. The investigation involved monitoring
crossing points on the Yunnan-Kachin border, surveying
wholesale timber markets to assess the origin of wood supplies,
and undercover meetings with Chinese firms trading and
processing timber from Myanmar.
The investigation revealed continuing transport of logs across
the border, despite the 2006 agreements between the two
countries to halt such trade. Chinese traders confirmed that as
long as taxes are paid at the point of import, logs are allowed in
despite a commitment from the Yunnan provincial government
to allow in only timber accompanied by documents from the
Myanmar authorities attesting to its legal origin. As the
authorities dictate that all wood exports must be handled
by the Myanmar Timber Enterprise and shipped via Rangoon,
logs moving across the land border to Yunnan cannot possibly
be legal.
Field visits uncovered movement of temperate hardwood timber
species from the mountains of Kachin State into central Yunnan via several crossing points, with trade in teak and rosewood
centred around the border town of Ruili further south. The
contrast in the condition of the forests along the border was
striking; while forests in the mountainous region on the
Chinese side of the border are relatively intact, with large areas
protected in the Gaoligong Nature Reserve, across the border in
Kachin the devastation wreaked by logging is clearly visible.
Chinese wood traders confirmed that supplies were coming
from further inside Kachin, as timber within a hundred kilometres
of the border has been logged out, and told how deals are done
with insurgent groups to buy up entire mountains for logging.
One local community elder in Kachin interviewed by EIA
summed up the situation: ?Myanmar is China?s supermarket
and Kachin State is their 7-11.”..."
Source/publisher:
Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA)
Date of publication:
2012-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2012-11-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Timber trade, Deforestation, China-Burma relations
Language:
English; (Burmese press release)
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
151.59 KB 1.41 MB
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Description:
Burma?s government is trying to win over the Burmese people and the West, and one way has been to suspend unpopular deals with China. In September 2011, the government suspended construction of the controversial Myitsone hydroelectric dam. Now protests are underway against a Chinese firm, Wanbao Mining, which signed an agreement in June to mine copper in Monywa. Burma?s reactions could serve as a model for other countries with similar deals with China. The public outcry against projects that dislocate small communities, destroy fields or pollute waterways could force China to repackage its policies towards smaller countries in the region, explains Burmese-speaking journalist and author Bertil Lintner, reporting from Monywa after being barred from Burma for more than two decades. Two women who sell vegetables in Monywa started the campaign, taking advantage of Burma?s government allowing more freedom of expression, particularly when other nations are the target. Lintner reports that Burma?s new political winds are no accident – in in 2004 a master plan was drafted, aiming to diversify foreign relations and promote a new ?era of globalization.?
Burma: Trouble Brewing for China
Source/publisher:
YaleGlobal Online
Date of publication:
2012-11-05
Date of entry/update:
2012-11-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Burma?s government is trying to win over the Burmese people and the West, and one way has been to suspend unpopular deals with China. In September 2011, the government suspended construction of the controversial Myitsone hydroelectric dam. Now protests are underway against a Chinese firm, Wanbao Mining, which signed an agreement in June to mine copper in Monywa. Burma?s reactions could serve as a model for other countries with similar deals with China. The public outcry against projects that dislocate small communities, destroy fields or pollute waterways could force China to repackage its policies towards smaller countries in the region, explains Burmese-speaking journalist and author Bertil Lintner, reporting from Monywa after being barred from Burma for more than two decades. Two women who sell vegetables in Monywa started the campaign, taking advantage of Burma?s government allowing more freedom of expression, particularly when other nations are the target. Lintner reports that Burma?s new political winds are no accident – in in 2004 a master plan was drafted, aiming to diversify foreign relations and promote a new ?era of globalization.?
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
YaleGlobal Online
Date of publication:
2012-11-05
Date of entry/update:
2012-11-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
"Shwe Pipeline Brings Land Confiscation, Militarization and Human Rights Violations to the Ta?ang People.
The Ta?ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO) released a report today called ?Pipeline Nightmare” that illustrates how the Shwe Gas and Oil Pipeline project, which will transport oil and gas across Burma to China, has resulted in the confiscation of people?s lands, forced labor, and increased military presence along the pipeline, affecting thousands of people.
Moreover, the report documents cases in 6 target cities and 51 villages of human rights violations committed by the Burmese Army, police and people?s militia, who take responsibility for security of the pipeline.
The government has deployed additional soldiers and extended 26 military camps in order to increase pressure on the ethnic armed groups and to provide security for the pipeline project and its Chinese workers. Along the pipeline, there is fighting on a daily basis between the Burmese Army and the Kachin Independence Army, Shan State Army ? North and Ta?ang National Liberation Army in Namtu, Mantong and Namkham, where there are over one thousand Ta?ang (Palaung) refugees.
?Even though the international community believes that the government has implemented political reforms, it doesn?t mean those reforms have reached ethnic areas, especially not where there is increased militarization along the Shwe Pipeline, increased fighting between the Burmese Army and ethnic armed groups, and negative consequences for the people living in these areas,” said Mai Amm Ngeal, a member of TSYO.
The China National Petroleum Corporation and Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise have signed agreements for the Shwe Pipeline, however the companies have not conducted any Environmental Impact Assessments or Social Impact Assessments. While the people living along the pipeline bear the brunt of the effects, the government will earn an estimated USD$29 billion over the next 30 years.
?The government and companies involved must be held accountable for the project and its effects on the local people, such as increasing military presence and Chinese workers along the pipeline, both of which cause insecurity for the local communities and especially women. The project has no benefit for the public, so it must be postponed,” said Lway Phoo Reang, Joint Secretary (1) of TSYO.
TSYO urges the government to postpone the Shwe Gas and Oil Pipeline project, to withdraw the military from Shan State, reach a ceasefire with all ethnic armed groups in the state, and address the root causes of the armed conflict by engaging in political dialogue."
Source/publisher:
Ta?ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO)
Date of publication:
2012-11-07
Date of entry/update:
2012-11-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Shwe gas field and pipeline -- reports and articles, Land confiscation for military, commercial and other purposes, Internal displacement/forced migration of Shan. Palaung and Wa villagers, China-Burma relations, Oil and gas pipelines, Non-ILO Reports on forced labour, including forced portering, in Shan State
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
2.03 MB 1.44 MB
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Description:
Abstract: "This paper argues that since at least the mid 1980s, there has been
an observable negative attitude among the people of Burma against the
Chinese. Such sentiment is not just transient public opinion, but an attitude.
The author measures it by studying contemporary cultural and media works
as found in legally published expressions, so as to exclude any material rejected
by the regime?s censors. The causes of such sentiment are various:
massive Chinese migration and purchases of real estate (especially in Upper
Burma), Chinese money that is inflating the cost of everything, and cultural
?intrusion.? The sentiment extends to the military, as well: the article examines
a dozen memoirs of former military generals and finds that Burma?s
generals do not trust the Chinese, a legacy of China?s interference in Burma?s
civil war until the 1980s. The public outcry over the Myitsone dam
issue, however, was the most significant expression of such sentiment since
1969, when anti-Chinese riots broke out in Burma. The relaxation of media
restrictions under the new government has allowed this expression to gather
steam and spread throughout the country, especially in private weekly journals
that are becoming more outspoken and daring in pushing the boundaries
of the state?s restrictions."...
Manuscript received 2 February 2012; accepted 7 May 2012...
Keywords: PR China, Burma, culture, media, migration
Min Zin
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2012-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
260.36 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Abstract: "This paper explores the historical role of geography in the Sino–
Burmese relationship in the context of the Cold War, both before and after
the Chinese–American d?tente and rapprochement in the 1970s. It describes
Burma?s fear and distrust of China throughout the Cold War, during which
it maintained a policy of neutrality and non-alignment. Burma?s geographic
location, sandwiched between its giant neighbours India and China, led it to
adopt a realist paradigm and pursue an independent foreign policy. Characterizing
China?s threat to Burmese national security as ?grave? during its
period of revolutionary export, the article notes that Burma was cowed into
deference and that it deliberately avoided antagonizing China. It also looks
at the history of China?s attempts to break out of U.S. encirclement after the
Korean War and its successful establishment of Burma as an important
buffer state. After the U.S.–China rapprochement in 1972, however, Burma?s
geographical significance for Beijing declined. In this context, Burma?s
closed-door policy of isolation further lessened its strategic importance for
China. Since 1988, however, Burma?s strategic importance to China has
been on the rise once again, as it plays a greater role as China?s land bridge
to the Indian Ocean and in its energy security and expansion of trade and
exports."
Fan Hongwei
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2011-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
284 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Abstract: "This paper analyses the China-Myanmar ?comprehensive strategic
cooperative partnership? in the framework of China?s diplomacy in the post-
Cold War era and concludes that the partnership has no ?significant negative
impact? on regional relations. China pursues its partnerships with Myanmar
and other states to create a ?stable? and ?harmonious? surrounding environment,
itself a ?major? prerequisite for China?s peaceful development. The
author argues that China has not focused its diplomacy on Myanmar at the
expense of other states; rather, he notes that in fact China established a
?comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership? with three other ASEAN
states (Vietnam in 2008, Laos in 2009, and Cambodia in 2010) before it did
so with Myanmar in May 2011. The article argues that the scope and depth
of China?s partnerships with states such as Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia
are actually above that of its partnership with Myanmar. It also argues that
Myanmar?s strong nationalism will prevent China from, for example, building
a base on Myanmar?s soil. The author also asserts that China does not
seek to use Myanmar as an ally to weaken or dilute ASEAN or its unity on
the South China Sea issue."...
Manuscript received 4 January 2012; accepted 16 May 2012
Keywords: PR China, Myanmar, comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership,
Cold War
LI Chenyang
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2011-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
280.74 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Editorial: On China–Myanmar Relations,
David I. Steinberg...
China–Burma Geopolitical Relations in the Cold War,
Hongwei FAN...
Myanmar in Contemporary Chinese Foreign Policy – Strengthening Common Ground, Managing Differences,
Robert Sutter...
China–Myanmar Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership: A Regional Threat?
Chenyang LI...
China?s Strategic Misjudgement on Myanmar,
Yun SUN...
The Vexing Strategic Tug-of-War over Naypyidaw: ASEAN?s View of the Sino–Burmese Ties,
Pavin Chachavalpongpun...
Burmese Attitude toward Chinese: Portrayal of the Chinese in Contemporary Cultural and Media Works,
Min Zin...
Conference Report: China–Myanmar Relations: The Dilemmas of Mutual Dependence,
Maxwell Harrington...
Chronology of the Myitsone Dam at the Confluence of Rivers above Myitkyina,
Editor?s Appendix...These items are also online separately in OBL
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2012-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
Local URL:
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Description:
Editorial to the special issue on China-Myanmar relations of the "Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs" (Vol. 31, No. 1)...It contains an introduction to recent thinking on China-Myanmar relations and introduces the individual papers.
David I. Steinberg
Source/publisher:
"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs" (Vol. 31, No. 1)
Date of publication:
2012-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
186.71 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Abstract: "Yun Sun argues that China?s policy failures on Myanmar in 2011
are rooted in several strategic post-election misjudgements. Following President
Thein Sein?s inauguration in March 2011, the Sino–Myanmar relationship
was initially boosted by the establishment of a ?comprehensive strategic
cooperative partnership,? and China sought reciprocation for its long-time
diplomatic support in the form of Myanmar?s endorsement of China?s positions
on regional multilateral forums. A series of events since August have
frustrated China?s aspirations, however, including Myanmar?s suspension of
the Myitsone dam and the rapid improvement of its relationship with the
West. Several strategic misjudgements contributed to China?s miscalculations,
including on the democratic momentum of the Myanmar government,
on the U.S. –Myanmar engagement and on China?s political and economic
influence in the country. China?s previous definition of Myanmar as one of
China?s ?few loyal friends? and the foundation of its strategic blueprint has
been fundamentally shaken, and China is recalibrating its expectations regarding
future policies."...
Manuscript received 18 February 2012; accepted 23 April 2012...
Keywords: PR China, Myanmar, Myitsone dam
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2012-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
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Abstract:
"This chronology incorporates very significant material related to 2002–2010, posted on the web by ?ipea-editor? on 17 January 2011, down-loaded 26 October 2011. Efforts continue to contact that person/group to acknowledge their work. Note that quotations of statements here are probably translations. Corrections and additions to this chronology are welcome, the editors."
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2011-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
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Introduction"
"Georgetown University?s Asian Studies program hosted a conference on
November 4, 2011 entitled ?China–Myanmar Relations: The Dilemmas of
Mutual Dependence.? The conference included panel discussions by scholars
and government officials from China, Myanmar, Thailand, India, Japan,
the Netherlands, Germany, Canada, and the United States. With an attendance
of over 150 people, it proved that discussions regarding the Sino–
Myanmar relationship are able to attract interest in Washington.
The conference was bookended by two critical events that have focused
Washington?s attention on Myanmar?s relationship with its giant
neighbour. On September 30, Naypyidaw unexpectedly suspended the construction
of a major Chinese-backed infrastructure project, the Myitsone
dam, a decision that was received with applause in Washington but consternation
in Beijing. Then, only weeks after the conference finished, U.S. Secretary
of State Hillary Clinton made a historic visit to Myanmar from November
30 to December 2, the first by a Secretary of State since John Foster
Dulles in 1955. ?Clinton in Myanmar: All about China?? blared one headline.
1 While the truth is certainly not so simple, the role of China in America?s
policy-making cannot be discounted. As Myanmar has accelerated its
political and economic reforms, international interest in the Myanmar–China
connection has only grown. While the Sino–Burmese relationship is complex,
involving a number of layers of sometimes antithetical interests both in
China and Myanmar, the conference discussions pointed to the emergence
of several broad themes..."
Maxwell Harrington
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2011-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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English
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Abstract: "This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China?s
approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in
China?s approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast
Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign
relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar
developments in the concluding section how China?s approach to Myanmar
compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more
broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China?s
recent relations with Myanmar are more or less consistent with the strengths
and weaknesses of China?s broader approach to Southeast Asia and international
affairs more generally. On the one hand, China?s approach to Myanmar,
like its approach to most of the states around its periphery, has witnessed
significant advances and growing interdependence in the post-Cold
War period. On the other hand, mutual suspicions stemming from negative
historical experiences and salient differences require attentive management
by Chinese officials and appear unlikely to fade soon."
Manuscript received 25 January 2012; accepted 26 April 2012
Keywords: PR China, Myanmar, Southeast Asia, ASEAN, foreign policy
Robert Sutter
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2011-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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Abstract: "This article argues that ASEAN?s policy toward Myanmar has
been predominantly responsive, dictated by China?s activism in the region. It
posits three arguments: First, that the release of political prisoners, including
Aung San Suu Kyi, may have been a tactical move to convince ASEAN to
award it the 2014 chairmanship and thereby consolidate the legitimacy of
the current regime; second, that Thein Sein?s suspension of the Myitsone
Dam was a strategic move intended to please both domestic and ASEAN
constituencies; and third, that Myanmar?s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014
will help justify the organisation?s past approach to Burma as well as accelerate
the process of community-building. The paper argues that in spite of the
growing interconnectedness between ASEAN and China, ASEAN is locked
in a strategic tug-of-war with China over Myanmar. Myanmar has, on multiple
occasions, played upon ASEAN?s suspicion of China by playing the
?China card,? as I term it, forcing ASEAN to continually legitimise it
through public statements."...
Manuscript received 13 January 2012; accepted 5 April 2012...
Keywords: PR China, Burma, ASEAN, community-building
Pavin Chachavalpongpun
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Vol. 31, No. 1
Date of publication:
2011-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2012-10-02
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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Abstract: "Recent research has focused increasingly on the strategies that Southeast Asian countries have adopted vis-?-vis a rising China. This article aims to contribute to the literature by discussing Myanmar?s alignment posture towards China under the post-September 1988 military regime. In particular, the purpose is to specify and explain the nature and management of this alignment. The argument is as follows: first, during the two decades of SLORC/SPDC (State Law and Order Restoration Council/State Peace and Development Council) rule, Myanmar sought only limited alignment with China, focused primarily on diplomatic support and protection, with only a moderate record of bilateral defence and security cooperation. Second, Myanmar?s alignment with China after 1988 was shaped by at least three important factors: the core principles of the country?s previous foreign policy after colonial rule, a deeply embedded sense of nationalism among the military elite, and Burma?s Cold War interaction with China. Third, in managing its alignment with China over the last decade, the SPDC avoided compromises perceived as unpalatable in return for the promise of diplomatic protection and instead ?rewarded? Beijing by consenting to economic and infrastructure projects that were considered to advance the regime?s interest in either generating state revenue or contributing to the consolidation and expansion of control over state territory. The SPDC also pushed Beijing into reconsidering its position on the sensitive issue of armed ethnic groups in the Sino-Myanmar border region. The Myanmar case thus shows that lesser powers can obtain security benefits from a major power without this necessarily requiring more than limited alignment or entailing a serious erosion of political autonomy, particularly when the former possesses valuable natural resources and enjoys considerable geo-strategic significance for the latter."
Jürgen Haacke
Source/publisher:
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 2/2011: 105-140
Date of publication:
2011-11-02
Date of entry/update:
2012-03-04
[field_licence]
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China-Burma relations
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China is emerging as the leading economic force in Burma, and the Burmese are starting to get uncomfortable...
"With Western sanctions and endemic levels of corruption, Burma?s economy has typically been of little interest to international investors, except for those with significant strategic interests. Desperate and unstable, the country has been left wide open for exploitation by Chinese state actors seeking energy and access to the Indian Ocean. Referring to the growth of India and China at the 2011 Myanmar/Burma Update, historian Thant Myint U stated that it ?will change Burma?s prospects for better or worse, more [than] anything else that is happening at the moment.?
Burma is definitely in a state of rapid transition. During the last 18-month period, the country has received 20-percent more official foreign direct investment (FDI) than in all of the previous 20 years put together. At the same time, hundreds of thousands of people in ethnic minority regions have suffered from a severe escalation of conflict and displacement. For the first time in 50 years, popularly elected politicians have been able to raise genuine topics of concern in parliament. However, the new constitution gives greater power and impunity to the military than any of those introduced previously..."
Dan Beaker
Source/publisher:
Institute for Policy Studies/Foreign Policy in Focus
Date of publication:
2011-12-02
Date of entry/update:
2012-01-23
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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English
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"Myanmar mostly makes news in the West these days with blood and iron, when the brutal military regime cracks down on monks and others protesting for democracy. Host Scott Simon chats with Thant Myint-U, author of "Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia", who says the country may have a bright and bold future as a bridge between China and India?s growing economies."
Source/publisher:
National Public Radio (NPR)
Date of publication:
2011-09-24
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, China-Burma-India relations, China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Introduction: The Role of Energy in Sino-Myanmar Relations; Myanmar Plays the China Card; China Engages Myanmar in the ASEAN Way; Conclusion: Norms, Energy and Beyond: "Conclusion: Norms, Energy and Beyond
This chapter has demonstrated two points. First, although ASEAN, China,
India, and Japan form partnership with Myanmar for different reasons,
interactions among the regional stakeholders with regard to Myanmar have
reinforced the regional norm of non-intervention into other states? internal
affairs. Both India and Japan, the two democratic countries in the region,
have been socialized, though in varying degrees, into the norm when they
engage Myanmar as well as ASEAN.67 The regional normative environment
or structure in which all stakeholders find themselves defines or constitutes
their Asian identities, national interests, and more importantly, what counts
as rightful action. At the same time, regional actors create and reproduce
the dominant norms when they interact with each other. This lends support
to the constructivist argument that both agent and structure are mutually
constitutive.68 This ideational approach prompts us to look beyond such
material forces and concerns as the quest for energy resources as well as
military prowess to explain China?s international behaviour. Both rationalchoice
logic of consequences and constructivist logic of appropriateness are
at work in China?s relations with Myanmar and ASEAN. But pundits grossly
overstate the former at the expense of the latter. To redress this imbalance, this
chapter asserts that China adopts a ?business as usual? approach to Myanmar
largely because this approach is regarded as appropriate and legitimate
by Myanmar and ASEAN and practised by India and Japan as well, and
because China wants to strengthen the moral legitimacy of an international
society based on the state-centric principles of national sovereignty and nonintervention.
As a corollary, we argue that regional politics at play have debunked
the common, simplistic belief that Myanmar is a client state of China and
that China?s thirst for Myanmar?s energy resources is a major determinant
of China?s policy towards the regime. A close examination of the oil and
gas assets in Myanmar reveals that it is less likely to be able to become a
significant player in international oil politics. Whereas Myanmar may offer
limited material benefits to China, it and ASEAN at large are of significant
normative value to the latter. Ostensibly China adopts a realpolitik approach
to Myanmar; however, the approach also reflects China?s recognition of
the presence and prominence of a regional normative structure and its firm
support for it.".....11 pages of notes and bibliographic references
Pak K. Lee, Gerald Chan, Lai-Ha Chan
Source/publisher:
Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya
Date of publication:
2008-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-17
[field_licence]
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Summary: "As cross-border refugees from Burma?s Kokang
region continue to return to Burma, local residents and
remaining refugees in China?s Nansan border region told
ConGenOff September 1 that refugee flows had moved to border
crossings in Yunnan province adjacent to ethnic Wa-controlled
territory. Many refugees expressed discontent with the PRC
government?s perceived weak response to the outbreak of
violence in Kokang that resulted in the destruction of PRC
citizens? property. China?s official reaction praised Yunnan
province?s response to the refugee flows and called on Burma
to maintain stability. PRC netizens? response to violence in
the Kokang region appeared to have been tightly controlled,
with very few dissenting postings remaining online." End
summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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"The Charge delivered ref A points on May 18 urging PRC
support for UN Security Council action in response to the
trial of Aung San Suu Kyi to MFA North American and Oceanian
Affairs Department Director General Zheng Zeguang. In
response, DG Zheng suggested that a statement from the UN
Security Council would not be the most effective way to
address the issue and expressed hope that the United States
was open to "other options" to deal with the situation.
Zheng said China?s "clear and consistent" position on the
issue had been to encourage the regime in Burma to promote
reconciliation and cooperate with UN Secretary General
Special Advisor Ibrahim Gambari..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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"PolOff on November 7 delivered to MFA International
Organizations and Conferences Department Human Rights
Division Deputy Director Yao Shaojun ref A points urging
China to support or at least to abstain on UNGA Third
Committee resolutions on Iran, Burma and the DPRK. PolOff
stressed that even if China is unable to support the
resolutions, the United States strongly urges China to oppose
or at least abstain on no action motions, which stifle even
discussion of these important human rights issues. Yao said
he took note of our concerns and would pass them on to his
superiors. However, because of "China?s own experience with
human rights resolutions," the Chinese Government disagrees
with the U.S. view. China, Yao said, will oppose all the
resolutions and support the no action motions."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-11-07
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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Summary: "In a meeting with Western Embassy officials
on September 28, MFA Asia Department Deputy Director General
Yang Yanyi delivered now familiar points on China?s position
on the crisis in Burma: China is concerned and supports UN
efforts; the Burmese government should "properly handle" the
situation; sanctions are not the solution; and the UN
Security Council is not the appropriate venue to address the
Burma situation. Yang said criticism of China?s role in
solving the crisis is unfair and "slanderous." Discussing
whether the ongoing crisis affects regional peace and
security, Yang reiterated that the situation is still only a
"yellow light" and that China still believes the situation
does not merit UN Security Council attention." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-09-28
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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The China Radio International sponsored newspaper World News Journal
(Shijie Xinwenbao) (08/17): "U.S. Senator Jim Webb?s visit to Burma
has political implications. It demonstrates that the U.S.
government?s policy of sanctioning Burma has changed into one of
?contact and dialogue.? The improvement in U.S.-Burma relations is
not only helpful for the U.S. to obtain Burmese oil resources, but
also to strengthen the U.S.?s presence in Southeast Asia to counter
China?s influence in the region. The U.S. policy change with regard
to Burma is another example of Secretary Clinton?s ?smart power.?
Obama is using ?smart power? to deal with hostile countries,
including Cuba, Venezuela, and North Korea. The U.S. government has
realized that suppressing Burma will not help win that country over..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Description:
Summary. "China?s Nansan border region adjacent to the
Kokang region of Burma is calm, and refugees have already
begun to return to Burma, ConGenOff observed August 30 and
¶31. PRC government statements and Chinese media accounts
downplayed the seriousness of the conflict between ethnic
Kokang fighters and Burmese military forces and disputed
UNHCR claims that 10,000-30,000 refugees had fled to China.
Chinese scholars did not anticipate that recent events would
impact China-Burma relations and suggested that current
instability could create an opportunity for increased
U.S.-China cooperation on Burma." End summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
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Description:
Summary: "China supports UN Special Advisor Gambari?s
mission to Burma and the United States is "too impatient"
with Gambari?s mission and the political transition process
in Burma, according to MFA Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam
Division Deputy Director Chen Chen. Acknowledging that the
planned 2010 elections in Burma will leave the military
holding power, Chen said the elections will serve as "a soft
landing" for the regime. Continuing economic woes in Burma
are a result of U.S. sanctions, and as a "neighbor," China
opposes sanctions on Burma. Chen said the Burmese regime is
interested in improving relations with the United States."
End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-09-18
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
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"...-- China hoped that the Burmese Government would properly handle its
domestic issue and guarantee the safety of Chinese citizens and
their property in that country.
-- The Burmese Government had apologized to China for Chinese
casualties, thanked China for accepting those who escaped the
fighting, promised to protect Chinese citizens and their property
and restore peace and stability along the border..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Description:
"...Reports that Burma had begun expelling Chinese citizens from its
territory were "not in line with the facts."..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-09-29
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Summary: "The Burmese military regime?s objective is
to organize elections in 2010 that will be won by a
military-based political party, UN Special Adviser on Burma
Ibrahim Gambari told the Charge and four other Beijing-based
Western mission representatives February 10. Gambari added
that the military will then take control of the three most
important ministries (Defense, Internal Affairs, and
Territorial Affairs). Gambari reported that PRC Vice Foreign
Minister He Yafei had earlier reiterated to him China?s
position that the situation in Burma does not constitute a
threat to international peace or security and therefore
should not be discussed in the UN Security Council. Gambari
suggested that pointing out to China the possibility that the
non-participation in the 2010 elections of the Burmese
opposition party National League of Democracy would cause
instability in Burma might convince China to bring pressure
on the Burmese regime." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2009-02-11
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
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Summary:
"United Nations successes in 2006 benefited from P-5
cooperation, especially between the United States and China,
Assistant Secretary for International Organizations (IO)
Affairs Kristen Silverberg told Assistant Foreign Minister
Cui Tiankai. U.S.-China cooperation resulted in the
selection of an exceptionally qualified new UNSYG and a new
WHO head, A/S Silverberg noted. AFM Cui said that U.S.-China
cooperation also made it possible to pass resolutions on the
DPRK and Iran nuclear issues. A/S Silverberg said Burma and
Haiti still require attention. Cui said China is open to
bilateral talks on Burma, will "stand on principle" on the
renewal of the MINUSTAH mandate in Haiti and believes further
sanctions on Iran will strengthen the hand of hardliners.
China considers India, as a representative of the developing
world, more deserving of a permanent UNSC seat than Japan,
Cui said. A/S Silverberg urged China not to allow the Human
Rights Council to be a forum for Israel-bashing, asked
Beijing to support the Ugandan candidate for the Global Fund
and reiterated invitations to Cui and IO Director General Wu
Hailong to visit Washington." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-01-26
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
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Language:
Engish
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"...Drawing upon Ref A talking points, the Ambassador in a
December 6 meeting with Assistant Foreign Minister He Yafei
urged China to press the Burmese regime to engage in an
authentic dialogue with the opposition and include the
opposition in efforts to draft a constitution. Drawing upon
Ref B talking points, the Ambassador conveyed the U.S.
request that China, as we are requesting of other purveyors
of arms to the regime, stop conventional arms sales to Burma...
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Description:
"...DPRK-Burma Resume Relations..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
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Summary:
"At the October 12 bi-weekly G-5 Chiefs of Mission
gathering, UK Ambassador William Ehrman said that China?s
concerns in Burma are driven by the long common border, the
2.5 million ethnic Chinese in Burma, the 150,000 PRC citizens
living there and the 3,000 Chinese companies active in the
country. French DCM Nicholas Chapuis argued that PRC support
for a UN Security Council Presidential Statement on Burma
marks a major policy shift for the Chinese. Japanese DCM
Umeda reported no progress on Sino-Japanese resource
cooperation in the East China Sea, citing the median line,
China?s prior investment in the area and territorial concerns
as stumbling blocks. The French DCM reported that
preparations for French President Nicolas Sarkozy?s November
25-27 visit to China are not yet finalized." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Description:
Summary:
"Burma needs a government that represents the Burmese
people and that provides more freedom to its citizens, MFA
Asian Affairs Department Director General Hu Zhengyue told
visiting EAP Deputy Assistant Secretary Thomas Christensen on
December 21. Hu said that China has been "working on" Burma
by urging the regime to begin ethnic and political
reconciliation, encouraging UN U/SYG Gambari to visit the
country, and urging the Burmese regime to become a country
that ASEAN could accept as a responsible member. Hu claimed
that China had achieved "significant progress" in replacing
opium as a key agricultural product in certain areas of
Burma. DAS Christensen stressed that Burma,s domestic
problems remain a serious threat to regional stability and
that the regime continues to eschew reform. Hu asserted that
the United States and China share a common goal in a stable
Burma and should coordinate our Burma policy." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
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Description:
"...Poloff conveyed ref A points on Burma and ref B
information regarding latest USG sanctions October 23 to MFA
Burma, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam Division Deputy Director
Liang Jianjun and United Nations Affairs Division Deputy
Director Yao Shaojun. Liang had no substantive comment.
Yao, while not formally responding to the demarche points,
commented "personally" that the United States is adding too
many conditions to the dialogue process. Both interlocutors
promised to convey the points and information to their
superiors..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-23
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
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English
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Description:
"Responding to reftel points delivered by PolOff, MFA
Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam Division Deputy Director
Chen Chen on April 30 said that the Chinese Government has
"advised" the Burmese Government to "positively reconsider"
previous suggestions offered by UN Special Adviser Gambari to
help ensure that the May 10 referendum is free and fair.
China specifically suggested that Burma allow international
observers to monitor the referendum, Chen said. Chen
mentioned that within the last ten days, high-level Foreign
Ministry officials from China and Burma had discussed the
referendum process on the sidelines of an international
meeting. (Note: Chen did not specify which officials or
what meeting.)..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
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Summary:
"The United States and China share many common
interests in the United Nations Security Council and with
regard to Burma, none of which would be served by conflict
over a Burma resolution in the UNSC, MFA Director General for
International Organizations Wu Hailong told the DCM. Wu
urged the United States to drop the resolution or seek
another way forward. China will oppose a UNSC Resolution on
Burma because Burma?s political situation is showing
progress, the country?s problems involve internal affairs and
are outside the UNSC?s area of responsibility. The United
States has tabled a resolution on Burma because we seek real
progress and want to support Undersecretary Gambari?s efforts
under the Secretary General?s Good Offices mission, the DCM
said. Problems such as drugs, unrest, human trafficking and
infectious disease caused by Burma?s government threaten
stability in the region. China should back the Burma
resolution, he emphasized." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2006-12-19
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary: "Chinese officials suggested to Burmese
Special Envoy and Deputy Foreign Minister U Maung Myint
during his January 21 visit to Beijing that the Burmese
regime reconsider UN Special Advisor Gambari?s request to
visit Burma prior to the April timeframe offered by Burma,
MFA Asia Department Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam
Division Deputy Director Chen Chen told PolOff January 25.
Chen said Chinese officials encouraged continuation of the
dialogue between the regime and democratic opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi. PolOff delivered ref B points on banning
imports of Burmese gems and hardwood. Chen promised to
convey the points to his superiors." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...MFA International Organizations and Conferences
Department UN Affairs Division Deputy Director Sun Xiaobo on
November 29 told PolOff that China is willing to consider
various proposals in the UN conducive to helping Burma solve
its current problems. Specifically, China can support a
Burma "Group of Friends" or "Core Group" in the UN (reftel),
but only if the Government of Burma supports the proposal and
participates in the group. China?s experience in the
Six-Party Talks (on denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula)
has shown that it is very important that the "concerned
government" participate in any mechanism to solve an
international problem, Sun said..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary: "In response to the Ambassador per ref A
urging China to press the Burmese regime to exercise
restraint, begin an inclusive dialogue on democracy, and
accept a visit of UN Special Envoy Gambari immediately,
Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister He Yafei stressed in a
meeting on September 27 that China has repeatedly
communicated its concerns to Burmese authorities over the
current situation. China views unrest in Burma as an
internal matter and not appropriate for UN Security Council
consideration. However, consistent with its support for the
UN Secretary-General, China has told Burmese officials that
UN Special Envoy Gambari should visit Burma as soon as
possible. AFM He complained that international media
unfairly assigned China responsibility for resolving the
current turmoil in Burma. He suggested the United States
continue its recent dialogue with Burma. The Ambassador
responded that, as Burma?s primary business partner and a
neighboring state, China has both influence and
responsibility." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-07-27
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary: "China will consider supporting a formal
briefing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) by
Special Envoy Gambari (reftel), MFA Burma, Laos, Cambodia and
Vietnam Division Deputy Director Liang Jianjun told us
September 10. Liang said the MFA had conveyed to the Burmese
government Gambari?s request to travel twice to Burma and
that the Burmese were receptive to a possible trip after
September 20. China?s Ambassador in Burma has conveyed to
senior Burmese officials China?s desire that Rangoon resolve
the ongoing crisis "in the proper way." Liang described
Burma?s National Convention as a positive political
development. In any case, Liang said, encouragement and
engagement, not pressure and sanctions, are the best way to
move Burma toward political and economic reform." End
Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-09-10
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"In an August 27 meeting also devoted to Georgia
(septel), MFA International Organizations and Conferences
Department UN Division Acting Director Sun Xiaobo told PolOff
(and accompanying UK and French Embassy PolOffs) that during
the recent visit of UN Special Advisor Gambari the Burmese
Government "had shown flexibility" and "made some efforts" to
be accommodating. Though Gambari did not meet Burmese Senior
General Than Shwe, he did meet Prime Minister Thein Sein and
other senior officials. Though opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi refused to meet Gambari, Gambari succeeded in meeting
other senior National League for Democracy (NLD) figures.
Moreover, the Burmese Government offered responses on each of
Gambari?s five substantive proposals. In sum, China believes
that during his visit Gambari "made some achievements."..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-08-27
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary:
"Calling the Charge to a 9:00 pm "urgent meeting,"
Assistant Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai said China has
"clearly" told the United States that Burma is a matter of
national security for China, that there is no present threat
from Burma to regional peace and security, that none of
Burma?s neighbors support a UNSC resolution and that China
will "vote against" a Burma resolution if it is brought to a
vote. The PRC will inform other UNSC members and make a
public announcement of its opposition unless a solution is
reached imminently, but, in any case, China will vote against
a resolution. CDA stressed the need for a resolution,
highlighted that we have kept the PRC informed of our views
and said we planned for a vote on January 12. Cui said China
and the United States have recently worked well together on
tough issues such as Iran and North Korea at the UNSC. He
feared that by forcing a confrontation, the United States
will endanger that cooperation. Asked about whether the
revisions to the draft text would have an impact on Beijing?s
position, a working-level official said that the PRC
opposition is to a resolution and not specific text." End
Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary:
"China encouraged Burma to accelerate its democratic
and national reconciliation processes, develop its economy
and improve the lives of the Burmese people, State Councilor
Tang Jiaxuan told Burmese generals on his February 25-27
visit to Burma. According to a readout provided to the DCM
by MFA Director General for North American Affairs Liu Jieyi,
Tang said Burma?s internal affairs should be settled through
consultation between the government and the people and noted
that the international community can provide "constructive
help" in this regard. Burmese officials told Tang they are
prepared to have formal written communication with Aung San
Suu Kyi, to engage with the international community and to
continue progress in their roadmap toward eventual elections.
The generals? priorities remain domestic stability, economic
development and training of personnel. DG Liu?s readout was
notable for its promptness, provided on the same day that
Tang and his delegation departed Burma. The Chinese provided
the same prompt readout to our Russian, Japanese and ASEAN
colleagues." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary:
"EAP DAS Thomas Christensen underscored the
need for continued international attention to Burma in
a meeting with MFA Asian Affairs Director General Hu
Zhengyue on February 6. The United States was
disappointed by China?s veto of the Security Council
resolution on Burma. China should find ways to
promote reform in Burma. The United States is ready
to discuss these issues with China, he noted. DG Hu
said cooperation on Burma should be an important part
of closer coordination between the United States and
China on Asian affairs. China continues to urge
Burmese leaders to seek national reconciliation and
believes that ASEAN and the United Nations, but not
the Security Council, can play a constructive role on
Burma. DAS Christensen asked whether China pressed
Burmese General Thura Shwe Mann on reform last week
when he visited China. DG Hu said General Thura Shwe
Mann met with Premier Wen and Chinese military leaders
and Chinese officials urged the regime to respond to
international concerns, but also repeated China?s
standard positions about not interfering in Burma?s
internal affairs. DAS Christensen asked Hu about his
perceptions of the Burmese regime?s relations with
Aung San Suu Kyi. DG Hu responded that the regime
does not see her as a threat. Even if she were in
power she would not be able to lead the country
effectively, given the complexity of the problems
Burma faces, DG Hu said. DAS Christensen said it is
the current Burmese regime, not Aung San Suu Kyi, that
has demonstrated a lack of capacity to handle the
complexities of the challenges that face Burma." End
Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-02-06
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary:
"If the United States wants to make a difference on
Burma, it should engage directly with General Than Shwe,
Assistant Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai told EAP DAS Eric John
on March 5. In a separate meeting, MFA Director General for
Asian Affairs Hu Zhengyue stressed that State Councilor Tang
"really worked on" the Burmese during his recent visit to
Burma, delivering the message that Burma needs to respond to
the concerns of the international community. DAS John
underlined that the United States is worried that Burma is
headed at high speed in the wrong direction. If it adopts a
constitution excluding certain parties from the political
process, the United States and China could be locked into a
cycle of confrontation over Burma at the United Nations. DAS
John and AFM Cui also discussed the United States? and
China?s overlapping interests in Southeast Asia. With DG Hu,
DAS John emphasized the importance of Indonesia and discussed
instability in East Timor, positive progress in the
Philippines and the situation in post-coup Thailand. EAP DAS
Thomas Christensen joined DAS John at the meetings." End
Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-03-05
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary:
"Chinese scholars of Southeast Asian affairs told EAP
DAS Eric John that Burma presents a major challenge and
opportunity for United States-China relations following
China?s veto blocking a Burma resolution in the UN Security
Council (UNSC). The academics said China wants to cooperate
with the United States and continues to pressure Burma to
reform, but may emphasize economic reform and resolving
ethnic conflicts more than the political inclusiveness that
the United States stresses. Zhai said China thinks Burma?s
plans for a new constitution are "better than nothing" and
that America?s criticism of procedural and other flaws in the
regime?s roadmap toward national reunification might be lost
on Beijing. DAS John countered that a bad constitution is
worse than nothing if it permanently excludes from the
political process any legitimate opposition. Elsewhere in
Southeast Asia, the United States and China share many
interests, including promoting economic growth, increasing
cooperation on nontraditional security issues and fighting
terrorism. The weakness and indecisiveness of ASEAN creates
problems for building regional architecture. China sees
Southeast Asia as a growing market, especially for exports
from China?s border provinces. Vietnam is rapidly growing
more powerful and this causes China some concern, according
to the scholars." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-03-08
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...PolOffs on March 7 discussed with MFA International
Organizations and Conferences Department UN Division Deputy
Director Yao Shaojun and Asian Affairs Department Counselor
Yang Jian reftel points (delivered to MFA March 6) urging
China to press the Burmese regime to cooperate with UN
Special Advisor Gambari and to adhere to international
standards in the conduct of the planned May referendum. Yao
said that China "does not need the United States to tell it
to press Burma to cooperate with Gambari." "China has been
doing, is doing, and will do its job" on Burma. China has
been conveying its opinions to the Burmese government "in a
constructive manner," Yao said, and Burma "clearly
understands China?s signals.".."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...China should encourage the regime to reach out to the
opposition and engage in genuine dialogue, DAS Christensen
said. He expressed appreciation for China?s previous efforts
on behalf of dialogue in, and Special Advisor Gambari?s
visits to, Burma, but stressed U.S. unhappiness with the lack
of results. We want Gambari?s January visit to achieve real
results. Gambari should be allowed unfettered access to
truly engage with all sides. Aung Sang Suu Kyi (ASSK) should
be allowed full access to opposition and ethnic minority
representatives. Pursuit of a new constitution under the
regime?s "road map" without the input of the opposition would
lead to instability, not stability. Likewise, the status quo
does not constitute stability..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-12-14
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary: "Drawing from Ref A talking points, the
Ambassador encouraged UN Special Envoy Gambari February 19 to
push for more concrete progress in Burma. Gambari confirmed
that he will return to Burma "in the first week of March,"
though the Burmese Government has not yet confirmed the date
nor issued him a visa. Echoing his comments in his October
2007 meeting with the Ambassador (Ref B), Gambari affirmed
continuing Chinese support for his mission and asked for the
United States to limit its public pressure on him in order to
create "space" to carry out his good offices mission." End
Summary
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary: "Drawing from Ref A talking points, the
Ambassador encouraged UN Special Envoy Gambari October 25 to
push for more concrete progress in Burma. Gambari confirmed
that he will return to Burma "in the first week of November."
In addition to praising Chinese efforts on his behalf,
Gambari asked for the United States and the UK to limit their
public pressure on him in order to create "space" to carry
out his good offices mission, and he suggested the formation
of a core group on Burma, including the P5, India, Japan,
Norway and ASEAN. Gambari confirmed that he passed Aung San
Suu Kyi?s message regarding the Beijing Olympics to Chinese
officials and that he will continue to push for dialogue
between Aung San Suu Kyi and Burmese military leaders.
Gambari stressed that he provided his briefing to the
Ambassador "early" because the United States had provided
exceptional assistance. He urged the Ambassador to keep the
fact of the briefing confidential.
¶2. (C) Summary continued: In an earlier meeting on October
25 with Assistant Foreign Minister He Yafei (other subjects
reported septels), AFM He affirmed Chinese Government support
for Gambari?s mission and reiterated PRC opposition to
sanctions. AFM He expressed support for the Burmese "roadmap
to democracy" and said China would be amenable to forming a
core group, contingent on GOB agreement. The Ambassador
noted that while the United States is open to initiatives
that will show results on the ground in Burma, the "roadmap"
has been around a long time and has yielded little progress
to date." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-25
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
"...At the May 8, 2008 regular MFA press briefing, MFA Spokesman Qin
Gang urged the Burmese Government to "cooperate" and "consult" with
the international community on disaster relief efforts.
International assistance should "follow the principle of equality
and mutual respect" and should "respect Burma?s sovereignty." Qin
also urged patience and communication when dealing with Burma.
China is prepared to send rescue and medical teams provided the
Burmese Government agrees..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-05-08
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...Asked to comment on reports that Burma was diverting aid from
cyclone victims, Qin said the international community should
"respect the will of the Burmese." Describing Burma as a friendly
neighbor of China, Qin expressed China?s empathy for the victims of
the cyclone disaster and said he hopes the international community
and Burma can agree "through friendly consultations" on the aid
Burma needs..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-05-15
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...To assist in Burma?s reconstruction efforts in the wake of a
disastrous cyclone, China has decided to send a "first batch" of USD
1 million in aid, including "cash and materials," said the spokesman
in a prepared announcement. The Chinese Government is in close
contact with the Chinese Embassy in Burma and is very concerned
about Chinese people working and studying in Burma. President Hu,
PM Wen and FM Yang have all sent messages to Burma expressing
condolences to the victims of the cyclone...."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-05-06
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Qin said that China has expressed "its solicitude with Burma"
following the May 3 cyclone and is monitoring developments there.
He noted that China has sent two shipments of assistance and
provided money for disaster relief. Asked if the Sichuan earthquake
would impact China?s assistance with disaster relief in Burma, Qin
said that China will continue to help "according to our
capabilities."
¶8. Asked for his views on actions by the Burmese government to
limit the arrival of foreign assistance into Burma, Qin said that
Burma has recently welcomed assistance from the international
community. He said that China provides assistance on the basis of
the principles of equality and mutual respect, respecting the will
of the receiving party and based on its "receiving capability."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-05-13
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary: "In China?s view, the Burmese Government is
progressing on the democratic process and in dialogue with
Aung San Suu Kyi, MFA Asia Department Deputy Director General
Yang Yanyi told PolMinCouns January 30 during an official
readout of the January 20-21 visit to China of Burmese
Special Envoy U Maung Myint. However, Burma "has a problem"
with another visit by UN Special Advisor Gambari, Yang said.
Welcoming China?s efforts to hasten Gambari?s visit to Burma,
PolMinCouns countered Yang?s positive assessment on Burma.
PolMinCouns pointed out the lack of progress in the dialogue
between the Burmese Government and Aung San Suu Kyi and cited
the recent charging of democracy activists for peaceful
activities as evidence of the worsening political situation
in Burma." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary: "The Burmese Government has agreed to a
November 5 visit by UN Special Envoy Gambari, and during that
visit Gambari hopes to push for dialogue between the regime
and Aung San Suu Kyi, a more inclusive constitutional process
and measures to improve economic development, an MFA
International Organizations Department official briefed us
October 30. Sun said China hopes Burma will "speed up" the
democratic process but, as Assistant Foreign Minister told
the Ambassador October 25 (reftel), continues to support the
Burmese government?s seven-step "roadmap." China remains
open to the Gambari?s Burma core group concept, but only with
Burmese government agreement." End summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary: "China has made great efforts to improve the situation in Burma,
stretching the boundaries of its policy of non-interference, MFA and Chinese think
tank interlocutors told HFAC and SFRC staff members January 10-11. MFA says China
is contemplating next steps to address the current ?standstill” in Burma, but
Chinese scholars said domestic events and other international issues will draw
China?s attention away from Burma. MFA officials and the scholars continue to
encourage direct talks between the United States and the Burmese regime." End
summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
"...Asked about Chinese pressure on Burma and the upcoming
Burma trip of UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari, Liu
said China has normal relations with Burma and hopes that the
relevant parties exercise restraint and hold dialogue to
solve problems and realize national reconciliation. Gambari
will go to Burma on November 3. China supports Gambari?s
mediation efforts and hopes they produce positive result..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
"...Burma has "become calmer" through the efforts of both the
Burmese government and the international community. Any
action by the UN Security Council should be "cautious and
prudent" and calculated to promote "stability" within Burma.
The "pressure of sanctions" will not help. China has adopted
a "constructive" policy on Burma, and critics of China?s
policy should not attempt "to reach ulterior motives" by
linking it to the 2008 Olympics..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-09
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...The situation in Burma is "relaxing" and is
"turning in a good direction." The international
community should offer "constructive" help to allow
Burma to realize stability, reconciliation, democracy
and development..."
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary:
Despite having taken a largely hands off
approach to managing coverage of Burma by relying on
editors to engage in "self-censorship," Chinese
authorities nevertheless have required reporters to
restrict their description of events in Burma to words
like "disturbance," so as not to legitimize the
actions of anti-junta demonstrators. Discussion of
China?s role in Burma is forbidden. While Burma is a
sensitive story given China?s experience during the
1989 democracy movement, some journalists tell us that
Burma is also just one of many international stories
and is not particularly newsworthy to Chinese readers.
End summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-10-26
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary: "Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister He Yafei
told the Ambassador May 14 that Burma is inviting rescue
teams from Bangladesh, China, India and Thailand to assist
with relief efforts following Cyclone Nargis. Stressing the
"positive change" in the attitude of the Burmese Government
toward accepting assistance, AFM He noted that
representatives of the EU and UAE and Thai PM Samak
Sundaravej will also discuss disaster relief with Burmese
authorities in Rangoon. AFM He said that the situation in
Burma does not warrant consideration by the UN Security
Council. The Ambassador countered that UN Security Council
action is needed, because the Burmese Government is not doing
enough to provide assistance, thereby needlessly endangering
the lives of its citizens." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2008-05-14
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary:
"An MFA International Organizations Department
official told us that State Councilor Tang Jiaxuan
discussed Beijing?s ideas about Burma?s political
situation during his visit to Burma that ended
February 27. Responding to reftel demarche on next
steps for the international community regarding Burma,
the official said China believes that U/SYG Gambari
has been a useful Special Envoy whose term might merit
extension. Beijing is willing to cooperate with other
stakeholders to address the situation in Burma in
relevant international fora but stands by its view
that the UN Security Council "should not interfere" in
Burma?s affairs, the official said." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
89.98 KB
more
Description:
Summary:
The PRC "strongly opposes" a UN Security Council
Resolution on Burma and would consider using its veto, MFA
International Organizations Department UN Affairs Division
Director Yang Tao told Poloffs December 13 in response to
reftel message. Though the PRC shares many of the U.S.
concerns about the worsening problems in Burma, Beijing
rejects the idea that they pose a threat to international
peace and security warranting action by the Security Council.
Highlighting our desire to work with the PRC on Burma,
Poloffs urged China not to block the resolution from moving
forward and cautioned against casting a veto. End Summary
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2006-12-13
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
The PRC continues to "strongly oppose" a UN Security
Council Resolution on Burma and though ready for a "political
confrontation" with the United States in order to block a
resolution, prefers to work with Washington to find "more
effective" ways to communicate dissatisfaction to the Burmese
regime, according to MFA International Organizations
Department UN Affairs Division Director Yang Tao. Yang told
Poloff December 27 that Beijing was surprised that the United
States backed off from pushing for an early vote on a Burma
resolution so quickly and with so little warning, adding that
the PRC was also surprised that the United States had not
suggested the possibility of a Presidential Statement (PRST).
Arguing that, as a neighbor, China has a much greater
interest than in Burma than does the United States, Yang
repeated his previous statement that Beijing will not accept
any linkage of a possible UNSC veto of a Burma resolution to
overall U.S.-China relations.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2006-12-27
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
The PRC continues to "strongly oppose" a UN Security
Council Resolution on Burma and though ready for a "political
confrontation" with the United States in order to block a
resolution, prefers to work with Washington to find "more
effective" ways to communicate dissatisfaction to the Burmese
regime, according to MFA International Organizations
Department UN Affairs Division Director Yang Tao. Yang told
Poloff December 27 that Beijing was surprised that the United
States backed off from pushing for an early vote on a Burma
resolution so quickly and with so little warning, adding that
the PRC was also surprised that the United States had not
suggested the possibility of a Presidential Statement (PRST).
Arguing that, as a neighbor, China has a much greater
interest than in Burma than does the United States, Yang
repeated his previous statement that Beijing will not accept
any linkage of a possible UNSC veto of a Burma resolution to
overall U.S.-China relations.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2006-12-27
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description:
Summary:
"The PRC is prepared to block a UN Security Council
resolution on Burma but appears confident there will not be
enough support to bring such a resolution to a vote,
according to MFA IO Department UN Division Deputy Director
Cong Jun. MFA Director General for International
Organizations told CDA that China agrees with many of the
U.S. points about the bad behavior of the Burmese regime,
commenting that he and other MFA officials had raised PRC
concerns with the Burmese Ambassador in Beijing. Wu claimed
that Beijing has also pushed ASEAN countries to take a
stronger stance toward Burma and expressed a desire for
better cooperation with the United States. China does not
believe that a UNSCR will be effective and worries that it
could open the door to further resolutions that will lead to
a deterioration of the situation in Burma, he stressed. MFA
IO Department UN Division Deputy Director Cong Jun later told
us that Beijing remains strongly opposed to a Burma
resolution and, noting previous discussions about the
possible use of the PRC veto, said China "will not permit
passage of the resolution." Commenting that vote-counting is
best done in New York, Cong expressed confidence that fewer
than nine countries would be willing to vote in favor of the
resolution." End Summary.
Source/publisher:
US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks
Date of publication:
2007-01-05
Date of entry/update:
2011-09-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
more