Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"... Paletwa, MYANMAR – Following persistent efforts, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has successfully obtained access and delivered food to people affected by ongoing armed conflict in Samee Town of Paletwa Township in Chin State.
“Thanks to the support of the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement and the Chin State Government, WFP food has reached communities in Samee,” said Stephen Anderson, WFP’s Country Director in Myanmar. “Priority now is to provide lifesaving assistance to people affected by conflict in other parts of southern Chin State, including those in and around Paletwa Town. We continue to appeal to all parties to grant WFP and our partners access so that we can reach those who need our support.”.."
Source/publisher:
World Food Program
Date of publication:
2020-04-03
Date of entry/update:
2020-04-04
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"The Myanmar military is reportedly demanding that the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) return Paya Thonzu, a town on the Thai-Myanmar border, while new commander‑in‑chief Ye Win Oo seeks to use air power to recover lost territories across the country, according to local sources.
Paya Thonzu lies in Kyainseikgyi Township within Karen National Union (KNU) Brigade 6 territory. In early 2023, joint forces of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and allied groups attacked the town, forcing the military administration to withdraw. Since then, the DKBA has overseen security and checkpoints, while the KNU, the political wing of the KNLA, has assumed administrative functions.
Analysts monitoring Karen State politics and military affairs said the Myanmar military’s bid to reclaim Paya Thonzu cannot be negotiated solely with the DKBA, but will require engagement with KNU‑aligned organizations and may involve military pressure. “As in Myawaddy, they want to reassert influence and restore territorial control. So, they are pressuring the DKBA,” one source close to Karen armed groups told The Irrawaddy.
At press time, neither Karen State regime officials nor DKBA representatives had responded to requests for comment.
The DKBA, a signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), pledged cooperation with the military after the 2021 coup but rejected a Myanmar military plan to station troops at its headquarters in Karen State’s Sonese Myaing. In July 2025, the military bombed the DKBA’s Battalion 3 headquarters near Waw Lay Myaing, south of Myawaddy.
The Myanmar military has deployed troops outside Paya Thonzu town, with Myanmar military personnel going in and out of the town in civilian dress. A local confirmed: “They have reinforced Kyainseikgyi with weapons and are moving closer to us. They are trying to retake Paya Thonzu from Kyainseikgyi.”
Unlike Myawaddy, Paya Thonzu lacks an official border trade gate, but is located on a key border trade route, and scam compounds operate with approval from local authorities. Both the military and armed groups profit from these activities, reducing the likelihood of immediate clashes, observers noted.
The area also hosts Chinese‑run antimony and lead mines near Thapyu Village. The military has carried out airstrikes there, including a November 2022 bombing that killed at least three people—among them Chinese nationals—and injured eight. Another strike on April 29 this year hit a lead mine near Makkatha Village north of Paya Thonzu, causing further casualties. The Irrawaddy could not independently verify casualties.
In early 2023, KNLA and allied forces attacked government offices in Paya Thonzu—including the General Administration Department as well as Immigration, Military Intelligence, Forestry, Special Branch and Land Records offices, and the police station—dismantling the regime’s administrative apparatus..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2026-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2026-06-15
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"“The military deliberately chose a moment when families should be celebrating together to carry out these attacks,” said Naw K’nyaw Paw, Chairperson of the Karen Women’s Organization. “This was not incidental violence—it was a calculated act of terror against civilians...”
Source/publisher:
Karen Women's Organisation
Date of publication:
2026-04-21
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Armed conflict in Burma - Impact on village life, including health and education
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"On the eve of European Foreign Ministers’ expected annual rollover of European Union targeted sanctions on the Burmese military, we the undersigned European civil society organisations call on the European Union to expand sanctions targeting oil and gas revenue reaching the Burmese military.
The European Union (EU) must extend its sanctions framework on Burma to cover the entire oil and gas extraction supply chain, including service companies, financial intermediaries, insurers, accreditation providers and engineering contractors.
The EU has already recognised the central role of the oil and gas sector in sustaining the Burmese military. In February 2022, the Council sanctioned the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), noting that:
“MOGE is thus controlled by and generates revenue for the Tatmadaw, therefore contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma.” The EU further emphasised that MOGE acts as the operator, service provider and regulator of the oil and gas sector, overseeing exploration, production and gas transmission while collecting taxes and profits from private partners.
This reasoning clearly demonstrates that the oil and gas sector is a major source of revenue for the Burmese military and that participation by private companies enables this revenue stream. Oil and gas revenues not only bolster a ruthless dictatorship but directly fund war crimes and human rights abuses against civilians in Burma.
However, the current sanctions regime leaves significant loopholes. While MOGE itself is sanctioned, European companies may still provide technical, engineering, certification, insurance and financial services. These services allow gas projects to continue operating and generating revenue for the Burmese military.
For example, the Cyprus-registered company Energy Holdings Limited (https://www.energyholdings.cy/) illustrates the type of EU-linked corporate structures that may participate in or facilitate activities connected to Burma’s gas industry. It is currently working on the Zawtika gas field in Burma, under a contract with the Thai company, PTT Exploration and Production Public Company Limited (PTTEP). This clearly shows even where companies are not directly managing fields, or directly working with MOGE, their services support infrastructure, operations and provide investment that MOGE and the Burmese military benefit from.
The EU’s own reasoning for sanctioning MOGE should logically apply to such companies. If an entity generates or facilitates revenue for the Burmese military through the oil and gas sector, then it contributes to the regime’s ability to sustain its campaign of repression. Service companies and intermediaries are an integral part of the same value chain.
Another concern is the lack of transparency surrounding service provision in the sector. Insurance, certification, auditing and accreditation services are particularly opaque. In many cases it is unclear which firms are underwriting projects, providing risk coverage, certifying operations or supporting compliance functions. Without targeted sanctions covering these services, the EU cannot know the full extent of possible European involvement in sustaining the Burmese military’s gas revenue.
To ensure that EU sanctions achieve their intended effect, the EU must:
Expand sanctions to cover the entire Burma oil and gas extraction supply chain, including service providers and intermediaries.
Introduce restrictions on insurance, reinsurance, certification, engineering and financial services linked to the sector.
Improve transparency and due-diligence requirements to identify EU-based companies facilitating oil and gas sector operations.
Investigate EU-registered entities that may be directly or indirectly involved in supporting Burma’s oil and gas industry.
Without such measures, the sanctions on MOGE risk being undermined by the continued involvement of international service providers that prop up the oil and gas sector and bankroll the Burmese military.
The people of Burma face unrelenting human rights abuses and violations of international law committed by the Burmese military. The European Union can and must do more to cut the flow of arms and revenue to the Burmese military, and ensure no European companies are involved in the gas sector in Burma...."
Source/publisher:
European Advocacy Organisations via Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2026-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-20
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"Intensified Burma Army airstrikes on civilian targets in northern Karen State highlight urgent need for arms embargo and jet fuel sanctions
The Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN) and the Salween Peace Park Governing Committee strongly condemn the intensified Burma Army airstrikes on civilian targets in Mutraw (Papun) district of northern Karen State from April 10th to 16th 2026, which killed four civilians, injured fourteen, and destroyed dozens of civilian buildings, including clinics, schools, churches and a monastery.
On April 10th, at 10:15 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped two bombs on Paw Hta village, Bu Tho township, Mutraw district. The bombs killed a man, aged 80, injured two men and a woman, and destroyed four houses and a monastery.
On April 11th, at about 11:30 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped two bombs on Oo Mi Hta village, Bu Tho township, Mutraw district, destroying two public clinic buildings.
On April 13th, at about 9 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped a cluster bomb on Day Bu Noh, Lu Thaw township, Mutraw district. The bomb destroyed a public building.
On April 14th, at about 10 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter and a Y-12 aircraft dropped nearly a hundred bombs on Day Bu Noh village, Lu Thaw township, Mutraw district. The bombs destroyed six junior college school buildings, including two libraries, and a high school chapel hall.
On April 15th, at about 3:50 pm, two Burma Army jet fighters dropped 20 bombs and a Y-12 aircraft dropped over 50 bombs on Kheh Pa Hta (Ler Wah Kho Der) village, Lu Th aw township, Mutraw district, killing three men, aged 28, 43 and 63. The community was holding an annual religious meeting at the time.
The next day, at about 10 am, while a funeral service was being held for the airstrike victims at Kheh Pa Hta, the village was again attacked by two Burma Army jet fighters, which dropped eight bombs and fired Oerlikon cannons. This led to a total of eleven civilians being injured over the two days, as well as 28 houses, two church buildings, a middle school chapel hall, a students’ dormitory and a large amount of valuable property being completely destroyed.
After the sham election was completed by the Burma Army on January 25th 2026, Min Aung Hlaing unlawfully assumed the presidency and transferred the army leadership to Ye Win Oo. The positions may have changed but their atrocities have only worsened.
KPSN and the Salween Peace Park Governing Committee call urgently for increased international pressure on the Burma Army to stop their escalating attacks on civilian targets, and reiterate demands for an immediate arms embargo and aviation fuel sanctions on the Naypyitaw regime. We also urge international donors to prioritize cross-border aid..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Peace Support Network, Salween Peace Park
Date of publication:
2026-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-20
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"THE PHILIPPINE ICCA CONSORTIUM stands in solidarity with Indigenous communities in northern Karen State and strongly condemn the Burma Army’s reported airstrikes from 10–16 April 2026, as documented by the Karen Peace Support Network and the Salween Peace Park Committee. These airstrikes have resulted in civilian deaths, injuries and the destruction of homes, clinics, schools, churches, and a monastery.
These attacks constitute serious violations of international humanitarian law, and contravene international human rights standards which affirms Indigenous Peoples’ rights to life, security, and the protection of their lands, territories and resources.
We call on the UN Human Rights Council, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, to conduct investigation, and take actions to prevent further attacks. We call on Indigenous delegates to the ongoing 25th Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues to raise this in their intervention, and to support transmission of urgent concerns to the aforementioned UN mechanisms and Special Procedures. Indigenous Peoples embody the inseparability of peace, biodiversity protection and climate resilience.
There can be no effective peace, biodiversity and climate actions where indigenous stewards are under attack. Pursing peace, biodiversity protection and climate resilience require the protection of people who sustain it..."
Source/publisher:
The Philippine ICCA Consortium
Date of publication:
2026-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-20
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166.88 KB
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"GENEVA, Switzerland—The UN on Tuesday provided accounts of horrifying torture and an overall worsening rights situation in Myanmar, amid intensifying hostilities and the absence of rule of law.
“Myanmar is plumbing the depths of the human rights abyss,” said James Rodehaver, head of the United Nations rights office’s Myanmar team.
Speaking to reporters in Geneva, he said the office’s latest report on the situation in the war-torn country had found “massive regressions in human rights that have been provoked by a vacuum of rule of law”.
“Myanmar military has created the crisis by instrumentalizing the legal system, criminalizing nearly all forms of dissent against its attempts to rule the country,” he said.
Myanmar has been in turmoil since the military ousted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government and seized power in 2021.
The junta is struggling to crush resistance to its rule by long-established ethnic rebel groups and newer pro-democracy forces.
Since the coup, at least 5,350 civilians have been killed and more than 3.3 million displaced, while nearly 27,4000 people have been arrested, Tuesday’s report said.
“Credible sources indicate that at least 1,853 people have died in custody, including 88 children and 125 women,” rights office spokeswoman Liz Throssell told reporters.
Rodehaver said that since the rights office’s last report on Myanmar was published 15 months ago, the mass arrests had continued and the rights situation had continued to deteriorate.
He voiced particular concern over the “horrific conditions” in detention facilities, where torture and ill-treatment were “pervasive”.
“Detainees interviewed by our office describe methods such as being suspended from the ceiling without food or water, being forced to kneel or crawl on hard or sharp objects, the introduction of animals such as snakes or insects or other wild animals in order to provoke fear and terror in individuals,” he said.
Others, he said, described beatings with iron poles, bamboo sticks, batons, rifle butts, leather strips, electric wires and motorcycle chains.
There were also accounts of “asphyxiation, mock executions, electrocution and burning with tasers, lighters, cigarettes and boiling water”.
“There are truly some of the most depraved behavior utilized as methods of torture in these detention centers,” Rodehaver said, also decrying “extremely disturbing reports … of sexual violence both against male and female detainees”.
The UN rights office stressed the urgent need for those behind the vast array of abuses to be brought to justice.
“The lack of any form of accountability for perpetrators is an enabler for the repetition of violations, abuses and crimes,” Throssell warned.
UN rights chief Volker Turk was once again calling on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, she said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-09-18
Date of entry/update:
2024-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"(Excerpt)
This Incident Report describes an event occurred in Kaw T’Ree (Kawkareik) Township, Dooplaya District. On March 20th 2024, an air strike was conducted by the State Administration Council (SAC) onto G--- village, Noh Poe village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, killing one villager and injuring two. Saw A--- was travelling with his infant when an aircraft flew over them in G--- village. After hearing the sound of aircraft a second time, he got his child to safety with his wife in a bunker, but he was fatally hit by the air strike. Saw A--- was sent to a local clinic, located in B--- village, P’Lu village tract, by local authorities, but passed away en route. Saw A--- was survived by his wife and three children. The air strike also injured two women and destroyed five houses, one elementary school and one middle school.[1]
Part 3 – Complete Description of the Incident
Describe the Incident(s) in complete detail.
On March 20th 2024, in the evening, an air strike was conducted on G--- village, Noh Poe village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township. When Saw A--- had finished showering, it was around 5 pm. Saw A---’s four-month-old son was unwell, so Saw A--- rode his bike to take his child to a [local] medical nurse who lived in the same village [around 200 meters away from his home]. His wife, Naw F---, had given birth four months prior so she did not accompany her husband. When Saw A--- reached half-way [to the nurse’s house], he heard the sound of an aircraft flying across the sky, so he stopped his bike, hid in a covered place and watched the aircraft pass over him [, as witnessed by a local villager named Naw E---].
After, he met with the medic nurse and did the checkup for his son, Saw A--- visited Naw E--- [a villager from G--- village,] at her house [around 40 meters from the local nurse’s house]. As Saw A--- was eating betel nut [at Naw E---’s house], he heard the sound of an aircraft once again, around 15 minutes after the first aircraft. This time, the aircraft sounded like it was dipping down. In fear, he rushed to bring his son to safety with his wife.
As soon as he reached his wife, Naw F---, she went inside the [underground] bunker. While they [mother and three children] were in the bunker, Saw A--- was [outside] searching to see where the aircraft was. He saw the SAC fighter jet drop a bomb, so he tried to flee to a covered place, but he could not reach safety. The bomb landed beside him and his body was propelled by the force of the explosion. He was found lying next to a house, injured all over. Saw A--- was taken to a KNLA-run clinic in B--- village [also known as B--- clinic], P’Lu village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, by the Cobra Column[7] security in Dooplaya District, but he died on the way. His wife became a widow with three children. [At the time of the incident,] his eldest child was 9 years old, middle child was 5 years old, and the youngest was 4 months old.
The bomb also injured two women, including Naw E--- [who Saw A--- had visited], as reported by Saw A---’s brother named Saw C---. Naw E--- was minorly injured on her face. The other elderly woman [unknown name] was injured severely on her stomach. The injured villagers were sent to B--- clinic with Saw A---.
The air strike also destroyed five villagers’ houses, an elementary school located inside an animist temple’s area, and one middle school located near a football ground in G--- village..."
Source/publisher:
"Karen Human Rights Group"
Date of publication:
2024-08-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Clashes between the Myanmar junta’s military and the Arakan Army (AA) have been reported in multiple locations around Gwa Township, the strategic southernmost township in Rakhine State, since Sunday, according to residents.
The AA, a member of the Brotherhood Alliance of three ethnic armies, has advanced to a location approximately 32 km to the north of Gwa town after seizing Kyeintali town in Thandwe District on Aug. 14, and fighting has broken out in at least at four areas in the township.
Gwa town abuts the Arakan Mountains, known locally as the Rakhine Yoma, and the northernmost rural areas of Ngathaingchaung town in Ayeyarwady Region’s Yegi Township. Gwa is also home to the headquarters of the junta’s Light Infantry Battalions 562 and 563.
As they prepare to defend themselves against expected AA attacks, junta troops inside these bases are shelling the north of the town, the residents said.
“As the clashes are getting closer to the town, the residents are growing more concerned. But the junta’s military has now blocked all the routes to Ayeyarwady Region,” a Gwa resident said.
Hundreds of people managed to flee Gwa in recent weeks, but as the junta’s military has now blocked the escape routes, thousands of residents are now trapped in the town and live in fear that clashes in the township will escalate.
Taungup, Thandwe and Gwa are coastal townships in the southernmost part of Rakhine State, and are near Ayeyarwady Region’s northernmost Myanaung District and Bago Region’s westernmost townships.
The AA has not yet been able to take control of Taungup Township, although it captured Ma-ei town in the township in May. The AA took control of Thandwe Township in late July.
According to a local media report, junta forces in Taungup began deploying artillery and troops at Taungup University on Aug. 23 in preparation for an AA attack.
Since the Brotherhood Alliance launched Operation 1027 last October, the AA has seized at least 15 towns in Rakhine State and one in southernmost Chin State. Rakhine State has 17 townships and only the capital Sittwe along with Munaung, Ann and Gwa townships remain firmly under the control of the junta’s military. The 13 other townships have been partially or entirely seized by the AA.
The International Crisis Group said on Tuesday that the AA has made rapid advances across Rakhine since November last year and is set to create the single largest area controlled by an ethnic armed group since the coup in February 2021.
“The AA will do its best to take control of strategic Gwa Township as soon as possible before the junta’s military can send in reinforcements through Ayeyarwady Region,” said an analyst who is monitoring the conflict in Rakhine.
For its part, the junta is determined to maintain control of the township, as it needs it as a base from which to reinforce and supply townships farther north.
The AA said in a statement on Aug. 26 that heavy clashes are ongoing in Kyeintali Town in Thandwe Township, as the junta’s navy has deployed eight vessels in the town’s waterways.
“Intense clashes are breaking out between our Arakan Army and the fascist junta military’s Maung Shwe Lay Naval Base near Kyauk Par Sat Village, Kyeintali town,” the AA said.
It said the naval vessels were sending reinforcements, arms and ammunition to nearby areas via waterways, while continuously shelling villages in the area..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Increasing deadly attacks against Rohingya people in Myanmar’s Rakhine State bear a terrifying resemblance to the atrocities of August 2017, Amnesty International said ahead of the seventh anniversary of the crisis.
“As the seven-year anniversary of the Rohingya crisis nears, the horrific situation in Rakhine State looks disturbingly familiar. Rohingya men, women and children are being killed, towns are emptying out, and vestiges of Rohingya history and identity are being eroded. Many are once again seeking shelter in refugee camps across the border in Bangladesh, where economic, security and livelihood conditions have deteriorated,” Amnesty International’s Myanmar Researcher Joe Freeman said.
“After being subjected to a brutal and systematic campaign of violence in August 2017 following decades of state-backed persecution, Rohingya civilians are now caught in the middle of intensifying conflict in Rakhine State between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military, which has forcefully conscripted Rohingya to fight on its side.”
The military has responded to battlefield losses with devastating aerial attacks that have killed Rohingya as well as ethnic Rakhine civilians. They have targeted civilian areas, destroying homes, marketplaces and other civilian infrastructure.
“The Myanmar military must immediately end their renewed campaign of violence and refrain from unlawful attacks on civilians, who are bearing the brunt of the conflict not only in Rakhine State but across the country, with millions displaced,” Freeman said.
As they advance through Rakhine State and capture more territory, the Arakan Army has also faced mounting allegations of atrocities.
“In addition, the international community must apply more pressure on the Arakan Army to abide by international humanitarian law. All allegations of war crimes perpetrated by the Myanmar military or by any armed groups in the country should be effectively investigated,” Freeman said.
Arakan Army advances on the northern Rakhine town of Buthidaung reportedly resulted in large-scale arson on 17 May of this year, displacing thousands of Rohingya residents. And on 5 August, an attack that survivors blamed on the Arakan Army killed an unknown number of Rohingya civilians fleeing the town of Maungdaw near the border with Bangladesh. The Arakan Army has denied attacking Rohingya.
“The rapidly escalating conflict in Myanmar is all the more reason for the United Nations Security Council to finally refer the situation in the country to the International Criminal Court. There can be no progress without accountability. The future of Myanmar hinges on protecting, promoting and upholding the human rights of all people in the country,” Freeman said.
“This includes scrapping discriminatory laws or policies that are used to cement the apartheid system against hundreds of thousands of Rohingya men, women and children in Rakhine and restoring their rights to health, education and freedom of movement.”
Meanwhile, Bangladesh continues to host nearly one million Rohingya refugees in camps in poor conditions for the seventh consecutive year. Last year, at least 12,000 refugees in the camps were rendered homeless due to devastating fires and the impact of cyclone Mocha. Acute funding shortfalls led to food insecurity in the camps, as well as shortcomings in healthcare and education.
“Bangladesh’s new interim government should prioritize the protection of Rohingya refugees’ human rights and their safety in camps, uphold the principle of non-refoulment, and adopt a rights-respecting policy towards the Rohingya,” Freeman said.
Background
On 25 August 2017 Myanmar security forces launched a widespread and systematic assault on Rohingya villages after an armed group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army carried out deadly attacks on police posts. Arakan is another name used for Rakhine State.
The military response included extrajudicial killings, destruction of properties and sexual assault. As a result of the military’s so-called “clearance operations”, more than 740,000 Rohingya women, men and children fled northern Rakhine State to neighbouring Bangladesh. Taking into account previous waves of violence against them, an estimated one million Rohingya refugees now live in Bangladesh.
Amnesty International has said the 2017 attacks against the Rohingya amounted to crimes against humanity, recommending that at least a dozen senior officials be investigated for their roles in the violence, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is investigating alleged crimes committed in 2016 and 2017 against the Rohingya population, but only those committed partly in the territory of Bangladesh or other states, because Myanmar has not ratified the ICC’s Statute. Amnesty International has called for the United Nations Security Council to refer the full situation in Myanmar to the ICC, so that an investigation of all crimes committed in Myanmar can be conducted.
Min Aung Hlaing has never been held accountable and on 1 February 2021, the military seized power in a coup, with Min Aung Hlaing chairing the newly created State Administration Council (SAC). SAC-backed soldiers, police and militias have killed more than 5,000 civilians in Myanmar since the 2021 coup.
Amnesty International has documented torture, arbitrary detention and unlawful air strikes by the Myanmar military following the coup. In November 2022, the organization called for the suspension of aviation fuel imports, which the Myanmar military uses to bomb civilians. While many companies have withdrawn from the supply chain after being made aware of the risks, shipments have continued..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
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"Although no longer at the top of the Conflict Index, Myanmar retains its January 2024 rankings across all four major indicators. This ACLED infographic provides a snapshot from the first six months of the year of the conflict in Myanmar using insights from ACLED’s Conflict Exposure Calculator, Conflict Alert System (CAST), and Conflict Index..."
Source/publisher:
"Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project" via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-08-06
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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2.01 MB
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"Anti-regime groups have seized junta outposts at the tourist hotspot of Inle lake since launching an offensive against Myanmar’s regime and the allied Pa’O National Organization (PNO) in Nyaung Shwe Township, southern Shan State, on July 18.
The People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) from Inle and Pekon, the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force from Pekon and other groups joined the offensive targeting junta and PNO positions in rural Nyaung Shwe.
An anti-regime fighter said: “We captured a PNO base and a military checkpoint on July 18. We have also seized smaller positions.”
Inle lake is a major tourist destination with numerous hotels, including hotels owned by junta cronies Tay Za and Aung Myo Min Din.
The clashes are about 32km from Nyaung Shwe town.
Anti-regime forces have also surrounded a junta hilltop base after briefly occupying it.
“We surrounded the Htee Ree tactical command base. Our troops have been deployed in villages, which were previously PNO strongholds near Htee Ree,” said a fighter.
At least 5,000 people from five villages in the township have been reportedly displaced by the fighting, including about 1,700 displaced people from Karenni State (Kayah) who fled previous fighting.
They have reportedly moved to Nyaungshwe, Taunggyi, Pinlaung and Aungban towns.
A Loikaw town resident, who was sheltering at a monastery in Sankar village in Nyaung Shwe, said: “Approximately 1,700 people from Karenni State were taking shelter in the villages. All of them and other villagers have fled since the fighting. I am now in Taunggyi.”
Nyaung Shwe borders Taunggyi, Hsihseng, Kalaw, Pinlaung and Pekon townships. The regime has been sending reinforcements from Pinlaung Township, said anti-regime groups.
Military tensions have been running high in Lwel Lone and Sankar villages as the regime tries to retake them. Fighting has also been reported on the border of Pinlaung and Pekon townships.
The latest clashes took place at the Htee Ree base and four villages on July 27 when anti-regime groups attacked junta and PNO positions.
The regime has retaken parts of Karenni State after launching a large-scale counteroffensive in June. Karenni State borders southern Shan State..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Clashes broke out between junta troops and the ethnic Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and its allies near the North Eastern Command headquarters in northern Shan State’s capital Lashio on Tuesday as the junta tried to regain control of the base.
The MNDAA and allied resistance groups are poised to take complete control of Lashio after seizing the command HQ on July 25. They are currently trying to take the regime’s remaining military bases in the city.
However, the regime has denied that Lashio has fallen, insisting that its battalions in the city are tactically regrouping and redeploying, and that it will have things under control soon.
Fighting continued Tuesday near the North Eastern Command and in Wards 8 and 9 between the junta’s military and the MNDAA, a member of the Brotherhood Alliance of ethnic armies, helped by allied resistance groups. Civilians have been killed by shelling and some who were injured are trapped in their homes, according to residents.
“As the clashes continue, rescue teams are not able to reach these houses. Heavy clashes continue as of Tuesday afternoon,” a Lashio resident said Tuesday.
The Irrawaddy was still trying to reach sources for an update on the situation on Wednesday morning.
Combined forces of the MNDAA and Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA) seized the headquarters of a Lashio-based signal battalion, the headquarters of the 7005th Armored Battalion and the headquarters of the 242nd Ordnance Unit, as well as a golf course belonging to the junta military on July 28 and 29, according to a BPLA statement.
At around 9 a.m. on Tuesday, at least 10 improvised shells were fired at the North Eastern Command, some of whose buildings caught fire, residents said.
“Some junta troops that had spread out around the city reentered the command, and that’s why the MNDAA focused on them again, so they could not base themselves inside the command again,” said a source close to the alliance.
Presently, the MNDAA and allies are taking up positions at various places around the city and the situation in Lashio remains chaotic as the ethnic army attempts to establish an administration there, he said.
In a statement released on July 29, the MNDAA said it had taken control of Lashio Railway Station, Lashio Prison—from which it released hundreds of prisoners including about 200 political prisoners—Infantry Battalions 68 and 41, the Hopeik Toll Gate area, the 912th Engineer Battalion and a junta military broadcasting station.
Heavy clashes also continued in Mongmit, Nawnghkio and Kyaukme townships in northern Shan State and in Mogoke Township in Mandalay Region between the junta military and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)—which is also a member of the Brotherhood Alliance—and its allies on Monday and Tuesday.
The TNLA said in a statement released on Monday evening that it seized a patrol outpost from the junta’s 348th Light Infantry Battalion in Mongmit Township on Monday and that the TNLA and its allies, including the People’s Defense Force, are still launching attacks on a strategic hilltop outpost, the 21st Military Operations Command and the 348th Light Infantry Battalion in Mongmit.
Heavy clashes also broke out near Yay Hpyu monastery in Nawnghkio Township, which is under the control of the TNLA, on Monday.
The Brotherhood Alliance comprising the MNDAA, TNLA and Arakan Army launched Operation 1027 in Shan State on Oct. 17 last year, seizing hundreds of junta bases, command centers and 24 battalion headquarters, as well as around 20 towns and trade routes with China.
The operation was halted on Jan. 10 after the alliance agreed to a China-brokered ceasefire with the regime. The TNLA and MNDAA resumed the operation in northern Shan State on June 25 after junta forces violated the ceasefire by repeatedly bombarding TNLA territory in early June..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) has told its commanders to protect Chinese interests and citizens as it advances in northern Shan State.
Beijing has influence over the MNDAA, an ethnically Chinese armed group from the Kokang Special Region on Myanmar’s side of the Chinese border.
The MNDAA and its allies began attacking junta troops in the northern Shan State capital, Lashio, on July 3.
The MNDAA formed a military governing body last week after claiming control of Lashio and the regime’s Northeastern Command headquarters after three weeks of offensive. The MNDAA is still attacking the remaining junta forces in Lashio, despite having announced a unilateral ceasefire until the end of July in response to pressure from China.
On Tuesday, the MNDAA said its troops must “seriously” protect foreign investments and “make their utmost efforts to prevent Chinese businesses from being harmed”.
China’s Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning last week called for an end to hostilities, the preservation of China’s border security, safety for border communities and Chinese projects, businesses and personnel in Myanmar.
China has major investments in Myanmar, including an oil and gas pipeline from the Indian Ocean in Rakhine State to Yunnan Province, crossing northern Shan State. In Rakhine, the MNDAA’s ally, the Arakan Army, has been fighting against the regime.
The MNDAA instructed its commanders to discourage its allies from harming Chinese investments and staff.
“If an activity that can harm China’s interests is spotted, it must be stopped immediately and reported to the military affairs committee and the Chinese authorities,” the MNDAA told its commanders.
The MNDAA instructed troops to remove Chinese citizens from conflict zones and help any injured Chinese citizens or businesses under threat..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The force said it would speak with allied insurgent groups to ensure protection of Chinese citizens and businesses.
Description:
"A member of a Myanmar rebel alliance fighting military rule has promised to protect Chinese interests in northern Myanmar.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, or MNDAA, pledged to protect Chinese nationals and investments as the battle for a major Shan state town intensified, the group announced on Tuesday.
Several ceasefires brokered with China’s help between Myanmar’s Three Brotherhood Alliance and junta forces have failed to maintain a lasting peace since January. Since July 22, when the latest ceasefire collapsed, fighting over Lashio, the main city in northern Shan state, has surged.
The MNDAA has since claimed it captured most of the town, including a regional military headquarters, which junta officials have denied.
The group said it would consult allied organizations and “prevent actions that may harm Chinese investment and Chinese employees.”
Political analyst Than Soe Naing told Radio Free Asia that groups involved in fighting the junta, which include the allied Ta’ang National Liberation Army and Arakan Army, are already obligated to protect Chinese interests under an earlier agreement.
The renewed declaration may be the result of a warning from China to be more cautious during battles, he said.
“China’s interests in northern Shan state are to keep its trade routes convenient and smooth and to maintain stability on the border region. Its interests are also to clean up online scamming,” he said. “Therefore, China has put its trust in the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee to ensure that its interests are not affected.”
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The committee is an alliance of seven ethnic minority forces established in 2017. In 2023, it called on China to help solve the crisis triggered by a military coup two years earlier.
China’s investments in Myanmar include oil and natural gas pipelines running through both Shan and Rakhine states. Fighting in the latter has threatened the safety of Chinese employees.
The MNDAA said it would urge its allies to assist injured Chinese citizens trapped by fighting as well as those who have businesses affected by the war. RFA telephoned MNDAA spokesman Li Kyar Win to ask about the details of the statement, but he did not answer calls.
Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning told a recent briefing China’s borders and the security of people living there, as well as its projects and businesses in Myanmar, should not be compromised.
China has called on Myanmar’s rivals to end their fighting and resolve differences peacefully and said it would push for ceasefires and talks.
Wa army claims neutrality
Conflict in Lashio continued early on Wednesday morning, after another ethnic minority militia group, the United Wa State Army, which controls an autonomous region of Shan state and is known to be closely affiliated with China, evacuated trapped Lashio prison employees and their family members, residents told RFA on Wednesday.
The Wa army led more than 120 junta-affiliated prison staff and their relatives, who had been trapped by clashes, to a nearby town on Tuesday, said one witness, declining to be named for security reasons.
“I saw three military vehicles carrying prison employees. They were sent to Mongyai town,” he said, referencing a town 93 km (58 miles) from Lashio.
The evacuees said they were trapped when MNDAA fighters captured an infantry battalion’s position near the prison.
RFA attempted to contact Nyi Ran, an official of the Wa Liaison Office in Lashio, regarding the evacuation but he did not answer.
One resident close to the Wa army, asking to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, told RFA that troops arrived in Lashio on Saturday in order to protect properties at the request of “various ethnic groups” in the town. However, the resident declined to reveal which parties had asked the Wa force to come although the resident said the Wa army would not take sides in any battles.
Two Lashio neighborhoods have been damaged by junta airstrikes and heavy weapons fire, residents said, but they could not verify if there were any casualties The Wa Liaison Office and nearby houses were also damaged in air strikes, they added.
RFA called Shan state’s junta spokesperson Khun Thein Maung for more information on the battle in Lashio but he did not answer..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Sub-title:
From the chaos of the conflict in Shan State, the United Wa State Army has emerged as a potentially decisive force.
Description:
"On the morning of July 28, a convoy of soldiers from the United Wa State Army (UWSA) drove through Lashio, the capital of the northern Shan State and home of the Myanmar military’s Northeastern Regional Command, taking control of the administration under the pretext of peacekeeping. This occurred amid renewed fighting in northern Shan State, as the Three Brotherhood Alliance of ethnic armed groups launched the second phase of its Operation 1027 offensive, massing their forces around Lashio. Without firing a single shot, the UWSA has gained control of three additional townships in Shan State since October 2023 – Hopang, Pan Lon, and Tangyan – and likely more in the coming weeks.
Sources in Naypyidaw indicate that the military State Administration Council (SAC) has agreed to have the UWSA and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) step in as peacekeepers to prevent the renewed conflict from spilling over into other parts of Shan State. This indicates the SAC’s inability to maintain control and the potential total collapse of its authority in northern Shan State. The key question is: what are the strategic aims and implications of the UWSA’s entry into Lashio? To answer that question, here are five things you need to know about the UWSA, what it stands to gain from the northern conflict, and the broader regional implications.
A Role Model and Political Leadership
As the largest of Myanmar’s ethnic armed groups, the UWSA, which controls two non-contiguous territories in Shan State and has as many as 30,000 soldiers under arms, is widely viewed as a model and a source of inspiration for other ethnic organizations in Myanmar. “We have ambitions that are nothing less than Wa State,” said Twan Mrat Naing, leader of the Arakan Army (AA), during celebrations marking the 30th anniversary of the UWSA’s founding in Pangsang, the UWSA’s capital, in 2019. Newly formed ethnic armed groups are now drawing similar inspiration from the AA and its battlefield successes in Rakhine State since the launch of Operation 1027.
The UWSA has also established itself as a political leader among the 20-odd ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in Myanmar. At the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference convened by Aung San Suu Kyi’s government in 2017, the group submitted a proposal for a confederation model as part of an ethnic coalition known as the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC). Led by the UWSA, the FPNCC’s policy reflects the interests of the UWSA in two key ways: first, it advocates self-determination and authority over local security forces within designated areas until the establishment of a future federal system; and second, it advocates the creation of a security system that prioritizes local authorities and the self-defense of autonomous states through the formation of ethnic armies. This forms the foundational document of its political leadership. This significant demand for a parallel peace and political dialogue process in 2017 seemed ambitious at the time. However, seven years after the proposal, with the central administration at its weakest in decades and ready to negotiate, it appears achievable.
The FPNCC, which also includes the AA, SSPP, Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), is now Myanmar’s largest ethnic coalition. It includes more than half of all EAO combatants in Myanmar and operates from the banks of the Mekong River to the Bay of Bengal. The FPNCC has held regular meetings since the 2021 coup, with a clear framework and vision and clear political demands. Since the military takeover, no other ethnic coalition has hosted summits or regular meetings on this scale or presented a clear political position like the FPNCC. De facto leadership of the FPNCC has made the UWSA the most politically influential armed group in Myanmar, a role historically contested by the Karen National Union and the KIA.
The existing FPNCC’s political framework differs significantly from the federal charter formulated by the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) and National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC). This difference is evident not only in the political process, but also in terms of fundamental visions, security arrangements, and relationship with the union administration. With its strength and influence, the FPNCC is unlikely to agree to participate in either junta or NUG processes, instead choosing to chart its own course.
Wa State and Vision
Using the FPNCC as a platform, the UWSA has aligned its political aspirations with the FPNCC’s principles. In addition to this, the UWSA submitted two other documents in 2017: a proposal for a consultation process with the Myanmar government over the creation of an autonomous Wa State from the territories under the UWSA’s control and a proposal for a new ceasefire agreement. These documents illustrate the UWSA’s inspiration and vision for Wa State.
These proposals left open the question of what exactly constitutes Wa State. This has again become a live question in the current context, which the UWSA is hoping it can use to extend its territory as much as possible. Taking advantage of the weak central administration, it has already created buffer areas around UWSA-administered areas. The critical issue is whether it can link the central Wa State, which lies along the border with China, with southern Wa State, along the Thai border, over which it established control in the 1990s while fighting against a Shan insurgency alongside the Myanmar military. In its 2017 proposal for a new Wa State, the UWSA requested the inclusion of Kengtung township in eastern Shan State. This would link the southern and central Wa States, turning the eastern part of Shan State into an exclave under direct UWSA control. The UWSA attempted this territorial expansion in 2016. In September of that year, a force of 1,000 UWSA troops marched toward Mong La, an area under the control of the NDAA, creating tensions with the NDAA. A settlement with the NDAA was reached following talks between the UWSA leadership and Aung San Suu Kyi’s government.
All of this is to say that the UWSA’s territorial ambitions extend beyond the current status quo. Linking the southern and northern parts of Wa State is a crucial aim. Having been granted permission by the SAC to mobilize in northern Shan State, the UWSA will undoubtedly seize the opportunity to expand its areas of influence and control. Given these territorial aspirations, and the UWSA’s influence over the Three Brotherhood Alliance, particularly the MNDAA, since the start of Operation 1027, the UWSA now exerts possibly decisive influence in a long arc from the China-Myanmar border in the north of Shan State to the Thailand-Myanmar border in the south. This makes it the most influential and capable EAO in Myanmar’s modern history.
The Strategic Stalemate
In making its decisions, the UWSA has tended to act cautiously. In general, it has sought to maintain the status quo between the central administration, rival EAOs, and China. This strategic posture has been evident in its response to the coup and Operation 1027 offensive. While not directly involved, the UWSA has indirectly supported the MNDAA during the operation, for which the MNDAA leadership expressed gratitude in January.
By avoiding conflict with the SAC and maintaining its distance from the NUG, the UWSA has upheld its neutrality, at least officially. This neutrality has allowed the UWSA to increase its influence amidst the stalemate in the Shan State, not only among FPNCC members but also with those in southern Myanmar that are seeking supplies and arms. By preserving a relationship with the military junta and avoiding outright conflict, the UWSA’s strategic approach seems to have paid off, positioning it as a leading political entity in northern Myanmar. This unique position allows it to mediate the relations between various EAOs and the junta administration, as evidenced by the SAC’s request for the UWSA to deploy its forces in Tangyan and now in Lashio.
Despite the UWSA’s entry into Lashio, its FPNCC allies, particularly the MNDAA, are continuing their siege of the city, and the TNLA persists in its offensive in northern Shan State and parts of Mandalay Region. The critical question is whether the UWSA will allow its own alliance to become uncontrollable, potentially challenging its political influence and disrupting the new status quo. Alternatively, the UWSA might seek to maintain a stalemate in northern Shan State. Regardless of its chosen path, it is certain that the UWSA will continue to have a significant impact on Myanmar politics for the foreseeable future.
New Leadership, Rising Kingdom
The UWSA’s strategic shift is being driven by a new generation of leaders. Young and energetic leaders in their 30s and early 40s, including Zhao Ai Nap Lai (son of Zhao Nyi-lai) and Bao Ai Kham (son of Bao Youxiang), were introduced in strategic meetings with the MNDAA in April. Zhao Ai Nap Lai has succeeded his father as general secretary and head of the Politburo, while Bao Ai Kham is the UWSA’s new deputy general secretary.
These leaders, part of the generation that witnessed the fall of the Communist Party of Burma (from which the UWSA was created in 1989), bring different visions, views, and objectives. They lead the UWSA with heightened nationalism, seeking to preserve their legacy while seizing any opportunities that present themselves. However, their political ambitions may necessitate a recalibration of the UWSA’s decades-long strategy of maintaining the status quo and stalemate in the region, given the evolving political and regional context.
As China’s power grows and Myanmar’s central administration weakens, the UWSA is actively seeking a new status quo that can maximize its influence. This context is reminiscent of the rise of new kingdoms. With substantial tin deposits, rare earth elements, control over a critical juncture of Southeast Asia’s largest drug trafficking route, and the ability to produce small arms, the UWSA possesses the resources needed to achieve its strategic goals. Importantly, the Wa State territories straddle the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor and are relevant to the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation platform, both of which are crucial to China’s strategic expansion in mainland Southeast Asia.
Influencing and Threats to Thailand
Given that it is considered a natural ally of China, the UWSA maintains a close relationship with Beijing and the provincial administration in Yunnan. The UWSA’s influence in the heart of the Mekong region extends Chinese influence deep into Myanmar and down to the border with Thailand.
As the UWSA grows more powerful, its political model will become more attractive to other EAOs. If Chinese efforts to mediate the current conflict secure formal autonomy and territorial concessions for the UWSA, other groups along Myanmar’s borders might adopt the UWSA’s approach and choose to come under greater Chinese influence. This development could undermine all dialogue processes initiated by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) or the establishment of local administrative processes by the NUG and other ethnic Interim Executive Councils, which enjoy the backing of Western countries. The UWSA’s expansion along the Thai-Myanmar border means that states and entities influenced by China could soon surround Thailand. This new player in the region poses a critical question: Is Thailand, the last remaining U.S. ally in mainland Southeast Asia, prepared for this expansion?..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2024-07-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"Fighting continues in Lashio after the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) reportedly seized two-thirds of the northern Shan State capital.
Residents said junta shelling and airstrikes continued on Friday.
Lashio’s Northeastern Command headquarters was occupied on Thursday morning, the first junta command hub to fall to anti-regime forces since the 2021 coup.
The MNDAA and its allies since July 3 have seized around five junta battalion headquarters and other bases around the city.
Sources said junta troops have spread through Lashio in smaller units while the airport, Lashio Motel and university are controlled by the MNDAA.
U Han of a rescue team based in Lashio said: “Junta troops are spread through residential areas, endangering civilians.”
He said five male bodies were found near Mansu pagoda in western Lashio but rescue teams could not retrieve their bodies.
“They were killed by shelling but we cannot get close and cannot identify them,” U Han said.
The MNDAA urged residents not to panic and said business as usual would soon return while it urged its troops not to break the law.
It said its police would combat online scam gangs operating in Lashio and that a civilian administration would be established to fund residents to reconstruct their damaged houses.
A Lashio resident said: “The junta troops are like guerrillas, hiding behind buildings and houses and using civilian areas as shelters.”
The junta has yet not admitted that Lashio has fallen.
U Nay Myo Zin, a former army captain, posted on Facebook about the death of Brigadier General Tin Tun Aung, the deputy chief of the junta’s Northeastern Command, blaming his death on his refusal to surrender to the MNDAA.
Most Lashio residents have left the city, according to rescue groups.
A Shan civil society organization member said remaining civilians were increasingly at risk during the current street fighting.
A communications blackout was hampering rescue efforts, he added.
“We are very concerned for the safety and the humanitarian situation,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-26
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military regime has placed former senior military leaders—including ex-dictator Than Shwe and former President Thein Sein—under surveillance, sources close to the matter said.
They confirmed that current junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has directed his security forces in Naypyitaw to monitor not only the retired senior leaders of the previous regime and the quasi-civilian government that followed it, but also members of their households.
Others under watch include the previous regime’s No. 2, Maung Aye, and Thura Shwe Mann, who was chief of the general staff of the Myanmar armed forces under the Than Shwe regime, which ruled Myanmar from 1992 until early 2011.
The Irrawaddy has learned they have been under watch since a few days after Thein Sein’s three-day trip to China in late June, during which he attended commemorations of the 70th anniversary of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the Chinese government’s foreign relations principles. He met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on the sidelines of the event.
Following the trip, Channel News Asia reported that “a source told CNA that Wang had asked Thein Sein to persuade Min Aung Hlaing to hand over power and form an interim government to pave the way for elections.”
Thein Sein briefed Min Aung Hlaing after his China visit, local media reported.
Within 10 days of Thein Sein’s visit, China hosted General Soe Win, deputy chief of the State Administration Council (SAC—the junta’s formal name) and commander-in-chief of the army. Since then, speculation has been rife and rumors have swirled about the purpose and larger significance of the visits. Among the rumors are that Min Aung Hlaing will be removed and that a counter-coup is looming.
The sources said the former president’s trip may have raised suspicions among some leaders of the current regime, especially Min Aung Hlaing.
“Since then he no longer trusts anyone. He’s afraid of being removed,” a source said.
The new security arrangements came just days before the SAC announced that Min Aung Hlaing had assumed the position of Myanmar’s acting president. Critics said the move was unconstitutional, and it has raised anger and strong reactions among the public as well as in the pro-military camp.
In 2002, Than Shwe placed former Myanmar dictator and ex-general Ne Win under house arrest, along with his grandsons and his favorite daughter and son-in-law, on charges of attempting to stage a coup and split the armed forces..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"The ethnic Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and People’s Defense Force groups under the command of the civilian National Unity Government (NUG) on Wednesday took complete control of ruby hub Mogoke in northern Mandalay Region after around 30 days of attacks on Myanmar regime targets.
Mogoke, 189 km north of Myanmar’s second-biggest city Mandalay, has become the third town seized by PDFs and ethnic rebel armies during Phase 2 of their successful anti-regime offensive Operation 1027.
“We completely seized the last remaining strategic military base and another junta base at Phaung Taw Oo pagoda. Now, we have taken complete control of the whole town,” TNLA spokeswoman Lway Yay Oo told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
Viral videos and photos show Mogoke’s residents warmly welcoming TNLA and PDF troops entering the town after defeating the last junta bases on Wednesday.
After the fall of the town, junta-backed pro-military Telegram channels eagerly urged the military regime to incinerate the whole of Mogoke with aerial bombardments.
On Saturday, TNLA ally Mandalay People’s Defense Force and local resistance groups took complete control of neighboring Singu Township in Mandalay after around 20 days of attacks.
Mandalay PDF and allied resistance groups have also seized around 30 other junta bases including the Air Defense Battalion Headquarters in Madaya Township next to Mandalay city.
Along with several resistance groups including Mandalay PDF, the TNLA, a member of the Brotherhood Alliance of ethnic armies, resumed Operation 1027 on June 25 by attacking regime targets in several townships in northern Shan State and northern Mandalay Region.
As part of the operation, TNLA and Mandalay PDF took complete control of Nawnghkio town in northern Shan on July 10.
Meanwhile, several other resistance groups led by the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), another member of the ethnic alliance, have been attempting to seize Lashio, the capital of northern Shan State, since July 3.
Intense fighting continued to be reported in Lashio city on Wednesday after some battalion headquarters and frontline bases around the town were seized by the resistance group.
During the second phase of the operation since June 25, the ethnic alliance and allied resistance groups have seized around 90 junta bases including around 10 battalion headquarters and have taken complete control of three towns in northern Shan State and northern Mandalay Region.
They also have effective control of Kyaukme and Mongmit towns in northern Shan, though they do not yet claim to have fully captured them as they continue to attack remaining junta positions outside the towns.
Alongside several resistance groups, the Brotherhood Alliance launched Operation 1027 in northern Shan State in October last year, seizing hundreds of junta bases including command centers and 24 battalion headquarters as well as around 20 towns and vital trade routes with China.
The operation was halted on Jan. 10 after the ethnic alliance agreed to a China-brokered ceasefire with the regime, but resumed last month when the ceasefire collapsed..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"Bangladeshi authorities on Sunday refused entry to around 60 Myanmar junta armed forces personnel who tried to enter Bangladeshi waters on boats.
The junta personnel returned to Myanmar after drifting for several hours on the international boundary in the Naf River, Bangladeshi officials in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar said. The Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry has yet to comment on the incident.
They drifted for four to five hours as personnel from the Bangladesh Coast Guard and Border Guard Bangladesh prevented the boats from entering Bangladesh.
The officials in Teknaf said they took the step in line with their earlier communications with the junta asking it to take measures to stop the influx of people from Myanmar fleeing fighting between regime forces and the ethnic Arakan Army (AA) in Rakhine State.
The Bangladesh Coast Guard intercepted the trawlers carrying the junta personnel on Sunday in the Teknaf-Myanmar transit ghat near Jaliapara, Teknaf Municipality.
Bangladeshi authorities have stepped up patrols around the Naf River since May to prevent unauthorized entry.
Lieutenant Colonel Md Mohammad Uddin Ahmed, commanding officer of Teknaf-2 Battalion of Border Guard Bangladesh, also declined to comment on the decision to push the Myanmar forces back.
Earlier, however, he said authorities had stepped up patrols along the border considering the worsening situation on the Myanmar side.
Sunday’s incident took place just days after 140 Myanmar Border Guard Force members and soldiers crossed into Bangladesh last week after being defeated by the Arakan Army in northern Rakhine State.
Bangladeshi officials said many of those Myanmar personnel were “pushed back” after a short interrogation.
In June, the Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry said more than 752 junta personnel and their families had been handed over since mid-February, despite the lack of an extradition treaty.
In February, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan announced a closed-border policy, which has since been breached numerous times.
Bangladeshi authorities have in the last few weeks also refused entry to Rohingya civilians fleeing violence in Rakhine..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"The military regime has bolstered security at entrances to Mandalay amid fierce fighting near Myanmar’s second-largest city.
More junta soldiers, police and affiliated Pyu Saw Htee militias have been posted at city entrances since July 8. Around 50 personnel are deployed in Chanmyathazi Township and around 30 in Thalae Kone village on the Mandalay-Pyin Oo Lwin road in Patheingyi Township, according to residents.
The imposition of tight checks follows clashes in Patheingyi Township north of Mandalay city, and the seizure of Nawnghkio town in Shan State by resistance forces after the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) resumed its anti-regime offensive on June 25.
The Brotherhood Alliance of three ethnic armed organizations including the TNLA launched Operation 1027 in October last year. The ethnic alliance seized several hundred junta frontline bases and military command centers, plus 24 battalion headquarters, around 20 towns, and vital trade routes with China, before a truce was brokered by Beijing in mid-January.
“The Mandalay-Pyin Oo Lwin road passes through the middle of our village. Since they [junta soldiers] arrived, they have been checking villagers who use the road to cross the village. Young people are forced to do sit-ups as a punishment when they fail to give satisfactory explanations for why they want to go to the other side of the village,” one resident said.
Locals report that junta soldiers are stopping travelers day and night on the Mandalay-Pyin Oo Lwin road.
The regime has also reinforced Mandalay with militias and former military personnel as clashes in Madaya and Mogoke townships threaten its Central Command in the city.
After fighting spread to villages on the border of Madaya and Patheingyu townships, the regime has turned Madaya town into a fortress while also deploying large troop numbers in Patheingyi to deter advances on Mandalay.
A junta administrator in Mandalay insisted that a security alert had not yet been issued in the city.
The regime has imposed tight checks on vehicles at three entrances east and north of Mandalay since June 26. It has also deployed large numbers of guards on ring roads and is conducting frequent patrols in the town.
The Irrawaddy reached out to Mandalay Region’s junta spokesman, Thein Htay, for comment but got no reply.
Mandalay residents have been withdrawing cash from banks and buying up food, according to locals. Junta personnel are checking homes for unregistered overnight guests and making arrests, they added..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2024-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Mandalay Division, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Sub-title:
Two are dead, including a child, following an airstrike as the junta battles for control of Mogoke town.
Description:
"Junta forces have tightened security in Myanmar’s second-biggest city, Mandalay, while shelling civilians elsewhere in the region, after coming under renewed attack from an alliance of insurgent forces battling to end military rule.
A shell killed a seven-year-old boy and a woman in her 30s after it exploded in a residential area of Mandalay region’s Mogoke town on Monday evening, residents told Radio Free Asia Tuesday.
Another four-year-old girl and a 60-year-old woman, as well as a woman and man both in their 30s, are in critical condition, said one Mogoke resident, asking to remain anonymous for security reasons.
“A child and a grandmother were seriously injured by shrapnel that hit them in the neck,” he said. “It was not easy to send them to the hospital, so they were treated at home by people who have some medical knowledge.”
The shells were fired from a junta camp on Strategic Hill in eastern Mogoke, a ruby-mining town about 200 km (120 miles) north of Mandalay city.
Over half the town’s population has fled after fighting intensified between junta troops and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, or TNLA, which has taken control of western Mogoke, residents said.
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The TNLA is part of an alliance of three ethnic minority insurgent forces known as the Three Brotherhood Alliance. The alliance launched an offensive last October, codenamed Operation 1027 for the date it began, and pushed back junta forces in several regions.
After a five-month ceasefire ended on June 25, the TNLA, and allied forces attacked junta camps in Madaya, Singu and Mogoke townships in Mandalay region, and Hsipaw, Kyaukme, Nawnghkio and Lashio towns in Shan state to the east.
Stepping up Security
The TNLA and its allies have also turned their attention to junta bases near Mandalay region’s capital, causing the military to step up security in Mandalay city, residents said.
One city resident, who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals. told RFA that after Operation 1027 resumed in late June, the junta had increased the number of outposts around Mandalay and its historic palace.
“We’re getting a sense that the areas around the palace are more secure. They also installed heavy weapons on top of Mandalay Hill and also on Yankin Hill,” he said. “Security has been increased a lot. If there was a place with four or five soldiers before, there are about 10 soldiers now.”
Troops are also stationed on top of high-rise buildings in the city’s Chanmyathazi township, one resident said, also asking for anonymity to protect his identity.
“The junta troops are stationed on the top floors of Ma Ma-29 and No. 49 buildings,” he said, adding that soldiers also occupied buildings in the Myayenanda, and Aungpinlel neighborhoods, as well as Mandalay’s industrial zone. “The troops asked residents to leave in order for soldiers to be stationed there.”
Army personnel are also stationed in Inwa (Inn Wa) town, 32 km (20 miles) south of Mandalay city, which is close to a junta air force base, he added.
On Monday, the junta closed the Mandalay-Madaya Road after fighting with allied rebel forces near Madaya township’s Kyauk Ta Dar village, which is just 27 km (17 miles) away from Mandalay city.
According to the Mandalay People’s Defense Force, the group had captured 25 junta camps in Madaya township and 11 in Singu township as of July 7.
RFA called Mandalay region’s junta spokesperson Thein Htay for more information on increased security and the attack on Mogoke, but he did not answer phone calls..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-07-16
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Sub-title:
One person died and 10 were injured in the attack on a Shan state town.
Description:
"A rebel army in eastern Myanmar announced a four-day ceasefire shortly after a town under its control was hit by junta airstrikes, residents said.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, or MNDAA, captured Laukkaing, or Laukkai, town in northern Shan state on Sunday, after which the junta hit back, residents said.
A resident who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons told Radio Free Asia that a fighter jet fired at several hotels and residential areas in Laukkaing for 20 minutes, killing a civilian and wounding others.
“What we know is that the person who died was a guest staying at the Full Light International Hotel. More than 10 people were injured,” he said. “At the moment, civilians are not allowed to enter the area because it’s being cleared.”
MNDAA newspaper, The Kokang, identified the victim as a 37-year-old man named Wang. It said several other hotels were damaged in the attack.
Most Laukkaing residents are sheltering in their homes and closing their businesses for fear of more airstrikes, witnesses told RFA.
RFA phoned MNDAA spokesperson Li Kya Win and its head of external relations, Gen. Phone Win Naing, for more details on the fighting but they did not answer calls.
A reporter also attempted to contact Shan state’s junta spokesperson Khun Thein Maung and national junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment, but those calls also went unanswered.
However, a junta account on social messaging app Telegram said Laukkaing was bombed because some MNDAA leaders were living in the town.
The MNDAA is a member of the Three Brotherhood Alliance that launched Operation 1027 last October to seize territory from the junta. It said it had captured seven towns, including Chinshwehaw, Hseni and Kunlong since Operation 1027 began and was implementing its own administration, regional development, education and health sectors.
In January, China brokered a state-wide ceasefire between junta and alliance forces, bringing them together for talks in the Chinese city of Yunnan in May. At the time it said it was concerned fighting would affect border stability and trade between the two countries.
Three Brotherhood Alliance members the Ta’ang National Liberation Army broke the ceasefire in late June, blaming junta airstrikes for the resumption of hostilities. Since then, the alliance has captured dozens of bases across Shan state and Mandalay region.
The MNDAA said the latest ceasefire will run from Monday through Thursday, although residents said both armies have continued to fire weapons near Laukkaing. In a statement Sunday, it said the ceasefire was called as a result of China’s concerns, although it didn’t specify what those concerns were.
Since the resumption of Operation 1027, alliance forces have been trying to seize control of Lashio, the capital of northern Shan state, where fighting has raged for weeks and killed over a dozen civilians.
Political analyst Than Soe Naing said the junta attack on Laukkaing was probably in retaliation for that attack.
“[The MNDAA] took part in Operation 1027, in the second wave of the Spring Revolution. The next thing that happened was that the junta's most important town, Lashio, was targeted and attacked by four military columns,” he said. “I believe the junta bombarded Laukkaing in response to that.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-07-15
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"1. Introduction.....
Villagers in Southeast Burma (Myanmar)[1] have been fighting for the right to teach and learn in accordance with their own culture for many decades, as Karen culture has been subjected to control and suppression by the Burma Army and government. Since the 2021 coup,[2] this situation has escalated, and Southeast Burma is facing a dire education crisis, where the rights of children are violated, schools are unsafe, and gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law are impacting every aspect of villagers’ lives. Children in locally-defined Karen State[3] need safe spaces to learn and access to quality education, parents and villagers need support to be able to sustain their children’s schooling, and communities and local leaders need help in their efforts to set up safe study centres.
This briefing paper presents evidence documented from June 2023 to February 2024, the most recent academic year in Burma, outlining the different challenges faced by villagers during the ongoing conflict, and the effects on education in Southeast Burma. The first section provides a brief overview of the situation of the right to education in the region before the 2021 coup, and the violations that have increased since then. The second section presents testimonies regarding the lack of access to education, as well as the challenges and risks that villagers face by attempting to address educational needs in their communities. The third section provides a security and legal analysis of the situation, as well as a set of policy recommendations for local and international stakeholders......
2. Contextual overview.....
Historical context: the situation of human rights in Burma
Human rights violations in Southeast Burma are directly linked to policies enacted by the Burma Army as early as the 1960s. One of these policies is the ‘four cuts strategy’, and its main purpose to destroy the links between insurgents, their families, and local villagers by cutting off food, funds, intelligence, and recruits to armed resistance groups.[4] Through this policy, the Burma Army has committed gross human rights abuses with total impunity against villagers in Karen State for decades, including threats, arrests, torture, indiscriminate firing of weapons, burning villages, destroying food, medical supplies and other property, restrictions to freedom of movement and forced relocation of civilian populations. Such violations may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In some areas of Southeast Burma, the signing of the preliminary Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)[5] in 2015 resulted in an improvement in the human rights and economic situation. These included freedom of movement, increased livelihood opportunities, a heightened sense of security and safety, access to education, and freedom expression. However, villagers in Southeast Burma still faced travel restrictions, physical punishments and landmine contamination.[6] These improvements were also perceived by many Karen villagers as a means of Burmanisation.[7] For instance, there were more schools in mixed-control areas, but the curriculum taught often did not include the Karen language or Karen cultural education. Until 2014, teaching ethnic minority languages in schools was prohibited across Burma; demonstrating the use of education as a central tool in nation-building.[8]
Education system(s) in Southeast Burma
Before the 2021 coup, there were two primary types of formal education systems in Southeast Burma: schools under the Burma government administration; and schools under the Karen National Union (KNU)[9], administered by the Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD).[10] The KECD was founded in 1956 due to the Burma Army’s continuous practice of Burmanisation, with the purpose of preserving the cultural identity of the Karen peoples.[11] The main focus of the KECD curriculum has been on Karen language, culture, history and traditions.[12]
Between the 2015 NCA and the first year after the 2021 coup, there were five types of schools operating in locally-defined Karen State: (1) KECD schools; (2) Burma government schools; (3) self-funded/private schools; (4) religious schools; and (5) schools under cooperative administration between the Burma government and local KNU authorities, with mixed curriculums. In the latter, management roles were typically filled by Burma government teachers and the teaching of Karen language and history was limited.
Access to education since the 2021 coup
Since the 2021 coup orchestrated by the Burma Army and the establishment of the State Administration Council (SAC)[13], systematic human rights abuses have increased in Karen State, affecting civilians’ lives. Pressing amongst villagers’ challenges is access to education. The COVID-19 pandemic already forced many schools to close their doors.[14] Since the 2021 coup, schools have been constantly attacked, and because of this, many could not re-open or had to close down. Schools remain under threat of attacks and destruction as a result of the ongoing armed conflict and generalised violence. In addition, the recently enacted 2010 People’s Military Service Law on February 10th 2024 caused hundreds of young people in Karen State to flee their homes under threat of forced recruitment, in essence also interrupting their education.[15]
Since the 2021 coup, there are only four different types of schools for children and youths in Southeast Burma, and two different curriculums: (1) KECD schools; (2) SAC-run schools; (3) self-funded/private schools; and (4) religious schools. There are no more schools under cooperative administration. The first, third and fourth types of schools are located in KNU territory, apply the KECD curriculum, are granted recognition from KNU, and do not have the SAC’s recognition. The second type of school can be found in SAC and mixed-control territories (mostly in towns), apply the SAC curriculum, and operate without any cooperation with the other types of schools.
3. Factual summary: challenges to accessing education in locally-defined Karen State and community responses
“Based on the situation, we understand that the SAC is doing these acts [attacks to schools] in order to stop children from accessing education. So, we told the students to try their best to get an education, to prepare ourselves not to face problems [in the future due to not having attended school].”
- Naw[16] A---, vice-principal of a community self-funded school, from Ca--- village, Noh T’Kaw village tract,[17] Noh T’Kaw (Kyainsiekgyi) Township, Dooplaya District.
The 2021 coup has caused dramatic disruptions to education and adversely affected the learning opportunities of students in Southeast Burma. This section presents the main challenges to the local community’s right to education, documented by KHRG during the reporting period (June 2023 to February 2024), as well as villagers’ efforts to overcome them. During the reporting period, KHRG received 64 field reports on the difficulties to access education faced by villagers in all seven districts in Karen State.[18] At least nine attacks on schools were documented by KHRG, with 22 students and two teachers injured, and three students killed.[19] According to KECD data, during the reporting period seven KECD administered schools were destroyed by armed attacks, 13 students and three teachers were injured, and five students and one school committee member were killed.[20]
The challenges to access education, as reported by villagers, are: (1) lack of security and safety in schools, causing injury and death of students and destruction of buildings; (2) the SAC´s encroachment on government schools, spurring contested education systems; (3) attacks against caregivers and family economic hardships; and (4) protracted displacement of villagers. Nevertheless, community members and parents try their best to ensure their children’s schooling, and apply local agency strategies to respond to the education crisis.
i. Lack of security and safety at school
Children spend most of their time at school, an environment that should be safe for students.[21] Physical and mental safety and security are fundamental needs for children to study, and for teachers to teach. However, throughout the reporting period, students in Southeast Burma studied in fear of the increased number of SAC attacks against villages, causing the destruction of school property, and injuries and death of students and teachers. Therefore, many parents stop registering children for school. Some villagers choose a place they assume safest, setting up formal and informal study areas, including in the forest, livestock huts, in religious buildings, or in villagers’ houses. A community member from Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw (Hpapun) District reported: “Most schools in Mu Traw [District] opened in the forest, in fear of air strikes, and many students withdrew from school. Since the [2021] coup, I have witnessed the students in Dwe Lo Township having to study in the forest, in fear of the SAC’s indiscriminate shelling and air strikes […]. Some withdrew from school due to the fear of SAC attacks.”
The operation of schools depends on the ever-changing nature of the conflict. Some schools, especially those in KNU-administered territory, open when the situation gets marginally more secure, and immediately close when villagers learn that SAC soldiers are approaching their villages. Many schools, however, have not been able to open since the 2021 coup. Naw G---, a villager from Ch--- village, an area affected by school closures in Nga Ton Kin village tract, Moo (Mone) Township, Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District, expressed:
“If she [her older daughter] wants to continue studying, there is no grade [high school] for her here [in the nearby area]. My two younger children can go to school if the school opens. But the school is not open so I cannot do anything.”
The unpredictability and severity of SAC attacks have left villagers, including children, with deep psychological impacts. Naw D---, a mother who witnessed an SAC air strike in Cd--- village, Pay Kay village tract, Lu Thaw Township, testified:
“It [the air strike] happened when I was going to my farm to get some paddy. […] It was the time [of the day] when, normally, people who stay at home are women with their young children, because other villagers are going to their farms and plantations. Therefore, there were only women and young children hiding in their bunkers during the air strike. The bombs almost hit the bunker, so when the children and women who were there [in the bunker] got out, one child did not speak for about three days, and his/her mother became deaf in one ear. […] After the air strike, students did not feel secure to go to school anymore, because one of the bombs from the aircraft also landed close to the school.”
Due to the increase in military activities following SAC shelling and air strikes, more safety and security concerns were raised by communities in Southeast Burma. Most schools in the seven districts of locally-defined Karen State, especially schools under KECD administration, had to end the 2023-2024 study year in the first week of February 2024, a month earlier than expected.
Injuries and death of students and teachers
During the reporting period (June 2023 to February 2024), there was an increase of SAC shelling and air strikes against schools and villages, causing injury and death of students and teachers in Southeast Burma. For instance, on June 14th 2023, the SAC shelled mortar rounds into Ci--- community high school, Htaw Ta Htoo (Htantabin) Township, Taw Oo (Toungoo) District, and one mortar round landed on a girls’ dormitory. As a result, three girls from different villages who stayed at the school dormitory were injured. The three injured girls are Naw I--- (16 years old), injured on her head; Naw J--- (14 years old), injured on her forehead; and Naw K--- (15 years old), injured on the left wrist. They were sent to Ci--- clinic for medical treatment, and they had to buy more medical supplies from Taw Oo Town as the clinic did not have enough.
On October 13th 2023, SAC Military Operations Command (MOC)[22] #12, Light Infantry Battalions(LIBs)[23] #230 and #231, and Infantry Battalion (IB)[24] #97 shelled mortars into Cj--- village, T’Tah Koo (Ta Tan Ku) village tract, Kaw T’Ree (Kawkareik) Township, Dooplaya District. One mortar round landed in a school building, and shrapnel from the explosion killed a six-year-old student named Naw L---, and injured three students, Naw M--- (12 years old), Naw N--- (16 years old), and Ma[25] O--- (six years old). Similarly, on January 30th 2024, the SAC shelled around Ck--- village, T’Naw Th’Ree (Tanintharyi) Township, Mergui-Tavoy District, and one of the mortar rounds landed in the school campus. The explosion damaged school buildings and villagers’ houses, and injured a teacher, Daw[26] P--- (40 years old), on her arm. A 15-year-old student injured in another shelling incident in Cl--- village, Ha T’Reh village tract, Hpa-an Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, named Saw[27] Q---, expressed his feelings to KHRG: “They [teachers and friends] worried about us because I cannot travel [because of my injuries] and [we] did not meet each other [during our medical treatment]. […] I feel sad [because of the injury]. […] If we are hit [by shrapnel] again in the future, we will not be able to handle it anymore. May they [the SAC] not come [to our village] again.”[28]
On September 7th 2023, the SAC conducted an air strike on Ce--- village, in Nah Koh Hkee village tract, Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw District. 11 bombs were dropped, with some landing in the village KECD school, killing and injuring students, villagers and teachers, and destroying school buildings. The school principal, Saw E---, emotionally expressed his concerns:
“Several students and one teacher sustained injuries [from the air strike]. […] Two students died and six students were injured. In total, 10 people were injured […] I have major concerns [as the school principal] because people [villagers] trusted us [the school] and allowed their children to come to school to access education. Due to this incident, I am facing deep anxiety and depression from this brutal experience; I cannot do anything now, I just try to calm myself [psychologically], but my tears run down my face when I pass the [incident] place. I think about it every day.”
A father of a student who died from this air strike, Saw R---, from Cm--- village, Nah Koh Hkee village tract, Dwe Lo Township, testified:
“After shrapnel hit my son, the KECD head [township coordinator] informed me about it, and then I immediately went to see my injured son. I talked to him and he told me ‘Dad! I was hit by the aircraft and I think I am going to die.’ I told him, ‘You will not die. Stay strong in your heart.’ There is no health worker in our village. We live in a rural area so it is hard to access healthcare. He passed away on the way to the clinic, while we were carrying him in a hammock. […] After the incident, fathers, mothers and children were crying. I was also crying because it made me feel devastated. We have to be cautious.”
Destruction of school property
The destruction of school buildings, teaching and study materials, dormitory buildings, materials for water supply and other facilities counted as school property are other factors affecting education, students’ behaviour, and their engagement in learning. The SAC’s attacks, such as the deliberate use of schools as military posts during fighting,[29] shelling and air strikes in areas where schools are located have resulted in extensive destruction and damage of school property.
On March 23rd 2024, at about 10 pm, an air strike was conducted by the SAC onto Cn--- village, Khaw Hpoh Pleh village tract, Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo District, while villagers were displaced in the forest. Two SAC aircrafts dropped about 12 bombs on the village, including the village’s KECD school campus. Two of the bombs did not explode, adding to the unexploded ordinance (UXO) contamination in the community. The exploded bombs destroyed seven villagers’ houses, the village school’s four buildings and the monastery buildings.
The destruction of school property caused major concerns, for parents, teachers and local leaders, regarding children’s access to education, as the school buildings would have to be rebuilt for the coming academic year. The KECD school principal, Naw T--- from Cn--- village, testified:
“I saw three bombs land in the school campus. […] All four school buildings were destroyed by the air strike. […] I am sad to see the destruction of my school and worry that children will not be able to go to school. […] I do not know how to describe my feelings of extreme fear. My whole heart breaks when I see the destroyed school. I cannot do anything now. […] School buildings are important and construction prices are high. We will have to clear [the debris of the buildings in] the school campus and we do not know whether any people can help build it for us.”
Saw R---, the father of the 14-year-old student killed by an SAC air strike in Ce--- village, Na Koh Hkee village tract, expressed:
“Next week, we will have to build shelters for students to hide, and they will be able to study [there]. We will do it to protect the children from Min Aung Hlaing’s [SAC] attacks. School committee members have already searched a place for the school. We will also build a shelter for teachers and students.”
ii. Contested education systems and the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)
During the reporting period, many Burma government schools, controlled by the SAC since the 2021 coup, could not continue to run in KNU territory and in some mixed control areas in Southeast Burma, because many students refused to go to SAC administered schools and parents refused to enrol their children. A high number of teachers also joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[30], despite threats of arrest, detention, torture and killing by the SAC.
For instance, after the 2021 coup, parents in Ca--- village, Noh T’Kaw village tract, Noh T’Kaw Township, Dooplaya District, refused to register their children at the SAC-run schools, and transformed Ca--- village school into a community self-funded school. In 2023, SAC Light Infantry Division (LID)[31] #22 and LIB #557 came to Ca--- village three times and ordered villagers to open the high school and their school buildings. The SAC soldiers also asked for student registration information. Villagers were told by SAC soldiers and teachers working under the SAC administration that if villagers did not teach in this school, the SAC would identify Ca--- village as not having a school. Villagers also saw a message written on a whiteboard in the school that said: ‘We will attack all people who rely on PDF [People’s Defence Force][32] and KNU!’. Villagers assumed it was written by the SAC soldiers. For the 2023-2024 academic year, some teachers working under the SAC administration also came to Ca--- village to open an SAC-run high school, intending to finish the year’s curricula within three months. These teachers also requested to stay in the village and villagers warned them about being unable to take responsibility for their security. Village leaders allowed them to start the school, but no parents and students went to the school for registration. Villagers continued to open self-funded high schools for the 2023-2024 academic year, in the village houses, with more than 200 students studying in them. Naw A---, the vice-principal of a self-funded school, stated: “We decided not to go to SAC-run schools until the SAC withdraws [transfers power to civilians].”
Since February 1st 2022, the KNU administration in Mu Traw District repeatedly warned public servants under Burma government administration to stop working for the SAC and leave Bu Tho Township, Mu Traw District.[33] In addition, students, parents and teachers themselves contested the SAC administration, and the SAC completely stopped all activities related to education in Bu Tho Township. Some schools started to adopt the KECD education curriculum in the 2023-2024 academic year. In Hpapun Town, there are currently only KECD schools in operation, and two self-funded schools also teaching the KECD curriculum have been opened for children to access education. Some schools use both the KECD curriculum and the curriculum taught under the previous National League for Democracy (NLD)[34] government, as many CDM teachers are not familiar with the KECD curriculum.
This situation is similar in other districts. A KECD administrator from Ta Kreh (Paingkyon) Township, Hpa-an District, named Saw B---, explained: “The number of students largely increased in the 2023-2024 academic year [in KECD schools]. For example, we had about 160 students in [one high school] in 2022-2023, and we have about 250 students this year (2023-2024). This happened because of the political situation and the armed conflict in Burma. People from regions such as the [Irrawaddy] Delta region and other districts do not want to be under the SAC administration.”[35] In response to the armed conflict, local villagers and leaders in Hsaw Htee (Shwegyin) Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, also set up temporary schools in the forests, far from SAC operation areas, so that many students could access education and so that schools could finish the academic year by the end of February 2024.
iii. Attacks to caregivers and family economic hardships
The injury or death of guardians greatly impact children’s access to education. Since the 2021 coup, many children have dropped out of school due to the SAC military attacks against villagers, such as shelling, air strikes, arbitrary arrests, and enforced disappearances, which impact parents’ capabilities to provide for the family. When parents die, are injured, or arrested, children will often drop out of school to support the family’s livelihood.
For instance, in Cb--- village, T’Nay village tract, Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw District, after the main breadwinner of a family was forcibly disappeared by the SAC in August 2023, some of the victim’s children had to drop out from school. The father-in-law of the disappeared victim, named U[36] C---, also a survivor of enforced disappearance himself, told KHRG:
“My son-in-law also disappeared. He was arrested by Burmese [SAC] soldiers and hasn’t come back. He has young kids who cannot work yet. I am also getting older and can’t work well, as I have an illness. […] He was arrested before my incident. […] He has been detained for around 4 months already. […] She [U C---’s daughter] has been facing challenges as she cannot work properly. With insufficient financial income, she couldn’t send her kids to school. But she has tried hard so she could send four of her kids to school this year. However, in the next year, I think she will not be able to do it anymore. She said she will let two of her children, who were in Grade-4 [primary school], drop out of school next year. She always lights candles for her husband but he hasn’t returned.”
Despite such attacks, parents or guardians continue to take the primary role and responsibilities in their full capacity to provide for their children’s access to education. For instance, parents and guardians are playing a role in finding safe places for lessons to take place, undertaking construction of school buildings, recruiting teachers from villages, providing support for teachers (with money, crops or livestock), purchasing school supplies, and taking their children to school. For instance, a mother named Naw D--- from Cd--- village, a conflict-affected area with KECD schools in Pay Kay village tract, Lu Thaw Township, Mu Traw District, testified:
“It is working [harvesting] time so it is hard to displace ourselves [even if there are air strikes]. We had to collect T’la aw leaves[37] [to make thatch shingles for] the school roof, and we have to do everything [for the school] by ourselves. Last year, the school also had to close [due to the armed conflict] so my youngest child could not sit for the final exam [of the academic year]. […] We currently must stop classes. After working [harvesting season], I think we should start the school [again]; we have to try so the school will be able to open again.”
Saw E---, one of the principals of a community school receiving partial support from KECD, in Ce--- village, a conflict-affected area in Nah Koh Hkee village tract, Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw District, also reported:
“We face a lot of difficulties to look for hidden and safe places. We do not have any supplies for the [school] construction during the rain [season]. Children are also living in fear... Everything is challenging. […] We had prepared a bunker [at the school] for students, but these [SAC bombs] are huge, so the bunker could not protect us... My younger sibling [who was a student] died in the bunker. […] I plan to meet with the Township’s KECD staff, local social support groups and village tract leaders to arrange a hidden [safer] place for the [relocation of the] school, but it will take some time [to arrange]. […] We received some school supplies [from KECD], but not enough.”
iv. Education in displacement settings
The increase in SAC attacks after the 2021 coup, including shelling, air strikes, fighting in (or nearby) villages, landmine contamination, attacks on civilians, arrests, house burnings, armed presence in villages and other human rights violations against communities in Southeast Burma contributed directly to an increase in displacement.[38] Displacement has caused major barriers for children and youth to access education because of a lack of available schools close to the displacement areas. In addition, with teachers and students having also fled to different places, several displaced families could not find teachers for their children.
Some instances of displacement happened after villagers experienced or anticipated attacks on their villages. Many times, villagers had to flee for their lives during attacks. School buildings close while villagers are displaced, and only open when the situation improves. During the reporting period, some schools could not re-open due to the SAC’s ongoing attacks, like shelling, or the ongoing threat of such attacks. One village leader, Saw U---, from Co--- village, Kaw Ler village tract, Tha Htoo (Thaton) Township, Doo Tha Htoo District, testified: “[In December 2023,] students fled to different places, and they cannot go to school anymore. No villager feels safe to stay in the village, so how can students go to school?” Another villager, Naw V---, from Cp--- village, Noh Taw Pla village tract, Noh T’Kaw Township, Dooplaya District, explained to KHRG: “Villagers cannot predict when they will be able to open the school, we assume there might be skirmishes in the future because we received information that the SAC will come again.”. Naw V---’s community had been displaced by the SAC shelling into Cp--- village on July 11th 2023..
Local villagers and community leaders try their best to give their children and youth access to education during longer displacement periods. Some villagers set up temporary learning places in forests, farm huts, cow/buffalo sheds, and any places where teachers and students flee to, but villagers in many areas have been unable to set up such places. For instance, on July 20th 2023, SAC Artillery Unit #401 and LIBs #404 and #410 shelled mortar rounds into Ma Htaw, Htee Th’Bluh Hta and K’Ter Tee village tracts in Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw District. Therefore, many villagers from these village tracts had to flee to their farms, plantations, or to the forest, and set up schools in these displacement areas so their children could attend lessons. Saw F---, a Cq--- villager, in Ma Htaw village tract, explained:
“In my village in Mu Traw District, students cannot study in schools because of the armed conflict, so they have to study in the forest and in bunkers, or they have to run into the bunker [from the school] when SAC aircraft come. You may also see this situation on social media. I witnessed this situation myself [in 2023].”
As of September 2023, there were about 2,691 internally displaced persons (IDPs) from 45 villages from Ler Muh Lah Township in three displacement sites located in P’Law area, Ler Muh Lah Township, Mergui-Tavoy District. These villagers have been displaced since the start of the 2021 coup, due to ongoing fighting, shelling and air strikes by the SAC, house burnings and landmine contamination in their communities. In the displacement sites, communities have set up schools, partially supported by local non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and community-based organisations (CBOs), so that many internally displaced children can access primary education during their displacement period. However, children from families who have been displaced to forests or separated from their community often face greater difficulties accessing education, since there is higher uncertainty and fewer resources.
Some youth and children fled to other places with no active conflict in order to have access to education, and some of them crossed into Thailand to seek education in migrant schools along the border. A displaced 15-year-old student, Naw W---, from Cs--- village, Kaw Nweh village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, in Dooplaya District, expressed: “I wouldn’t have reached my goals if I had stayed behind. If I followed my uncle [crossing the Thai-Burma border], I may get to work, save up money and finally go to school again. That was my hope [fleeing to Thailand].” As of May 2024, she successfully enrolled in Cw---, a migrant school located along the Thai-Burma border, with the support of a local human rights organisation.
Similarly, Naw T---, the Cn--- school principal in Khaw Hpoh Pleh village tract, Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo District, also explained: “Students who finish Standard Eight [Grade-10][39] from our school go to further their education in Mae Sot or Mae La Camp [in Thailand], or in schools in other villages like Ct---, Cu--- and Cv---. Some students help their parents by working for their family’s livelihood.”
4. Analysis: security and legal implications of SAC attacks on education
Threats and challenges to accessing education in Southeast Burma have been cause for concern long before the 2021 coup. For decades, villagers have been subjected to a system of Burmanisation, enacted through the Burma government’s school curriculums that have disregarded local language and alienated ethnic minorities. In 2020, COVID-19 forced schools to close, often for indefinite periods. As of today, the constant attacks on villages committed by the State Administration Council (SAC) since the 2021 coup, such as shelling, air strikes, arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearance, forced labour and torture, have caused inter alia loss of life, extreme fear for villagers and their children, and increased levels of forced displacement. During the reporting period of June 2023 to February 2024, multiple and intersecting challenges to education caused by the SAC were documented, including increased military presence; military attacks on schools, such as shelling and bombings; attacks on caregivers; families’ economic struggles; and attacks on those who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement. While displaced, villagers also faced multiple difficulties to organise lessons and ensure that their children’s schooling remained uninterrupted.
Despite the constant danger to their lives, villagers remain committed to safeguarding their children’s access to quality education that promotes the preservation of their cultural identity. Villagers, including students, parents, local leaders, and organisations, have played a significant role in securing their access to education. They have found safe places for education to take place, set up improvised schools in formal and informal displacement sites, re-built destroyed/damaged schools, recruited teachers to deliver ethnic curricula and provided them with support, found school supplies and arranged for students to attend schools in safer areas, including in Thailand. Villagers in Southeast Burma are determined, despite the direst of circumstances, to strive for a future where access to education can be guaranteed for the next generations.
The right to education is enshrined in multiple human rights instruments, including Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR); Article 28 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC); and Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).[40] Burma has ratified both the CRC and the ICESCR. General Comment 13 on Article 13 of the ICESCR stresses the importance of the right to education as ‘both a human right in itself and an indispensable means of realizing other human rights’.[41] It is the responsibility of States to ensure that the right to education is respected,[42] and to respect the rights, duties and responsibilities of parents or caretakers to provide for their children.[43] The continuous attacks perpetrated by the SAC on schools, set out in this report, constitute clear systemic violations of the right to education in Southeast Burma.
The right to education is interlinked with other human rights, including the right to freedom from discrimination and the right to cultural life. The CRC states that ‘the education of the child shall be directed to […] the development of respect for the child’s parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values’.[44] In particular, States have responsibility to provide minorities with ‘adequate opportunities to learn their mother tongue or to have instruction in their mother tongue’[45], and to ‘take measures in the field of education, in order to encourage knowledge of the history, traditions, language and culture of the minorities existing within their territory’.[46] Since the 2021 coup, the SAC has pressured students to attend SAC-administered schools, in violation of the principle of non-discrimination.[47]
In 2021, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2601, calling on states to ‘safeguard, protect, respect, and promote the right to education, including in armed conflict’, reaffirming ‘its contribution to the achievement of peace and security’ and emphasizing ‘the invaluable role that education has for individuals and society’.[48] Resolution 2601 strongly condemns ‘the continued attacks as well as threats of attacks that are in contravention of international humanitarian law against schools and civilians connected with schools’ and urges all parties to armed conflict ‘to immediately cease such attacks […] and to refrain from actions that impede access to education’. Three years on, education remains adversely affected in Karen State, where schools are either closed, targeted, or destroyed.
Under International Humanitarian Law (IHL), the principle of distinction[49] expressly prohibits any attacks against civilians and civilian objects, such as schools, in the conduct of hostilities. Schools are recognised as institutions that accommodate and tend to the needs of children. Attacks on schools adversely impact children, who are entitled to special respect and protection under international law.[50] The attacks on schools set out in this report demonstrate clear violations of international humanitarian law, both in targeting schools as civilian objects and by failing to take measures to protect civilians, including children.
Under International Criminal Law (ICL), intentionally directing attacks against protected objects such as schools may constitute a war crime under Article 8(2)(e)(iv) of the Rome Statute,[51] providing the attack was conducted in the context of a non-international armed conflict, and the perpetrator of the attack intentionally targeted such protected building(s). The SAC attacks on schools, children, teachers and communities, as set out in this report, show clear and systematic disregard to the rights of children, civilians and civilian objects, to an extent which may amount to the commission of war crimes.
5. Recommendations
For regional and foreign governments, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and civil society and community-based organisations (CSOs/CBOs):
Acknowledge that the military junta is the cause of the current human rights and humanitarian crisis, and refrain from giving legitimacy to the junta, including by signing agreements with it and presenting it with credentials. Support and broaden the scope of international investigations to include human rights violations against the Karen people, and hold the State Administration Council (SAC) accountable for its crimes against civilians in Burma by prosecuting SAC leaders in international courts, including the International Criminal Court (ICC), and through universal jurisdiction proceedings. Implement further coordinated and strategic sanctions against the SAC officials, aviation fuel as well as arms and ammunition suppliers to weaken the junta’s ability to fund its campaigns and attacks on civilians. Provide humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected areas, including funding for educational supplies, temporary learning spaces, and psychological support for students and teachers in Southeast Burma. This support should be delivered through local civil society and community-based organisations (CSO/CBOs) and ethnic service providers.....Footnotes:
[1] In 1989, the then-ruling military regime changed the name of the country from Burma to Myanmar without consultation from the people. KHRG prefers the use of Burma because it is more typically used by villagers, and since the name change to Myanmar is reflective of the military regime’s longstanding abuse of power.
[2] On February 1st 2021, the Burma Army (or Tatmadaw) deposed the democratically elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD), transferred power to Min Aung Hlaing, the Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar’s Armed Forces, and invalidated the NLD’s landslide victory in the November 2020 General Election.
[3] Karen State, defined locally, includes the following areas: Kayin State, Tanintharyi Region and parts of Mon State and Bago Region. Karen State, located in Southeastern Burma, is primarily inhabited by ethnic Karen people. Most of the Karen population resides in the largely rural areas of Southeast Burma, living alongside other ethnic groups,including Bamar, Shan, Mon and Pa’O.
[4] KHRG, Undeniable: War crimes, crimes against humanity and 30 years of villagers’ testimonies in rural Southeast Burma, December 2022.
[5] On October 15th 2015, after a negotiation process marred with controversy over the non-inclusion of several ethnic armed groups, a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed between the Burma government and eight of the fifteen ethnic armed groups originally invited to the negotiation table, including the Karen National Union (KNU). It was followed by the adoption of a Code of Conduct by the signatories in November 2015. In February 2018, two additional armed ethnic groups signed the NCA under pressure from the Burma government.
[6] KHRG, Dreaming of Home, Hoping for Peace: Protracted Displacement in Southeast Myanmar, May 2019.
[7] A term used by ethnic minority groups to describe the assimilation policy implemented by the Burmese government to assimilate non-Burman/Bamar ethnic groups into Burman/Bamar. See KHRG, Minorities under Threat, Diversity in Danger: Patterns of Systemic Discrimination in Southeast Myanmar, November 2020.
[8] KHRG, Beyond the Horizon: Local Perspectives on Peace, Justice and Accountability in Southeast Myanmar, September 2019.
[9] The Karen National Union (KNU) is the main Karen political organisation. It was established in 1947 and has been in conflict with the government since 1949. The KNU wields power across large areas of Southeast Myanmar and has been calling for the creation of a democratic federal system since 1976. Although it signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, following the 2021 coup staged by Burma Army leaders, the KNU officially stated that the NCA has become void.
[10] The Karen Education and Culture Department is the education department of the Karen National Union. Its main goals are to provide mother tongue education services to rural Karen populations in Southeast Myanmar, as well as to preserve the Karen language, culture and history. Despite being an important education provider in the region, it is not officially recognised by the Myanmar government.
[11] KECD, ‘About KECD’, available at: https://kecdktl.org/about-kecd/ [Retrieved June 2024]
[12] Unpublished interview with KECD staff member, conducted on May 2024.
[13] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup.
[14] KHRG, Denied and Deprived: Local communities confronting the humanitarian crisis and protection challenges in Southeast Burma, June 2022, pp.38-41.
[15] KHRG, “Statement of condemnation of the enactment of conscription law by the military junta in Burma/Myanmar”, March 2024. See also BBC, “Myanmar: Young people attempt to flee ahead of conscription order”, February 2024; The Irrawaddy, “Conscription Law Adds to Concerns Over Forced Migration From Myanmar to Thailand”, February 2024.
[16] ‘Naw’ is a S’gaw Karen female honorific title used before a person’s name.
[17] A village tract is an administrative unit of between five and 20 villages in a local area, often centred on a large village.
[18] All information included in this factual summary has been retrieved from KHRG unpublished documentation, unless cited otherwise. Published KHRG reports include the publication link in the footnotes.
[19] Moreover, from February 2021 until June 2024, at least 40 attacks on schools perpetrated by the SAC were identified by KHRG staff from various monitored sources, like news agencies and social media. Data per year is: from February to December 2021 – at least three incidents; 2022 – at least eight, 2023 – at least 18; and up to July 2024 – at least 11.
[20] The KECD is overseeing 1,467 Basic Education schools and 11 junior colleges across locally-defined Karen State as of the 2023/2024 academic year. Information obtained from an unpublished interview with KECD staff conducted on May 2024.
[21] United Nations Regional Information Centre (UNRIC), “The right to education”, available at: https://unric.org/en/the-right-to-education/
[22] Military Operations Command (MOC) is comprised of ten battalions for offensive operations. Most MOCs have three Tactical Operations Commands (TOCs) made up of three battalions each.
[23] A Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) comprises 500 soldiers. Most Light Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers, yet up-to-date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. LIBs are primarily used for offensive operations, but they are sometimes used for garrison duties.
[24] An Infantry Battalion (Tatmadaw) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up to date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. They are primarily used for garrison duty but are sometimes used in offensive operations.
[25] ‘Ma’ is a Burmese female honorific title used before a person’s name.
[26] ‘Daw’ is a Burmese female honorific title used before a person’s name.
[27] ‘Saw’ is a male honorific title in S’gaw Karen language used before a person’s name.
[28] See also KHRG, “Doo Tha Htoo District Situation Update: SAC shelling into villages in Tha Htoo Township, causing injuries and destruction (September 2022 to February 2023)”, March 2024, on the physical and mental trauma affecting children and their ability to study and go to school.
[29] See KHRG, “Kler Lwee Htoo District Incident Report: Villagers arrested as human shields, and shelling and looting by the SAC in Moo Township, March 2023”, October 2023.
[30] On February 2nd 2021, healthcare workers at state-run hospitals and medical facilities across Burma/Myanmar spearheaded what is being referred to as a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) consisting of labour strikes in protest against the February 1st 2021 military coup. The movement quickly spread to include civil servants from all sectors of the government who are walking off their jobs as a way of non-recognition and nonparticipation in the military regime. Because of the popularity of the movement, and its seminal role in wider protests across the country, some people have begun using it as a catch-all phrase to include other protest forms like boycotts and pot-banging.
[31] A Light Infantry Division (LID) of the Tatmadaw is commanded by a brigadier general, and consists of ten light infantry battalions specially trained in counter-insurgency, jungle warfare, search and destroy operations against ethnic insurgents . They were first incorporated into the Tatmadaw in 1966. LIDs are organised under three Tactical Operations Commands, commanded by a colonel, three battalions each and one reserve, one field artillery battalion, one armoured squadron and other support units. Each division is directly under the command of the Chief of Staff (Army).
[32] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalized the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army.
[33] KIC News, “နယ်မြေအတွင်းရှိ စစ်ကောင်စီ ဌာနဆိုင်ရာဝန်ထမ်းများအားလုံး ထွက်ခွာပေးရန် နောက်ဆုံးသတိပေးချက် KNU တပ်မဟာ (၅) ထုတ်ပြန်”, February 2023.
[34] The National League for Democracy (NLD) is the political party that governed Burma from 2016 to January 2021. Led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD won landslide victories in the 2015 and 2020 General Elections. The NLD government was deposed by the Burma Army in the February 2021 Burma coup d’état, after which elected President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi were detained, along with ministers, their deputies and members of Parliament.
[35] Unpublished interview with KECD staff conducted on May 2024.
[36] ‘U’ is a Burmese title used for elder men, used before their name.
[37] ‘T’la aw’ trees are teak-like trees with large leaves, which are traditionally collected by villagers and used to make thatched shingles for the roofs of houses.
[38] See KHRG, Denied and Deprived, above; KHRG, “Why would they target us?”: Exposing patterns of the Burma Army’s retaliatory abuses against villagers across Southeast Burma, June 2023.
[39] The KECD uses a nomenclature for school levels where high school runs from Grade 9 to Grade 12. The Burma government uses a different grading system, where levels are called ‘Standards’. In this system, Standard seven equals Grade 9, Standard eight equals Grade 10, Standard nine equals Grade 11, and Standard ten equals Grade 12.
[40] 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), Article 13, available at https://www.ohchr.org/; 2012 ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, Article 31(3), available at https://asean.org/
[41] General Comment 13 to the ICESCR, available at https://www.escr-net.org/resources/general-comment-13-right-education
[42] UNRIC, “The right to education”, above.
[43] 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Article 5, available at: https://www.ohchr.org
[44] 1989 CRC, Article 29(1)(c).
[45] 1992 Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, Article 4(3) (Declaration on the Rights of Minorities), available at: www.ohchr.org/
[46] 1992 Declaration on the Rights of Minorities, Article 4(4).
[47] 1948 UDHR, Article 2; 1989 CRC, Article 2; 1966 ICESCR, Article 2(2)
[48] United Nations Security Council Resolution 2601, October 2021.
[49] Rules 1 and 7 of the ICRC Rules on Customary International Humanitarian Law, available at: ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1
[50] Rule 135 of the ICRC Rules on Customary International Humanitarian Law, above.
[51] 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Article 8(2)(e)(iv), available at: www.icc-cpi.int/ ..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2024-07-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
History of education in Burma/Myanmar (general), Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Children, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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An aid worker says that at least 15 residents near Lashio have been killed from artillery fire since July 3.
Description:
"Some 50,000 people have fled their homes over the last five days amid renewed fighting around Lashio, the capital of northern Shan state, residents and relief workers told Radio Free Asia.
At least 15 civilians have been killed since July 3, when forces allied with the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, or MNDA, began an offensive in the township around Lashio, which is home to the military junta’s Northeastern Military Command’s headquarters.
Battles have since taken place in Nam Tong, Man Hawng, Nam Ma Baw Da and Nawng Mun villages.
Most of the deaths happened in one area of Lashio township that was struck by artillery fire during the first day of fighting, an aid worker who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons told Radio Free Asia. Several other residential areas have since been hit by artillery attacks.
“The artillery fire occurs frequently until now,” the aid worker said. “The residents have fled their homes in these areas.”
A heavy artillery shell that was dropped on another neighborhood on Sunday injured three Buddhist novices and two civilians, he said.
Residents of Lashio township have been heading south toward the city of Taunggyi, the capital of Shan state that is about 340 km (210 miles) away, one resident told RFA. Others aimed to look for shelter in the Mandalay region or in the commercial capital of Yangon, he said.
Lashio sits at the junction of a highway that connects mainland Myanmar to the Chinese border to the north.
Fighting between Lashio-based junta soldiers and insurgents resumed on June 25 after the collapse of a ceasefire brokered by Chinese officials in a series of meetings that began in January.
The Ta’ang National Liberation Army, an ally of the MNDAA, announced the capture of 26 junta camps in the days following the end of the ceasefire.
The TNLA and other resistance forces in Mandalay have been attacking junta outposts in four townships in northern Shan state and Mandalay region.
RFA tried to contact MNDAA spokesperson Li Kya Win and the junta’s spokesperson for Shan state, Khun Thein Maung, for more details on the fighting, but neither of them answered the phone..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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At least four civilians were killed and 10 wounded in airstrikes, residents said.
Description:
"An ethnic minority rebel force that recently ended a five-month ceasefire with the military said on Thursday it had captured 26 junta-occupied camps in two days of fighting in northeast Myanmar’s Shan state.
The Ta’ang National Liberation Army, one of three forces in the Three Brotherhood Alliance that launched Operation 1027 in October, resumed fighting across northern Shan state and Mandalay regions on Tuesday.
In January, Chinese officials brokered a ceasefire between the three allied armies and junta forces as the fighting began to pose a risk to Chinese economic interests across the country.
On Wednesday and Thursday, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, or TNLA, captured camps in northern Shan state’s Nawnghkio, Kyaukme, Mongmit and Hsipaw townships and Mandalay region’s Mogoke township, the group said in two statements.
Seventeen junta soldiers under the Kyaukme-based Operations Command Headquarters surrendered on Wednesday and the fighting was still going on, said TNLA spokesperson Lway Yay Oo.
“We’re still taking control of some of the camps. I’m not sure what the next step is because fighting is still fierce in those townships,” she said. “The military council is using heavy artillery and air strikes.”
The TNLA, along with allied militias of pro-democracy activists called People’s Defense Forces, have captured eight army camps, including one artillery position, in Kyaukme township, 13 camps in Nawnghkio township and five camps in Mogoke township. Twenty junta troops had been killed but the TNLA did not disclose any casualties among anti-junta forces.
On Thursday morning, the TNLA and its allies launched attacks on two junta infantry battalions in the ruby-mining Mogoke township, the TNLA said. Allied fighters came from People’s Defense Force-Mandalay, the Danu People’s Defense Force and the Northern Shan State Alliance Army.
One resident of Mogoke town told Radio Free Asia that fighting erupted on Wednesday evening when junta forces launched at least seven air attacks on the outskirts of the town at around 8:30 p.m.
“Houses were shaking when they bombed the villages,” said the resident who declined to be identified for security reasons. “Bombs also landed in some city neighborhoods. The plane flew above us over and over again, dropping bombs for about 45 minutes. No one dared to go outside.”
Some residents were wounded in the airstrikes, he said, adding that many people were facing food shortages due to the closure of shops.
IMG_20240627_160514_921.jpg
TNLA joint forces on the front lines in Kyaukme, northern Shan State on June 26, 2024. (TNLA)
Many civilians in Kyaukme township have fled because of the conflict, said another resident, adding that four civilians were killed and at least 10 were wounded in airstrikes on Wednesday.
“We heard the sound of shots fired from junta camps 501 and 502,” said the second resident, who also declined to be identified. “People have started to move. The fighting isn’t over.”
The junta has not released any information about the conflict. Calls to the military’s spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, went unanswered on Thursday..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-06-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Non-Ceasefire Groups, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Sub-title:
A rise in crime in southeast Myanmar is putting stress on already struggling systems.
Description:
"Myanmar’s ethnic minority insurgent groups are grappling with a growing problem as they take over larger areas from junta forces in a surge of fighting since a 2021 coup: how to maintain law and order with few resources and while under constant threat of attack.
The Karen National Union, or KNU, controlling areas of Kayin state, is among the groups dealing with rising violent crime rates, especially offenses against minors, while struggling to maintain governance amid battles with junta forces.
“When there is conflict, there is not a normal situation. Whoever commits crimes like this, they have a lot of chances to flee,” said KNU spokesperson Saw Taw Nee, highlighting the difficulties in prosecuting offenders amid the chaos of war.
The conflict has displaced more than 229,000 people in Kayin state alone, according to the U.N. and amidst the turmoil, the KNU’s justice system has been pushed to its limits, resulting in controversial measures to combat heinous crimes.
Saw Taw Nee confirmed that “two or three” death sentences had been carried out in recent years, but declined to comment further, citing a lack of knowledge on the details. The KNU’s Department of Judiciary did not respond to requests for comment from Radio Free Asia.
In January 2024, a 60-year-old man was sentenced to death for raping two 12-year-old girls. This followed a 2022 case where two men received death sentences for the rape and murder of sisters aged 9 and 12.
These cases underscore the KNU’s resort to capital punishment, despite criticism from human rights organizations.
“As a human rights organization, we utterly condemn capital punishment in all circumstances,” said Saw Nanda Hsue of the Karen Human Rights Group. However, he acknowledged the complex reality in the “absence of proper mechanisms to hold civilian perpetrators accountable.”
The challenges faced by the KNU are not unique. Other political organizations opposing military rule and trying to administer civilian populations, such as the United League of Arakan and the Karenni Interim Executive Council, struggle with similar issues.
A source asking to be cited as an observer of the Arakan Army insurgent force, part of the United League of Arakan political group, told RFA that the group did not have enough lawyers or judges, and “very inadequate” infrastructure and facilities while prisons are at a constant risk of being attacked by junta troops.
“As [they gain] more controlled area and more population, the ULA will definitely face an increase in all types of cases,” the source said in a statement. “In some areas, gender-based violence and sexual assault cases might be more heard [in the] public domain.”
He told RFA he was not aware of any recent executions under the United League of Arakan.
Huge caseload
Similarly, the Karenni Interim Executive Council in Kayah state has begun training police forces to handle an increase in looting of homes abandoned because of the conflict, and petty crimes, as well as security for civilians, said John Quinley, director of Fortify Rights. Quinley interviewed members of the police force, who told him about the shortage of both facilities and personnel.
“They said, ‘you know, it’s really difficult. We have airstrikes and artillery fire in this area almost on a daily basis. But we’re also trying to get these guys that are trying to steal goods from houses,’” he said.
“Even the amount of judges that you have is fairly limited and their caseloads are really high, and so you just have a lot of petty crime, you have also other cases that are related to prisoners of war or related to crimes that maybe the resistance forces committed that need to go through the courts, so it’s just really quite a big caseload.”
Ethnic minority political groups and their armies are increasingly taking over areas that have been devastated by the battles in which control over them was won.
“If you’re dealing with towns and villages that have been bombed out ... the courthouse is gone, the jails are gone, what they use for detention, and then once the sentences have been issued, prisons just simply aren’t available,” said Jonathan Liljeblad, an associate professor at Australian National University’s College of Law.
The United League of Arakan’s handling of more than 4,000 cases in recent years may soon be dwarfed by the growing caseloads across all areas controlled by ethnic minority organizations potentially leading to a bigger crisis in their makeshift justice systems.
“There’s a lot of challenges, like how to maintain the rule of law in our territory, especially prisons and the capacity of our people,” said the KNU’s Saw Taw Nee.
“We are still in a struggling time for our rights and liberties, so we could not focus on the specific issues like that,” he said in reference to the death penalty..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-06-26
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-26
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Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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The air force apparently bombed a monastery under the control of junta forces by mistake.
Description:
"Myanmar junta forces killed 17 people in an airstrike on a monastery where people were taking shelter from fighting after insurgents battling to end military rule attacked a nearby army camp, members of anti-junta militia groups told Radio Free Asia on Monday.
The junta’s air force launched the attack on Saturday night on a monastery in Nant Thar village in the central region of Sagaing, killing a monk and 16 other people including three members of the same family, they said.
Sagaing has seen unprecedented levels of violence since a 2021 military coup triggered an insurgency by pro-democracy activists who formed People’s Defense Forces around the country to confront the military.
Junta forces have been accused of razing villages, carrying out mass shootings and bombing villages indiscriminately as they hunt for members of the People’s Defense Forces.
The airstrike in Indaw township followed an attack on a junta camp carried out by an alliance of fighters including members of the Indaw People’s Defense Force, the Kachin Independence Army, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, and other groups, activists said.
Nant Thar has two monasteries, one under the control of rebel forces and another occupied by junta forces, said an official of the anti-junta Indaw Revolution group, who declined to be identified for security reasons.
“People were called to the monastery and locked down by the junta troops when fighting erupted and the jet then bombed the monastery at midnight while people were locked down,” the group official said.
“They must have wanted to bomb the monastery on the mountain,” he said, referring to the monastery controlled by anti-junta forces. “They dropped the bombs on their own monastery by mistake.”
The military has not released any information about the incident and calls to Sagaing region’s junta spokesperson, Nyunt Win Aung, for more information went unanswered.
Junta troops have cut communication links to the village, a frequent tactic after big attacks.
More than 10 people, including children, were wounded, the Indaw Revolution official said, adding that some were in critical condition.
The dead were cremated on Monday, he said.
The village has been largely empty since April last year when anti-junta forces repeatedly attacked the military camp in Nant Thar, which is on a major road, residents said. But junta troops had prevented remaining residents from leaving, including those killed on Saturday, they said..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-06-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-24
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Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"At least 50 people were killed by Myanmar soldiers in a raid on a village in Rakhine State last week, say local residents and opposition forces.
Warning: You may find some of the details in this piece disturbing
Eyewitnesses told the BBC the village was subjected to two-and-half days of terror as soldiers blindfolded and beat them up, poured burning petrol on their skin and forced some of them to drink their urine.
They were looking for supporters of the Arakan Army (AA), which has become one of the most effective ethnic fighting forces in Myanmar.
Fifty-one people aged between 15 and 70 were "violently tortured and killed", the National Unity Government (NUG), representing the ousted civilian government, said in a statement. The AA estimated the death toll to be more than 70 people.
The ruling military council, or junta, has denied the accusations, which would amount to one of the worst atrocities committed in the three year-old Myanmar civil war.
“They asked the men if the AA was in this village,” one woman told the BBC.
“Whatever answer they gave, whether they said AA was there or it wasn’t, or they didn’t know, the soldiers hit them."
In just six months, the AA has swept through most of Rakhine State, forcing the military to keep retreating. It ended a ceasefire with the army last year and joined ethnic insurgents in other parts of the country in a combined operation aimed at overthrowing the junta which seized power in February 2021.
"I saw with my own eyes my husband being taken away in a military vehicle. My son was separated from both of us, and I don't know where he is. Now I don't know if my son and husband are alive or dead," the woman told the BBC..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2024-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"This Incident Report describes events occurring in Noh T’Kaw Township, Dooplaya District. On October 30th 2023, villagers from Waw Loo village tract, Noh T’Kaw Township, were transporting yams with two trucks in order to sell them in Mawlamyine Town. When they reached an army camp checkpoint on Ka Lee Hkee hill, where Border Guard Forces (BGF) Battalion #1023, Cantonment Area #4, and State Administration Council (SAC) Light Infantry Division (LID) #44 are based, SAC soldiers shot at them. A 35-year-old villager, Saw A---, from B--- village, Waw Loo village tract, was injured by the shooting. After this incident, the villagers were afraid to travel on that road, but they had to use it for their livelihood activities.[1]
Excerpt
Part 1 – Incident Details
Type of Incident
[Shooting of civilians] A villager’s arm was injured because SAC soldiers shot him while he was travelling.
Date of Incident(s)
October 30th 2023
Incident Location
(Village, Township and District)
Ka Lee Hkee (Hkoh Kwar) army camp, Waw Loo village tract,[2] Noh T’Kaw Township, Dooplaya District.
[...]
Part 3 – Complete Description of the Incident
Describe the Incident(s) in complete detail.
On October 30th 2023, villagers from B--- village, Waw Loo village tract, Noh T'Kaw Township, Dooplaya District, were transporting elephant foot yams [a vegetable used in local cuisine] with two trucks in order to sell them in Mawlamyine Town. Before they went up to [Ka Lee Hkee (Hkoh Kwar)] hill, [where BGF Battalion #1023, Cantonment #4, and SAC LID #44 army camp is located], they passed a car that was returning on that road and asked whether they could go [pass through Ka Lee Hkee camp] or not. After that, they continued their journey until they reached the [camp’s] checkpoint. One of the villagers, Saw C---, from B--- village, Waw Loo village tract, explained to KHRG: “Actually, we waited for them [SAC and BGF soldiers] to come [to the checkpoint] and collect the gate fee. After a few minutes, no one came and collected the fee. Then, we honked the truck’s horn [as a warning noise], but no one came. I thought maybe the situation was not good [something might happen], so I went to the truck and drove it. When we drove [the first truck] about 20 yards [18 meters] past the gate, they [SAC soldiers] shot at us [with machine guns].”
In this incident, a 35-year-old villager, Saw A---, from B--- village, was injured. While [the first truck had already passed the checkpoint gate, and the second truck was still at the gate,] Saw A--- was about to open the truck’s door, when SAC soldiers at the top of the hill camp shot at him. He was shot on his right arm and fell down in front of the gate. [After the victim was shot,] a villager from D--- village, Noh T'Kaw village tract, Noh T’Kaw Township, took the victim away from the gate by motorcycle [to a nearby Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA)[7] checkpoint]. After that, a DKBA leader, General Nay Lah, sent the victim to Seik Gyi Town hospital. Saw C--- explained: “He [Saw A---] put his arm on the truck’s door. During the shooting, the [second] truck driver said he had doubts about whether he should go [continue driving] or not. The driver stopped the truck and asked Saw A--- to get out of the truck to put a chock under the [truck] wheel because the road is a slope. Saw A--- was [shot and] injured when he was about to open the truck’s door. As soon as he was injured, [a villager took him to the DKBA checkpoint a few minutes away from Ka Lee Hkee camp and] we asked for help from a [DKBA] soldier. The civilians [nearby] dared not transport him [to the hospital] because they did not know whether he was three fingers [People’s Defence Force (PDF)[8]], DKBA, or Karen National Union (KNU)[9]. Actually, we are civilians. We asked for help from the DKBA, and a soldier contacted his company commander. At that time, the company commanders, Nae Klar and Nay Lah, were coming [to the DKBA checkpoint]. So they [the commanders] took him to the [Seik Gyi] hospital”.
As soon as the victim arrived at the hospital, a health worker came immediately. Due to the fact that the victim was injured by a bullet, he needed an X-ray, but Seik Gyi hospital is unable to provide treatment [due to a lack of capacity]. The victim stayed at Seik Gyi hospital for one night. Saw C--- continued: “We called the ambulance, but the ambulance crew dared not transport the victim. The next day, the company commander [DKBA] scolded the ambulance crew and said ‘you guys dared to transport the soldiers who were injured, but not civilians.’ Later, we rented another car [found someone to drive the victim], and the victim was sent [to Mawlamyine].”
The victim was sent to Mawlamyine Town on October 31st 2023, and sought treatment at Mawlamyine Hospital. He has not yet been discharged from the hospital [as of November 2023]. The victim has two children, and his wife is pregnant. The victim was the breadwinner of his family. Therefore, after he got injured, his family faced problems, and they moved to E---village, Poh Yay village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, and stayed with his wife’s parents. The victim’s family did not receive any support [from any organisations as of November 2023].
After this incident, the villagers were afraid to travel on that road. Saw C--- added: “If it was possible, I would not use this road for travelling anymore. However, we only have this comfortable [paved] road to travel, so we need to use it. We dare to travel only when many people are travelling.” The villagers do not want to travel on this road, but they have to use it for their livelihood..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2024-05-16
Date of entry/update:
2024-05-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from April 22 to 30, 2024
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in the Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Magway Region, Kachin State, Kayin State, Rakhine State, Chin State, and Mon State from April 22nd to 30th. Military Junta Troop committed to arresting the civilians and blackmailing the 2nd batch of Military Service in the Yangon Region, Mandalay Region, Magway Region, and Ayeyarwady Region. Military Junta arrested and used the local civilians as human shields in Magway Region, Kachin State, and Rakhine State.
Over 20 civilians died, and over 70 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. 4 underaged children died, and 7 were injured when the Military Junta committed abuses..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2024-05-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-05-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"1. Introduction
Since the 2021 military coup[1], human rights violations are being committed against villagers by armed actors in Southeast Burma[2] with increasing intensity. Among these violations, incidents of torture of civilians have seen an alarming increase: in 2023 alone, 33 incidents involving at least 37 victims were reported to KHRG, mainly perpetrated by the Burma Army.[3] This physical and mental violence is used by the State Administration Council (SAC)[4] as a weapon of war. Villagers in locally-defined Karen State[5] are particularly vulnerable to abuse, when continuously arbitrarily arrested and detained, as the SAC punishes and intimidates them in retaliatory violence, failing to adhere to international legal norms and the rules of war. This systematic abuse is impacting the security, livelihoods and freedom of movement of villagers, and causing severe injuries, fear and trauma.
This briefing paper presents incidents of torture against villagers in Southeast Burma by the SAC and affiliated armed groups in the period between January to December 2023.[6] The paper begins with a brief overview of the context in which torture has been occurring across Southeast Burma since the 2021 coup. It then presents a factual summary of the incidents of torture in 2023, and discusses the trends identified in the reports received by KHRG, including the torture of civilians arbitrarily arrested on accusations of affiliation with armed resistance groups or to extract information about their activities; to intimidate and terrorise the population; and/or when forcing villagers to act as human shields or porters. The impact of torture on the communities is also presented. Finally, a security and legal analysis of the situation of these severe human rights violations is conducted, and policy recommendations are provided for stakeholders.
2. Contextual Overview: torture as a weapon of war in Burma
For decades, villagers have been mistreated by the Burma Army who have sought to impose their political and military will over civilian populations across Burma. Civilians have long been targeted as part of the “four cuts” strategy, which aims to destroy links between insurgents, their families, and local villagers by severing supplies of food, funds, intelligence and recruits to armed resistance groups.[7] Amid the civil war, which has been intensifying in Karen State in the past three years, human rights abuses against civilians abound, including killings, air strikes on civilian areas, indiscriminate shelling, landmine usage, arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, widespread displacement, severe livelihood challenges, and barriers to education and healthcare.
The practice of arbitrary detention of civilians by the SAC is widespread in Burma, with approximately 20,240 political prisoners under detention across the country.[8] Under detention, civilians are highly vulnerable to abuse, mistreatment, or dire detention conditions, as the SAC fails to adhere to international law regarding the protection of prisoners and disallow the monitoring of conditions by lawyers or outside observers.[9] In rural Southeast Burma, villagers are frequently arrested and detained by SAC authorities in army camps, police stations, prisons, and checkpoints. In addition, villagers are often detained by soldiers in villages, on their plantations, or even their homes. Amid the ongoing conflict and the continued impunity enjoyed by armed actors, villagers are immensely vulnerable to extrajudicial killing, torture and mistreatment when detained in any of these circumstances and places.
The Burma Army has used torture for many decades, defined as the act of inflicting severe pain or suffering on someone to force them to do something or in punishment. Throughout the years, villagers have reported extreme torture including waterboarding, burning, cutting of body parts, hangings and burying underground, and torture has occurred both in detention facilities, in villages and forests, and sometimes publicly in charades of terror.[10] Some of these extreme methods are evident in the incidents documented in this briefing paper. Accusations of villagers being connected with armed resistance groups have been a common feature of torture in interrogation and punishment by the Burma Army throughout the many years of conflict. Ignoring international norms and regulations for the proper treatment of detainees, SAC soldiers inflict suffering on civilians under their captivity without recourse, to a degree which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity under customary international criminal law.
3. Factual summary: patterns of torture against villagers by the SAC and its impacts
This section presents evidence of the torture of villagers in Southeast Burma involving the SAC and SAC-affiliated groups. Since the 2021 coup, KHRG has received reports documenting 52 incidents of torture against villagers by the SAC military across our operational area.[11] In 2023 alone, KHRG received 36 reports detailing 33 of those incidents, and involving 37 victims of torture. Incidents of torture mostly occurred during arbitrary arrests; villagers were tortured as part of interrogation to extract information related to military objectives. Torture was also used against villagers in punishment for their alleged affiliation with opposition groups, either for being relatives, informants, or supporters of those groups, including suspicion of supplying them with food and materials. On other occasions, the SAC military tortured villagers in an abuse of power, to intimidate, terrorise and instil fear. Finally, villagers were also subjected to torture whilst being forced to act as human shields or porters by armed actors. Some instances of armed resistance groups operating in Southeast Burma torturing villagers have also been reported to KHRG, usually against those accused of being spies for the SAC, excluded from this analysis.[12]
a) Torture in interrogation to extract information
During the reporting period, the SAC military frequently arbitrarily arrested or detained villagers to obtain knowledge of local armed resistance groups’ activities. These arrests often occurred in the aftermath of attacks by resistance groups, as SAC soldiers sought to collect information on those involved. Torture was used to extract information or force confessions, and detention conditions were often dire. These interrogations also frequently happened publicly in villages, at checkpoints, on roads, or even in villagers’ houses. Many villagers who were arrested by the SAC were also forcibly disappeared, removed from protective measures or observation of their health or welfare by relatives or lawyers.[13] Villagers are at risk of being detained and subjected to intimidation and torture as they go about their daily lives, as the following incidents attest to.
On February 21st 2023, in search of People’s Defence Force (PDF)[14] members in the aftermath of fighting in the area, SAC soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[15] #603, led by Battalion Commander Hein San Htun, entered T’Hsee Theh Mee Lar Town, Than Tuang Way Thaw area, in Taw T’Htoo Township, Taw Oo District. The SAC soldiers arrested eight villagers who were taken to Than Taung police station, in Than Taung Town, where they were interrogated, beaten and punched. The SAC soldiers burned villagers’ houses and confiscated villagers’ belongings, including clothes and five motorcycles, which they burned altogether.
Later that day, five more villagers, three men and two women, from the same village were arrested by the SAC soldiers and questioned at the police station. All but one of the villagers were released shortly afterwards. As explained by a local person from T’Hsee Theh Mee Lar Town, a young villager was taken to an SAC army camp where he was interrogated and tortured before eventually being released a few days later. Villagers assumed that the SAC had found incriminating evidence related to other youngsters, possibly PDF members, on his phone.[16]
Villagers are arbitrarily arrested, and subsequently mistreated or tortured, in the aftermath of attacks against the SAC when soldiers search the area for those involved or who could have information on the attack. Travelling in the aftermath of attacks is therefore particularly dangerous for villagers. As explained by a victim of torture, that had taken place on January 6th 2023, in Dooplaya District: “They [the SAC] suspected me of being a spy. The fighting was happening when I returned to the village to feed my pigs. They suspected me of being a spy and arrested me. They asked many questions. They tortured me. I told them I was nothing [a civilian]. I told them I was a normal villager”. He added:
“I was afraid but could not do anything. I did not know how to be afraid. I considered myself dead.”
When the SAC interrogated him, he was kicked and stabbed by a knife several times.[17]
On another instance on March 26th 2023, at about 3 pm, Saw[18] A---, an 18-year-old villager, from Aa--- village, Aaw P’Lah village tract[19], Hsaw Htee Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, was arrested by SAC Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) #20, who are based in Nyaunglebin Town, on suspicion of participating in a recent bomb attack along with six other villagers. Saw A--- was travelling by motorcycle to buy a duck to eat when he was arrested in Ba--- village. Saw A---’s mother, B---, was informed of her son’s arrest by other villagers living in Ba--- village. After hearing of the arrest, B--- and her husband went to find him: on March 27th at LIB #20 army camp and on March 28th, at Baw Bi police station. Saw A---’s parents had to provide the SAC soldiers with food and 20,000 kyat [9.50 USD[20]] for the cost of tea to be permitted to ask for information about their son. The SAC soldiers at Baw Bi police station told the victim’s parents not to worry about their son because he would be released soon after interrogation, if found not guilty. After he was released, Saw A--- explained to his mother about the brutal torture he had to endure: he was beaten in public relentlessly by the soldiers soon after his arrest before being taken to the police station, where he was again tortured during interrogation. Others from Ba--- village, who were also arrested along with Saw A---, reported that several villagers were also subjected to torture by the SAC.[21]
On another instance on September 18th 2023, after fighting and air strikes in T’Ko Teh village tract, Waw Ray Township, Dooplaya District, a 50-year-old villager named U[22] C---, from Ca--- village, K’Leh T’Khon Teh village tract, was arrested by the SAC soldiers when he returned from a displacement site to his village to feed his livestock. After the arrest, the SAC soldiers beat and punched him. Due to the severe injuries caused, he had to undergo medical treatment.[23]
Incidents of arrest and torture are also common at checkpoints. On November 16th 2023, a villager named Ko[24] D---, from Da--- village, Sa Htain village tract, Ler K’Saw Township, Mergui-Tavoy District, was apprehended by SAC soldiers from Infantry Battalion (IB)[25] #559 and #560 at a checkpoint on the road near Ea--- village. Ko D--- had visited Ea--- village to purchase items for himself, and was detained on the road while returning home. The soldiers stopped and searched him and his motorbike, and interrogated him. During the search of his motorcycle, the SAC soldiers discovered 20 tablets of yaba[26] hidden inside the seat. When questioned about these tablets, Ko D--- informed the SAC soldiers that they were for his personal use while working. However, one of the SAC soldiers said: “You are lying. I know you bought these drugs for the PDF”. During the interrogation, the SAC soldiers beat the villager. After, one of the SAC commanders threatened Ko D--- by saying: “You can’t tell anyone about this. If you do and we see this news on social media, we will kill you”. Since this incident, Ko D--- has been afraid to travel, and cannot eat well. Ko D---’s wife informed KHRG that villagers were living with fear and concern about their security.[27]
Many local villagers who have been impacted by the arrest and torture have been left with emotional distress and trauma. The escalation of arrests and torture in Southeast Burma has heightened villagers’ worry about being apprehended which is leading to fear of commuting to work or ensuring their livelihoods.
b) Torture and physical abuse as punishment
Villagers are arbitrarily arrested and detained often with no evidence provided for suspicion of affiliation with, or support to, local armed resistance groups; villagers are simply going about their daily lives. When detained on such accusations, SAC soldiers use intimidation, physical violence and other forms of mistreatment in punishment.
Saw E---, a young villager from Fa--- village, T’Nay village tract, Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw District, was detained three times in November 2023 by the SAC, and at the end tortured to death. First, he was apprehended and detained at his farm, asked for his name and any military affiliation, and then forced along with some friends to guide SAC soldiers to Wa Wee Lay Road. The second time, he was arrested while travelling on a road with two friends, Maung[28] F--- and G---, and accused of having ties with Karen armed resistance groups after they were found carrying a battery with them, which villagers insisted was for personal use to charge their phones. The SAC soldiers gave these three young villagers 240,000 kyat [114 USD] and instructed them to purchase food for the soldiers in Ga--- village, T’Nay village tract. G--- was kept behind with the soldiers. Shortly afterwards, the soldiers were attacked by Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[29] soldiers. Maung F--- and Saw E--- were too afraid to return because of the fighting. The SAC soldiers thought the three young villagers were implicated in the attack, even accusing Maung F--- of being a KNLA officer. As punishment, G---, still detained by the SAC military, was severely tortured. The SAC soldiers burned his face with fire, stabbed a knife at his back, and beat his head. The soldiers told him: “You guys are Kaw Thoo Lei[30] soldiers [KNLA]. You see! When your friends were just released, they [KNLA] tried to attack us. […] If your friends do not come back and [KNLA] attack us [again], I will bury your body in a standing position.” The village head from Fa--- village negotiated with the SAC, who asked for the money they gave Maung F--- and Saw E--- in order to release G---. G--- was released the same day and needed treatment and medicine for his injuries.
On November 24th 2023, at around 3 pm, Saw E--- was arrested one more time by this same SAC troop beside a plantation while he was going to meet his friends. He was detained alongside Saw H---, a villager from Ga--- village, T’Nay village tract, who had been arrested earlier; the two men were tied up together. Soon after he was detained, the SAC sergeant in charge gave soldiers knives and took Saw E--- to be tortured. They beat and kicked him and then cut out his eyes and cut his ears with knives. The soldier told him: “Last time [that Saw E--- was arrested], you took the money and after you left, you attacked us. And now, you come and sneak up on us again.” As they took out his eyes and cut his ears, they told him: “The eyes that snuck up on us and the ears that were eavesdropping.” During the torture of Saw E---, H--- was able to slip away and escape. He informed villagers in T’Nay area about what happened to Saw E--- and Fa--- villagers went to look for him nearby Meh Pray Hkee army camp. The SAC soldiers there told villagers that Saw E--- might had been killed during an attack by the KNLA and gave no more information.[31]
Saw H--- had been arrested on November 22nd 2023 while he was herding his cows in Ga--- area. The SAC asked him questions and also accused him of having connections with the KNLA soldiers. Saw H--- recalled:
“They [SAC soldiers] hit me with a machete and I was bleeding. They slapped me in the face. After that, they went to take a rope and tied me from the back. My hands were swelling, as the blood was not running [through]. It was so tight. I could not stand it anymore, so I asked the SAC sergeant to loosen the rope. I was a bit more comfortable when the rope was loosened.”
He was tied up together with Saw E--- on that night, after two days of arrest. When SAC soldiers questioned and tortured Saw E---, Saw H--- untied the rope by scrubbing it and escaped into the forest. After his escape, he was not able to sleep for several days due to fear. Since then, villagers are afraid of being arrested by the SAC soldiers so they dare not going to their farmlands or hill fields to secure their livelihood.[32]
On another instance, on the morning of July 9th 2023, villagers residing near the eastern part of the Pa Ra Lo river in Ler Doh Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, went to Kyauk Ta Ga Town to purchase food. SAC soldiers from LIB #264 detained them when they entered the town and apprehended 16 of the villagers, accusing them of transporting rice and other items to the PDF. Among the arrested villagers, three individuals were severely beaten by SAC soldiers, as reported by their family members. Despite being able to provide food for the detainees, the families were denied access to see them. During a subsequent meeting with village leaders on July 14th 2023, the family members expressed their desire to secure the release of the villagers but were too afraid to directly confront the SAC soldiers. In August 2023, these arrested villagers were released and many fled their villages, facing security concerns.[33]
On September 11th 2023 from 5 to 6 am, there was a fighting between PDF troops and SAC, involving over 30 soldiers from the Infantry Battalion (IB) #285 marching to Ja--- village, Pu Law area, Ler Muh Lah Township, Mergui-Tavoy District. After the fighting, the SAC indiscriminately conducted constant shelling into nearby villages and vicinities, up until 12:30 pm. This shelling resulted in the displacement of villagers. While fleeing, a 26-year-old villager named Maung K---from Ja--- village, Pu Law area, Ler Muh Lah Township, was arrested by the SAC. The soldiers tortured Maung K--- to death. They also arrested other villagers and brought them to Pu Law Town’s police station. Some villagers were released after a while.[34]
If a villager is arrested on suspicion of affiliation with an armed resistance group, it is common that their family members and close associates will also be targeted, in punishment. This creates much fear among villagers if a friend or family member is detained, regardless of any truth to the claims. In one incident in which a human rights defender was arrested, falsely accused of being PDF, and forcibly disappeared, his daughter feared being targeted herself: “After they arrested my father, I heard that SAC tried to look for the family members. They showed our pictures to people, and they asked people where we were. They also asked people about how many children my father has. They asked people whether we came back to Rb--- [the family’s hometown] or not. […] I think they wanted to arrest all my father’s family members because they wanted to make sure they could arrest every family member of my father. […] We have security concerns. We have to flee from place to place.”[35]
c) Torture as intimidation or as an abuse of power
Torture of villagers is also committed by the SAC and other affiliated armed groups with no clear military objectives discernible. These incidents can be seen as efforts to demonstrate that SAC soldiers have the power to act without fear of punishment from any legal mechanism. They can act with impunity, terrorise and intimidate villagers, and inflict pain on the civilian population, in a grave abuse of power.
For instance, in April 2023, Saw L---, a 30-year-old resident of Ka--- village in the K’Moh Thway area, Ler Doh Soh Township, Mergui-Tavoy District, was apprehended by SAC LIB #409, stationed at the Nga Pyaw Daw Wa checkpoint in Da Wei Town. Saw L--- was returning home by motorbike from escorting students to school in Da Wei Town. The SAC soldiers stationed at the checkpoint were intoxicated and called out to him, but he could not hear them due to the noise of a car engine and hence did not stop. Then, the SAC soldiers followed him by car and apprehended him in La--- village, located in the Htee Ler Klay area. Following his arrest, the SAC soldiers physically assaulted him using sticks. Saw L--- is an ordinary villager who earns a living by working on his hill field.[36]
In another incident, on August 17th 2023, Saw Ta Dah Win, an officer of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA)[37] -affiliated with the SAC- tortured three villagers on a road located in Mee Kyain village tract, Hpa-an Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. The villagers were Saw M--- (49 years old), Saw N--- (23 years old) and Saw O--- (40 years old), from Na--- village, Mee Kyain village tract. These villagers work as daily labourers, selling gravel to support their livelihood. When the DKBA officer noticed a gravel pile obstructing the road during his travel to Ma--- place in Hpa-an Township, he confronted the villagers. Despite the villagers’ apologies and willingness to remove the gravel, the DKBA officer violently assaulted them. Saw M--- suffered a split lip from a wooden stick blow, and Saw N--- and Saw O--- were also repeatedly struck. This incident has left local villagers living in fear of similar mistreatment. The perpetrator, Saw Ta Dah Win, serves as an operation commander in a DKBA battalion led by Saw Bo Bee.[38]
SAC soldiers also apprehended villagers whilst they were undertaking their livelihood activities in fields and plantations. For example, on October 7th 2023 at 4:30 pm, SAC soldiers arrested and assaulted Naw[39] P---, from Oa--- village, Ma Htaw village tract, Dwe Lo Township, Mu Traw District. She was arrested by the SAC soldiers at her farmland located in Thwah Hkoh Law area, while she was herding buffaloes. Naw P--- was taking care of her three buffaloes because she thought it was a higher risk for her sons and son-in-law to do the herding work during this time of intensified conflict. When apprehended by SAC soldiers, they asked her random questions trying to obtain information about any armed resistance activities in the area, pointing a gun at her chest. Naw P--- was then taken to see the SAC commander at the SAC base in a forest at Wa May Kyoh place. Naw P--- does not speak Burmese, so it was challenging to communicate with the SAC soldiers, but she managed to convey that she was alone and had simply been herding buffaloes. Despite this explanation, however, she was still mistreated, tied up the entire night in the forest, leaving her wet, cold, and deprived of food. Later, the SAC soldiers offered snacks, which she hesitantly accepted, fearing potential harm. On the next day, at dawn, she was released.[40]
As has been demonstrated, villagers in Southeast Burma often face arrest and torture alongside other human rights violations by the SAC and affiliated armed groups whilst they are travelling, purchasing goods, or working. For villagers who must travel for their livelihoods, or to carry out other daily tasks, avoiding interactions with armed actors is impossible, especially since some events occur unexpectedly and there are many checkpoints on roads. Saw Q---, a 26-year-old villager from Pa--- village, A’Lu village tract, Kyeh Htoh Township, Doo Tha Htoo District, whose father was arrested whilst travelling for his livelihood as a day labourer, expressed his fears:
“Before the coup, we could travel freely. We did not hear about arbitrary arrests. After the coup, we are afraid to go to A’Lu Lay. We are afraid when we are travelling. We are concerned about the fighting that is going to happen. Before the coup, our livelihood activities were fine. Yet, after the coup, our livelihood is restricted”.[41]
d) Torture of villagers forced to act as human shields and porters
The SAC arbitrarily arrests villagers to force them to act as human shields or forced porters, accompanying troops as they travel on foot through contested territory. These acts may indeed be seen as torture in themselves, such as the hard physical labour of being forced to carry heavy loads whilst at risk of being attacked by armed groups whilst travelling. Moreover, villagers being forced to act as human shields are often mistreated and physically abused whilst under detention. They are also forcibly disappeared, isolated and cut off from communication with others. In 2023 alone, KHRG documented 13 incidents of use of human shields and forced portering, involving at least 97 villagers.[42]
In one reported incident, on March 20th 2023, 50 to 70 soldiers from SAC Light Infantry Division (LID)[43] #77 and other combined troops, entered Qa--- village and Ra--- village, Nah Tha Kway village tract, Moo Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District. The soldiers arrested 22 villagers in total, including four children aged between 6 to 17. The SAC released six villagers (including two people with disabilities) and took the rest with them as human shields. These arrested villagers were tied up and were forced to walk in front of the SAC soldiers and threatened that they would be killed if KNLA soldiers were to attack on the way. The next day, two elderly villagers were released but 14 villagers remained detained including the three children. One villager taken as a human shield in this incident, Saw R---, explained:
“After arresting us, they tied up our hands; 7-8 people in a set. They did not tell us where they were going to take us. They were so aggressive communicating with us so we dare not refuse to follow them once they arrested us. The soldiers said: ‘Don’t you dare to escape! If you do so, we will shoot you dead.’ How would we dare to escape when they are that aggressive? We dared not even move”.
The SAC soldiers confined these arrested villagers in a classroom of Ra--- village school, locking the door. For five days, these villagers endured living, eating, sleeping, and using a trash bin as a makeshift toilet in the cramped room. Once a day, the SAC soldiers would open the door, allowing the detainees to clean their hands and legs, and bathe. The SAC soldiers hung their clothes in front of the classroom where the villagers were detained so it would be targeted if attacked by KNLA soldiers. On March 24th 2023, the SAC released all of the villagers by tying them up in the forest.[44]
On July 9th 2023, SAC LIB #559 and #560, led by Commander Min Min Htun and based in the army camp in Ea--- village, Sa Htain village tract, Ler K’Saw Township, Mergui-Tavoy District, travelled to Da--- village. On their way, at around 9 am, they arrested Ko S---, a villager from Da--- village, and forced him to carry their ammunition. Ko S--- explained that he suffered from lower back pain and could not carry the bullets. Then, one of the SAC soldiers named Ko San Naing, told him: “Don’t talk nonsense. You have to carry bullets as we ask you to do so”, and continued to force him to carry their bullets. As they travelled, the SAC soldiers arrested whoever they saw on their way and took them as porters and human shields. Ko S--- reported to KHRG that the SAC arrested ten villagers in total, forcing them to carry their ammunition and walk in front of the soldiers. Among the arrested villagers were a three-year-old child and his mother. When they arrived at a plantation, owned by Ko T--- (a villager from Da--- village), they encountered Kaw Thoo Lei Army (KTLA)[45] soldiers and fighting happened. The KTLA soldiers realised that there were also villagers with the SAC soldiers and so stopped firing guns and retreated. During the fighting, the SAC soldiers told the arrested villagers to crouch down but did not let them put down the ammunition they carried. None of the villagers were injured or hit by bullets during the fighting, nor were any of the soldiers. After the fighting, the SAC told the villagers: “You did a good job”, and released them all, leaving them to walk two hours home. Ko S--- stated: “They [SAC] would not have released us if any of their soldiers had died or had been injured.” Ko S--- and the other arrested villagers still feel afraid and panicked after being released: they worry and fear that they will be arrested again and killed.[46]
Villagers who were released or who managed to escape captivity suffer afterwards from the trauma and face recovery from injuries sustained during the torture. After being taken as human shields by the SAC in March 2023, Qa--- and Ra--- villagers, Nah Tha Kway village tract, Moo Township, expressed they were experiencing significant emotional distress. One of the victims from Ra--- village explained:
“Because of this arrest, we were afraid, and one of the children got sick [with shock]; it seems that this child was very afraid. Some elders also had to take medicine after returning to the village.”
The experience of being forced to act as a human shield is traumatic and this is compounded by the high frequency of these crimes: villagers know they may be targeted again. Some villagers who have been tortured and released need continued treatment due to their injuries. With the intensification of armed conflicts and difficulty working to get income, families are struggling to support the injured victims.
4. Analysis: Legal implications of the torture of villagers by the SAC
Villagers in Southeast Burma are individually targeted, assaulted and tortured by SAC soldiers in order to extract information about armed resistance groups, punished for alleged affiliation with such groups, intimidated and terrorised, or dehumanised when captured as human shields or forced porters. Following attacks by armed resistance groups, villagers have been common targets of retaliatory violence, as the SAC violently seeks to extract information and locate resistance soldiers in and around villages. Civilians face constant insecurity, frequently attacked while in their villages, on their plantations or farms, or on roads when travelling for essential livelihood activities. Any potential contact with SAC soldiers puts villagers at risk of ill-treatment. SAC soldiers fail to respect the basic rights, dignity and integrity of civilians, treating them as enemies and legitimate targets.
Endemic across the whole of Burma and escalating with increasing fervour, the incidents presented in this report are an aspect of the widespread and systematic arbitrary detention of civilians by the SAC, who often entangle the lines between civilians, political enemies and military targets. Under detention, whether held temporarily at checkpoints or confined in prisons, villagers are at grave risk of ill-treatment and torture. Even detention in one’s home can involve beatings, intimidation, and other torturous violence. The scale of the abuse of power by the SAC against civilians demonstrates their confidence in their own impunity.
Torture is defined under international law as any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person to obtain information from them or a third party, to punish for an act committed, or suspected of having committed, to intimidate, coerce, or for any reason based on discrimination.[47] The protection against torture and inhuman or degrading treatment is an absolute human right which upholds the individual’s right to the protection of his or her dignity and integrity, enshrined in Article 5 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).[48] In the incidents detailed in this briefing paper, the SAC tortured villagers to extract information about local armed resistance attacks or activities, and punish villagers accused of being affiliated with or supporting local PDFs. Other incidents also included in this briefing paper as evidence encompass violence and ill-treatment at the hands of the Burma Army.
Under international human rights law, these incidents evidence many violations of the 1948 UDHR,[49] including violations of villagers’ right to life, liberty and security, freedom from torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, freedom from arbitrary arrest or detention, and freedom of movement.[50] The prohibition is further recalled by other universal and regional conventions.[51]
Even though Burma is not a signatory to the 1984 Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment, as one of the most universally recognised human rights, the prohibition of torture has acquired status of customary international law, thus creating an obligation erga omnes, owed to and by all states, to act against those who torture, even if a state has not ratified the relevant treaty.[52] Moreover, under international humanitarian law (IHL), the targeting of civilians violates the fundamental principle of distinction between civilian and military targets in the conduct of hostilities, as enshrined in Common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, Articles 27 and 32 of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilians, and reaffirmed in Rule 1 of the ICRC Commentary of Customary IHL.[53] Any violation of these rights is qualified as a grave breach, allowing universal jurisdiction to bring the perpetrators to justice.[54] As further stated by Rule 90 of the ICRC Commentary, torture is prohibited in non-international armed conflicts, such as that occurring in Southeast Burma.[55] Moreover, Rule 156 of the ICRC Commentary qualifies torture as conduct that endangers protected persons and violates important values, such as by subjecting persons to humiliating treatment or forcing persons to undertake work that directly helps military operations of the enemy, as constituting war crimes.[56]
Under international criminal law, exemplified by Article 8(2)(c)(i) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,[57] torture as a war crime in a non-international armed conflict needs to meet the requirement of the 1984 Convention Against Torture: i) the instrumental purpose of the criminal act, and ii) the act of torture must be committed by, or with the involvement, of a person in a position of authority (public official, de facto organ of a state, or other non-private capacity).[58] The SAC’s acts of torture against civilians for their alleged participation in or support of armed resistance groups meet the requirements to be qualified as war crimes. Torture may also constitute a crime against humanity under Article 7(1)(f) and, residually, (k) of the Rome Statute, when is committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack on a civilian population.[59] Notably, torture as a crime against humanity does not require an instrumental purpose, as the degree of aggression upon personal dignity and integrity is sufficient to make it a matter of international concern. Some of the incidents which occurred in the context of detention by the SAC may not have involved this purposive intent, but given their frequency and systematic nature, they may nevertheless amount to crimes against humanity.
5. Recommendations
For international stakeholders, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and regional and foreign governments:
Acknowledge the serious crimes committed by the Burma Army leaders and avoid endorsing or legitimising the State Administration Council (SAC). This includes refraining from entering into agreements with them, granting them official recognition, and inviting them to participate in international forums and functions. Support local civil society and community-based organisations (CSO/CBOs) and ethnic service providers that prioritise human rights, and work with them to strengthen support systems for victims. Support local CSOs/CBOs to expand psychological support programmes -in all ethnic regions and languages- for survivors, their families, and the communities to help them cope with trauma, uncertainty and fear. Listen to and support local and civil society organisations in their efforts to document arbitrary detention and torture in Southeast Burma, advocate for victims’ rights, and provide comprehensive support to ensure the safety and protection of witnesses who come forward to testify about arbitrary arrest, detention, and torture. This support should include relocation, psychosocial support, legal aid, and financial assistance. Support efforts to hold the Burma Army leaders accountable for their vast array of crimes in impartial and independent courts, including the International Criminal Court (ICC), International Court of Justice (ICJ), and foreign national courts with universal jurisdiction. Broaden the scope of international investigations to include torture and arbitrary detention faced by civilians residing in Southeast Burma. Raise international awareness of the crimes of torture and arbitrary detention in rural Southeast Burma and explore actionable measures to deter and address the occurrence of these crimes.
Footnotes:
[1] On February 1st 2021, the Burma (Myanmar) military deposed the democratically elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD). The military transferred power to Min Aung Hlaing, the Commander-in-Chief of Burma’s Armed Forces. Based on unproven fraud allegations, the Burma military invalidated the landslide victory of the NLD in the November 2020 General Election and stated it would hold new elections at the end of the state of emergency. Elected President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi were detained, along with ministers, their deputies and members of Parliament.
[2] In 1989, the then-ruling military regime changed the name of the country from Burma to Myanmar without consultation from the people. KHRG prefers the use of Burma because it is more typically used by villagers, and since the name change to Myanmar is reflective of the military regime’s longstanding abuse of power.
[3] The terms Burma military, Burma Army, and SAC are used interchangeably throughout this report to describe Burma’s armed forces. Villagers themselves commonly use Burma Army, Burmese soldiers, or alternatively the name adopted by the Burma military regime at the time -since the 2021 coup, the State Administration Council (SAC).
[4] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma (Myanmar) and leads the Military Cabinet of Burma, the executive branch of the government.
[5] Karen State, defined locally, includes the following areas: Kayin State, Tanintharyi Region and parts of Mon State and Bago Region. Karen State, located in Southeastern Burma, is primarily inhabited by ethnic Karen people. Most of the Karen population resides in the largely rural areas of Southeast Burma, living alongside other ethnic groups, including Bamar, Shan, Mon and Pa’Oh.
[6] The present document is based on information received from February 2023 to February 2024. It was provided by community members in six out of seven districts of Karen State who have been trained by KHRG to monitor human rights conditions on the ground. The names of the victims, their photos and the exact locations are censored for security reasons. The code names do not correspond to the actual names or to coding used by KHRG in previous reports.
[7] KHRG, Undeniable: War crimes, crimes against humanity and 30 years of villagers’ testimonies in rural Southeast Burma, December 2022.
[8] Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP Burma), ‘Political Prisoners Post-Coup’ monitoring as of 15th March 2024, available at: aappb.org/
[9] AAPP (Burma), Political Prisoners Experience in Interrogation, Judiciary, and Incarceration Since Burma’s Illegitimate Military Coup, March 2022, pp. 6-11 available at: aappb.org/?p=20734
[10] KHRG, Undeniable, above, December 2022.
[11] KHRG operates in seven areas in Southeast Burma: Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton), Taw Oo (Toungoo), Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin), Mergui-Tavoy, Mu Traw (Hpapun) and Dooplaya and Hpa-an. When KHRG receives information from the field, it organises data according to these seven areas. These are commonly referred to as ‘districts’ and are used by the Karen National Union (KNU), as well as many local Karen organisations, both those affiliated and unaffiliated with the KNU. KHRG’s use of the district designations in reference to our research areas does not imply political affiliation; rather, it is rooted in the fact that many rural communities commonly use these designations. For clarity, the Burmese terms for these districts are provided in brackets but do not correspond with the Burma (Myanmar) government administrative divisions.
[12] For torture incidents committed by the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and Kawthoolei Army (KTLA), for instance, see: KHRG, In the Dark: The crime of enforced disappearance and its impact on the rural communities of Southeast Burma since the 2021 coup, November 2023, pp.32-33.
[13] KHRG, In the Dark, above, November 2023.
[14] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalised the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army.
[15] A Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) comprises 500 soldiers. Most Light Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw (or Burma Army) are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers, yet up-to-date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). LIBs are primarily used for offensive operations, but they are sometimes used for garrison duties.
[16] Unpublished report from Taw Oo District, received in March 2023.
[17] KHRG, In the Dark, above, p. 20
[18] ‘Saw’ is a male honorific title in S’Gaw Karen language used before a person’s name.
[19] A village tract is an administrative unit of between five and 20 villages in a local area, often centred on a large village.
[20] All conversion estimates for the kyat are based on the 18th March 2024 mid-market exchange rate of 1,000 kyat to USD 0.48 (taken from https://wise.com/gb/currency-converter/mmk-to-usd-rate).
[21] Unpublished report from Kler Lwee Htoo District, received in August 2023.
[22] ‘U is a Burmese male honorific title used before a person’s name.
[23] Unpublished report from Dooplaya District, received in September 2023.
[24] ‘Ko’ is a Burmese title meaning older brother. It can be used for relatives as well as non-relatives.
[25] An Infantry Battalion (IB) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up to date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. They are primarily used for garrison duty but are sometimes used in offensive operations.
[26] Yaba, which means ‘crazy medicine’ in Thai, is a tablet form of methamphetamine. Introduced to East Asia during World War II to enhance soldiers’ performance, methamphetamine has become increasingly popular in Thailand, Laos, Cambodia Vietnam, and in Burma where it is typically manufactured; see “Yaba, the ‘crazy medicine’ of East Asia” UNODC, May 2008 and KHRG, “Chapter: Drug production, use and the social impacts in Southeast Myanmar since the January 2012 ceasefire,” in Truce or Transition: Trends in human rights abuse and local response in Southeast Myanmar since the 2012 ceasefire, June 2014.
[27] Unpublished report from Mergui-Tavoy District, received in November 2023.
[28] ‘Maung’ is a Burmese male honorific title used before a person’s name.
[29] The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) is the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU).
[30] The term Kawthoolei (or Kaw Thoo Lei) refers to Karen State as demarcated by the Karen National Union (KNU), but the exact meaning and etymology is disputed; see: Jonathan Falla, True Love and Bartholomew: Rebels on the Burmese Border, Cambridge University Press: 1991.
[31] Unpublished report from Mu Traw District, received in January 2024.
[32] Unpublished report from Mu Traw District, received in January 2024.
[33] KHRG, In the Dark, above, p. 29.
[34] Unpublished report from Mergui-Tavoy District, received in September 2023.
[35] Unpublished report from Taw Oo District, received in April 2023.
[36] Unpublished report from Mergui-Tavoy District, received in June 2023
[37] In 1994, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) split from the KNLA over religious considerations. In 2010, the majority of DKBA troops transformed into BGFs, but one faction refused and changed its name to Democratic Karen Benevolent Army in 2012. In 2015, the DKBA Splinter Group split from this faction and reclaimed their original name, Democratic Karen Buddhist Army. It is active in Mu Traw (Hpapun) and Hpa-an districts, and it has not signed the NCA.
[38] KHRG, “Doo Tha Htoo District Incident Report: A DKBA operation commander tortured three villagers in Hpa-an Township (August 2023)”, December 2023.
[39] ‘Naw’ is a female honorific title in S’Gaw Karen language used before a person’s name.
[40] Unpublished report from Mu Traw District, received in November 2023.
[41] Unpublished report from Doo Tha Htoo District, received in July 2023.
[42] Since February 2021, KHRG has received at least 22 reports containing evidence of SAC soldiers using human shields, involving more than 564 villagers. See: KHRG, Shadow of Death: Use of civilians as human shields by the State Administration Council (SAC) in Southeast Burma since the coup, July 2023.
[43] A Light Infantry Division (LID) of the Tatmadaw is commanded by a brigadier general, and consists of ten light infantry battalions specially trained in counter-insurgency, jungle warfare, search and destroy operations against ethnic insurgents . They were first incorporated into the Tatmadaw in 1966. LIDs are organised under three Tactical Operations Commands, commanded by a colonel, three battalions each and one reserve, one field artillery battalion, one armoured squadron and other support units. Each division is directly under the command of the Chief of Staff (Army).
[44] KHRG, “Kler Lwee Htoo District Incident Report: Villagers arrested as human shields, and shelling and looting by the SAC in Moo Township, March 2023, October 2023”.
[45] The Kaw Thoo Lei Army (KTLA) was founded on July 17th 2022 by Brigadier-General Nerdah Bo Mya. Nerdah Bo Mya, former Commander-In-Chief of the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO), was dismissed by the KNU in 2022. KTLA operates in two districts in Southeast Burma, in KNU-controlled areas, namely Mergui-Tavoy and Dooplaya districts. In Dooplaya District, they operate in alliance with resistance armed groups. KTLA battalions in Mergui-Tavoy District are in conflict with both SAC and KNLA troops.
[46] Unpublished report from Mergui-Tavoy District, received in July 2023.
[47] 1984 Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Article 1
[48] 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Article 5.
[49] 1948 United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
[50] 1948 United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Article 3, Article 5, Article 9, Article 13.
[51] 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 7; and 2012 ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, Art 14
[52] 1984 Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment (‘Convention Against Torture’).
[53] The 1949 Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, Common Article 3: ‘Conflicts not of an international character’; Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. Geneva, 12 August 1949, Article 27 and Article 32; ICRC, Customary IHL Database Rule 1: The Principle of Distinction between Civilians and Combatants,
[54] 1949 Geneva Convention (IV), Article 146 and Article 147
[55] ICRC, Customary IHL Database Rule 90: Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment.
[56] ICRC, Customary IHL Database Rule 156: Definition of War Crimes.
[57] 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Article 7(2)(i).
[58] 1984 Convention Against Torture, Article 1
[59] 1998 Rome Statute, Article 7(1)(f) and (k)..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-29
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Individual Documents
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Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Reporting torture: resources, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
‘I think at least the UN agencies should sit down and listen to what it is.’
Description:
"On 16 March 2023, Noeleen Heyzer, then-special envoy of the UN secretary-general on Myanmar addressed the UN General Assembly. She gave a grim but routine update on the country’s civil war, outlining rising humanitarian needs and calling for international action to prevent further bloodshed. Then Heyzer said something more unusual.
“At the request of Myanmar actors, including key ethnic armed organisations, the [exiled government] NUG and humanitarian civil society organisations, I have supported their efforts to establish and convene an Inclusive Humanitarian Forum (IHF), which aims to open up operational space to deliver humanitarian aid through all available channels,” she told the Assembly.
But over a year on from that speech, Heyzer is no longer in the job and the IHF project has ground to a halt, even as the resistance groups that invented it gain more territory – providing more aid delivery possibilities for the UN and others.
In a frank and wide-ranging interview, her first since leaving the special envoy role in June 2023, Heyzer describes how she was first approached for help with the IHF by resistance groups after they were rejected by the UN’s emergency aid coordination body, OCHA; how she tried to drive it forward; and how the project eventually fell foul of UN territorialism.
The UN Myanmar country team is “orphaned… a structure that is left without overall direction and political cover”
After being vacant for 10 months, her special envoy position was finally filled a few weeks ago, on 5 April, by Julie Bishop, a former Australian foreign minister. But according to former UN assistant secretary general for Myanmar Charles Petrie, she joins a UN Myanmar team that has been “orphaned… a structure that is left without overall direction and political cover”. There is no in-country UN resident coordinator to lead the 20 UN organisations in Myanmar with various mandates. That role is shared among other staff.
Big ideas for aid delivery to Myanmar are needed now more than ever. An estimated 2.8 million people displaced and 18.6 million overall are in need of help this year, according to UN estimates.
Existing conflicts were deepened by a February 2021 military coup that has pitted the junta – known as the State Administration Council (SAC) – against an alliance of resistance groups that have been winning substantial territory in recent months. While resistance supporters are pleased to see the junta losing ground, some experts fear an increasingly desperate regime could become even more violent, worsening the humanitarian crisis.
Helping the people caught up in the war has been riddled with complexity, as many of its victims are in areas controlled by the resistance. The big humanitarian actors – particularly the UN – work with the permission of the junta, mainly delivering aid only within the territory it controls.
Critics of this policy told The New Humanitarian the best way to help those worst affected is through the sprawling network of civil society groups and administrative wings of the ethnic armed groups controlling much of the country, across international borders – efforts the IHF aimed to support. The approach of the UN, meanwhile, has been heavily criticised by Myanmar-watchers as, at best ineffective, and at worst supine and exacerbating the suffering of those caught up in the conflict.
Championing the IHF was Heyzer’s attempt to solve that riddle.
So in an era of UN promises to put affected communities at the centre of humanitarian responses – how did the IHF go from an outsider idea, to being championed by the UN’s most senior official in Myanmar, and back again? What does its failure to be accepted say about the shortcomings of the UN in addressing one of the world’s biggest humanitarian crises? And more pressingly, given the changing dynamics of the conflict, is it time to look again at the IHF, or at least at making aid more available to all parts of Myanmar?
A controversial proposal
The IHF was proposed by the Karenni National Progressive Party, the Karen National Union, and the Chin National Front – all longstanding ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) – and by the NUG’s Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management. Other EAOs and civil society groups also supported the plan in a less official capacity and did not sign associated documentation, according to Heyzer.
Read more: What was in the IHF plan?
Born out of a frustration these groups had with the approach taken by the big humanitarian actors, particularly OCHA and ASEAN – the regional bloc tasked with leading diplomatic efforts – the IHF planned to put aid directly in the hands of the EAOs, and simultaneously heighten their political clout against the junta.
Many Myanmar observers saw the IHF as an imperfect but pragmatic step towards improving the humanitarian response. “It was basically the only game in town even trying to push a new direction on access or create a forum where [the] NUG had any real role,” said a well-placed source who requested anonymity to protect their career and contacts.
“I think at least the UN agencies should sit down and listen to what it is, and to understand what the… [resistance] groups are wanting to say,” said Dr Thinn Thinn Hlaing, Myanmar country director at the Tropical Health and Education Trust, an NGO. “I don't think it has even gone on to that listening mode because they think that it's an obstructive attempt to counter AHA Centre (ASEAN’s humanitarian arm) proposals. In fact, it's not like that at all…. It is meant to be complementing.”
Some ASEAN officials felt the IHF was being positioned as a competitor to their own process under the bloc's plan for Myanmar, known as the Five Point Consensus, according to a former adviser to the IHF, who was not authorised to speak to the media. This meant the bloc did not provide the “game-changing” support it could have, they added. The fourth point of the Consensus says ASEAN “shall provide humanitarian assistance through the AHA Centre”, which works with the junta.
“It was basically the only game in town even trying to push a new direction on access or create a forum where [the] NUG had any real role.”
Despite Heyzer’s high-level advocacy and claims to include civil society, the IHF could not find universal support among campaigners.
For instance, Khin Ohmar, founder of the Progressive Voice civil society group, was critical of Heyzer and called the IHF a “misguided proposal”. In written responses to The New Humanitarian in February, Ohmar said the IHF did not recognise the junta as the root cause of violence, that the junta was included in the project's set-up, and that it “left out and neglected the participation and role of Myanmar's frontline humanitarian responders” in its development.
The former adviser, however, said the perception that the IHF collaborated with the SAC was a misunderstanding stemming from clauses in some of the proposals that envisioned two tracks of aid for Myanmar: the IHF and, separately, the junta-approved UN operations.
Ohmar also said the IHF aimed “to use humanitarian assistance to induce political results”, putting lives at risk “for the sake of a potential dialogue” by calling for humanitarian pauses that could be exploited militarily by the junta. This ignored “do no harm” principles of humanitarian aid, she added.
But the former adviser said the IHF suffered from not being widely understood, and that most observers didn’t realise it was a “genuinely localised initiative, developed and proposed by EROs (ethnic resistance organisations), NUG, and CSOs (civil society organisations)”.
“Some audiences misinterpreted it as a pet project of Heyzer and assumed that local actors were being organised to cooperate from the top down,” the former adviser added, defending it as a “rare example of a local request being taken by the special envoy to the UNSC, UNGA, secretariat and powerful states in the region” – actions “really valued by local actors as no other senior diplomats have been willing to do so”.
UN opposition
But even as the communications and coordination of the IHF was said by the former adviser to have been improving, Heyzer’s perceived ownership of it was causing tension with other arms of the UN.
OCHA – an agency that has made grand promises around prioritising the wishes of affected communities – is viewed as having been particularly hostile to the plan, and four sources flagged the suspicion that the agency had pushed for her dismissal.
“No one was going to run with [the IHF] once she was gone, which was the intention of her going,” said the well-placed source above who spoke on condition of anonymity.
The UN secretary-general’s office has denied any interference from OCHA. “The appointment of the special envoy is handled by the Office of the Secretary-General. It is not an issue in which OCHA is involved,” Guterres’ spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric told The New Humanitarian in response to written questions. “Furthermore, in no way did OCHA work against or try to undermine Ms. Heyzer.”
Heyzer refused to name a specific agency but did say: “People were very turf conscious – [saying], ‘if she’s not doing her mediation on the national scale and then she takes on these things… does it mean she is moving into our territory?’”
Pressed further, Heyzer said: “There was fear I was moving into an operational space. I will stop there.” But she insisted this fear was not justified. “We were so small – there was no way in which I could be operational,” she told The New Humanitarian.
‘The bigger picture’
Whatever the cause of Heyzer leaving her position, it points, for some, to larger problems surrounding the UN’s Myanmar operations.
“There’s a broader picture of an invidious position that she was in, that the mandate itself wasn’t working, and clearly it was an indication she didn't have support from the Secretary-General’s office – that's the bigger picture,” said David Mathieson, a Myanmar analyst based in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand.
That Heyzer was not allowed “a certain latitude to try to figure some things out” as special envoy was indicative of “systemic dysfunction at a high level” in Guterres’s office, Mathieson said, adding: “It’s the natural product of empire-building within the UN, which should come absolutely no surprise to anyone who’s been involved in international humanitarian and development issues over the years.”
Heyzer said she “needed the UN to be behind me”. Asked if the institution was not supporting her, she replied: “It's hard, because the UN has so many conflicts… the secretary-general’s attention, the UN’s attention, is not focused on Myanmar, especially since ASEAN is asked to take the main role. That’s why... when I was doing… other initiatives, I found was that the UN couldn’t think out of the box.”
The UN disputes this narrative. “The secretary-general did provide full support to the former special envoy. He is grateful to Ms. Heyzer for her dedicated service to the United Nations and her tireless efforts to advance a peaceful and sustainable solution for the people of Myanmar,” said Dujarric.
Looking more broadly, The New Humanitarian’s interviews with over a dozen Myanmar analysts and aid workers suggest the UN has undergone a major crisis of confidence in Myanmar. Many sources blamed a lack of attention from Guterres, who, prior to Bishop’s appointment as the new envoy, was said to have outsourced diplomacy to ASEAN.
The perception of Myanmar as a low priority for Gutterres has been heightened by the absence of a resident coordinator. “The secretary-general doesn’t want an incoming resident coordinator to present credentials to [junta capital] Naypyidaw because the optics wouldn't be good,” said one aid worker at an NGO working near the Myanmar border.
Dujarric said an official was appointed as resident coordinator in 2023 but had not been deployed to Myanmar, and country team officials were doing the job “on a rotating basis”.
But without leadership, the country team is “lost on how to engage on what is an intrinsically complicated political environment”, said Petrie. Fixing the UN’s structures in Myanmar, starting with the “essential” appointment of the resident coordinator, is critical, he added.
Dujarric said Guterres “continues to focus on the situation in Myanmar” and “draws attention to the severe humanitarian, socio-economic, and human rights crisis”. The UN has “undertaken initiatives focused on improving visibility and fundraising efforts to relieve suffering in Myanmar”, including responding to civilian protection concerns and facilitating the safe delivery of humanitarian aid, he said.
“The UN response in Myanmar is well coordinated and guided by senior level leadership,” added Dujarric. “Furthermore, the close cooperation between the UN Country Team in Myanmar and the Office of the Special Envoy helps to contextualise operational considerations in line with ground realities, geopolitical sensitivities, and regional dynamics.”
Time for another look at the IHF idea?
If the IHF itself is dead, the idea that gave it life still has much support.
As the war is turning against the junta and the NUG and EAOs control more territory, Myanmar campaigners say the UN has less reason not to engage with the resistance groups for humanitarian purposes – the reason the IHF was launched in the first place.
Aid to Myanmar requires a “completely different approach” from the international community, said Petrie. “The UN can do it under a humanitarian mandate, [which] provides the cover to engage with all groups,” he said, adding that an asserted campaign to gain more understanding of “how civil society and different actors are dealing with the challenges in SAC and non-SAC areas, and [finding] modalities to provide support to the most vulnerable in all of these areas” could go a long way to restoring the UN’s relevance in the country.
To counter the “military’s manipulation” of the relief efforts, “we have been working for the establishment of a supplementary parallel mechanism to ensure the effective delivery of humanitarian aid through safe passages”, the NUG’s top humanitarian official, Dr Win Myat Aye, told The New Humanitarian. “The approach and ideas and the concept is the same” as the IHF, he added.
In public at least, the UN doesn’t appear to disagree.
“A mixture of response approaches by humanitarian organisations is required to expand reach,” said Dujarric. “No single entity can reach every part of the country due to the different areas of control and varying access constraints, and so there is a complex mosaic of different approaches by different actors in different areas of control and access.”
The IHF is not the only controversial aid initiative being proposed for Myanmar.
In late March, Thailand began deliveries under its own ASEAN-supported humanitarian corridor scheme, sending aid from Thailand to the Myanmar Red Cross.
Critics, including Tom Andrews, the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, say these efforts are being controlled and manipulated by the junta.
“We know that the junta takes these resources, including humanitarian, and weaponises them – uses them for their own military strategic advantage,” Andrews told AP.
Thailand’s project “smacks of desperation”, and because of its alleged associations with the junta will likely struggle to attract funding beyond ASEAN, making it “hard to sustain”, Phil Robertson, deputy director of the Asia division at Human Rights Watch, told The New Humanitarian.
If the IHF is used to rebrand these efforts, “then it’s not worth the paper it's written on,” Robertson added. “However, on the other hand, if the Forum becomes a way to support humanitarian assistance cross-border from Thailand and India via local communities and organisations who have been active on the borders for years, then the whole concept becomes more interesting and important.”
It remains to be seen what changes, if any, the newly installed Bishop intends to pursue, but observers say a major push will be needed if Heyser’s vision of broadening aid access in Myanmar to rebel held areas is to become a reality.
As Robertson put it: “Without a UN special envoy to work on this, and help sort out the differing visions, players, and plans, the Forum will remain a moribund concept.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The New Humanitarian" (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"Karen National Union (KNU) led resistance forces, including the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the Karen National Defense Organisation (KNDO) and the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), captured Thingannyinaung Tactical Command Base under Burma/Myanmar military’s Southeastern Command on the 4th of April 2024. On the 10th of April 2024, they captured 275th Infantry Battalion stationed in Myawaddy Township. However, some troops from the 275th Infantry Battalion have retreated to the 2nd Thailand-Myanmar Friendship Bridge where they have stationed themselves and taken sheltered near the bridge.
Since capturing the bases, our allied forces are conducting military operations to intercept, block, and deter reinforcement troops sent by SAC in order not to lose Myawaddy. Some tasks still need to be carried out in order to reach a secure position in the Myawaddy area. People are urged to live and travel while taking security precautions.
Once the Myawaddy area has reached a secure position, the KNU, with the participation of the local people, will establish administrative matters, prevent illicit businesses, contraband trades and human trafficking, and implement stability, law enforcement, necessary public services, and facilitate commodity flow in the Myawaddy area from a possible position despite the challenges. We release our positions as follows:
The KNU is deeply concerned about the security of the people living on both sides of the Thailand-Burma/Myanmar border, border stability, and access to humanitarian aid, and we will do our best concerning those issues.
The KNU is committed to establishing and maintaining cross-border security and stability. We are making the necessary preparations and arrangements for the continuity of rules-based cross-border activities in line with regional best practices.
In order to establish peace and security for the people living on both sides of the Thailand-Burma/Myanmar border, the KNU is working to achieve meaningful cooperation with the Royal Thai Government, local and international partner organizations, including border-based Karen organizations and connecting with all concerned parties.
We respect and honor all our comrades who have sacrificed their lives, blood, and sweat to remove any kind of dictatorship, including the military dictatorship, and establish a new civilian-led federal democratic union that respects diversity and inclusion. The KNU will continue to fight to achieve our goal together with the Ethnic Resistance Organizations and democratic alliances, and we urge the entire people of Kawthoolei and Burma/Myanmar to keep participating and fighting persistently..."
Source/publisher:
Karen National Union
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Armed conflict in Karen State - general articles and reports
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Sub-title:
Decision Not to Deport 19 Children Should be Expanded to All Refugees
Description:
"(Bangkok) – The Thai government’s decision not to forcibly return 19 children to Myanmar should be expanded to include all refugees from Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said today.
On March 12, 2024, officials from Thai immigration and the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security took 19 Myanmar children, ages 5 to 17, from Wat Sawang Arom School in Lopburi province in central Thailand and brought them without their parents to the border in Chiang Rai province prior to repatriating them to Myanmar. Thai members of parliament, human rights groups, and the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand strongly criticized the planned return. On March 26, Social Development and Human Security Minister Varawut Silpa-archa said in a media interview that his agency would not return the 19 children to Myanmar, and that they could remain in Thailand.
“Thai authorities showed sympathy and support by allowing 19 children from Myanmar to remain in Thailand,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The government’s next step should be to assure all those fleeing Myanmar that they can seek protection in Thailand.”
Prior to Varawut’s announcement, Thai officials had said that the 19 children were “undocumented” and were irregularly living in Thailand. The previous government in July 2023 had used a similar argument to justify sending back 126 “undocumented” Myanmar children from a school in Ang Thong province, despite concerns raised by the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand and human rights groups.
Varawut’s assurances that these 19 children could remain in Thailand should become Thai government policy for all Myanmar refugees, as long as the human rights situation in Myanmar remains dire, Human Rights Watch said. Fighting since early April around the Myanmar border town of Myawaddy, opposite Mae Sot in Thailand’s Tak province, has raised concerns about future influxes of refugees.
Thai Foreign Minister Parnpree Bahiddha-Nukara said on April 9 that the government has prepared to receive up to 100,000 refugees temporarily.
Not everyone fleeing conflict and rights abuses in Myanmar has been able to seek protection in Thailand. In late October, the Thai military forcibly returned thousands of refugees who had been sheltering in border areas next to Myanmar’s Karenni State.
Any forced returns to Myanmar may violate Thailand’s obligations as a party to the Convention Against Torture and the customary international law principle prohibiting refoulement, the forcible return of anyone to a place where they would face a genuine risk of persecution, torture or other ill-treatment, or a threat to their life.
Since the February 2021 coup, Myanmar’s military junta has carried out a nationwide campaign of mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. More than two million people have been internally displaced and more than 109,000 refugees have fled to neighboring countries.
The Thai government should promptly fulfill its pledge at the Global Refugee Forum in December 2023 to withdraw its reservation to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Article 22 guarantees the rights of refugee children, but Thailand’s reservation calls for refugee children to be treated “subject to the national laws, regulations and prevailing practices in Thailand.” The convention also contains protections for children from being forcibly separated from their parents.
Thailand should also provide protection and support to all refugees, including by permitting the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, to undertake refugee status determinations.
“The deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar could mean that Thailand receives many more refugees in the near future,” Pearson said. “While the Thai government should be assuring refugees that they will not be returned into harm’s way, concerned governments should be prepared to support Thailand to provide protection.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-04-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"Responding to a decision by the United Nations Human Rights Council to adopt a resolution on Myanmar that for the first time calls on UN member states to refrain from the export, sale or transfer of jet fuel to the Myanmar military, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research, Montse Ferrer, said:
“This resolution is a step in the right direction to combat the deadly supply chain that enables the Myanmar military to continue its barrage of air strikes in which schools, clinics, religious buildings and other civilian infrastructure have all been targeted. It highlights the urgent need to suspend shipments of aviation fuel to Myanmar, where it is used by the military to carry out war crimes.
“In a violent, worsening trend that continues up to this very week, air strikes have pulverized homes, devastated communities and caused mass internal displacement. More than three years after the coup, escalating conflict in Myanmar puts even greater urgency on the need to stop the flow of aviation fuel to the military, which increasingly relies on airpower to carry out strikes that are in violation of international humanitarian and international human rights laws.
“The threat aviation fuel poses to civilians in Myanmar should be well known by now, yet Amnesty International’s research shows the military continues to be able to bypass international restrictions and source the aviation fuel needed for these deadly air strikes. Today’s vote should build momentum to disrupt this supply chain before the human rights situation deteriorates even further. It is imperative that states and companies act now to end the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military.
“It is critical that member states, many of whom have national companies that have played – or continue to play – a role in the aviation fuel supply chain, stand by the commitment expressed through the resolution. All Human Rights Council members must take all necessary steps to prevent business entities from using their jurisdictions to supply aviation fuel to the Myanmar military.”
Background:
On 4 April 2024 the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on Myanmar by consensus. The resolution includes a call for all states to “refrain, in accordance with applicable national procedures and international norms and standards, from the export, sale or transfer of jet fuel, surveillance goods and technologies and less-lethal weapons, including ‘dual-use’ items, when they assess that there are reasonable grounds to suspect that such goods, technologies or weapons might be used to violate or abuse human rights, including in the context of assemblies.”
While China was the only state that chose to disassociate itself from the consensus, it did not contest the resolution by calling for a vote.
In November 2022, Amnesty International published Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, in collaboration with Justice for Myanmar.
The report revealed how aviation fuel ended up with the Myanmar military and how it reached bases from which air attacks that constituted war crimes were conducted. In March 2023, Amnesty published updated findings on new shipments.
Following evidence linking foreign and domestic companies to the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, the UK, the USA, Canada, the EU and Switzerland imposed sanctions on companies and individuals in Myanmar and Singapore involved in the procurement and distribution of aviation fuel into Myanmar.
In August, the USA extended the reach of potential sanctions, stating that anyone involved in this industry was at risk.
Earlier this year Amnesty published new research based on data that suggested that despite sanctions, aviation fuel was still being shipped into Myanmar, primarily through a port in, and companies from, Viet Nam..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-04-04
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN human rights documents on Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Crimes Against Humanity
Language:
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Description:
"This Incident Report describes events that occurred in K’Ser Doh Township, Mergui-Tavoy District, in October 2023. On October 25th, State Administration Council (SAC) Infantry Battalion (IB) #403 arbitrarily arrested a 31-year-old male villager named Ko J--- whilst they were patrolling through his village in K’Ser Hkler area, K’Ser Doh Township. The reason for Ko J---’s arrest is unknown. Local villagers later found his dead body buried in a shallow grave in a nearby village. This incident caused insecurity and fear among villagers, causing many villagers to seek safety by fleeing to nearby villages or towns to evade potential harm.[1]..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2024-03-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Discrimination against the Karen - Mergui-Tavoy Human Rights Situation Reports
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814.48 KB 579.62 KB 520.57 KB
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Description:
"This Situation Update describes events occurring in Tha Htoo (Thaton) Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, during the period between September 2022 and January 2023, including constant indiscriminate shelling committed by the State Administration Council (SAC) resulting in property destruction, casualties and fear. On November 10th 2022, SAC Military Training Number #9 arrested Kaw Kya Ther villagers by accusing them of being informants for the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and detained them in the camp. As a result, fighting broke out between SAC and PDF, and SAC conducted indiscriminate shelling in the area. On January 11th 2023, the SAC indiscriminately shelled mortars into Maw Lay village tract in three different instances, injuring three villagers, after a drone attack by the local PDF and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). On February 9th 2023, SAC Artillery Unit #314 fired mortars into plantations in Shwe Yaung Pya village tract, injuring another civilian. Villagers are facing livelihood insecurities as a result.[1]
Arbitrary arrest of villagers, fighting and shelling
On November 10th 2022, State Administration Council (SAC)[2] Military Training Number #9, under Light Infantry Division (LID)[3] #44, based in Ah Lan Ta Ya camp arrested Kaw Kya Ther (Htoe Bo Lin) villagers [unknown number], from Way Raw (Win Yaw) village tract[4], Tha Htoo Township, accusing them of being spies for the People’s Defence Force (PDF)[5]. The next day, on November 11th at about 8:42 pm, fighting broke out between PDF forces, combined with the local Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[6], and SAC Military Training #9 at Ah Lan Ta Ya camp, which is led by the Deputy Battalion Commander [unknown name] and Major Chit Win Thu. During the fighting, SAC shelled eight rounds of mortar into Kaw Kya Ther village, Way Raw village tract, Tha Htoo Township. Therefore, six houses owned by Kaw Kyaw Ther villagers were damaged by the mortar shells’ explosion. During the fighting, three SAC soldiers including Major Chit Win Thu were killed, PDF soldiers confiscated some ammunition from the SAC, and rescued the detained Kaw Kya Ther villagers.
Constant shelling conducted by SAC soldiers into villages
Since the 2021 coup in Burma, indiscriminate and deliberate shelling conducted by the SAC has been one of the most common attacks [against civilians] happening in Tha Htoo Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. For instance, the SAC K--- army camp, under the command of LID #44, is located in the centre of K--- village, Maw Lay village tract, Tha Htoo Township, beside the village’s main road. SAC troops usually conduct shelling in K--- village [since their camp is located in the centre, and so they shell the surroundings]. One villager from K--- village, Naw[7] H---, reported to KHRG: “I can’t even count [the number of shelling incidents]. Sometimes, they [SAC] shelled every day. […] Three months ago [around September 2022], a mortar landed on my house. And the shrapnel hit my aunt’s house too. […] They [SAC] shelled [mortars] regularly.”
Since the [2021] coup, SAC soldiers in Tha Htoo Township have conducted shelling into the villages surrounding their army camps as retaliation after being attacked by local KNLA or PDF soldiers. Other times, they [SAC soldiers] have done it [conduct shelling] when receiving information from their informants about an imminent attack by KNLA and PDF. However, sometimes the SAC has conducted shelling for unknown reasons. Some of the mortars landed on farms and plantations owned by villagers and nearby villages, such as Y--- village, P--- village, L--- village, or K--- village. Some mortars landed in the villages, beside houses, schools and monasteries. Therefore, local villagers, especially villagers who live close to the army camps, have been facing high [security] risks to their lives and fear. They have also suffered injuries and property damage and destruction. According to Naw H---, the witness from K--- village: “Sometimes [mortar shells landed] in our village, near the school, near the monastery, ... Children who attended school know best [have experienced it]. Children [in school] were scared and cried loudly. […] During a shelling [incident in 2022], young children like my nieces were only seven and nine years old. They told me: ‘Moegi [term of affection for women]! [Hearing] mortar shells’ [explosion] sound makes me feel scared. We dare not to walk on the first floor [of the school]; we stay on the ground floor under the bed. Moegi! When the school closes, pick me up, okay?’. I feel pity for the children. […] My niece is only nine years old. She is very intelligent. She said: ‘Moegi, once the shells landed nearby, and I was scared, so I cried and the teacher hugged me. [All children in] the whole school were crying.’ When I heard that, my heart Ummm [felt worried; anxious]!”
In January 2023, the army camp in K--- village was operated by SAC battalions under LID #44 and some of their soldiers were based in the monastery. On the morning of January 11th 2023, local PDF and KNLA attacked K--- army camp with a drone. As retaliation, the SAC indiscriminately shelled about five mortar rounds around K--- village area. Two of the mortar shells landed in K--- village, in the Muslim community area. The mortar shells injured two villagers, and killed two of their bulls -which cost about five million kyat [2,378 USD[8]]. It also destroyed one motorcycle, and several parts of their house. Another house was also damaged. The two victims are married and have children. Their children were safe because they were at school. The damages caused major impacts on the family’s livelihood and well-being. After the incident, their neighbours immediately took them to the local W--- clinic, under the Karen National Union (KNU)[9]-controlled territory, for medical treatment.
On the same day, from 7 pm to 11 pm, SAC battalions under LID #44 based in K--- army camp shelled three more mortar rounds in K--- village. Two mortar shells landed on a villager’s rubber plantation and one mortar shell landed beside a villager’s house. Before this shelling incident [in the evening], no armed group, either PDF or KNLA, had attacked them [the SAC] and villagers did not receive any prior warning about the shelling. Villagers do not know why the SAC indiscriminately conducted the shelling [in the evening]. The two mortar shells that landed on a rubber plantation also damaged one farm hut, including the roofing. Fortunately, the hut owner was not in the hut [during the incident] so nobody got injured or killed. At about 11 pm, another mortar shell landed beside a villager’s house in K--- village and the shrapnel injured a 52-year-old villager, named Saw[10] O---, on his thigh. The incident happened when he was visiting his friend; the house owner. He was outside of the house chatting with the house owner who was inside the house. The victim explained [to KHRG]: “When I was going [to the friend’s house], [I heard] the sound of [mortars] exploding coming from K--- [army camp] two times. […] When there were no more sounds, I went to the villager’s [his friend’s] house in the village. Soon after I spoke one or two words [with the house owner], mortar shells landed [beside me]. And the shrapnel hit me. […] As soon as I got hit, I fell down. […] My blood flowed down [he sustained heavy blood loss], so it got dark [he fainted].”
After, villagers surrounding the incident place went to help Saw O--- by providing first aid, bandaging the wound with a longyi [piece of clothing]. Villagers brought him to a monastery by motorcycle to get medical treatment from an SAC medic who is based in the monastery. The SAC medic injected some [unknown] medication and bandaged the wound. During that night, villagers could not bring him immediately to the Thaton Town hospital [run by the SAC] because of the curfew (enforced by the SAC between 6 pm to 6 am) and the risk of stepping on landmines on the way planted by armed groups. Therefore, he had to wait the whole night and then villagers took him to Thaton hospital the next morning by car. The cost was 50,000 kyat [23.78 USD] for transportation and he had to be in the hospital for eight days. The total cost was about one million kyat [475.51 USD] for medical treatment. According to the victim, Saw O---: “When we went [to the hospital] and I got the X-ray, shrapnel was visible [in the test result]. The doctor took out everything [all shrapnel]. The shrapnel was very big and very long.” When KHRG conducted the interview on January 26th 2023, Saw O--- had already been discharged from the hospital. He could not walk properly yet, so he was not able to work on his farm for his family livelihood. He still had to go to the hospital for further treatment and checks. Therefore, he struggled financially to pay the medical fees for the whole medical treatment.
On February 9th 2023, at 10:06 am, SAC Artillery Unit #314 fired 80mm mortars into the rubber plantations near I--- village, Shwe Yaung Pya village tract, Tha Htoo Township, in KNU-controlled territory. Two mortar shells landed in a rubber plantation, damaging 13 rubber trees owned by a villager named Naw A---. A 52-year-old villager named Saw B---, from I---, was minorly injured by the shrapnel on his face, near the eyebrow.
Further background reading on the situation of indiscriminate shelling in Southeast Burma can be found in the following KHRG reports:
“Taw Oo District Short Update: House burning, indiscriminate shelling and air strikes by the SAC in Htaw Ta Htoo Township (September to November 2023)”, March 2024 “Dooplaya District Situation Update: SAC indiscriminate shelling and healthcare and livelihood challenges (February to April 2023).”, February 2024. “Mu Traw District Situation Update: SAC air strikes, arrest of villagers, and indiscriminate shelling causing casualties, and landmine explosion, March 2022 to February 2023”, January 2024. Striking Fear: Impacts of State Administration Council (SAC) shelling on villagers' lives in Southeast Burma (January to October 2023), December 2023.
Footnotes:
[1] The present document is based on information received in December 2022 and January 2023. It was provided by a community member in Doo Tha Htoo District who has been trained by KHRG to monitor human rights conditions on the ground. The names of the victims, their photos and the exact locations are censored for security reasons. The parts in square brackets are explanations added by KHRG.
[2] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup.
[3] A Light Infantry Division (LID) of the Burma Army is commanded by a brigadier general and consists of ten light infantry battalions specially trained in counter-insurgency, jungle warfare, search and destroy operations against ethnic insurgents. They were first incorporated into the Tatmadaw in 1966. LIDs are organised under three Tactical Operations Commands, commanded by a colonel, three battalions each and one reserve, one field artillery battalion, one armoured squadron and other support units. Each division is directly under the command of the Chief of Staff (Army).
[4] A village tract is an administrative unit of between five and 20 villages in a local area, often centred on a large village.
[5] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalized the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army.
[6] The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) is the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU).
[7] Naw is a S’gaw Karen female honorific title used before a person’s name.
[8] All conversion estimates for the kyat are based on the February 7th 2024 mid-market exchange rate of 1,000 kyats to USD 0.48 (taken from https://wise.com/gb/currency-converter/mmk-to-usd-rate).
[9] The Karen National Union (KNU) is the main Karen political organisation. It was established in 1947 and has been in conflict with the Burma government since 1949. The KNU wields power across large areas of Southeast Burma and has been calling for the creation of a democratic federal system since 1976. Although it signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, relations with the government remain tense.
[10] Saw is a S’gaw Karen male honorific title used before a person’s name..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2024-03-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Six are critically injured after being struck by shrapnel in a monastery compound, locals said.
Description:
"A drone test by pro-junta militia injured 13 children in Myanmar, residents told Radio Free Asia.
Regime soldiers working in collaboration with the Pyu Saw Htee militia are responsible for a weapons accident that occurred on Saturday, locals said. The militia is made up of pro-junta supporters, veterans and Buddhist nationalists.
The drone, carrying several bombs, flew over Sagaing region’s Kale township, close to the Chin state border. Soldiers are permanently stationed in Kale township’s Aung Myin Thar village, leading them to believe the attack was an accident, they added.
A resident who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons told RFA on Tuesday that a drone mounted with explosives flew over a nearby monastery compound when it suddenly crashed and exploded. Thirteen children playing in the monastery’s soccer field were injured when the bombs detonated.
“The military junta gave weapons to the Pyu Saw Htee members and they were testing them to carry out bombardments with drones that evening. The bombs fell on the soccer field where the children were playing,” he said. “Six of the children were critically injured. Some of them were hit in their faces and eyes. Some had to have their limbs amputated.”
The children who are critically injured are being treated at Kale city’s military hospital, while the remaining seven are being treated at Kale General Hospital in the township’s capital, he added. All victims are between the ages of eight and 15 years old, but identifying information is not known at this time.
The junta’s Ministry of Information released a statement on Tuesday saying that the accident was fake news, reporting that the blasts in Aung Myin Thar village were due to landmines planted by terrorists.
RFA contacted Sagaing region’s junta spokesperson Sai Naing Naing Kyaw for more details, but did not receive an answer.
According to data compiled by RFA, 1,429 civilians have been killed and 2,641 were injured by junta airstrikes and heavy artillery from the Feb. 1, 2021 coup until Jan. 31, 2024..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-02-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Children, Children's rights: reports of violations in Burma against more than one ethnic group, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Air strikes by the Myanmar military killed 17 civilians – including nine children – as they gathered to attend church last month, Amnesty International said in a new investigation.
The strikes, at approximately 10.30am on Sunday 07 January, struck close to Saint Peter Baptist Church in Kanan village in Sagaing region, near the country’s western border with India. More than 20 people were injured.
Witnesses told Amnesty International that two children were killed by the first set of explosions while playing football in front of a nearby school. Many of the other victims were trying to run to safety when the second air strike hit. The attack damaged the church and school, as well as six civilian houses.
“The Myanmar military’s deadly attacks on civilians show no signs of stopping,” said Matt Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme.
“The world cannot continue to look the other way while the Myanmar military relentlessly attacks civilians and civilian targets, including churches, schools and hospitals. Countries and companies around the world must stop the flow of jet fuel to the military, to protect civilians from further catastrophe.
“These attacks must be investigated as war crimes, and the UN Security Council should refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. The perpetrators of these crimes under international law must be brought to justice.”
Amnesty International interviewed four witnesses to the attacks, one person who visited Kanan after the attack and saw the bodies of those killed, and another person with knowledge of military operations in the area. The organization also analysed 99 photos and videos of the strikes and their aftermath, including images of those killed and injured.
All of the structural damage caused to the school, church and nearby homes is consistent with air strikes. The combined photo and video evidence indicates at least three impact locations, with craters consistent with aircraft bombs of approximately 250kg each. Satellite imagery taken after the strike also confirms significant damage to the school, adjacent structures and nearby homes, all consistent with an air strike.
The Myanmar military has denied responsibility for the attack, claiming no planes were flying in the area that morning. However, Amnesty International reviewed a video taken during the strike which shows the distinctive swept-wing silhouette of an A-5 fighter jet flying over the village. In Myanmar, only the military flies A-5 jets, which were imported from China.
Amnesty International previously documented how the Tada-U military air base, near Mandalay, is often used to launch aircraft in strikes aimed at Sagaing. Satellite imagery of Tada-U, taken shortly before and after the strike, shows active A-5 operations on the airfield. In three separate postings on a group messaging channel reviewed by Amnesty International, flight spotters on the ground indicated they witnessed a fighter jet taking off from Tada-U air base at 10am; an A-5 flying northwest over Kalewa, in the direction of Kanan, at 10.26am; and then an A-5 landing from the northwest at Tada-U at 10.56am. The locations, directions and timings of these observations are all consistent with an attack on Kanan at approximately 10.30am.
Sources interviewed by Amnesty International said they had been told that members of a local People’s Defense Force (PDF) – one of many local armed groups formed since the coup to oppose the military’s rule – had planned a ceremony at the village school later that day. However, based on consistent witness accounts, fighters do not appear to have been present at the time of the strikes, which killed and injured civilians only.
Even if the military believed there may have been lawful targets present, it dropped several large bombs on a residential area at a time on Sunday when civilians were gathering for church, and struck again as civilians fled in panic. As such, these attacks were indiscriminate at a minimum, and should be investigated as war crimes.
Last week, Amnesty International called again for the sale or transfer of jet fuel to Myanmar to be suspended after its investigation suggested the military were still importing fuel despite sanctions being placed on individuals and companies linked to the supply chain.
‘We can’t sleep when we think about what happened’
The Myanmar military has repeatedly attacked civilians and civilian objects – often destroying or damaging schools, religious buildings and other key infrastructure – in the three years since carrying out a coup.
Kanan – a village of an estimated 7,000 people – is located just north of the town of Khampat in Tamu township. Most of its residents are ethnic Chin, and practice Christianity.
Residents of Kanan said that, prior to these strikes, they had not directly experienced armed conflict since the February 2021 coup. However, on 07 November 2023, a coalition of resistance forces seized Khampat from the military following four days of clashes. The military attempted to retake the town with a series of ground offensives in December, but was unsuccessful and retreated after a week, according to local media reports.
Witnesses told Amnesty International of the devastation caused by the air strikes on 07 January 2024. A 56-year-old community worker said he saw a jet flying overhead as he prepared to leave his home for the nearby church. Moments later, the first strike hit approximately 200 meters from where he was standing.
He hid in his family’s rice storage shed with his wife and two children, just before another strike hit. Around 15 minutes later, he went to assist the injured and collect the bodies of the dead, which he described as “distressing”. Amnesty International reviewed photographs of the aftermath of the strike, which showed that one of the victim’s bodies had been dismembered, and that others had suffered catastrophic head injuries, also as described by witnesses.
A 68-year-old man, who was inside the church when the first bomb struck, said: “We only knew about it when the bomb fell. We didn’t hear the plane. We were singing inside the church when it happened. The church’s ceiling collapsed and windows were broken, so people inside the church fled outside.”
A 43-year-old market vendor, who was struck on the head by falling debris as he attempted to leave the church, told Amnesty International the second strike hit people who were running for their lives. He said: “Everyone was scared and fleeing and trying to get home, and the second air strike hit at that moment. There is a road behind the church, and it hit the people who were running home.”
A 40-year-old man said the traumatized community remained on constant alert fearing further attacks. He said: “Even when we hear the sound of a motorbike, we are frightened thinking of a plane coming. We can’t sleep when we think about what happened… [The attack] has left emotional scars. We can’t go to church.”
The damage caused, as well as fear of further attacks, forced the majority of villagers to flee, seeking refuge in nearby villages, farms and forests, or across the border with India. Many of those displaced are relying on support from relatives, local religious and charity groups, and host communities to survive.
Background
Since the February 2021 coup, Myanmar has experienced a severe escalation of human rights violations.
Amnesty International’s May 2022 report, ‘Bullets rained from the sky’: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, found Myanmar’s military had subjected civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions and the systematic looting and burning of villages.
An August 2022 report, 15 days felt like 15 years: Torture in detention since the Myanmar coup, documented torture and other ill-treatment when Myanmar’s military interrogated and detained individuals suspected of being involved in protests.
A November 2022 report, Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, called for a suspension of the supply of aviation fuel to prevent the military from carrying out further unlawful air strikes.
Amnesty International also documented an air strike on an internally displaced persons camp in Kachin State 09 October 2023, which killed at least 28 civilians, including children..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-02-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Amnesty International reports on Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Crimes Against Humanity
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"Poor decision-making and an inflexible strategy are compounding the junta’s losses and driving discontent among army commanders.
On 5 January, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) accepted the conditional surrender of the Laukkaing Regional Operations Command, giving it control of Laukkaing city, the prime objective of the joint anti-junta Operation 1027. One hundred kilometres to the west, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has expelled junta forces from large towns and strategic roadways and gained near-total control of its primary area of operation. On the other side of the country, in Rakhine State, the Arakan Army’s (AA) campaign has accelerated in recent weeks, resulting in the rapid retreat of junta forces. And yet the impact of Operation 1027 is not confined to the battlefield, with the junta’s failure to stem its losses stirring deep dissatisfaction among its ranks according to sources close to the army and regime.
After spending three years on the sidelines, the Brotherhood Alliance, comprising the MNDAA, TNLA and AA, entered the post-coup war by launching Operation 1027 along the border with China in late October 2023. The blitz has expelled the regime from swathes of territory in the country’s north and inspired fresh attacks by opposition forces elsewhere. This month’s conflict update explores recent battlefield developments and analyses what went wrong for the regime’s forces in northern Shan State, where a new ceasefire came into effect on 11 January.....Following two rounds of talks brokered by Beijing, junta forces ceded control of Laukkaing
city to the MNDAA on 5 January. About 2,400 personnel, including six brigadier generals, were granted safe passage as a part of a negotiated withdrawal.....Junta soldiers managed to disable or destroy some of their larger weapon systems before leaving, but were required to surrender their small arms.....The Myanmar armed forces expelled the MNDAA from Laukkaing in 2009, so the city’s capture marks the end of a nearly 15-year campaign to ‘return home’. The MNDAA is now effectively in control of the Kokang Self-Administered Zone (SAZ).
In December 2023, Chinese officials began pressuring the Brotherhood Alliance to de-escalate and negotiate with the junta. The MNDAA mostly complied, having already won itself a favourable bargaining position.
The TNLA’s progress had been more limited. The group responded to Chinese pressure by instead accelerating assaults on junta bases and towns. The MNDAA assisted its partner by sending units to fight in TNLA uniforms.....The TNLA is now effectively in control of the Palaung SAZ, the heartland of the Ta’ang people. It also secured a land bridge to the Myanmar–China border by capturing Namhkam Town on 18 December.
The TNLA has made inroads outside the SAZ as well. Ta’ang fighters captured Namtu Town on 28 December, and occupied the town of Kutkai after the junta withdrew on 7 January.....TNLA fighters also captured Monglon and a small base outside
Mongmit Town. The bases lie near or along a key weapons-smuggling route that links Shan to both Kachin and Myanmar’s interior.....Though the junta retains an isolated presence at Muse, the country’s largest border gate, it has lost control of the two most important roads linking Myanmar to China. Many of the units forced out by the Brotherhood Alliance have regrouped in Lashio......After a slow start, the AA’s offensive in Rakhine and southern Chin states began to accelerate in late December.....The AA has overrun more than 20 outposts across
Paletwa Township, Chin State. On 15 January, AA fighters captured Paletwa Town.....Though some regime outposts remain, the AA is now the dominant force in Paletwa. Control here opens access to the Indian and Bangladeshi borders, and an alternative supply route via Matupi, Chin State.....The fighting between the AA and the regime has implications for regional development. A key segment of India’s Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, a US$500-million effort to link Kolkata with Mizoram, runs through Paletwa.....On 7 and 8 January, the AA fired rockets at the Dhanyawadi naval base on Ramree island, just ten kms from the terminus of the Sino-Myanmar pipeline. China plans to build a Special Economic Zone and deep-sea port on the island.....Elsewhere in the country, opposition forces continue to experience advances and setbacks.....Inspired by Operation 1027, a coalition of Karenni resistance groups began a large-scale assault on Loikaw, the Kayah State capital, on 11 November. Despite the initial capture of about half the city, the offensive has stalled.....But the operation forced the regime to pull its forces from other positions around the state, allowing the Karenni resistance to consolidate control across remote areas and several small towns.....In the southeast, an opposition coalition involving elements of the Karen National Union (KNU) and People’s Defense Forces (PDF) tied to the National Unity Government (NUG) has not recreated the territorial successes seen elsewhere.....An early December assault on the town of
Kawkareik failed, but the fighting over the past month has disrupted Asian Highway 1, the main trade route between Thailand and Myanmar.....In early November, coalition forces captured the police station and bridge at Chaung Hna Khwa, on the border of Mon and Kayin states. Regime forces retook the village on 29 December, though the bridge is now destroyed.....On 4 January, a joint KNU and PDF unit destroyed a
small bridge along the road somewhere between the towns of Kyauktaga and Phyu. That same day, opposition fighters reportedly downed powerlines near the village of Zee Kone.....In early November, PDF fighters linked to the NUG took part in the capture of Kawlin and Khampat, the first towns to fall in Sagaing Region. The NUG now claims to administer both.....To deny the NUG’s ability to govern, the junta has adopted a strategy of attacking civilians in the towns, probably with the aim of making the areas uninhabitable.....On 28 December, junta soldiers stationed in Wuntho Town fired shells at Kawlin, which lies just 12 km to the south. Four civilians, including two children, were reportedly killed. Six more civilians were killed by a second artillery attack days later.....On 7 January, a regime airstrike on the edge of Khampat reportedly killed 17 civilians, including nine children. Twenty more civilians were wounded.....Junta missteps compound losses
As early as the second week of Operation 1027, Chinese officials acting as mediators suggested to the junta that it allow the MNDAA and TNLA to administer their own areas. The junta refused to concede territories it had not yet lost, like Laukkaing, and opted to fight it out instead. But the army ultimately failed to launch a counter-offensive or utilise available resources to defend its remaining positions. Though some battalions pivoted to mobile defense, many were left to guard exposed or isolated hilltop positions and so they were overrun, partially destroyed, or forced to surrender. Sources indicated that Naypyidaw’s inflexible strategy and the avoidable losses that followed have harmed morale among ground commanders.
The army’s withdrawal from Laukkaing on 5 January forfeited its greatest bargaining chip, yet it is unclear what, if anything, the junta received in exchange. According to various reports, the second round of talks held between 22 and 24 December had not produced a concrete agreement on the fate of Laukkaing. Surprisingly, the withdrawal took place before all sides convened in Kunming, China for a third round of talks on 10 and 11 January. This suggests that the city’s commanding officers may have prematurely withdrawn, leaving the junta with little to no leverage over its opponents. Media reported that the six brigadier generals were detained upon arriving in Lashio after the withdrawal. A source confirmed that at least five of them are facing court martial. The ceasefire deal struck on 11 January appeared to freeze the conflict along the new lines of demarcation that the Brotherhood won by force, so the regime’s acceptance is indicative of a decisive defeat, rather than a compromise.
Moreover, the junta can no longer access the border area in Shan State, raising the prospect of a long-term inability to tax a significant portion of the country’s trade with China. Its losses now include large towns like Hseni and Kutkai, which were not necessarily primary objectives for the Brotherhood Alliance. By refusing to bargain, the junta has lost more territory, depleted its fighting strength, allowed the capture of large arms and munitions stockpiles, and precipitated a crisis of confidence among its officer corps. Several sources close to the regime and army have indicated widespread dissatisfaction with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and even consideration of a leadership change among at least some internal elements.
While the territorial losses inflicted by Operation 1027 do not pose an existential threat to the regime, the embarrassment of the defeat and its impact on morale could potentially generate some internal instability. Yet any effort to sideline Min Aung Hlaing will be difficult. Since the coup, the junta leader has carefully consolidated his power by removing potential rivals from important positions (the regime announced a reshuffle of several senior officials immediately after the fall of Laukkaing). Although Min Aung Hlaing has lost respect, unseating him would also equate to challenging the long-standing norms of the Tatmadaw, which most senior officers still view as sacrosanct. Moreover, it would be hard for any reform-minded faction to initiate a negotiated transition, given how deeply the regime is reviled both at home and abroad..."
Source/publisher:
International Institute for Strategic Studies (London)
Date of publication:
2024-01-19
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Jan 8 to 14, 2024
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, Rakhine State, Chin State, Shan State, and Kachin State from January 8th to 14th. Military people arrested, beat, and extorted the civilians who did not have NRC cards or Smart cards in Ayeyarwady Region. Military Junta killed 8 civilians from Sagaing Region and Mandalay Region.
About 20 civilians died and over 20 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. 2 underaged children were injured and 2 died when the Military Junta committed abuses. Civilians left their places 8 times because of the Military Junta Troop’s matching and riding..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2024-01-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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309.25 KB 280.33 KB 150.8 KB
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"UPDATED at 10:05 ET on Jan. 2, 2024.
The end of the junta is near amid mass desertions and surrenders of junta troops, said Myanmar’s shadow government on Monday.
“We have seen the mass deserting and surrender of the military council soldiers unprecedented in military history ... Looking at these, it can be said that the end of the [junta] military council is near,” said Duwa Lashi La, the acting president of the National Unity Government (NUG) during his new year’s address.
“Junta troops are facing the situation where its soldiers are either surrendering or being captured in battles on a daily basis,” said the interim leader, adding that 550 military junta soldiers have surrendered during "Operation 1027" by the rebel Three Northern Brotherhood Alliance.
The alliance, which includes the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, has overrun dozens of military outposts and camps and taken control of several key cities in northern Shan state since launching their offensive on Oct. 27.
The rapid gains are the biggest setbacks experienced by the military since it took over the country in a February 2021 coup, prompting junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing in late November to issue a rare acknowledgement of the rebel’s successes.
Analysts suggest that the civil war may be at a turning point -- although that is far from clear at present.
Duwa Lashi La also cited a statement by the Karen National Union, or KNU, as saying that more than 18,000 military soldiers have been killed in the KNU-controlled areas since the coup.
The acting president’s speech came a few days after an intense battle between the anti-junta Arakan Army (AA) and junta troops in Paletwa township, Chin state, on Dec. 29, 2023.
As a result of the battle, more than 80 military junta soldiers crossed the border and fled to India’s Mizoram state, according to Paletwa residents.
India-based the United News of India reported on the same day that 83 junta soldiers entered Tuisenlang village on the Mizoram-Myanmar border.
UNI stated that the junta soldiers would be sent back to Myanmar, noting that there were four instances in November and December last year when junta soldiers escaped to the Indian state of Mizoram.
A Paletwa resident who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals told Radio Free Asia last Thursday that the military council troops had fled to the Mizoram side, fully armed.
The resident added, however, he could not confirm whether the junta soldiers were repatriated to Myanmar.
As of Tuesday, the junta’s military council has not commented on the soldiers who fled to India.
Aung Cho, junta council’s spokesman for Chin state and Chin state’s secretary, by phone, has also not responded to RFA’s inquiries..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-01-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
Language:
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Sub-title:
How HRW Documents Wartime Abuses, Advocates to Protect Civilians, and Promotes Justice
Description:
"Armed conflict dominates the headlines, from the hostilities in Israel and Palestine, to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, to the militaries and militias committing atrocities in Sudan. For nearly four decades, Human Rights Watch (HRW) researchers have investigated international armed conflicts and civil wars, reporting on violations of human rights and the laws of war, and working to protect civilians caught in the crossfire. But what exactly does this look like?
We sat down with Human Rights Watch’s Executive Director Tirana Hassan to discuss how the organization – which has been defending human rights since 1978 – operates in times of armed conflict and how teams of people specializing in research, communications, and advocacy work together to compel world leaders to protect civilians and push for justice.
What does Human Rights Watch do when conflict erupts?
We seek to keep civilians safe during fighting by pressing warring parties to respect international humanitarian law, also known as the laws of war, which are the rules that guide and limit warfare. Human Rights Watch’s job is not to say whether war should be waged or not, but to make sure the conduct of warring parties respects the law.
It’s clear what humanitarian organizations do during conflict – they work to get civilians food, water, and shelter, and help those at risk to be protected. What is our role?
We have worked in armed conflicts for decades, from the civil wars in the Americas in the early 1980s to the current hostilities in Israel and Palestine today. We have warned the international community of potential armed conflicts and the risks that violations of the laws of war pose for civilians.
Our researchers document the conduct of the parties to the conflict and any laws they have violated during the fighting. We analyze this evidence and bring it to the warring parties, using our findings to lean on them – or convince governments around the world to lean on them – to change their conduct and protect civilians caught in the middle, as is their legal duty. We also campaign for justice and accountability before national courts and global courts, like the International Criminal Court, when violations amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide.
Your answer leads me to another question – can Human Rights Watch’s work prevent conflict before it starts?
Our work can help prevent armed conflict by shining a spotlight on the human rights abuses that are the root cause of so much fighting in the world. When security forces abuse the populations they are meant to protect, when governments repress ethnic, national, or religious groups, when free media or the internet is shut down and when journalists are killed, allowing disinformation to flourish, when weapons flow into places that lack governance. Our research on violations like these, and our advocacy to get governments to change course and respect rights, can help stem tensions that often lead to armed conflict.
What type of laws-of-war violations do we look at?
The laws of war that we use today to protect civilians – also known as the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and its additional protocols – were created in response to the atrocities and inhumanity of World War II. These laws have been adopted by all countries and govern how a war is fought to limit civilian suffering as much as possible.
Warring parties – including national armed forces and non-state armed groups – don’t have carte blanche to do anything they want. They must respect international humanitarian law as well as international human rights law, which remains in effect.
International humanitarian law says that the warring parties are required to distinguish between civilians and combatants when carrying out attacks. Detainees are also protected from mistreatment and torture. The laws make sure civilians have access to food, water, and somewhere safe to live. International humanitarian law also protects essential civilian institutions and services, including hospitals, medical staff, markets, schools, and aid workers delivering life-saving assistance. Taking hostages is a violation, as is recruiting children to fight. Places of worship, such as mosques and churches, and key cultural and historical sites are also protected.
For example, when Taliban forces detained and then summarily executed some members of the former Afghan government’s security forces, that was a serious violation of the laws of war.
We have people with different research specialties across Human Rights Watch. When conflict hits, who does what?
We deploy multidisciplinary teams because conflict affects people in different ways. We have teams of country experts who have been working in and on these situations for a very long time. So, for example, when covering the conflict in Sudan, our Sudan researcher helped gather evidence on the ground and led our efforts to push governments to do more to stop abuses and protect civilians. For the conflict in Ukraine, our researchers specializing both in Ukraine and Russia are essential. The overwhelming majority of abuses are by Russian forces in Ukraine, but some also take place in Russia.
Human Rights Watch also has a Crisis and Conflict division, with researchers who are trained for and have experience working in conflict zones and crisis situations. This year they documented abuses in Sudan, Ukraine, Haiti, and Israel/Palestine.
Armed conflicts also affect different groups of people differently. In Ethiopia’s Tigray region, we documented how Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces, as well as local militias, used sexual violence, including rape, mainly against women and girls. Our Disability Rights Division documented that civilians with disabilities and older people in Gaza were unable to flee the Israeli government’s bombing and faced difficulties accessing necessities and aid under Israel’s blockade. Our health and human rights experts can speak to the health effects of sieges and blockades, which are violations of international law if they are used to deny civilians food and water. Children, we know, are disproportionately affected by conflict, and our colleagues specializing in children’s rights have documented how schools have often been used by warring parties as bases or weapons depots. Our work has led to soldiers vacating schools in Thailand, Somalia, Yemen, the Central African Republic, India, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Increasingly in conflict, our researchers can’t get close to where the abuses are happening because it’s unsafe or they are blocked from entering the country. Thanks to our Digital Investigations Lab, we can use technology to corroborate and strengthen our on-the-ground research and eyewitness testimony we’ve been told over the phone or a messaging app. These researchers scrape the internet for open-source evidence from photos and videos that people post on social media. They also conduct digital analyses to confirm that what they find is true, and they triangulate photos or videos depicting abuses with satellite imagery and geospatial analysis to confirm their accuracy.
We used satellite imagery in Myanmar in 2017 to help show the torching of 700 buildings in an ethnic Rohingya village in Rakhine State. The images show large burn scars and destroyed tree cover consistent with widespread destruction, corroborating accounts from refugees who described killing and arson by Burmese military, police and ethnic Rakhine mobs.
Our Arms Division specializes in all-source weapons analysis and treaty compliance monitoring. Among other activities, they conduct field investigations, book-research, and collaborate with technical sources and research teams to identify the specific type of weapons used by analyzing any remnants, impact craters, and other information that munitions leave behind after they are used. The division also monitors and documents when controversial weapons are used, including incendiary weapons like white phosphorous, which leave people with severe thermal burns. We report on new use of cluster munitions and antipersonnel landmines, which are banned internationally because they are inherently indiscriminate against the civilian population.
In addition, the division advocates for stronger international law to better protect civilians from problematic means or methods of warfare in future armed conflicts. And our advocates campaign to stop weapons transfers to armed forces or groups that are likely to use them in violation of the laws of war.
What types of research have we done recently?
We have been documenting unlawful attacks by Israeli forces and Palestinian armed groups in Gaza and Israel. Israeli forces have apparently unlawfully struck hospitals and medical facilities in Gaza and put civilians at risk by using white phosphorus in populated areas. They have also used explosive weapons in densely populated areas on a massive scale. These strikes have caused large-scale destruction and loss of civilian life. In Lebanon, Israeli forces have killed a number of civilians in unlawful attacks amounting to apparent war crimes. We have also documented that Palestinian armed groups have deliberately killed civilians, taken hostages, and launched rockets indiscriminately into Israel’s civilian areas, which are war crimes.
The Israeli government has also cut off basic services, like electricity and water, to the civilian population in Gaza as collective punishment, blocked all but a trickle of aid and food, and used starvation as a weapon of war. These acts amount to war crimes.
We use our research to push for justice. Human Rights Watch was the first human rights organization to publish in-depth research on the issue of forced transfers and deportations of Ukrainians. In March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and his children’s rights commissioner, Maria Lvova-Belova, for alleged war crimes involving the alleged unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children from occupied areas of Ukraine to Russia.
How do we get our research in front of key people?
Part of our strategy is through the media and strategic communications. We share our unique research with journalists, who cover our work in the news. We leverage new and sometimes local communications channels to get the information not only to those in power, but also the communities who are affected. Our reports are based on detailed investigations, which are more important than ever in a world rife with disinformation. When the world has forgotten about certain armed conflicts, we work to keep them in the news and on policy makers’ agendas.
We advocate with people who are in positions to make the changes we want to see. For example, if we document an armed group using cluster munitions, we will go to the warring parties and say these are illegal under international law. If we can identify who manufactured and sold these weapons, we can go to those countries, show them our evidence, and tell them they may be complicit in war crimes.
We have also focused on identifying the leaders – like senior commanders in the armed forces – who are responsible for the abuses taking place. Then we can work with governments to implement targeted sanctions or travel bans. For example, we are now pressing the European Union to use sanctions against those responsible for grave violations in the armed conflict in Sudan.
It is our job to hold governments and their leaders accountable when they violate their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, no matter how powerful they are. When a military coalition including the United States and United Kingdom invaded Iraq in 2003, we documented their laws of war violations, including indiscriminate airstrikes that killed civilians and the torture of detainees. We also reported on Iraqi violations. Many years later, that work isn’t over. Righting wrongs is usually a marathon, not a sprint.
But it can take time. Human Rights Watch’s documentation of abuses in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s contributed to the creation of war crimes tribunals and the prosecutions of leaders for war crimes. These trials began in the 2000s and continue in 2023.
When it comes to our advocacy, where are our advocates located and what does their work look like?
Our advocates take our research and engage with people in power to influence the political response to fighting on the ground. Sometimes they are engaging with the warring parties themselves, and sometimes they are urging change among those funding and supporting the warring parties. Our advocates’ goal, in the most general sense, is to make sure human rights are centered in these policy responses.
We advocate with multilateral institutions at the global and regional level, whether it be the United Nations, the African Union, or the European Union, or other local and regional bodies that have responsibilities to protect civilians.
We have a research presence in about 100 countries, and our advocates and researchers can advocate with governments in each of these countries.
We have other advocates based all over the world, including in Tokyo, London, Washington DC, and Johannesburg, and in Australia, Brazil, and across Europe.
Here’s an example of what our advocacy looks like. Starting in 2014, we worked to expose the violent crackdown on dissent by Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro government, which led to a spiraling humanitarian emergency and the exodus of millions of people. We shared our research at the UN Security Council and pushed for a UN response, and the pressure we helped generate ultimately resulted in more aid reaching people. Our research was cited by the Biden administration to grant temporary protected status to Venezuelans living in the United States, and by the Brazilian refugee agency to grant thousands of Venezuelans legal status.
In short, our research, communications, and advocacy all work together in an incredibly effective way, ensuring that we deploy information in a way that compels those in power to take action.
Who does Human Rights Watch work with during conflict?
Our advocates and researchers work closely with partners – local human rights and other civil society groups, like humanitarian organizations, labor unions, and faith communities.
For example, after armed conflict broke out in Sudan in April 2023, we knew we needed more power behind documenting – and preserving evidence of – the atrocities. Sustained advocacy by Human Rights Watch, combined with the power of the voices of Sudanese and regional partner organizations across Africa, helped lead the UN Human Rights Council to establish an independent international fact-finding mission for Sudan.
What are the challenges you face? Today we see a number of conflicts raging where one side or the other – or both – shows little respect for these laws.
I know some people can be skeptical of whether international humanitarian law and human rights law helps while a conflict rages. There are armed conflicts where the warring parties don’t seem to be showing any restraint – they seemingly flout these laws without consequence.
We’ve seen this in the Horn of Africa since 2020. Government forces and allied militias in Ethiopia’s Tigray region have used rape as a weapon of war and destroyed infrastructure critical to civilians’ survival. They also had cut off the region from food, power, and communications for almost two years. This year, in neighboring Sudan, war has broken out – despite consistent warnings about escalating abuses by the country’s notorious security forces. Eight months later, we’ve documented ethnically motivated attacks on civilians in Darfur, how explosive weapons repeatedly used in urban areas have killed civilians and damaged critical infrastructure in the capital, Khartoum, and widespread obstruction of aid.
In both countries, perpetrators of the crimes have faced very few consequences. In Ethiopia, after warring parties signed a cessation of hostilities agreement, international investigations into conflict-related atrocities were jettisoned as Ethiopia’s international and regional partners sought to normalize relations with the federal government. In Sudan, despite investigative efforts, accountability for crimes is just not being made a priority in political discussions.
That doesn’t mean we give up. And the laws of war do matter, as they give us a framework to render meaningful judgments against combatants, affording victims and their families a measure of justice.
Also, we know that when the laws of war are enforced, including through trials, they can help prevent atrocities by breaking cycles of violence and impunity. Our research shows that, all too often, when justice is scrapped to protect the powerful, these crimes just recur, creating new generations of victims. We’ve seen this in Afghanistan, when warlords granted themselves immunity, and when the International Criminal Court downgraded investigating US abuses in its investigation of alleged war crimes. We’ve also seen this in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
If you want to stop recurring abuses, you need justice. And sometimes justice in a courtroom is a long time coming.
In Syria, Human Rights Watch and many other groups spent years painstakingly documenting human rights violations and war crimes while those responsible were seemingly getting away with murder. Over 10 years on, though, we see that prosecutions for these crimes are gaining steam.
You mentioned that we also campaign for support for justice, including before courts such as the International Criminal Court (ICC).
One of our ultimate goals is justice and accountability for abuses. This includes shaping investigations and pressuring governments to arrest people wanted for serious crimes. We also push for effective war crimes courts, and work to secure financial and political support for accountability efforts. We sustain these campaigns for justice over many, many years. This often starts by making sure our published reports are brought to the attention of the international community and to authorities working before national courts, international courts – including the International Criminal Court – and hybrid courts, which are domestic courts containing international elements.
Human Rights Watch has also advocated for national authorities to put in place the laws and expertise needed to support the practice of “universal jurisdiction,” under which national judicial authorities investigate and prosecute serious crimes committed in other countries, regardless of the nationality of the suspects or their victims. Over the course of 2020-2022, a German court held a trial on state-sponsored torture in Syria, ultimately convicting a former Syrian intelligence officer of crimes against humanity. A Human Rights Watch report documenting torture in Syria’s detention centers was referenced by the court during the trial.
Any last thoughts?
If I could wave a magic wand and stop conflicts around the world and bring people to an understanding, I’d do it. But that’s not reality. This is what we do instead. We document war crimes and other abuses. We make sure the world knows what’s happening, and we push for change. It’s not a perfect system, and sometimes it’s a long road to justice. But Human Rights Watch has done this work for decades, and we know from experience that justice is possible, and we do everything we can to make it probable..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-12-22
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Source/publisher:
US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
Size:
230.58 KB
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Sub-title:
Abductions, Forced Recruitment Violate Laws of War
Description:
"(Bangkok) – An ethnic armed group in northern Myanmar has abducted and forcibly recruited civilians fleeing fighting in Shan State, Human Rights Watch said today. Myanmar’s military also has a long record of using adults for forced labor and recruiting children, but getting recent information about unlawful practices in junta-controlled areas is difficult.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang armed group, should immediately end its abusive practices against civilians, and take all available measures to protect them during hostilities against Myanmar’s armed forces and pro-junta militias.
“The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army is violating the laws of war by abducting and forcibly recruiting civilians, putting them at grave risk,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Civilians should be able to seek safety from fighting without fearing that the Myanmar military or ethnic armed groups will force them into their armies.”
On October 27, 2023, the Three Brotherhood Alliance – a coalition of the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and Ta’ang National Liberation Army – began Operation 1027, an offensive targeting Myanmar military outposts in northern Shan State. The offensive triggered attacks by opposition armed groups elsewhere in the country. Since late October, fighting between opposition forces and the military has displaced more than 600,000 people, including almost 100,000 in Shan State.
Tens of thousands have fled Laukkai, the capital of the Kokang Special Autonomous Zone in northern Shan State, in advance of an anticipated MNDAA assault on the town, which the group formerly controlled. Although the MNDAA assisted those fleeing by opening up previously closed forest roads, the armed unit also confiscated mobile phones and detained an unknown number of people as they left Laukkai, local media and witnesses said.
On November 24, the MNDAA abducted seven men as they traveled from Laukkai to Chin Shwe Haw, near the Myanmar-China border. Relatives told the Shan News Herald that the men’s friends last saw them detained on the roadside just outside Chin Shwe Haw, before Alliance Army fighters took them away. The Shan News Herald reported that an MNDAA spokesperson said that Sai Ai Naw, 18; Maung Nyi Ka, 19; Sai Lianghan, 20; Sai Ilaw, 26; Maung Nor Goon, 26; Sai Aung Heng, 27, and a seventh, unnamed 20-year-old man would be assigned to military service.
On November 25, a doctor who left Laukkai along the same route said he witnessed many young men pulled over and detained by MNDAA fighters outside Par Hsin Kyaw, a village between Laukkai and Chin Shwe Haw.
“They [MNDAA fighters] were pulling over men who were on motorcycles in groups of twos and threes,” he said. They did not pull over couples, and I had one of the female nurses riding pillion, so we didn’t get stopped. But there were scores of young men pulled over and I saw them being rounded up. I was too afraid to stop and look but they were being gathered together and taken away somewhere.”
On December 12, the parents of seven other young men who did not arrive home after fleeing Laukkai in late October issued a letter to the MNDAA, pleading for their release. The families wrote, in the letter obtained by Human Rights Watch, that they last saw their sons being led away by MNDAA fighters near Chin Shwe Haw. All those abducted were of Ta’ang ethnicity and came from Man Khite village, Namhsan township, in northern Shan State.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army operates in northern Shan State along the China-Myanmar border. It was founded as the Communist Party of Burma collapsed in 1989 and agreed to a ceasefire with the Myanmar military later that year. The ceasefire ended in 2009, when a military-aligned faction of the Alliance Army became the Kokang Border Guard Force and was put in charge of Laukkai, where illegal activity, most recently cyber scam centers, has thrived. The MNDAA has attempted multiple times to regain the territory, including Laukkai, that it lost in 2009.
Some ethnic armed groups, including the MNDAA, impose quotas requiring villages or households to supply a recruit, who in some cases may be willing to serve. Myanmar’s military and pro-junta militias also use forced recruits, including children, to bolster their armed forces or for other roles such as porters, cooks, or cleaners.
In a widely shared video dated December 5 that Human Rights Watch reviewed and verified, an MNDAA official in uniform warns families not to shirk their responsibilities and to ensure those recruited were at least 15 years old and younger than 50.
“If [you don’t] have a boy … if you have a girl … if you have three [one must serve],” the official tells a crowd gathered at a monastery in Pang Hseng village, Monekoe township, in northern Shan State. “If you have five, two of them must serve. Got it? If you have five males at home, two of them must serve.”
He continued: “So, if you’re thinking about not bringing your sons and daughters because you’re concerned, don’t do that. … One day when they come back because things are peaceful, we are going to collect household registrations and we will know that they did not serve, and we will arrest them for it.”
Under international humanitarian law, or the laws of war, applicable to the non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar, warring parties are prohibited from arbitrarily depriving anyone of their liberty, including through abductions and forced recruitment. Parties must treat all civilians humanely; arbitrary deprivation of liberty is incompatible with this requirement.
In September 2019, Myanmar ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which obligates non-state armed forces not to, “under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities persons under the age of 18.” The 2019 Myanmar Child Rights Law also forbids recruiting anyone under 18 into the armed forces or non-state armed groups.
In 2023, the United Nations secretary-general's annual report on children in armed conflict identified the Myanmar military as responsible for the majority of the cases the UN had verified as recruiting and using children the previous year. However, the report also named the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army as having recruited up to seven children and separately, abducting up to seven others. The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, has also received various reports that the Myanmar military’s recruitment and use of children has increased since the 2021 military coup.
“Governments with any influence over opposition and ethnic armed groups in Myanmar should impress upon them that violations by the Myanmar armed forces never justifies abuses by their own forces,” Pearson said..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar economic recovery falters as conflict and inflation weigh
Broad-based slowdown anticipated across productive sectors
YANGON, December 12, 2023—Little economic growth is expected in Myanmar in the near term, as rising conflict, trade and logistics disruptions, kyat volatility and high inflation combine to negatively impact businesses and households, the World Bank’s semi-annual Myanmar Economic Monitor said.
Myanmar’s economy is projected to grow by just 1% over the year to March 2024, according to the report, Challenges amid conflict. Conflict has escalated across much of Myanmar since October, leading to the displacement of an estimated half a million people, disrupting key overland trade routes and increasing logistics costs.
Even if conflict does not escalate further, growth is expected to remain subdued over the rest of 2024 and into 2025 given a broad-based slowdown across productive sectors including agriculture, manufacturing, and trade. The size of Myanmar’s economy remains around 10% lower than it was in 2019, leaving it the only economy in East Asia that has not returned to pre-pandemic levels of economic activity.
Consumer prices rose by almost 29% in the 12 months ending in June this year, and the more recent drop in the value of the kyat and escalation in conflict have led to further price rises in the months since. Household incomes continue to be severely strained. In surveys conducted by IFPRI in mid-2023, 40% of households reported earning less than in the previous year, with median real incomes declining by around 10 percent. Measures of food insecurity have also worsened.
“The economic situation has deteriorated, and uncertainty about the future is increasing,” said World Bank Country Director for Myanmar, Cambodia, and the Lao PDR, Mariam Sherman. “High food price inflation has had a particularly severe impact on the poor, who spend a larger portion of their income on food, and who tend to live in areas where prices have risen at a faster pace."
Indicators of business activity have worsened since mid-2023. Firms reported operating at just 56% of their capacity in September, down 16 percentage points from March. Weakness in sales has been a major challenge, particularly for retailers.
A special section of the report explores the scope for Myanmar’s garment industry to continue to drive growth in employment and incomes, as it has done for much of the past decade. However, conflict, high logistics costs, trade and foreign exchange restrictions, and electricity disruptions have raised the cost of doing business and reduced the sector’s international competitiveness.
“With the operating environment deteriorating and uncertainty about the future increasing, Myanmar’s garment firms have been forced to focus on survival rather than investment and growth,” said World Bank Program Leader and Senior Economist for Myanmar, Kim Alan Edwards. “The scarring effect of recent developments is likely to curtail Myanmar’s longer-term development potential, in the garment industry and across the broader economy”..."
Source/publisher:
World Bank
Date of publication:
2023-12-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
1.85 MB 112.61 KB
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Sub-title:
Pushbacks Endanger People Fleeing Airstrikes in Karenni State
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Thailand’s government has pushed back thousands of Myanmar refugees at the border, putting their lives at risk in Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said today. In late October 2023, the Thai military began forcibly returning refugees who had been sheltering in border areas to Myanmar’s Karenni State. Many soon returned to Thailand, fearful of being trapped or targeted in renewed clashes in southeastern Myanmar.
“The Thai authorities should stop pushing back recent Myanmar refugees and allow them to seek protection in Thailand,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The return of many of these refugees to Thailand just days after being pushed back indicates their fear for their safety in Myanmar.”
Thailand has sheltered about 90,000 refugees from Myanmar across nine refugee camps since the mid-1980s. After the February 2021 coup in Myanmar, at least 45,000 additional Myanmar refugees fled to Thailand. While the Thai government has allowed these new arrivals to stay in informal temporary shelters near the border, it has also intermittently pushed them back. None of these new arrivals are permitted to enter existing refugee camps and Thai officials place strict restrictions on their movement and access to humanitarian aid and services.
In July, about 9,000 Myanmar refugees sought safety in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son district due to frequent airstrikes in Karenni State. Thai authorities initially permitted them to stay in the informal temporary shelters.
On October 21, the Thai military verbally ordered the refugees to return to Myanmar within two weeks. After the order, the shelters where they had been living emptied as people walked back across the border into Karenni State, a journey that takes four to five days. Many went to Doh Noh Ku, where there is a settlement for internally displaced people.
Pushbacks were still occurring on October 27, when a coalition of armed ethnic and resistance groups began an offensive against the Myanmar military in northern Shan State. Opposition forces elsewhere in Myanmar then also carried out attacks against the military, which responded with airstrikes, including in Karenni State.
By November 27, more than 2,387 Myanmar people had again fled Myanmar, crossing back into Thailand’s Mae Hong Son district.
People who had just returned to a temporary shelter in Mae Hong Son district said that Myanmar military jets flew over the Doh Noh Ku camp before carrying out airstrikes on November 14 and 15. They said at least three bombs struck inside the camp, but that most people had already fled the camp again by that time.
“I had just reached the area outside Doh Noh Ku after walking five days with my family from here [in Thailand],” said a 52-year-old woman. “We didn’t go into the camp, but we watched the planes from afar. When they started dropping bombs, we ran back straight away…. I’m so scared, I get scared at the sound of thunder now.”
Sources on the ground said that the Thai military maintained that these new refugees had been in Thailand for more than three months when their stay in Thailand should be temporary. Officials also said there had been no recent armed clashes on the border so these people could return to Myanmar. Finally, Thai authorities claimed they were straining services meant for refugees in established camps.
The multiple and forced displacements, and lack of security or access to humanitarian aid is exacerbating the strain on these already marginalized communities, Human Rights Watch said.
“I’ve fled at least seven times since leaving my home earlier in the year because of the airstrikes,” said a 45-year-old woman. “You run to one place because you think it’s safe but nowhere is safe.”
Since the 2021 coup, the Myanmar junta has carried out a nationwide campaign of mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. More than two million people have been internally displaced and more than 95,000 refugees have fled to neighboring countries.
Thailand should facilitate cross-border aid to internally displaced people in Myanmar and enable increased humanitarian aid to refugees in temporary shelters in Mae Hong Son district and other areas along the border. Thailand should also provide protection and support to all refugees, including permitting the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to undertake refugee status determination.
Mass pushbacks, coerced or otherwise, may amount to a breach of Thailand’s obligations as a party to the UN Convention Against Torture and violate the customary international law principle prohibiting refoulement, the forcible return of anyone to a place where they would face a genuine risk of persecution, torture, or other ill-treatment, or a threat to their life.
“The Thai government should permit newly arrived Myanmar refugees access to humanitarian aid and help those seeking protection,” Pearson said. “Thai authorities shouldn’t push back refugees facing grave risk in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen and other refugees from Burma in Thailand - general reports and articles, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Oct 22 to 31, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Kachin State, Shan State, and Bago Region from October 22nd to 31st. Military Junta arrested over 50 civilians and used them as human shields within a week. They burnt and killed 5 civilians from Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region on October 27th. After the leaked the information about farmers from Waw Township had to pay money to the Military Junta troop, the Junta threatened and forced them to sign the document that the news is not real and paid in Bago Region.
Over 30 civilians were killed and 34 injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. Around 11 civilians were arrested and 9 were killed by the Military Junta within a week. Civilians left their places 8 times within a week because of the Military Junta Troop’s matching and raiding. An underaged child died and 7 children were injured when the Military Junta committed violations..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
837.87 KB
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Description:
"We, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are deeply concerned over and condemn the reported bombing that impacted an Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp in the Munglai Hkyet, Kachin State, on October 9, which claimed the lives of many civilians, including children.
We reiterate our urgent call to end all forms of violence immediately, particularly those impacting civilians, and exercise utmost restraint to create a conducive environment for an inclusive dialogue toward a comprehensive solution to the situation in Myanmar.
We reemphasize ASEAN’s commitment to assisting Myanmar in finding a peaceful and durable solution to the ongoing crisis through the complete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus for peace, security, and stability in the region..."
Source/publisher:
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Date of publication:
2023-10-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Kachin State, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
155.77 KB
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Sub-title:
Attack in Kachin State Shows Need for Arms Embargo, Aviation Fuel Bans
Description:
"(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military attacked a village hosting hundreds of displaced civilians in Kachin State on October 9, 2023, killing 28 civilians, including 11 children, committing an apparent war crime, Human Rights Watch said today. The nighttime attack on Mung Lai Hkyet, which also injured more than 60 people and caused extensive damage to civilian structures, did not appear to be targeting a military objective.
Human Rights Watch interviewed five witnesses and reviewed 20 images and three videos of the aftermath of the attack, which suggest Myanmar forces initially conducted an airstrike on the village, then fired a barrage of ground-launched mortars or artillery. Images of areas hit by the initial strike show debris and damage consistent with the effects of shockwaves from large high-explosive bombs delivered by aircraft. Human Rights Watch found no evidence of opposition armed groups in the vicinity of the village at the time of the attack.
“The Myanmar military’s repeated strikes and shelling of a village filled with displaced people were either unlawfully deliberate or indiscriminate,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Concerned governments shouldn’t just condemn this reckless disregard for civilian life, they should take meaningful and concrete actions to stop the military from committing future violations.”
Mung Lai Hkyet is located about five kilometers from the ethnic Kachin Independence Army (KIA) headquarters in Laiza, near the border with China. For decades, the KIA has been engaged in conflict with the Myanmar military, which has a long record of committing war crimes in Kachin State and elsewhere. When a ceasefire with the KIA broke down in 2011, Mung Lai Hkyet, which was mainly inhabited by ethnic Lisu, began hosting internally displaced people fleeing the renewed hostilities.
Clashes in Kachin State have increased since the KIA opposed Myanmar’s military coup in February 2021, causing further displacements to areas such as Mung Lai Hkyet. The KIA has also been training recruits in new armed groups opposing Myanmar’s junta.
A resident of Mung Lai Hkyet told Human Rights Watch that despite the KIA’s presence in Laiza, there were no KIA fighters in the village due to a nightly curfew and there had been no fighting near the village leading up to the incident.
A Laiza resident told Human Rights Watch that the first explosion was the loudest and could also be felt in Laiza: “It shook everything and then we heard a few more, smaller blasts.”
Witnesses told local media that they woke to the sound of the first blast around 11:30 p.m. followed by at least four more blasts. Images of the aftermath show a razed area about 500 meters wide and at least one crater roughly 6 meters deep, splintered wood from buildings, and twisted metal from vehicles.
The Laiza resident, who went to Mung Lai Hkyet the next morning to assist, said that villagers described hearing shells hissing through the air as they ran for cover. “It’s a sound we’re familiar with since up here, we’ve all experienced the military’s attacks,” the resident said. “But when you see the damage, it could not just have been shells that did this.”
All six members of one family were killed in the attack, while in another family the only surviving members were a 1-month-old and a 3-year-old, the resident said. Among those killed were 10 women, 10 girls younger than 18, seven men, and one 3-year-old boy.
Human Rights Watch reviewed a local hospital’s patient registry from October 11 that lists 15 injured survivors, including five children, receiving ongoing treatment.
Gen. Zaw Min Tun, a military spokesperson, denied responsibility for the attack in state media and suggested the explosion was caused by explosives stored in the village by the KIA.
The Myanmar military has repeatedly conducted airstrikes on populated areas in violation of the laws of war. In April, Myanmar forces killed at least 160 people in an airstrike using a thermobaric bomb – or “fuel-air explosive” – in Sagaing Region.
The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project (ACLED) reported that airstrikes in Myanmar have increased every month since February this year.
The laws of war prohibit attacks that target civilians and civilian objects, that do not or cannot discriminate between civilians and combatants, or that are expected to cause harm to civilians or civilian property that is disproportionate to any anticipated military advantage.
The laws of war require parties to a conflict to distinguish at all times between civilian objects and military objectives, and attacking forces must do everything feasible to verify that targets are military objectives. If there is doubt as to whether an object normally used for civilian purposes, such as a school, is being used for military purposes, it should be presumed not to be.
Individuals committing or ordering serious laws-of-war violations with criminal intent, meaning deliberately or recklessly, are responsible for war crimes. The repeated unlawful attacks on Mung Lai Hkyet, without demonstrating the presence of military targets, strongly suggest that the attack was deliberate or reckless.
United Nations officials, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and other groups have repeatedly said that the UN Security Council should impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military and measures to cut off its aviation fuel, as well as targeted sanctions on the military’s revenues.
The United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and other countries have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military and its business and banking interests, meant to pressure the military to stem abuses and engage with diplomatic efforts over Myanmar’s current crisis. Several concerned governments have taken bilateral steps to block sales or transfers of aviation fuel. Concerned governments should better coordinate to enforce those sanctions and make them more effective, while pressing the Security Council to match them globally, Human Rights Watch said.
“The Myanmar military won’t stop committing atrocities until other governments work together to impose real economic restrictions and meaningful blockages of weapons, fuel, and materiel,” Maung said. “The status quo will only bring more war crimes and civilian deaths.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-10-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"The junta’s military likely used one of its largest aerial-delivered bombs during Monday night’s attack at Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Kachin State, according to an investigation by Amnesty International (AI).
At least 29 people, including 13 children, died at Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Waingmaw Township on Monday night, while 57 were wounded in the attack, according to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). It said regime troops bombarded the village located about two miles north of Laiza Town—the headquarters of the KIA.
“Amnesty International’s weapons expert analyzed photos and videos of the aftermath of the attack, which show evidence of a single massive blast that flattened dozens of nearby buildings – including a church, preschool and many homes – and started fires,” the rights group said in a statement released on Friday.
It also confirmed reports that the first blast was followed by others, citing survivors of the attack.
The size of the crater and the damage from the first bomb is consistent with the largest aerial-delivered bombs known to be in the inventory of the Myanmar military, AI said. The junta’s military almost certainly used an unguided bomb, which is completely inappropriate for use in the vicinity of civilians, it added.
“This murderous assault by the Myanmar military is further proof of their complete disregard for civilian life,” said Matthew Wells, director of AI’s Crisis Response Program. “The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar,” he added.
The junta denied responsibility for the attack, saying on Wednesday that a KIA warehouse containing more than 100 tons of ammonium nitrate and weapons exploded.
AI’s report said the bomb fell on a large open field near a road with regular vehicle traffic that was unlikely to be an ammonium nitrate storage area.
The Myanmar military has an extensive history of carrying out indiscriminate attacks similar to Monday’s, including on other camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs).
KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the KIA would never put a gunpowder warehouse near civilians.
“The [KIA] investigation team found pieces of bombs, and they are examining them,” he said.
Mung Lai Hkyet sheltered more than 600 IDPs before it was obliterated. Survivors have been taking refuge in four shelters near the office of Woichyai IDP camp since the attack. They are in great need of humanitarian assistance, a local aid group said.
In October last year, junta aircraft bombed an outdoor concert at A’Nang Pa Village in Kachin State’s Hpakant Township, killing at least 75 people. The concert was being held to mark the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the KIA’s political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization.
Amnesty International is again calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer Monday night’s attack to the International Criminal Court so that those responsible can be brought to justice..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-10-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Title: Myanmar: 28 civilians killed in military air strike – new investigation and witness testimony
Sub-title:
At least 12 children killed, and a reported 57 people injured
Description:
"The Myanmar military killed at least 28 civilians in an air strike on a displaced persons camp in an attack that may amount to a war crime, Amnesty International said today.
At approximately 11.30pm on 9 October 2023, the Myanmar military launched an attack that hit the Mung Lai Hkyet displacement camp, close to the town of Laiza in Kachin State, near Myanmar’s border with China.
Witnesses told Amnesty International that a large bomb exploded near the camp, which was followed by sustained mortar fire from nearby Myanmar military positions.
The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar
Matthew Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme
The camp is home to an estimated 150 displaced families and situated near other civilian homes in Mung Lai Hkyet village. The camp is around three miles from central Laiza, the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A), an ethnic armed group that has fought the Myanmar military for decades.
“This murderous assault by the Myanmar military is further proof of their complete disregard for civilian life,” said Matthew Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme.
“The air strike on the Mung Lai Hkyet displaced persons camp is the latest in a long list of indiscriminate attacks against civilians committed by the Myanmar military since its coup in 2021, many of which amount to war crimes.
“The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar. The UN Security Council should impose a long-overdue arms embargo, including on the supply of aviation fuel, as the Myanmar military repeatedly unleashes its arsenal on civilians across the country.”
Amnesty International’s weapons expert analyzed photos and videos of the aftermath of the attack, which show evidence of a single massive blast that flattened dozens of nearby buildings – including a church, preschool and many homes – and started fires.
The blast wave caused catastrophic overpressure and fragmentation injuries to the victims, including fatal wounds to heads, lacerations that exposed organs, and the removal and pulverization of limbs. The size of the crater and observed damage is consistent with the largest aerial-delivered bombs known to be in the inventory of the Myanmar military. Amnesty International believes the Myanmar military almost certainly used an unguided bomb, which is an inaccurate weapon completely inappropriate for use in the vicinity of civilians.
The Myanmar military denied responsibility in a statement, saying it was an explosion of a site where the KIO/A stored ammonium nitrate. That explanation is at odds with consistent witness accounts, which noted the explosion served as the start of a coordinated attack. In addition, the bomb fell on a large open field with regular vehicle traffic, unlikely to be an ammonium nitrate storage area.
Based on the totality of the evidence, Amnesty International finds the most likely scenario to be a strike with a single unguided bomb. The Myanmar military has an extensive history of carrying out indiscriminate attacks similar to this one, including on other displaced persons camps.
Under international humanitarian law, which applies to the ongoing non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar, including in Kachin State, indiscriminate attacks are those that fail to distinguish between military objectives and civilians or civilian objects, and as such are prohibited. Where an indiscriminate attack kills or injuries civilians, it amounts to a war crime.
‘On that night, I even thought that I would die’
Amnesty International interviewed three witnesses of the attack and immediate aftermath.
One woman, whose family survived the blast, told Amnesty International: “I went to bed around 10.30pm. While I was listening to news about the conflict between Israel and Hamas on Facebook, at around 11.30pm, a huge bomb fell.
“I was staying with my niece in one room, and my sister and other people were staying in another room. I suddenly woke up once the heavy weapons exploded. While I was still laying in my bed, I called out to my family members… I said, ‘We cannot stay here anymore. We need to move’.
“As we are IDPs [internally displaced people], we have to live on other people’s land… We did not have a place to dig a bomb shelter. We had to hide in the concrete water drain on the side of the road. We sat there and kept on shouting for help… On that night, I even thought that I would die.”
The woman and her nine family members remained hiding as mortar fire landed a short distance away, before escaping to take shelter nearby. She added: “When I look into the future of our [IDP] lives, I feel darkness.”
A person staying nearby, who arrived approximately two hours after the bomb exploded, told Amnesty International: “We don’t know how they dropped or fired the first bomb, but we know that the… follow-up firing came from where [Myanmar] military posts are located.
“I saw 28 bodies… Almost all [of the] people were killed because of the bomb blast. Some of their heads were destroyed beyond recognition. A mother and two of her children were among the victims. I could not bear it when I saw the baby and children die. I could not control my tears.”
According to a list of victims seen by Amnesty International, which appears to have been compiled by the KIO, at least 12 children were among those killed, and at least 57 more people were injured.
Another witness living next to the camp, who said he heard the sound of a jet overhead, told Amnesty International the bomb left a huge crater in the middle of a nearby field. He said a Baptist church on a hill, like dozens of other civilian objects near where the bomb fell, was destroyed.
He said: “The explosion destroyed all the houses… In Kachin language, this kind of bomb is called a ‘hell bomb’… I had to crawl out of the debris to survive… My whole body is in pain, and my ears are still buzzing from the bombing.”
Amnesty International is again calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, so that those responsible for crimes under international law can be brought to justice.
Background
Since carrying out a coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has increasingly relied on air strikes to attack the civilian population.
The KIO/A is one of numerous ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar’s border areas. The Myanmar military and the KIO/A have been engaged in a non-international armed conflict for decades. Fighting between the two forces has continued since the coup, with the KIO/A active in the broader nation-wide movement against the military’s rule.
In a May 2022 report, ‘Bullets rained from the sky’: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, Amnesty International found that Myanmar’s military had subjected civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages.
A further investigation in October 2022 found that deadly air strikes on a music concert in Kachin State, which killed dozens of people including civilians, appeared to fit a pattern of unlawful attacks. A November 2022 report, Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, identified companies involved in the supply chain of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, and revealed new accounts of air strikes on civilians..."
Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2023-10-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Crimes Against Humanity, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"By Chiara Torelli
On the night of October 10th, 2023, the residents of Mung Lai Hkyet village, in Myanmar's Kachin state, awoke to explosions and tremors as bombs reduced their homes to rubble.
In one of the deadliest attacks on civilians since the military coup in 2021, 29 civilians were killed, including up to 13 children, and another 57 injured. Most were internally displaced persons, who had escaped previous attacks on their homes.
Local sources suggest the village was targeted by a plane or drone, rather than ground artillery, and place the blame squarely on the military government, who have denied any involvement.
Since the coup, on February 1st 2021, AOAV has recorded 1,408 incidents of explosive weapons use in Myanmar, and 2,793 civilian casualties (1,016 killed, 1777 injured).
55% (769) of incidents of explosive weapons use are attributed to non-state actors, in particular the People's Defence Forces, Ethnic Armed Organisations, and local defence forces, but 80% (2,236) of civilian casualties are attributed to the military government.
| Perpetrator status | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Non-State Actors | 769 | 343 | | State | 560 | 2236 | | State and Non-State Actors | 1 | 0 | | unknown | 78 | 214 |
Explosive weapons use in Myanmar since February 2021
Following the coup, the military government has regularly targeted populated locations with explosive weapons: villages account for the vast majority of recorded incidents of the military government's explosive weapons use, 64% (361), as well as the majority of resulting civilian casualties, 64% (1,426).
Public gatherings, which account for only 1% (6) of the military government's explosive attacks, are the second most affected location in terms of civilian casualties, with 9% (193) of civilian harm occurring in these locations.
| Location | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Village | 361 | 1426 | | Public gathering | 6 | 193 | | Encampment | 18 | 140 | | Place of worship | 22 | 132 | | Urban residential | 35 | 87 | | School | 14 | 81 | | Other | 10 | 46 | | No information | 30 | 28 | | Multiple (urban) | 4 | 18 | | Hospital | 6 | 16 | | public building | 1 | 15 | | Road | 9 | 14 | | Agricultural land | 9 | 13 | | Police station | 1 | 7 | | Entertainment | 2 | 7 | | Armed base | 27 | 4 | | Market | 2 | 4 | | Commercial premises | 2 | 3 | | Humanitarian infrastructure | 1 | 2 |
Myanmar military government's explosive weapons use since 1st February 2021
Ground-launched weapons account for the majority of civilian harm caused by the military government's use of explosive weapons in Myanmar, having killed and injured 50% (1,122) of the 2,236 civilian casualties. However, air-launched weapons have, on average, caused more civilian harm per incident, killing and injuring an average of 6.69 civilians per attack.
| Launch method | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Ground-launched | 366 | 1122 | | Air-launched | 140 | 936 | | Multiple types | 22 | 135 | | Mine | 31 | 42 | | Unclear | 1 | 1 |
Myanmar military government's explosive weapons use since 1st February 2021
Myanmar, which in 2021 was the ninth most impacted country for civilian harm from explosive weapons, saw the sixth highest level of civilian casualties in 2022. Civilian casualties rose by 178% last year, from 353 recorded in 2021 to 980 in 2022 -- the highest level of civilian harm reported since 2010, and largely due to the military's response to intensified resistance and the growth of local People's Defense Forces.
AOAV's casualty figures represent the lowest of estimations in terms of the number of people killed and injured by explosive weapon use. In an effort to quantify the explicit harm caused by specific explosive weapons, AOAV solely records incident-specific casualty figures, as reported in English-language media.
AOAV condemns the use of violence against civilians and the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. All actors should stop using explosive weapons with wide-area effects where there is likely to be a high concentration of civilians..."
Source/publisher:
Action on Armed Violence (London) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"We, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), Chin National Front (CNF) and Karen National
Union (KNU), signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), express our common position
regarding the coup makers’ commemoration of the 8th anniversary of the NCA signing and the fake peace
talks supposedly based on the NCA as follows:
1. The aim of the NCA was to resolve the deep-rooted political crisis that had not been resolved by
successive governments for more than 70 years. We wanted to build a federal democratic Union
by amending the 2008 Constitution according to the results of an extra-parliamentary political
dialogue in order to achieve sustainable peace.
2. The military coup destroyed the basic principles and objectives of the NCA as well as nullified the
2008 Constitution. Therefore, the implementation of the NCA and the NCA-based political
dialogue process came to a halt.
3. The military's repeated vicious attacks that target civilians by using its Army, Air Force and Navy
are a flagrant violation of International Humanitarian Law. This reinforces our position that the
NCA is no longer valid and demonstrates that the military has abandoned peaceful means to
resolve political problems.
4. SAC’s use of the NCA to pressure NCA signatories, the fake implementation of the NCA through
sham peace talks, the pretended activities of proposing to amend the invalid 2008 constitution
and preparing to hold sham elections will deepen the crisis and push the country into protracted
conflict.
5. ABSDF, CNF and KNU, the revolutionary organizations that signed the NCA, have laid down the
following common political objectives and common political positions for the establishment of a
federal democratic union to achieve sustainable peace.
Common Political Objectives
5.1. To remove the coup makers and end the military's involvement in politics.
5.2. To reform and reorganize the military and place it fully under the administration of an
elected civilian government.
5.3. To draft and ratify a new constitution based on federalism and democracy that is acceptable
to all stakeholders.
5.4. To implement a process of transitional justice and seek justice for victims of conflict.
5.5. To agree on international involvement in facilitation, technical and financial support,
monitoring, witnessing, observing, etc. at all stages of the implementation of the process.
Common Political Positions
5.6. Dialogue will not be held unless SAC ends all violence against the people and accepts
the above common political objectives.
5.7. We desire a system change, not just a regime change. Changing one military regime
to another or even an authoritarian civilian regime is not acceptable.
5.8. Power-sharing between politically privileged groups at the expense of the people
will not be accepted.
5.9. Resolution of the Myanmar crisis will require a constitution and an electoral system
that will create future governments of Myanmar that are based on a ‘national unity’
model.
5.10. SAC is the main conflict partner. It is not an interim authority. A transition period
requires a genuine transitional authority agreed upon by all stakeholders.
5.11. New elections can be held in Myanmar only after all the above steps are successful.
6. We urge the international governments and the entire people of the country, including the
NCA signatories, to support the implementation process of our proposed political
objectives without participating in the activities of the military that prolong the military
dictatorship..."
Source/publisher:
All Burma Students' Democratic Front, Chin National Front, Karen National Union
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
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Size:
475.46 KB
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Description:
"12 October 2023: United Nations (UN) member States must take decisive action to bring the Myanmar military junta to justice following the latest junta attack which killed at least 29 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar’s Kachin state on Monday, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M).
The junta attack began without warning around 11.30 pm on Monday, 9 October, destroying the village of Munglai Hyket where 100 families displaced by junta violence were taking refuge. Powerful artillery explosions ripped through the village leaving craters where houses once stood. At least 11 of the 29 people killed were children and 56 people were injured. This could constitute a war crime.
“The Myanmar military is so emboldened by the indifference of the international community in response to its decades of atrocity crimes that it is now attacking camps for internally displaced people,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The military is flagrantly massacring the most vulnerable people in society, and yet UN entities in Myanmar will not even publicly name the military as the perpetrator. At what point will the UN decide to stand with the Myanmar people?”
Monday’s attack is the deadliest junta attack on civilians in Kachin state this year and comes almost a year after a junta airstrike on a music concert killed at least 60 people in the village of A Nang Pa, Kachin state, on 23 October 2022.
The junta has escalated its campaign of brutal violence against civilians across the country this year in wilful defiance of UN Security Council resolution 2669, adopted in December 2022. The resolution “demands an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country”. Security Council demands within resolutions are considered legally binding under international law but the resolution does not include any measures for the Security Council to act to enforce its binding demand.
“The junta is a rogue criminal gang that cannot be reasoned with,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Attacking a camp for displaced people is an act so utterly depraved that it defies humanity. Such depraved acts of violence are the reason the Myanmar people have been forced into a nation-defining struggle to liberate themselves entirely from the Myanmar military’s influence.”
The UN Security Council must enforce the junta’s compliance with its resolution using its powers under chapter VII of the UN Charter, through the imposition of a global arms embargo and targeted financial sanctions against the junta, and the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC).
If the Security Council won’t, or can’t, act, member States must take action through the General Assembly and pass an urgent resolution during the current 78th session.
“The abhorrent junta attack in Munglai Hyket is a result of the utter failure of the international community to act for the protection of the Myanmar people,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Continued failure of UN member States to take collective concrete action to end Myanmar military impunity is a betrayal of the Myanmar people.”..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"At least two of three siblings hospitalized following the strikes that annihilated their village in Kachin State shortly before midnight on Monday have yet to learn that their mother was killed, according to a volunteer helping survivors.
One is too young—one-and-a-half-months old—while the three-year old is unconscious. It is unclear whether their elder brother, a six-year-old, can comprehend what happened.
“Their mother died at the camp while her three children suffered injuries from the bombing. The middle child is severely injured, and he remains unconscious,” the volunteer said, adding: “Their father is somewhere at a front line fighting against junta troops.”
Like his oldest son, he may not yet know that his wife had been killed. He also may not know that his three children have been hospitalized.
The three siblings are among the 57 people injured that night in a series of blasts that killed at least 29 people, including 13 children—one of whom was just one-and-half-years old.
Regime troops bombarded the village located about two miles north of Laiza Town, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) said. Laiza is the KIA”s headquarters.
“A girl from my village lost all of her family members; her parents, her older brother and his wife. She is the only one who was not harmed because she was studying away from home,” a resident of Mung Lai Hkyet Village said. “Now she has nothing.”
She is not the only one. She is not the only one who lost an entire family, residents of the village that was home to internally displaced persons (IDPs) said.
The junta said on Wednesday that the deaths were a result of an explosion at a KIA warehouse containing about 105 tonnes of ammonium nitrate and weapons—countering the media reports that said the deaths were caused by the junta’s airstrikes or shelling.
KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu dismissed the regime’s account as “propaganda”, telling The Irrawaddy that the armed group would never position a gunpowder warehouse near civilians. A KIA investigation had determined that junta had either used a high-tech drone or a fleet of drones carrying bombs to strike the IDP camp, he added.
Other media reports say a series of blasts began shortly before midnight, with some reporting that the first one occurred at 11.30pm.
Former residents of the village told The Irrawaddy that there was a series of explosions. The first was massive, and it was followed by several more, they said. Some pointed to craters that they said were proof their village was obliterated by numerous bombs.
More than 600 IDPs from Mung Lai Hkyet Village are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, local aid groups said on Wednesday.
Most former residents of the village are taking refuge in four shelters near the office of Woichyai IDP camp, a representative of the camp told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
“We are struggling … We don’t have enough space for a large number of people. We also don’t have enough food to feed them,” he said.
“They lost everything. We need to provide food, water, clothes, bedding, blankets, diapers, utensils and all sorts of commodities for them,” he added.
Road blocks due to ongoing fighting between KIA troops and junta infantry units make it almost impossible to deliver humanitarian assistance to the victims, said a volunteer from Myitkyina, Kachin State’s capital.
Former residents of Mung Lai Hkyet cannot return to their village because it no longer exists.
“We want justice … This is not the first time they [junta troops] committed crimes against humanity,” a Kachin human rights activist, adding: “I want to stress the need for humanitarian assistance for those affected.”
Following the massacre, the KIA and Myanmar parallel National Unity Government condemned the bombing as a war crime.
The United Nations responded with a press release. It quoted Secretary-General Antonio Guterres saying he was “alarmed” by the deaths and that “those responsible must be held to account.”
“The Secretary-General condemns all forms of violence, including the military’s intensifying attacks throughout the country, which continue to fuel regional instability,” the press release from Guterres’ office added.
The British embassy in Yangon also issued a statement. It said it was “appalled by reports of a Myanmar military strike” that killed civilians..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin
Language:
more
Sub-title:
At least 29 people, including children, have been killed in an artillery strike on a displaced persons' camp in north-east Myanmar, near the Chinese border.
Description:
"The camp is in an area controlled by the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), one of several ethnic insurgent groups which have been fighting for self-rule for many decades.
All the victims were civilians, a KIO spokesman told the BBC.
It is one the deadliest attacks in the 63-year-long conflict in Kachin State.
Kachin officials say the armed forces have scaled up attacks on KIO-run areas over the past year because of growing Kachin support for other insurgent groups fighting the military government.
Much of Myanmar has been embroiled in a wider civil war since a 2021 military coup displaced the country's elected government. The military has increasingly used air strikes against opposition-controlled towns and villages since seizing power.
The exiled National Unity Government (NUG) has blamed the junta for the attack on the camp, describing it as a "war crime and crime against humanity".
Junta spokesman Maj Gen Zaw Min Tun denied that the military was behind the attack.
He claimed the army did not have any operations in the area and said the destruction was "probably" caused by stockpiled explosives.
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Images shared by local media showed bodies being pulled from the rubble and dozens of body bags lying side by side.
The attack late on Monday night happened in the Mong Lai Khet camp for displaced persons - on the outskirts of Laiza, the town on the Chinese border where the KIO has its headquarters.
Parts of the camp were destroyed by powerful explosions at about midnight, KIO officials told the BBC.
Footage of the aftermath shows many houses obliterated and large numbers of casualties.
Kachin officials believe at least 11 children are among those killed. Fifty-six more people were also injured in the latest attack, 44 of whom had been taken to hospital for treatment.
The United Nations in Myanmar said it was "deeply concerned" about reports of deaths in the camp.
"IDP camps are places of refuge, and civilians, no matter where they are, should never be a target," it said in a statement on Facebook.
The British embassy in the capital, Yangon, said it was "appalled by reports of a Myanmar military strike" that killed civilians.
The area around the camp has experienced conflict for many years, as it is not far from the front lines, where Kachin troops in trenches face off against government forces.
However, locals say that no fighting has taken place near the camp in recent times.
It is possible the attack was carried out from the air, but Col Naw Bu of the Kachin Independence Army said the group "did not hear any aircraft".
Almost exactly one year ago, the Myanmar air force used precision-guided bombs to attack an open-air concert at another Kachin base in the night, killing more than 80 people.
The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) - the KIO's armed wing - is one of the largest and most powerful insurgent groups in Myanmar. It has been fighting the central government sporadically since 1960 and consistently since a ceasefire broke down in 2011.
Since the coup, the military government has viewed the KIA as a significant threat, as it has been giving weapons and training to some of the new insurgent groups which have formed across the country to resist military rule.
KIA also has a long-standing alliance with the Arakan Army, an insurgent group formed initially in Kachin State. But since 2016, it has been operating in Rakhine State, on the other side of the country, where it has successfully challenged the military for control of much of the territory.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights said in its latest report on the country that it had found a "seemingly endless spiral of military violence"..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Internal displacement/forced migration of Kachin
Language:
more
Description:
"A military strike on the village of Mung Lai Hkyet in Kachin State, that includes camps for displaced people took place at 11.00 pm of 9 October. Twenty-nine people were killed, including 10 children, and 56 people wounded.
As of 25 September there are 1,968,200 Internally Displaced People, IDPs in Myanmar of which 1,662,000 were displaced after 1 February 2021, and 1,031,600 are in Magway and Sagaing. Military raids in Pale and Ye-U in Sagaing State on 6 October caused the displacement of approximately 20,000 new IDPs.
Heavy rainfall has been affecting southern Myanmar since 8 October, causing widespread floods and resulting in casualties and damage.
According to ASEAN Disaster Information Network (ADINet) and media, as of 9 October due to floods more than 12,155 people have been internally displaced, of whom 12,000 in Bago Township of Bago Region, 100 in Taikkyi Township of Yangon Region and 55 in Kyaikhto Township of Mon State due to floods. Moreover, almost 2,839 houses have been affected. For the next 24 hours, more rainfall is forecast over the affected regions..."
Source/publisher:
European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Flooding in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"1.On 9 October 2023 at 11:25PM local time, the terrorist military council launched heavy artillery and coordinated airstrikes in a Time on Target attack on the Munglai Hkyet IDP Camp near Laiza in Kachin State.
2.Based on initial reports, at least 30 have been killed, including women and 13 children and at least a further 57 have been injured. Rescue and recovery efforts are currently ongoing, and these numbers may increase. In addition, the destruction of one kindergarten, one school, one church and many civilians’ houses have been reported.
3.This deliberate and targeted attack by the terrorist military council on civilians fleeing conflict constitutes a blatant crime against humanity and war crime.
4.The National Unity Government strongly condemns this inhumane crime against humanity and war crime by the terrorist military council, and stands strongly together with the people of Kachin. The National Unity Government shares the pain from this tragic loss of many lives in the Kachin state, and commits to work together to our full ability to restore justice for all those affected.
5.The terrorist military council has taken advantage of the moment of the international community’s attention on the recent developments of the Israel-Hamas conflict to commit yet another crime against humanity and war crime.
6.In accordance with the UN resolution 2669, the National Unity Government strongly urges the international community to take timely and strong actions against the terrorist military council for their crimes against humanity, and to cooperate with the people of Myanmar to effectively prevent similar atrocities in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
24.6 KB 130.53 KB
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Description:
"၁။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ (၉) ရက်၊ ည ၁၁ နာရီ ၂၅ မိနစ် အချိန်ခန့်တွင် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ လိုင်ဇာမြို့အနီးရှိ မုန်လိုင်ခက် (Munglai Hkyet) စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်က လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လေကြောင်း တို့ကို တပြိုင်နက် အသုံးပြုကာ ဗုံးကြဲပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှု ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။
၂။ ကနဦးရရှိသော သတင်းများအရ အဆိုပါတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းရှိ ကလေးသူငယ် ၁၃ ဦးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးများအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ ၃၀ ဦးထက်မနည်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရသူ ၅၇ ဦးထက်မနည်းရှိကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ မြေပြင်တွင် ရှာဖွေကယ်ဆယ်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင် နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး သေဆုံးသူ၊ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရသူ အရေအတွက်မှာ ပိုမိုများပြားလာနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အဆိုပါ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုဒဏ်ကြောင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်း အပြင် စာသင်ကျောင်း ၁ ကျောင်း ၊ မူကြိုကျောင်း ၁ကျောင်း၊ ဘုရားကျောင်း ၁ ကျောင်း နှင့် အရပ်သားလူနေအိမ်များစွာ ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။
၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်မဟုတ်သည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်သောစစ်ဘေးရှောင် စခန်းအား ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အဆိုပါ လုပ်ရပ်သည် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု နှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်လိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်စွာ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု နှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုတ်ချပြီး ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်အတူ တသားတည်း ရပ်တည်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများ၏ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးမှုအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် ထပ်တူ နာကျင်ခံစားရကာ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးရသူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ပြန်လည်ရယူပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အတူတကွ အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးစားသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၅။ ယခုဖြစ်ရပ်သည် အစ္စရေးလ်နှင့်ဟားမတ်စ် စစ်ရေးပဋိပက္ခအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာက စိုးရိမ်မှုမြင့်တက်ကာ အာရုံစိုက်နေခြင်းကို အခွင့်ကောင်းယူ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို အချိန်ကိုက် ထပ်မံကျူးလွန်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
၆။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ကျူးလွန်မှုများနှင့် အလားတူ ထပ်မံကျူးလွန်မှုများ မရှိစေရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အပိုဒ် ၂၆၆၉ အရ အချိန်နှင့်တပြေးညီ ပြင်းထန်ထိရောက်စွာ ဟန့်တားအရေးယူပေးပါရန်နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့်အတူ ထိရောက်စွာ ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အလေးအနက် တောင်းဆိုတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History
Language:
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Description:
"In Myanmar, the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster was activated in January 2013. By March 2013, the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster became operational in Kachin and Northern Shan States. Currently 3 Camp Management Agencies undertake substantial work for the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster: data collection, coordination, monitoring of services, community mobilization and capacity building across camps that house over 107,000 IDPs. The objective of the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster remains to ensure all of the priority, camps that contain the majority of IDPs, have a dedicated Camp Management Agency, delivering coordinated assistance in line with the rights and needs of the displaced and where possible preparing them for life after displacement..."
Source/publisher:
CCCM Cluster, Shelter Cluster, UN High Commissioner for Refugees via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-09-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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452.33 KB
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Sub-title:
The junta’s opponents are contesting roads, rivers and railways throughout the country, but the regime retains sufficient control over supply lines to sustain its offensives.
Description:
"Opposition forces across the country launched multiple attacks on regime convoys and flotillas carrying supplies and reinforcements, as well as against infrastructure like bridges and railways. To secure its lines of communication, the regime deployed more firepower and sent advance units to raid and depopulate nearby communities. This month’s update looks at recent dynamics in the Dry Zone, Bago East, and Kayah, where fighting along vital transport routes continues to escalate.
Regime makes progress over Dry Zone resistance, although some units grow stronger
Widespread armed violence persisted across the Dry Zone, with regime units continuing their efforts to locate and destroy independent Local Defence Forces (LDFs).?
In July, the IISS described an ongoing shift in tactics away from the pervasive use of arson by regime forces. Instead, soldiers are increasingly employing more select forms of violence, drawing on improved intelligence to help them identify and kill resistance fighters and their supporters. Reports of raids, killings, and torture by regime forces continue even as the pace of village arson declines.
The number of successful raids against LDFs coupled with information from multiple sources suggest that the regime may be making progress in reducing the number of localised armed actors operating across the Dry Zone. Most LDFs continue to depend primarily on homemade weapons, restricting their ability to effectively defend against raids, which accelerated after the regime dedicated additional resources to this theatre of operations early this year. Single attacks by regime units commonly result in the destruction of entire resistance cells.
Although independent and poorly equipped LDFs appear to be facing mounting difficulties, some individual People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) operating in coordination with the National Unity Government (NUG) or ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) appear increasingly coordinated and well-equipped. Over the last two months, photo and video evidence uploaded to social media has shown the growing prevalence of what appear to be factory-manufactured rifles, rather than homemade weapons, in the hands of uniformed PDF units operating in the Dry Zone. If these trends continue into 2024, the conflict in central Myanmar may evolve from a grassroots rebellion into a protracted insurgency waged by a smaller number of armed outfits. The geographical extent of fighting between combatants could become more limited even as some individual battles intensify.
The Dry Zone has also witnessed intensified conflict along its rivers, which both sides rely on for transport and supply. In late July, a regime flotilla of six supply ships and three gunboats departed from Mandalay, traveling up the Irrawaddy River on its way to Kachin State. On 31 July, a similarly-sized flotilla embarked from Monywa, moving north along the Chindwin River. In both instances, the regime sent advance columns to secure the riverbank as the flotilla moved upriver by conducting village raids, leading to mass displacement as well as the death and injury of numerous civilians. Multiple resistance outfits equipped with makeshift rockets and small arms made unsuccessful attempts to halt the regime’s waterborne convoys by launching ambushes from dug-in positions along the riverbank. Violence along the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers is likely to accelerate, leading to more civilian casualties and displacement.....Resistance contests regime supply lines in Bago East
The last three months saw a marked acceleration of fighting in Bago East, where allied units from the Karen National Union (KNU) and PDFs are exerting increased pressure on one of the country’s most important corridors. Resistances forces may now aim to break out onto the western side of the Sittaung River in order to threaten three important routes linking Yangon to Naypyidaw and Mandalay: the railway, the old highway, and the new highway further to the west. In the last three months, resistance forces have carried out multiple ambushes near to the railway and old highway. The regime’s hold on the new highway, however, remains relatively secure for now.
Some of the more notable fighting has occurred outside the towns of Kyauktaga and Nyaunglebin, where the river nears the old road and railway. Yet resistance forces will need to overcome several significant obstacles if they are to expand operations further west beyond the Sittaung River. The Karen Hills, which are dominated by the KNU, are an important supply base and launching pad for attacks along the eastern side of the valley. To threaten the new highway in the west, coalition forces will need to establish a firmer foothold in the Bago Mountains or risk overstretching their supply lines. Resistance activities in the Bago Mountains appear limited for the time being.
Despite a growing number of ambushes and acts of sabotage, the regime’s strengths in air and artillery will likely prevent resistance forces from consolidating control over any exposed segment of the transport corridor. Since the coup, a similar contest over the Asia Highway 1 in Kayin and Mon states has involved numerous resistance disruptions to commerce and logistics, sometimes for weeks at a time. However, the regime has consistently proven itself able to repel major offensives, repair damaged segments of the road, and resume the flow of troops and traffic. Moreover, attacks on infrastructure are costly for resistance forces and their civilian supporters who also rely on the same roads and bridges used by the regime. A limited contest along transport routes in Bago is likely to continue, especially in the southeastern portion of the Sittaung Valley.
Kayah State resistance maintains operational tempo despite regime onslaught
An ongoing battle that began in March this year continued unabated in Kayah State, where the regime and a coalition of Karenni resistance outfits are vying for control over key lines of communication. In late May, regime forces adopted a blockade strategy by seizing control of the main junctions and roads along the border between Kayah and Shan states. On 13 June, however, a sizeable faction of soldiers from the regime-aligned Karenni border guard forces defected before launching attacks alongside resistance units in the state’s southeast. The mutiny forced the regime to dispatch additional units southward in an ongoing attempt to regain control of Mese town and its surrounding positions.
Karenni fighters have attempted to halt the regime’s reinforcements with frequent ambushes, especially along the road between Demoso and Hpruso, the state’s second- and third-largest towns. In August, regime units seized several key villages along the route in an effort to secure safe passage for a convoy, reportedly comprising between 80 and 120 trucks. Karenni units responded with surprise attacks behind the enemy’s frontlines in early September, inflicting losses on the regime. In a recent interview, Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) chair Khun Bedu admitted that his forces could not stop the regime’s advances due to heavy air and artillery strikes. Though they struggle to consolidate their gains, Karenni fighters remain able to manoeuvre throughout the theatre and continually contest the state’s key sites, preventing the regime from establishing a secure frontline outside urban areas. Both sides have suffered significant casualties in the last two months.
The Karenni resistance is possibly the most formidable of any movement to have emerged after the 2021 coup. Their success is drawn from a number of factors, including effective coordination among various outfits, a good degree of shared political vision, and strong leadership from field commanders. The Karenni coalition is also well-equipped, making it possible for its motivated fighters to maintain a high tempo of attacks against the regime. The ongoing battle involves some of the fiercest combat of the last two decades and is likely to continue indefinitely, with both sides stubbornly committed to the fight despite the mounting costs in lives and materiel. The conflict is driving a major humanitarian crisis, with as much as 75% of the state’s population displaced..."
Source/publisher:
International Institute for Strategic Studies
Date of publication:
2023-09-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"WEEKLY HIGHLIGHTS: In the South-East, the number of IDPs increased from
523,900 from last week to 530,400 this week.
In Bago (East) Region, ongoing fighting forced 4,900
IDPs from Kyaukkyi Township to flee within the same
township. This includes some 425 IDPs being
displaced multiple times.
In Kayin State, as a result of armed clashes, some
7,700 IDPs were displaced for the second time in
Kyainseikgyi Township. In Mon State, some 20 IDPs
from Thaton Township were displaced within the
same township due to the fighting near their villages
but have returned to their homes since then.
In Shan (South), some300 IDPs from Mongkaing
Township were displaced to Nansang Township due
to intensified fighting in their area.
In Tanintharyi Region, some 1,800 IDPs from Palaw
Township were displaced within the township due to
increased tensions and security concerns.
Across the border, about 8,300 people from Myanmar
remain displaced in Mae Hong Son Province,
Thailand..."
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-09-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"The civilian death toll in Myanmar since the February 2021 coup surpassed 4,000 as of August 24 as the junta escalated its campaign of atrocities against its own people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors civilian casualties and arrests by the regime.
Number of post-coup civilian deaths in states and regions as of August 24, 2023
At least 1,080 civilians were killed between January 1 and August 24 of this year, as the junta intensified attacks on civilian targets, the AAPP estimated.
An average of 130 civilians are killed each month by junta airstrikes, shelling, gunfire and other methods, it said.
Junta forces killed nearly 3,000 civilians between February 1, 2021 and December 31, 2022.
Estimated number of civilians killed in Myanmar so far this year (by gender)
Graphic: The Irrawaddy Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
The resistance stronghold of Sagaing Region suffered the highest number of civilian causalities as junta troops conducted frequent raids, massacres, indiscriminate shelling and airstrikes in both rural and urban areas.
Estimated number of civilian deaths by month so far this year
Graphic: The Irrawaddy Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
Nearly 1,800 civilians were killed in Sagaing (45 percent of the total civilian death toll) while tens of thousands of homes were incinerated in the region by junta forces since the military takeover.
So far this year, more than 600 women civilians were killed and 18 rape cases were reported, the AAPP reported..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Aug 22 to 31, 2023
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Kachin State, and Kayah State from August 22nd to 31st. Military Junta arrested over 30 civilians including 2 children and used them as human shields in Kachin State. They also arrested, tortured, and killed over 20 civilians from the Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Kachin State, and Shan State. A woman from Wetlet Township was raped and killed by the Military’s Junta on August 26th.
The Head of the Prison who works under the Military Junta sued 33 political prisoners from Pathein Prison again with 2 more Penal codes. At least an underage child died and 4 were injured by the Military’s light and heavy attacks within a week. Civilians were forced to leave their places at least 6 times within a week by the Military Junta troops marching in the regions..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"La Hkum Lu Aung remembers a time when her life was peaceful and pleasant. Her family had enjoyed normal days, working hard to raise farm animals and cultivate rice and other crops in Nam Lin Pa village of Mansi Township, Kachin State. That was almost ten years ago, before conflict disrupted their lives and they had to flee from their homes. La Hkum Lu Aung has been living in Maing Khaung KBC camp for internally displaced people since then.
"Life at the camp has been full of difficulties," she says. Among the different challenges that they have been facing, La Hkum Lu Aung says one of the most difficult problems was the lack of access to clean water.
"Everyone at the camp used to collect water from a single hand pump so we could hardly ever collect sufficient water for ourselves. The water was also dirty and had high iron content, making it unsafe for drinking or cooking. It was not adequate even for washing clothes because it used to stain all our clothes," she says.
In Maing Khaung village, a total of 6,200 people suffered from limited access to clean water, one of the most conflict-affected areas in Kachin State. The village also hosts 1,600 displaced people.
Therefore, both displaced people and host communities would get water from hand-dug wells and hand pump boreholes, but it was not good enough for drinking, cooking, and washing clothes.
To improve access to clean water for the people living in remote and conflict-affected areas of Kachin, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has implemented four gravity flow water system projects over the last five years, benefiting 11,000 people.
The gravity flow water systems, designed to efficiently transport water from uphill springs to low-lying areas through pipelines, were set up in Sumpyiyang village (Putao Township), Lawa village (Hpakant Township), and Taunglin and Maing Khaung villages (Mansi Township). The system helps people save time and effort in collecting water from distant water sources and increases their access to clean water. "During our assessment visits, villagers shared their everyday struggle to access clean water in sufficient quantity. They were also eager to work collectively in creating a solution," says ICRC engineer Ko Thein Oo. He shares that the communities came together to carry materials to the site, dig for the pipelines, build grooves when the pipelines were laid and connect pipes to transfer water within the villages.
"The gravity flow water system is a simple and cost-effective method of distributing water in areas where electricity or fuel is not available or affordable," says Ko Thein Oo. The system's effectiveness depends on various factors, including the terrain, the distance between the water source and the point of use, and the demand for water. "In Kachin, the system proved to be effective," he adds.
La Hkum Lu Aung expresses that the system has significantly improved their lives.
Now, we get clean water in abundance. We are no longer always anxious about our health and are even able to organize celebrations or events in the village without worrying about the quantity of water required. We appreciate the ICRC for all the help.
La Hkum Lu Aung
Lazing Bawk Mai, who is also from Maing Khaung village, says they used to struggle often to find someone to repair the hand pump. "I have four kids, which means that I have many clothes to wash. It used to be very difficult when we had to collect water from the hand pump. But since the ICRC set up the new system, I am not worried about this basic need. We have enough water, and it is very clean, so we drink without any hesitation," says Lazing Bawk Mai..."
Source/publisher:
International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"Documented incidents
11 August 2023: On the highway connecting Shwegyin town, near Puzun Myaung village, Swea Da Lwe village tract, Nyaunglebin township, Bago region, two ambulances were attacked with small firearms, injuring a male aid worker and damaging the roof and windows of one of the ambulances. The junta authorities accused an ethnic armed group and local resistance forces of the attack. Sources: Myaelat Athan, Popular News Journal and Telegram
12 August 2023: In Kanbalu town, township, and district, Sagaing region, a female midwife and four family members were stabbed and killed at their home by an unidentified armed group. The midwife was not affiliated with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). After being warned by the local resistance forces to be affiliated with CDM, she moved to the town. The junta authorities accused the local resistance forces of the attack. Sources: Delta News Agency, Mandalay Free Press and Popular News Journal
12 August 2023: On the highway connecting Falam town and Hakha town in Chin state, an ambulance leaving Falam town for Ramthlo village, Falam township was blocked by the Myanmar military while on its way to rescue seven civilians wounded in an air and ground attack of the village by the Myanmar military. Source: Chin Human Rights Organization
12 August 2023: At the military checkpoint in Dawei town, township, and district, the restrictions of transport of medicine and rice from Dawei town to the villages in the east of this town was reinforced with a warning that the people would be arrested and vehicles would be seized if they were found with medicine and rice cargoes. The restrictions have been in place since late 2021.
Sources: Khit Thit Media and Tanintharyi Times
13 August 2023: In Tha Khut Ta Nei village and village tract, Budalin township, Monywa district,
Sagaing region, a rural health centre, a monastery, market stalls, and civilian houses were torched in a two-day raid on the village by the Myanmar military. Sources: Mandalay Free Press, Myaelatt Athan and Myanmar Now
13 August 2023: In Pauk Kan village and village tract, Wetlet township, Shwebo district, Sagaing region, a rural health centre, a school, and civilian houses were attacked by the Myanmar military air force, injuring four civilians. The impact on the health facility and health workers was reported to be not known at the time of report. At the time of the attack the health facility was functioning with CDM-affiliated health workers. Sources: Kachin News Group, Khit Thit Media and Myaelatt Athan
14 August 2023: In Chanayethazan town and township, Mandalay city, district, and region, a CDM-affiliated obstetrician was arrested from her home by the junta authorities and security forces.
Sources: Facebook, Irrawaddy and Telegram
As reported on 15 August 2023: In Thin Gan Nyi Naung village and village tract, Myawaddy township and district, Kayin state, civilians were denied access to health care at a station hospital due to Border Guard Force and Myanmar military members receiving health care at the hospital and for the security reason of the junta forces. Source: Myanmar Pressphoto Agency
15 August 2023: On the highway connecting Monywa town and Mandalay town, near Myay Ne village and village tract, Monywa township and district, Sagaing region, a doctor, who was a political prisoner, was killed in a landmine attack on a convoy of five military trucks transferring prisoners from Monywa Prison to prisons in Myingyan town and Mandalay town. He was arrested on 24 September 2021 and sentenced to 11-year imprisonment for allegedly providing health care to civilians in areas affected by armed clashes, and for supporting local resistance forces.
Sources: Mandalay Free Press and Radio Free Asia
As reported on 16 August 2023: In Mese town, township, and district, Kayah state, a township hospital was damaged during armed clashes between the Myanmar military and a joint force of ethnic armed groups and local resistance forces that took place between 13 to 15 June 2023. The ceiling and window glasses were damaged and bullet holes on the walls of the hospital buildings.
Artillery fire was used by both sides and airstrikes were conducted by the Myanmar military.
Source: Myanmar Now
18 August 2023: In Nam Poke village and village tract, Mohnyin township and district, Kachin state, a female nurse and six civilians were injured during artillery shelling by the ethnic armed organisation Shan-Ni Army. Source: Mekong News
18 August 2023: In Mahaaungmyay town and township, Mandalay city, district, and region, the Mingalar Private Hospital was ordered to temporarily close for three months starting 25 August 2023. The junta’s order does not mention any reasons; however, the hospital employed two CDM-affiliated doctors arrested in February and August 2022. Sources: Delta News Agency,
Mandalay Free Press and Radio Free Asia
19 August 2023: At the military checkpoint near Za Wea village and village tract, Tanintharyi township, Myeik district, Tanintharyi region, the Myanmar military blocked the transport of medicine, rice, and fuel from Myeik town to Tanintharyi town. Sources: Dawei Watch and Tanintharyi Times
20 August 2023: In Htee Paw So village and village tract, Hpruso township, Demoso district, Kayah state, a rural health centre was damaged during artillery shelling by the Myanmar military. Source: Kantarawaddy Times
21 August 2023: In Mindat town, township, and district, Chin state, a district hospital and three public schools were ordered to temporarily close down. The junta’s order does not mention any reasons; however, there were heightened clashes in the downtown area of Mindat town, and an ambulance owned by the hospital was seized from the hospital by the ethnic armed organisation Chin Defence Force on 20 August. At the time of the attack, the hospital was functioning, but only in a low profile. Before this attack, six health facilities with in-patient service, 40 health facilities with out-patient service, and 180 schools in this township were under the control of the ethnic armed organisation. Sources: Delta News Agency, Irrawaddy, The Mindat Post and Zalen
22 August 2023: In Myawaddy town, township, and district, Kayin state, a fully-functioning district hospital was damaged by a drone armed with explosives to drop two bombs. The roofs of mortuary and public latrines were damaged. The junta authorities accused the ethnic armed group Karen National Union and local resistance forces for the attack. Source: Telegram..."
Source/publisher:
Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-08-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Public Health, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Sub-title:
Junta soldiers stole food and set fire to houses.
Description:
"Junta troops arrested around 100 villagers in Myanmar’s Magway region, killing one man, locals told RFA Tuesday.
Around 100 soldiers raided Shwe Lin Swea in Myaing township on Sunday after bombarding the village with heavy artillery.
They arrested 40 men and around 60 women, setting most free the following day.
Locals said they held onto four men and tortured them, killing one 50-year-old man.
“There were four arrested including Htay Win but he was killed,” said a local who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals.
“One man escaped … When he was asked to drive a bullock cart by the soldiers he released the bullocks, pretended to chase them and ran away.”
The local said two men were still being held by the troops but he didn’t know their names.
The troops took rice, oil, beans and cooking utensils from the villagers before heading to another village, according to another local who also requested anonymity for safety reasons.
“The troops moved on to Let Htoke Taw village in the afternoon and grabbed things from the village and even from the monastery [and put them in] three trucks,” the local said.
“There is no one left in the village. The village was set on fire without anyone to defend [the houses].”
Another local said troops burned around 40 houses in Myaing township. He said nearly 1,700 residents of Shwe Lin Swea and Let Htoke villages fled ahead of the junta raids.
Aung Zeya, leader of the Myaing Villages Revolutionary Front, told RFA local defense forces clashed with the troops on Sunday as they moved the stolen food to another village in the township but he didn’t say how many casualties there were on either side.
The junta spokesperson for Magway region, Than Swe Win, said that he was not aware of the incident because he was on medical leave.
More than 10,000 homes in Magway region have been burned down by the junta and affiliated militias since the Feb. 2021 coup, according to the independent research group Data for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"Junta airstrikes on civilian and resistance targets in Kayah State have risen sharply over the past six months, doubling the combined total in 2021 and 2022, according to the Progressive Karenni People Force (PKPF), which monitors regime atrocities in the state.
THE PKPF’s report on Tuesday recorded a total of 572 airstrikes on civilian targets and battlegrounds in the resistance stronghold of Kayah State, as junta forces increasingly rely on aerial assaults amid heavy losses for their ground troops.
However, the first half of 2023 saw twice as many regime airstrikes than in 2021 and 2022 combined. This period accounted for 68 percent of the total number of airstrikes conducted by the junta in the two and a half years since the coup.
Meanwhile, at least 766 clashes have erupted between regime forces and allied resistance groups in Kayah State since the military takeover, the Karenni rights group said.
The death toll among junta troops in Kayah is estimated at 2,230 – seven times larger than casualties suffered by resistance forces.
Around 310 resistance fighters have been killed fighting the junta in Kayah State, according to the PKPF.
Resistance groups had also destroyed 64 junta vehicles and seized a large quantity weapons and ammunition during the battles.
Meanwhile, junta forces have killed around 516 civilians and detained 196 since the coup, the group reported on Tuesday.
Junta shelling and bombing raids targeting civilians had also destroyed at least 1,639 houses and 39 religious buildings.
On June 6, resistance forces established the Karenni State Interim Executive Council (IEC) as an interim government body, while junta administration only functions in the state capital of Loikaw, according to local sources.
Meanwhile, fighting has escalated in Hpaswang and Mese townships after the regime sent heavy reinforcements to Kayah State last month.
The United Nations estimates that at least 98,400 people were displaced in the state as of July 17. However, local aid groups on the ground report that more than 270,000 people have been displaced in Kayah State and neighbouring Pekon township of Southern Shan State.
Aid groups said around 100,000 people are in urgent need of food supplies and healthcare assistance..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-08-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Armed conflict in Burma -- offensives, Political History
Language:
more
Sub-title:
The latest attacks come amid reports that the military is using the river to transport supplies to northern Sagaing Region
Description:
"At least 5,000 people have been displaced by recent military raids targeting villages along the Chindwin River in Sagaing Region, according to local relief workers.
The latest attacks come as seven cargo ships, accompanied by two gunboats, started making their way north from the Sit Pin Port in Monywa early Monday morning, locals reported.
“We assume they’re going to Homalin and Mawlaik townships with supplies, weapons and ammunition. Troops on the ground raided Say Thu, which is right on the river, this morning,” a resident of the area told Myanmar Now on Monday.
Many of the displaced civilians are from Sone Chaung, a large village located opposite Monywa on the western bank of the Chindwin. Most fled the village after junta troops massacred 14 residents on July 21.
Some who returned after that incident said they were forced to flee again after soldiers stationed nearby renewed their attacks.
“We went back, but we’re sure it’s not safe to stay overnight yet. Everyone’s been displaced since the military arrived,” said a Sone Chaung villager who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Other villages affected by the recent raids include Than Po, Sithu, Pan Tein Pyin, and Kyauk Hmaw, according to local relief workers.
Myanmar’s military often uses the Chindwin River to transport supplies to remote parts of northern Sagaing Region. The regime has faced fierce resistance to its rule throughout the region since it seized power in a coup in February 2021.
Military supply lines are a frequent target of anti-junta groups that have deployed guerrilla tactics as a means of weakening the junta’s ability to assert control over the country’s population.
According to the latest United Nations estimates, ongoing conflict in Myanmar has displaced at least 1.6 million civilians over the past two and a half years..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2023-08-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Three villages in Palaw Township (ပုလောမြို့နယ်), Tanintharyi Region (တနင်္သာရီ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး).
To (တို) village [12.865942, 98.660944]
Tan Shin (တန်းရှင်း) village [12.873319, 98.668229]
Thin Gan Taw (သင်္ကန်းတော) village [12.877906, 98.671760]
Date/Time of incident:
30 December 2022
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Myanmar Military
Conclusions by Myanmar Witness
Myanmar Witness documented 32 fire incidents in the Tanintharyi region during 2022.
On 30 December 2022, the villages of To village, Tan Shin village and Thin Gan Taw village in Palaw township experienced fires and over 60 houses were reportedly set alight by the Myanmar military.
Myanmar Witness verified the fires by geolocating and chronolocating user-generated content (UGC) showing the damage.
Myanmar Witness has verified that at least 48 houses were set on fire in the villages of To, Tan Shin and Thin Gan Taw.
Information gathered by Myanmar Witness suggests that Myanmar military are likely to be responsible for the fires.
Summary
Myanmar Witness’ ongoing fire monitoring recorded at least 32 cases of fires in Tanintharyi region (တနင်္သာရီ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး) during 2022. This report focuses on fires that happened on 30 December 2022, during which more than 60 houses were set on fire in three villages of Palaw township (ပုလောမြို့နယ်) in Tanintharyi region. Myanmar Witness verified that the fires occurred in To (တို), Tan Shin (တန်းရှင်း), and Thin Gan Taw (သင်္ကန်းတော) villages. Myanmar Witness concluded that the most likely perpetrator is the Myanmar military.
Background and Context
The military seized power and detained the officially elected government on 1 February 2021. Since then, the Myanmar military has repeatedly committed human rights violations such as arbitrary arrests and torture, setting entire villages alight, and mass killings across the country. In this report, Myanmar Witness investigates the three incidents that reportedly damaged or destroyed more than 60 houses in three villages during the last week of December 2022.
Prior to this event, Myanmar Witness’ monitoring reveals that at least 29 other fire incidents occurred in Tanintharyi during 2022. As previous reporting indicates, civilian homes are overwhelmingly impacted during these events. Homes were destroyed during at least three separate fire incidents in the first three months of 2022, 20 incidents in April, May, June and July, two incidents in September and October, and four incidents in November.
According to Dawei Watch, approximately 48, 7, and 14 houses were destroyed by the fire in To, Tan Shin, and Thin Gan Taw villages respectively in the last week of December. Through an in-depth investigation, Myanmar Witness has confirmed that at least 47 houses were damaged or destroyed by the fires.
Methodology & limitations
To read the methodology and limitations, download the PDF.
Fires in Tanintharyi township during 2022
Burnt homes in Palaw Township
Verifying the fires using geolocation
Myanmar Witness identified 46 houses in To village, and one house in Tan Shin village, that were damaged or destroyed by the fires.
Drone footage captured the period when To village was engulfed in flames and smoke (Figure 3; top). Myanmar Witness fellows were able to geolocate the footage to the village using satellite imagery (figure 3; bottom).
During this analysis, Myanmar Witness scrutinised satellite imagery of the area over time. The house circled in white (figure 3) was not built in November 2021 (as it was not visible in the imagery from that period). This new house, along with the house circled in orange, which were both used during the geolocation, were completely destroyed by the fire.
Myanmar Witness was also able to verify the extent of the damage on the ground using a video recording taken by two men driving a motorcycle through the destroyed village (source redacted due to privacy concerns). The footage was compared with satellite images to identify which houses were destroyed (figure 4). The route taken by the video recorders is shown with the red line, with the starting point of the video on the far right. The houses shown in yellow were damaged or destroyed by the fire, and Myanmar Witness was able to identify 40 damaged or destroyed houses. It is possible that more houses were destroyed, however these were not captured by the video footage.
Between November 2021 (when the latest imagery of To village on Google Earth was taken) and December 2022, new houses had been constructed in the village. For example, this investigation revealed two destroyed homes which were not visible in earlier satellite imagery. The location of these two houses is outlined in orange (figure 4). Additionally, figures 5 and 6 show the geolocations of five damaged houses to To village.
Perpetrators
Myanmar Witness has previously and extensively reported on the use of fire by the military against villages with known anti-State Administration Council (SAC) links. In this case, when the drone captured footage of the three villages engulfed in smoke, a military convoy (outlined by the red box in figure 13) was visible near to the fires.
Myanmar Witness can confirm that the vehicles in the convoy are commonly used by the Myanmar military and has identified this type of vehicles within other military activity (figure 14). For example, the three vehicles shown in red in figure 14, left, are the same as those shown in figure 14, top right. The seven vehicles shown in white in figure 14, left, are identical to those seen in figure 14, bottom right.
Although there is no footage showing military personnel setting the fires alight, Myanmar Witness concluded that the presence of Myanmar military convoy in the vicinity of the fires increases the likelihood that they were the perpetrators.
Conclusion
In this investigation, the Myanmar Witness fellows investigated fires which led to the destruction of civilian homes in Palaw township, Tanintharyi region, on 30 December 2022. The location and time of the fires was verified using geolocation techniques (a location-based verification method) and chronolocation (a location-based time calculation method).
According to reports, about 69 houses were burnt down. Myanmar Witness concluded that at least 47 houses were damaged or destroyed by the fires. Given the presence of a military convoy in the vicinity of the fires, Myanmar Witness deems that it was likely that the Myanmar military was responsible for the fires. This is in line with other documented military activity..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2023-07-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.3 MB
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Sub-title:
Troops have been raiding villages almost daily since last Friday
Description:
"A junta raid on Tuesday forced nearly 5,000 residents from 10 villages in Sagaing region to flee, locals told RFA.
They said a junta column raided a village in Salingyi township this morning, prompting locals from other villages in the area to abandon their homes.
“In the past people normally returned to their villages if the junta column left and went away,” said a villager who didn’t want to be named for security reasons.
“But now it’s raining and hot, so the roads are bad and it's hard for people [to move around].”
The local said the junta had been carrying out systematic raids on villages almost every day since July 21.
Residents said they are also scared to return home because they fear junta gunboats will come up the river firing heavy artillery.
RFA reached out to the junta’s Sagaing region spokesman, Saw Naing, for comment but he did not answer calls on Tuesday.
Nearly 800,000 Sagaing region residents have been forced to flee their homes due to the conflict since the junta staged a February 2021 coup, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA)..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-07-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Sub-title:
A federal system that is genuinely inclusive, sustainable, and democratic must include a prominent role for women from the country’s ethnic minority communities.
Description:
"The decades-long struggle for a democratic Myanmar has been marked by many false dawns and untimely collapses, with the challenge of holding together a multiethnic and multicultural union often proving too much of a hurdle.
The civil war has only worsened since the illegal coup in February 2021, and while the military junta’s rule is doomed to fail, it is clear that Myanmar must start working toward its democratic future now to ensure that peace, when it comes, is meaningful and lasting. Doing this will require reflection on why previous attempts have been unsuccessful. It is more apparent than ever that Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement must adopt bottom-up approaches moving forward – and this must start with ensuring the equal participation of women.
In Myanmar, women have long faced discrimination due to laws, religious rules, and conservative social traditions. The onset of the civil war in 1948 brought concerns about women’s safety on the battlefield. However, following the military coup in February 2021, the role of women has undergone a transformative shift compared to previous decades. Women have taken prominent positions in the resistance to bring an end to the brutal military dictatorship, and are leading the humanitarian relief and emergency support efforts in conflict-affected areas.
Over the decades, the women of Myanmar have been repeatedly told by men that establishing a democratic union must come before their calls to ensure gender equality. The Spring Revolution is no exception. Tragically, numerous women have lost their lives in battles against the Myanmar military. Additionally, many women in Myanmar find themselves single-handedly shouldering the responsibility of leading their families following the demise of male family members in the conflict.
Despite the many obstacles placed before women throughout Myanmar’s history, they have prevailed by continuing to be advocates for peace, justice, and equality in their communities. Women continue to emerge as survivors of political and military conflict while stakeholders refuse to recognize their resilience and capabilities.
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This must change.
The Myanmar military junta is undoubtedly the shared enemy of the people and the main obstacle to achieving long-term, sustainable peace and democracy. However, removing the junta from power is not the be-all-end-all of the struggle for a democratic Myanmar. As history has shown, the election of the National League for Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was not enough to ensure respect for human rights, democracy, and federalism. The roadmap to a sustainable federal Myanmar requires dismantling patriarchal attitudes and beliefs that have held back women and ethnic people from having an equal say in government and public policy. The future of Myanmar must be rooted in equality; men and women in Myanmar should work together to pursue gender-forward policies which champion all groups and identities.
As we strive for democracy, it is crucial to consistently implement measures safeguarding women’s lives, security, and rights. We must devise strategies that support the courage and leadership abilities demonstrated by women who have emerged during the ongoing resistance against the military junta’s brutal oppression.
Women human rights defenders have been working toward this vision for decades, but its success also requires the willpower and commitment of men. While the resistance is ongoing, all members of the pro-democracy movement must begin unlearning harmful practices, many of which stem from Burmanization. Further, the promotion of harmful stereotypes which suggest women are indecisive and incapable of holding leadership positions must be abandoned.
In the meantime, Myanmar’s human rights situation is volatile and rife with widespread and systematic violations of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties. The current conditions deprive civilians, including the most vulnerable, of their dignity and basic rights. An urgent and coordinated response is needed to end military impunity and promote democratic norms and values in the country. This can be achieved by establishing local governance systems in each state and region through a bottom-up, grassroots approach.
A strong example of this approach and its adaptation is the Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC), which recently established its interim executive committee, becoming the first state to form its governing body. The KSCC cooperates with local organizations to solve political problems and provide services. KSCC established an interim executive council (IEC) for the people of Karenni State, including women’s leadership and participation. The formation of the IEC is a clear example of how this equality-focused approach can work in this context.
For federalism to be successful, what is happening in Karenni State must be replicated in the country’s other ethnic states, with their autonomy recognized by the National Unity Government. Local government administrations must have clearly defined policies, meaning there needs to be equal engagement of all stakeholders, including women. Doing so will ensure that the local governance structures established meet the needs of the people, including reliable and safe access to health care, education, legal services, and accountability mechanisms. Women across Myanmar are committed to these outcomes and have decades of experience working with armed actors, political bodies, and rights groups to provide security and protection for their communities.
Therefore, to ensure long-lasting peace and security in Myanmar, it is imperative to recognize the resilience of women in the revolution and to protect their rights. Women must be supported in their various roles, including providing security and humanitarian relief for their communities. Further, their leadership and engagement are necessary for decision-making in local governance structures and through international diplomatic channels.
The development of federalism and democracy in Myanmar will no doubt require the participation of the National Unity Government and the National Unity Consultative Council. But without the participation of other stakeholders, including women, youth, strike committees, and ethnic communities, there is no way that a democratic, federal Myanmar can be sustainable. The international community, including ASEAN, must recognize this and support and promote the participation of women in establishing local governance structures in Myanmar to ensure meaningful and lasting peace in the country..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
more
Description:
"Almost 50,000 more people were displaced by the escalating conflict between junta troops and resistance forces in Myanmar between June 12 and July 17, according to the United Nations refugee agency.
An additional 46,700 people were displaced in four regions—Sagaing, Tanintharyi, Magwe and eastern Bago—and five states—Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon and Shan—during the five weeks, reports released by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in June and July say.
At least 20,000 people in Tanintharyi Region, 13,700 in Sagaing Region and 9,300 in Karen State were displaced by conflict during the period. Another 3,500 people in Mon State and 3,100 in Bago Region fled their homes during the five weeks due to escalating fighting between junta troops and resistance forces, or raids, indiscriminate shelling, airstrikes, and the threat of arrest or murder by junta forces.
The new figures raise the total of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar to nearly 1.9 million.
The number of IDPs surpassed 1.8 million in Myanmar on June 12, 2023, according to UNHCR.
Ongoing fighting between regime troops and anti-regime forces in resistance strongholds after the February 1, 2021 coup is the cause in the surge of IDPs. There were an estimated 328,000 IDPs in Myanmar before the coup. Of estimated 1.9 million IDPs now, 83 percent (over 1.5 million) were displaced after the coup in seven states and four regions.
UNHCR also reported the number of IPDs has increased in southeast Myanmar, saying in an Emergency Update on July 3: “Children and youth are reportedly targets for arrest and forced recruitment, as they are increasingly on the move in the region. In addition, reports of gender-based violence are also on the rise.”
The number of IDPs had risen to 491,600 in southern Shan, Karen, Kayah and Mon states, and Bago and Tanintharyi regions, since the coup, it estimates.
The number of IDPs surged 40 percent in Tanintharyi Region, 11 percent in Mon State and nine percent in Karen state between June 12 and July 17.
The UN refugee agency put the number of people fleeing to neighbouring countries since the coup at 94,000, saying 67 percent (63,500) remain stranded in India and Thailand.
Some 54,400 people are taking refuge in Mizoram and Manipur states in India, while 9,000 refugees remain displaced in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son province, alone, according to the UNHCR reports.
Before the coup, there were 21,000 refugees and asylum seekers residing in India, 92,000 in Thailand. Another 930,000 refugees from Myanmar are in Bangladesh, primarily Rohingya who fled atrocities in Rakhine State in 2017..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma
Language:
more
Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: 13 villages in Shwegu township (ရွှေကူ မြို့နယ်), Kachin state (ကချင် ပြည်နယ်)
Man Wein (မံဝိန်း) village [24.137754, 96.738591]
Si Thar (စီသာ) village [24.128808, 96.745465]
Man Nar (မံနား) village [24.126390, 96.745613]
Tone Kauk (တုံးကောက်) village [24.136419, 96.753562]
Si Thaung (စီသောင်) village [24.107611,96.746033]
Man Hkar (မံခါး) village [24.117149, 96.737877]
Si Maw (စီမော်) village [24.136141, 96.719658]
Hing Kawng (ဟိန်ကောင်) village [24.131099, 96.724823]
Si Mu Gyi (စီမူကြီး) village [24.153250, 96.739304
Si Mu Lay (စီမူလေး) village [24.149589, 96.732140]
Nam Lang (နန့်လန်) village [24.157110, 96.719063]
Nawng Let Gyi (နောင်လက်ကြီး) village [24.162870, 96.723030]
Moe Kint (မိုးကင့်) village [24.131803, 96.711720]
Date/Time of Incident:
24 March 2023 - 11 April 2023
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Light Infantry Division (LID) 88
Infantry Battalion (IB) 10, IB 77 under LID 88
Myanmar Air Force (MAF)
Kachin Independence Army (KIA)
Shwegu People’s Defense Force (PDF)
Summary of Investigation:
Shwegu township is an area of known resistance and site of clashes between the local Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Shwegu People’s Defense Force (PDF), and the military.
Multiple incidents were reported by social media users and local media in Shwegu between the end of March and mid-April including airstrikes, destruction of a medical facility, and ground battles.
Myanmar Witness has fully verified damage and destruction to structures in five villages through the geolocation of user-generated content (UGC).
Myanmar Witness partially verified fires in several other villages in Shwegu township between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023.
Myanmar Witness also investigated claims that these attacks have resulted in the death and displacement of civilians in the township but have been unable to verify these occurrences.
Executive Summary
On 24 March 2023, it was alleged that Myanmar military forces clashed with KIA and PDF joint forces in Shwegu township, Kachin state. As a result of these clashes, which continued from 25 March 2023 to 11 April 2023, multiple villages - 13 were identified by Myanmar Witness - suffered air and ground attacks from the Myanmar military resulting in fires and the destruction of housing. Some villages experienced multiple fires within this time period.
Myanmar Witness verified, through geolocation and chronolocation of UGC and FIRMS data, fires in 13 villages in Shwegu township between 24 March and 11 April 2023. Media sources reported that 12 villages were affected during the clashes, but Myanmar Witness has also identified fires in Moe Kint village. This could indicate that 13 villages were affected.
Additionally, Myanmar Witness geolocated an alleged airstrike in Si Thar village; a site that the Shwegu PDF claimed the military had attacked. Myanmar Witness has geolocated additional footage which purports to show a medical facility having suffered damage akin to an airstrike attack in Si Thar village, suggesting that civilian infrastructure has been affected by the clashes in Shwegu. Myanmar Witness has identified content that indicates the presence of Myanmar military troops during and/or before the fires in Shwegu and around the affected area. Their presence was determined by cross-referencing location information from pro-Security Administration Council (SAC) media channels and social media claims related to SAC personnel presence and operations in the area.
Background and Context
Shwegu has experienced clashes between the military, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and local PDF since the military coup in February 2021. By June 2021, Myanmar Peace Monitor reported that roughly 6,000 civilians had fled from 42 locations in Mansi and Shwegu townships, Kachin state, due to clashes in the area. The Shwegu region borders three notably important conflict areas in Myanmar: Sagaing (part of the ‘dry zone’), Kachin, and Shan (Figure 1).
Prior to the coup, Kachin was an area of prolonged internal conflict. Ethnic armed organisations have long sought autonomy over the state and control over its natural resources. Since the coup, the KIA has been one of the ethnic armed organisations actively supporting the development of armed resistance in the dry zone, such as Sagaing and Magway. In these areas, fighting between the PDF and the military is ongoing, with repeated claims that the military is targeting communities in areas of suspected PDF activity. Attacks impacting civilians have become more commonly reported and investigated by Myanmar Witness. For example, Myanmar Witness investigated an airstrike on a concert which reportedly killed over 80 people.
Multiple media organisations have reported on the destruction in Shwegu between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023. Civilian houses in Nam Lang village were allegedly destroyed due to clashes between local defence forces and the military on 24 March 2023. On 25 March, BBC Burma reported that airstrikes had taken place in the villages of Nam Lang, Man Wein and Si Thaung. On 30 March 2023, Khit Thit Media reported that the SAC cut the internet and phone connections in Shwegu township. The military has historically used internet shutdowns to quell opposition, notably since taking power in February 2021 and — as Myanmar Witness has previously reported on — during the following months of anti-military protest. However, platforms such as Netblocks, OONI and IODA, which often report on communications blackouts, provide no indication that there was an internet shutdown, preventing Myanmar Witness from verifying these claims. Nevertheless, there is relatively little UGC associated with the fires in Shwegu, supporting the notion that some form of restriction on communication systems was in place.
Since 30 March 2023 — when it is alleged that the military cut the internet connection — several villages were reportedly attacked by the military using airstrikes and arson, including: Man Wein, Si Thar, Tone Kauk, Si Thaung, Man Hkar, Si Maw, Nam Lang, and Nawng Let Gyi. The media generally report clashes in 12 villages in Shwegu, which resulted in fires. Myanmar Witness has partially verified fires in a further six villages using low-resolution satellite imagery analysis and FIRMS: Man Nar, Hing Kawng, Si Mu Gyi, Si Mu Lay, and Moe Kint.
Myanmar Witness was able to verify:
At least 13 villages suffered fire damage between 24 March and 11 April 2023.
The destruction of the villages was verified through the use of Sentinel satellite imagery.
The possible dates of fires were identified through FIRMS, which indicated that some villages may have been attacked multiple times.
Four villages were badly affected by fire. The damage and destruction, as shown by UGC, was geolocated to: Si Thaung, Man Wein, Si Thar, and Nawng Let Gyi villages. Some structural damage was also verified in Man Nar village allegedly due to airstrikes.
A building in Si Thar, allegedly a medical facility, was badly damaged during the timeframe investigated.
The investigation walkthrough
Myanmar Witness identified a cluster of fires in Shwegu township using the Myanmar Witness fire database, which were then verified using FIRMS and Sentinel. Following this, Myanmar Witness conducted an investigation to identify related UGC and reports via social media channels and official media sources, which led to further verification of the impact of the fires and destruction in five of the villages.
Myanmar Witness cannot verify the exact number of houses destroyed due to the limited UGC and information. Multiple media sources claimed that the military were the single perpetrator responsible for the fires, setting them intentionally throughout the clashes with the KIA and PDF in the area. Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify these claims. Despite this, Myanmar Witness confirmed that fire incidents in Shwegu township were consistent with the locations where clashes between the military, KIA, and PDF were reported.
The following section will provide information related to fires in the 13 villages. Fire incidents in five villages were classified as ‘fully verified’ as Myanmar Witness was able to identify and geolocate UGC associated with the fires and the destruction they caused (as per Myanmar Witness’ methodology). Incidents in the remaining villages were ‘partially verified’ using FIRMS and Sentinel data. Despite the verification of fire incidents and the resultant destruction, in all cases there is no evidence to conclusively say that the military was responsible.
Lastly, the impact of the fires and clashes in the township was investigated, including the displacement and deaths of individuals.
Myanmar Witness analysed satellite imagery from these locations and confirmed that the 13 villages had suffered from fire damage. Satellite imagery from 20 April 2023 (nine days after the clashes reportedly ended) demonstrates destruction in each village, some of which is considerable.
Despite there being no related UGC of Si Maw, Hing Kawng, and Man Nar from 10 April 2023 to allow for the further verification of fires through geolocation, Myanmar Witness identified parts of these villages which appear to have active fires at the time when Sentinel satellite imagery was taken. This can be seen using Sentinel’s false colour filter on 10 April 2023 (Figure 7).
Fires in five villages further verified using UGC
Si Thaung
Si Thaung village reportedly experienced fires more than once within the investigative timeframe. For example, the media reported the first fire on 25 March, however FIRMS didn't detect fire signatures that day. On the same day, a Shwegu Facebook page and the BBC posted images allegedly showing the aftermath of military attacks in Si Thaung, Si Mu Lay, and Man Wein. Myanmar Witness geolocated the images (Figure 8) to Si Thaung at 24.105928, 96.748044.
Although there were claims of airstrikes in the area, the images posted by the Shwegu Facebook page are inconclusive. While some show destruction that is consistent with airstrike damage — houses have been completely destroyed with parts of the roofing and fencing broken — other images appear to show burnt flooring and material that could indicate fires where the houses were destroyed (Figure 9). Despite images of destruction to buildings, Myanmar Witness cannot fully verify the claims of an airstrike due to the lack of geolocatable features or verifiable evidence in these images, particularly of aircraft or munitions in the area.
FIRMS detected heat signatures on 9 April; this is consistent with the destruction Myanmar Witness identified using Sentinel satellite imagery on 20 April. Sentinel imagery from 20 April 2023 shows ground changes, suggesting potential fire damage to Si Thaung. This indicates that the village could have been the site of clashes more than once between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023.
Man Wein
On 30 March 2023, Mandalay Free Press reported on an airstrike in Man Wein and claimed that almost the entire village was burned down after the airstrike. The military allegedly set fire to the village by hand.
FIRMS registered a fire at around 0844 on 30 March 2023 in Man Wein. Myanmar Witness geolocated PDF drone footage that reveals that almost the whole of Man Wein was damaged by fire. Myanmar Witness geolocated this drone footage to around 24.137754, 96.738591. Using Google Earth’s measurement tool, Myanmar Witness estimates that a 60 m squared area of Man Wein was destroyed, as shown in the drone footage. This coincides with the Sentinel satellite imagery burn mark visible the day after the event on 31 March 2023 (Figure 10).
Si Thar and Man Nar
On 5 April 2023, the anti-military group Red Peacock media reported that Si Thar was hit by an airstrike, resulting in the destruction of the village’s hospital and fire damage to the adjoining village of Man Nar (Figure 11). FIRMS data shows multiple heat signatures in Si Thar and Man Nar villages on 5 Apr 2023, consistent with media claims that the military attacked these villages on these days. Both villages also appear to have suffered significant burn damage, evident through changes to ground coverage as identified using Sentinel imagery (dated 20 April 2023).
Shwegu PDF posted footage on 6 April 2023, purporting to show the aftermath of the airstrike on the medical facility which Myanmar Witness geolocated to 24.128808, 96.745465 (Figure 12). Myanmar Witness also geolocated images of destruction to Man Nar village. Limited UGC showing the aircraft or munitions has made it difficult for Myanmar Witness to confirm the airstrike. Despite this, the damage to structures in Si Thar and Man Nar appears to be consistent with an air attack: buildings suffered structural damage (especially to roofing). Additionally, images posted online by Shwegu PDF indicate that there was fire damage and active fires.
Nawng Let Gyi
On 11 April 2023, Mizzima reported that the military set fire to Nam Lang and Nawng Let Gyi (for the second time). FIRMS also detected high heat signatures around Nam Lang on 11 April 2023. Myanmar Witness analysed Sentinel imagery (taken on 20 April 2023) and confirmed that both villages suffered significant ground changes which are consistent with burn damage.
Myanmar Witness also identified and verified UGC from Nawng Let Gyi village, confirming the extent of the destruction (uploaded by a private account and the source has been redacted due to privacy concerns).
Displacement and Victims
Clashes causing displacement
On 23 March 2023, The 74 Media reported that thousands of residents from the western side of Shwegu were seen fleeing Shwegu township at around 0800 local time, as the military was reportedly using heavy weapons in the area. Similarly, on 17 April 2023, Kachin News Group reported that around 10,000 people had fled Shwegu, with more than half of them living in surrounding jungles, where emergency medical aid and food were needed. Individuals supporting IDPs from Shwegu told the Kachin News Group that IDPs feared returning to villages in southeast Shwegu due to concerns about the military’s return.
At the time of reporting, Myanmar Witness has not identified verifiable footage of IDP movement from the township. It’s likely that internet shutdowns and ongoing conflict could have hampered the documentation and reporting of these events. As such, these claims have not, as of yet, been verified.
Deceased individuals
PCT reported at least 17 known KIA/PDF soldiers were killed by the military during the clashes. On 19 April 2023, RFA also reported on casualties of the clashes, including that the bodies of ten individuals were found after the military convoy left Shwegu. The victims’ names and ages were shared online. The casualties reportedly aged between 22-60 years old. RFA also noted that these individuals had sustained injuries to their throats and gunshot wounds. MRTV uploaded images of three deceased individuals allegedly killed during the clashes; two of which were wearing military fatigues. The MRTV post alleged that these individuals were KIA/PDF personnel killed during clashes in the area. Myanmar Witness could not identify images of all of the deceased individuals.
Graffiti
Mandalay Free Press released Images online allegedly showing messages left on structures within Shwegu (although the specific village or location remains unknown). These messages contain profanities directed against the KIA and PDF (Figure 17). Myanmar Witness has reported on similar graffiti in other sites of conflict and have largely been considered an intimidation tactic.
Munitions
During the course of the investigation, Myanmar Witness analysed a video posted by local residents on Facebook on 12 April 2023, in which they claim that munitions from a military aircraft had been found in Si Thaung.
Myanmar Witness cannot identify with certainty the type and model of the filmed ordnance nor the system that delivered it. At the same time, Myanmar Witness has identified some noteworthy details – reported below – which allow for an overall assessment that the ordnance filmed in the video was highly likely delivered by an aircraft.
In the video, seven pieces of ordnance are visible. The seven pieces of ordnance appear to be identical apart from one, which has an additional tail kit with fins section still partly attached (Figure 19). Myanmar Witness believes that it is highly likely that the other six pieces of ordnance belong to the same model as the seventh but lack the additional tail kit, which may have been lost during flight or impact.
The presence of add-on tail kits strongly suggests these rounds were re-purposed to be employed by aircraft. At the same time, the lack of suspension lugs on all of the bombs’ bodies indicates that these rounds could not have been attached to any aircraft pylons. The possibility that these rounds were fired by a rocket pod must be excluded, given the absence of a rocket motor and the fixed tail fins. For these reasons Myanmar Witness strongly believes that these seven rounds may in fact be sub-munitions, released mid-air by a larger, cargo-type bomb.
An additional element which corroborates this thesis is the strong resemblance between the only surviving tail kit found in Shwegu township with other add-on tail kits allegedly found in the Kokang region of Shan State – following SAC airstrikes – and posted on Facebook on 28 December 2022 (shown below). On that occasion the add-on kits were found together with a large container-type bomb.
Conclusion
Myanmar Witness investigated a cluster of 13 fires in Shwegu township between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023. These fires coincided with claims online that the military was active in the area. All 13 fires were confirmed using FIRMS and sentinel satellite imagery, and five of the fires were further verified following the geolocation of UGC of the fire damage. As a result, Myanmar Witness is confident that multiple fires occurred in villages in Shwegu around the time clashes were taking place in the area.
Myanmar Witness has also identified several allegations of airstrikes and claims related to munitions found in these attacks. It is claimed online that LID 88 and the Myanmar Air Force were responsible, causing destruction to medical facilities and close to places of worship. While this could not be verified, the munitions found were consistent with those used in other Myanmar Air Force attacks.
This investigation has highlighted the destruction of civilian infrastructure and identified claims related to the mass displacement of individuals from the township as well as human casualties. Myanmar Witness will continue to monitor claims related to the human toll of fires.
Abbreviations
Ethnic Armed Organization/Ethnic Resistance Organisation - EAO/ERO
Fire Information for Resource Management System - FIRMS
Kachin Independence Army - KIA
People’s Defense Forces - PDF
Local Defense Forces - LDF
Myanmar Air Force - MAF
State Administration Council - SAC
User Generated Content - UGC..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2023-07-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations, Political History
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Sub-title:
On the Myanmar-Thai border, there are airstrikes, gunshots and explosions that no one in the outside world notices.
Description:
"MAE HONG SON, THAILAND – In winter, international tourists flowed into Thailand’s northern towns when the country fully opened its borders after the Covid-19 pandemic.
The sleepy town of Mae Sariang in Mae Hong Son province near the Thai-Myanmar border was full of visitors. Hotels and guesthouses were fully booked, highlighting the end of a pandemic that killed more than 30,000 people in the country.
However, a one-hour drive from the town is Mae Sam Laep village, where silence and fear chill the air.
While the whole country celebrated a return to normal life, residents in this small Thai village – many of whom fled from war-torn Myanmar – are haunted by the decades of civil war happening right on their doorsteps.
Mae Sam Laep is next to the Salween River, the last free-flowing river in the Mekong region. Less than half a kilometer of this more than 3,000-km-long river is the border that divides the two countries.
The sound of gunshots and explosions has become part of the villagers’ daily lives, along with the occasional sound of military aircraft from the Myanmar side of the river.
Facing Myanmar’s Karen state, the villagers in Mae Sam Laep have seen the fighting between Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), escalate after the military coup in February 2021 – which overthrew the elected civilian government and left the country into turmoil.
The KNLA is the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU), a political organization that has fought Myanmar’s central government since 1949 and called for a federal state in which ethnic Karen can determine their own political direction.
The coup resulted in a rapidly growing resistance to the Tatmadaw by armed groups across the country, and the KNU was no exception. The military’s response was to deploy more forces and launch a series of airstrikes and raids aimed at cracking down on the resistant groups.
At least 23 airstrikes were reported in Dooplaya district in southern Karen state from December 2021 to May 2022, according to the Karen Human Rights Group’s report.
This resulted in several thousand Karen people fleeing across the Salween River to Mae Sam Laep in Thailand – creating a humanitarian crisis that halted the local economy and the tourism industry.
Bunkering down
As clashes between the military and armed groups increased, villagers along the Thai border were forced to build safety bunkers to avoid stray bullets from the Myanmar side. Students in Thai schools had to undergo evacuation training to prepare for unexpected fighting nearby.
The escalating violence also disrupted the transportation of food and necessities on the Salween River.
When I visited Mae Sam Laep early this year, the ports were empty and lifeless despite the lifting of Covid travel restrictions. Only a few boats were seen carrying goods from the Thai to the Myanmar side.
Thai authorities had set up areas to temporarily host displaced people from Karen State. The border was officially closed due to security concerns, while visitors were not allowed to get near the border.
This ghostly atmosphere contrasted with the pre-coup period when boats would queue up at the ports, waiting for passengers and goods to be carried over to the Myanmar side. Local villagers would organize boat trips for tourists, who came to explore the lush and then peaceful scenery along the Salween.
Restaurants were crowded with customers looking to try local food.
After the coup, many villagers reported seeing the Myanmar military’s fighter jets flying over their towns. However, this was denied by Thai security officers, who said the jets had not entered Thai air space.
“We are mostly afraid of airstrikes,” one villager told me. “Many of us used our mobile phone cameras to capture photos of Myanmar aircraft flying near our houses. But we were asked by [Thai] soldiers to not upload the videos on social media or send them to journalists because it would affect diplomatic relations between Thailand and Myanmar.”
With the villagers urged to stay silent, their stories have not been heard by outsiders, making the ongoing war invisible to the outside world.
But this silence is louder than any sound. It resonates with the difficulties of villagers whose lives will not be at peace anytime soon.
Rebuilding the economy
However, living in the shadow of war, some villagers feel they cannot let themselves and their people be forgotten by outsiders.
Recently, a group of villagers joined hands with local politicians in an effort to restore eco-tourism, with an attempt to bring in tourists despite the ongoing war on the other side of the border.
Led by Phongphiphat Mibenchamat, the head of the Mae Sam Laep Administrative Organization who is known locally by his nickname Chai, the villagers hosted a media boat trip to show the natural beauty of the Salween River and the forest surrounding it.
They hope the media will spread the word about their village and its attractions. Tourism can play a crucial role in boosting the local economy in the post-pandemic era as cross-border trade and farming have been disrupted by the war.
“Tourist safety is still a challenge. But we must start rebuilding our profile in the industry now,” said Phongphiphat.
Meanwhile, both the war and the pandemic have created a political vacuum that halted the development of seven proposed dams on the Salween River. One of those is the Hatgyi Dam, which is only 47 kilometers north of Mae Sam Laep.
It was first proposed by the Myanmar government in 1998 and made a leap forward in 2005 when Myanmar and the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand signed a Memorandum of Understanding to develop the dam.
About 90% of the 1,360-megawatts of electricity generated from the dam will likely be imported to Thailand. But progress has been marred by bloody conflicts and the project is unlikely to move on under the current military government.
This political vacuum may leave civil society groups protesting against the dam in limbo for a while. But they believe the project will be revived once Myanmar’s political situation stabilizes.
Their main concerns are the impact of the dam on the river’s rich biodiversity and people’s livelihoods. Thousands of villagers will be displaced by the dam’s construction.
For local people, the dam seems to be a small concern in the face of never-ending war. Seeking new sources of income, like tourism, while ensuring safety and food on their plates, are now their urgent issues.
However, the gunshots are still ringing loud in their ears.
Source/publisher:
Mekong Eye
Date of publication:
2023-06-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"Introduction
Since the 2021 military coup, the Burma military junta, calling itself the State Administration Council (SAC), has carried out violent attacks against civilians throughout the country in an effort to crush all dissent and opposition to its rule. These attacks include assaults against villages and abuses against villagers in Southeast Burma. Since the coup, KHRG has received reports of increased human rights violations committed in Karen State, in particular where the Burma Army has targeted civilians instead of armed groups. While the United Nations’ Security Council has acknowledged the SAC’s targeting of civilians, little analysis has focused on the underlying logic that informs these attacks, particularly in ethnic states. Without an in-depth investigation into these patterns of abuse, the struggles of villagers and the conflict dynamics in Karen State cannot be fully understood. A careful investigation into these matters can also inform national, regional and international measures to protect civilians in Burma and to advance meaningful peace and justice in the country.
For these reasons, this report provides an analysis of the Burma Army’s practices of deliberately targeting civilians in Karen State, looking specifically at how villagers in Southeast Burma understand and articulate human rights violations committed by the Burma Army. The report examines patterns of retaliatory abuses, as recounted by villagers, as well as other incidents of violence against villagers in the region documented by KHRG since the 2021 coup. The report clarifies the illegal and inhumane consequences of the SAC’s activities and identifies several factors underlying the SAC’s violence against civilians: the SAC targets villagers, considering them as “enemies”, averse to the regime due to their support of anti-coup protests or because of their perceived link with ethnic armed groups. SAC military also commits abuses against villagers to spread terror in the region and impose their rule, as well as to deter attacks by local armed forces against them. Under-supplied SAC soldiers also loot villagers’ properties. On numerous occasions, the targeting of nearby villages occurs after skirmishes between SAC and local resistance forces in the area. Lastly, villagers who refuse to comply with SAC orders are often targeted in overt retaliation.
Military attacks against civilians are not accidental, nor are they the result of the Burma Army’s inability to distinguish civilian targets from military ones. Instead, these attacks are deeply rooted in an established practice of scapegoating in Southeast Burma, wherein villagers are blamed as a group for their perceived opposition to the military. Villagers are subjected to collective punishment, as the SAC launches punitive attacks against them for acts committed by other individuals considered to belong to the same group. By targeting civilians this way, the SAC violates international law, including by committing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Key Findings
The military junta regularly targets civilians in Southeast Burma, in a deliberate manner, instead of directing their attacks to armed resistance groups, which has devastating and outspread consequences for local communities. These abuses take the form of air strikes and indiscriminate shelling towards villages, shooting villagers on sight and arbitrarily arresting them, and destroying and looting their properties, among others.
Several distinct, yet often overlapping patterns can be identified in villagers’ testimonies explaining the mechanisms behind the SAC’s targeting of civilians. These patterns share a notion of scapegoating and collective punishment linked to the Burma military’s perception of villagers in Karen State as opponents and thereby prompting any retaliatory action against them, leading to grave abuses against civilians.
Conventional understandings of the conflict in Southeast Burma fail to grasp key conflict dynamics on the ground. The reality is not a two-party conflict between the SAC troops and ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), with neutral civilians collaterally impacted. Rather, civilians are targeted intentionally and systematically by the military junta, thus showing its disregard for human life and its illegitimacy.
The SAC attacks launched against civilians are in breach of international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law, particularly the interdiction of discrimination against any person on arbitrary grounds, as well as the prohibition of targeting civilians based on the principle of distinction between military and civilian targets. Military leaders must be prosecuted as such.
Armed conflict is only one end of the spectrum of resistance against military control within society in Karen State, and villagers’ agency strategies are key to the civilian opposition against the military. Such efforts should be creatively supported, and conflict-sensitive understandings of the situation should be included in regional and international discourses and responses in Burma aiming for the protection of civilians and meaningful peace.
Villagers’ voices and demands for decisive measures against and protection from SAC’s abuses are met with inaction by the international community, enabling the human rights and humanitarian crisis to worsen. Moreover, the lack of a meaningful response may push villagers towards taking up arms, and increase militarisation in the country.
Recommendations
To the international community, ASEAN, NGOs, funding agencies, and individual governments:
Acknowledge that the military junta is the root cause of the current human rights and humanitarian crisis, and refrain from giving any legitimacy to the junta, including by signing agreements with them and presenting credentials to them. Call on ASEAN to suspend Burma’s ASEAN membership until a democratically-elected civilian government is restored; abandon the current Five-Point Consensus and develop a new plan that addresses the critiques outlined by numerous stakeholders; and cooperate with international and local actors to end the junta’s violence against the people of Burma. Support current investigations and proceedings to prosecute junta leaders, and seek out all additional opportunities (through ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction and other mechanisms) to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes. Broaden the scope of accountability in future proceedings to include SAC crimes committed against Karen peoples, not yet covered by current investigations, as well as to investigate the war crime of collective punishment and the crime against humanity of persecution. Increase financial support for and collaboration with local human rights organisations and actors operating on the ground to ensure that the widest representation of voices and experiences of oppressed peoples in Burma are considered. Acknowledging the SAC practice of purposely targeting civilians in Southeast Burma, ensure increased and adequate humanitarian assistance and protection, including support for victims of air strikes, displacement, property destruction, torture, arbitrary arrest, and other abuses. Ensure that the SAC is unable to hold decision-making power over the distribution of aid, and that funds are not indirectly being rerouted through the SAC. Consult and include local actors and communities in decision-making regarding humanitarian response and the resolution of the crisis, and prioritise and strengthen methods of service delivery and communication that rely on local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers. Urge neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not deny entry to people crossing the border seeking refuge, as well as to allow the passage of aid into Burma through cross-border aid organisations and local CSOs already operating in the area. Suspend exports of aviation fuel and all arms transfers to Burma, including weapons, munitions, surveillance technologies, and other military and security equipment, and take action to avoid contributing to these supply chains, whether directly or indirectly. Support coordinated and targeted sanctions against junta officials suspected of responsibility for international crimes and other serious violations of international law, as well as against their affiliated companies..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2023-06-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.7 MB (Original version) - 43 pages
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Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from June 8 to 14, 2023
Military Junta troops arrested over 100 local civilians from Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, Mabein Township, Shan State and Sataung from Sagaing Region and used them as human shields from June 8th to 14th. Junta soldiers raped and killed 2 women from Mobye Township, Shan State and one woman from Ledo, Kayin State. The Military’s Head of the Prison tortured and investigated over 80 political prisoners from Myingyan Prison, Mandalay Region, moreover did not allow the permission of medical treatment and blocked the family visit for 3 months.
Military Junta troops occupied 5 civilian houses and a rice mill within a week. Military Junta threatened in the announcement on June 12th that if the PDFs are arrested they will seal the house where the PDF rented. Military Junta soldiers are also raiding civilian places and still committing that they are burning civilian buildings, arresting, torturing and killing..."
Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2023-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"Dear friends,
We are very sad to share this news with you. The Burma Army troops in Moebya, Shan State, have killed at least six civilians over the last three days. The first three, shot to death on 6 June, were men. One of them was shot to death at 1000 on 6 June; another was hit by a 60 mm mortar (photos below) at 1630 as he was gardening. Then, while we were there trying to comfort the family of the man killed by the mortar, another civilian was shot dead by the Burma Army, on the far western side of town. The Burma military has three positions around the town, and most people have fled. However, some have tried to stay so that they can finish their harvest.
The following day, on 7 June, the Burma military patrolled into the village and captured 12 villagers and yesterday, on 8 June, three of them were shot dead. They were all in the same family, two women, Maw Maw Oo, 31 years old, and Thein Gi Oo, 29 years old. With them was their father, Aye Win Oo, 57 years old. All three were shot in the head and their bodies dumped on the street. When the bodies were recovered, the two women showed signs of torture and rape. We just finished burying them today. As we were comforting the family, we heard from other villagers that three more villagers had been executed, but we haven’t found the bodies yet.
These six villagers, trying to stay out of the war yet murdered anyway, are some of the over two thousand who have been killed by the Burma Army since the coup of 1 February 2021. Here in southern Shan State, there have been almost daily airstrikes, heavy mortar barrages, and shooting by Burma Army troops. In Burma, there are over three million people internally displaced now and everyone’s living in fear. There is no safe place. Please pray with us for the families and for change in Burma and for countries of goodwill to join in and help..."
Source/publisher:
Free Burma Rangers
Date of publication:
2023-06-10
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Reporting torture: resources
Language:
more
Description:
"The military press release on the 2nd anniversary of the establishment of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) said that the administrative mechanism of the military council in Karenni State (Kayah) is now only in Loikaw. Founded on 31 May, 2021, the KNDF has formed 22 battalions and six military strategies.
Our BNI-Myanmar Peace Monitor’s weekly news review for this week highlights the 2nd anniversary of the establishment of the KNDF and military and political shifts in Karenni (Kayah) State.....၂ နှစ်ပြည့် KNDF ၏ ကရင်နီဒေသဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းစကား
ကရင်နီပြည် (ကယား) အတွင်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရားသည် လွိုင်ကော်မြို့ တစ်မြို့တည်းတွင်သာ ရှိတော့သည်ဟု ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (KNDF) ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ခြင်း ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် စစ်ရေးသတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်က ဆိုပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၃၁ ရက်တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် KNDF သည် ယခုအခါ စစ်ဗျူဟာ (၆) ဗျူဟာဖြင့် တပ်ရင်းပေါင်း ၂၂ ရင်းကို အခိုင်အမာ ဖွဲ့စည်းထားနိုင်ပြီဟုလည်း ဆိုပါသည်။
ယခုတစ်ပတ် BNI-Myanmar Peace Monitor ၏ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းသုံးသပ်ချက်တွင် KNDF တည်ထောင်ခြင်း ၂ နှစ်ပြည့်နှင့်အတူ ကရင်နီပြည် (ကယား) ဒေသတွင်း စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအရွေ့များကို လေ့လာတင်ပြထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Peace Monitor
Date of publication:
2023-06-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"1. Introduction
“If they shoot anyone they see [on sight] like this, all villagers will be gone.”
Testimony of Saw N---, a 51-year-old villager from O--- village, Kaw Nweh village tract,
Kaw T’Ree Township, Dooplaya District.[1]
Since the 2021 coup[2], the human rights and security situation in locally-defined Karen State[3] has worsened, with reports of violations committed by the State Administration Council (SAC)[4] increasing in the region, including air strikes, indiscriminate shelling, burning of civilian properties, arbitrary arrests, torture and deprivation of humanitarian aid. Killing cases are also regularly reported to KHRG across all seven districts in its operation area, with at least 45 cases of killings reported between January 2022 and April 2023. Of these, 22 took place in the past few months, between October 2022 and April 2023. The actual number of killing incidents is likely much higher than this.
This briefing paper took as its subject of analysis 14 cases of killings of civilians by armed groups across Karen State, committed between October 2022 and April 2023, underlining their deep impact on the communities regarding villagers' safety and livelihood. Of the cases analysed for this briefing paper, 11 incidents were perpetrated by the SAC and its allied forces, and three were committed by local resistance armed groups. This paper provides a contextual and historical overview of the unsafe situation in Southeast Burma. It then shows evidence and patterns of killing incidents faced by villagers, in particular when encountering soldiers while travelling. It concludes with a security and legal analysis of the situation in the region, and ends with a set of policy recommendations for stakeholders.
2. Contextual overview: Decades of abuses, renewed since 2021
The 2021 coup, staged by the State Administration Council (SAC), provoked a storm of pro-democracy protests throughout the country in opposition to the regime, known locally as the Spring Revolution, and escalated the civil war between the military and local ethnic armed organisations throughout Burma. Early peaceful pro-democracy protests and the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[5] began in the cities, especially in Yangon, with the goal to restore the civilian government. The military responded violently to the peaceful protests: at least 3,520 civilians who joined the pro-democracy movement have been killed by the military junta since the coup, with the exact number likely to be much higher, according to Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP).[6] Many people supporting anti-coup efforts in Burma, especially CDM and National League for Democracy (NLD)[7] members, have fled to territories under the control of ethnic armed groups like Karen State,[8] after the Karen National Union (KNU)[9] released, in the early days after the coup, their position rejecting the military junta and providing help and protection for all civilians who sought safety.[10]
Human rights violations in Southeast Burma, however, did not start with the 2021 coup. They are closely linked with military policies adopted by the Burma Army as early as the 1960s, and with the impunity enjoyed by their military leaders for past violations. One of those policies, the “four cuts” strategy, aimed to target civilians and sever alleged ties between ethnic armed groups and local communities, by cutting off their access to food, funds, intelligence, and recruits. Shoot-on-sight policies were also adopted by the military in ethnic states. Such policies led to countless human rights violations over the past 70 years, causing widespread fear among the civilian population. In 1994, Naw P---, a 27-year-old female villager from Hpa-an District, told KHRG: “Now I’m still afraid. I never want to see SLORC[11] [Burma Army] soldiers again. If I hear of them, I'll run away. If we don't run, they shoot us, and if we run, they also shoot at us. The soldiers said: ‘Don't run away’ but then they shot at us, so we must run to escape.”[12] In such an atmosphere of terror and hostility, where any contact with Burma Army soldiers was potentially fatal, civilians lived in constant fear for their lives. 30 years later, and in particular after the coup, soldiers continue to shoot at villagers following the same patterns as in the past, leading to a resurgence of killing cases.
3. Factual summary: Deliberate killings of civilians
This chapter presents incidents of killings of civilians by the SAC from October 2022 to April 2023, documented by KHRG in its operational area. Three patterns can be identified in the incidents: KHRG data shows that Burma Army soldiers killed villagers by (1) shooting them on sight; (2) chasing the villagers that were fleeing these encounters and murdering them; or by (3) halting civilians they encountered, before arresting, torturing and killing them. Local resistance armed groups have also committed killings of civilians, reportedly.
A. “Shoot on sight” policy
Since the 2021 coup, villagers in Southeast Burma risk being targeted by SAC soldiers whenever they move. Out of the 14 incidents documented between October 2022 and April 2023 analysed for this report, six incidents involved male villagers who were shot on sight, and killed, as they were on their way to support their families’ livelihood. One incident of shooting-on-sight took place in Doo Tha Htoo District, one in Taw Oo District, one in Kler Lwee Htoo District, one in Mu Traw District, and two incidents took place in Dooplaya District.
For instance, on March 24th 2023, during a patrolling mission, ten SAC Infantry Battalion (IB)[13] #8 soldiers from Bilin Town, led by Lance Sergeant Moe Zaw, kept guard for their troop’s security beside a road in Q--- village, Daw Ya village tract, Tha Htoo Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. At about 11:30 am, two villagers, aged 18, were travelling by foot to work on construction in the village, when they encountered the SAC troops patrolling. When the SAC soldiers from IB #8 saw the villagers, they shot and killed both of them on the road.[14]
On December 31st 2022, at around 7 am, the Northern Thandaung Aye Chan Yay Armed Group[15] attacked the SAC Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[16] #413 at Hton Bo Gyi army camp, located near A--- village, Baw Saw Law area, Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, Taw Oo District. An hour after the fighting, at around 8:30 am, Saw Aung Thu Ya Than, a local villager from Leik Tho Town, unaware of the clash, was travelling to Toungoo Town with his motorbike to buy food for his family to celebrate New Year's Day [under the Gregorian calendar]. Before he crossed an SAC checkpoint, the SAC soldiers posted there hid nearby. As witnessed by local villagers, when the villager had already passed the checkpoint, the SAC soldiers fatally shot him in the back. The victim’s family did not receive any compensation for this arbitrary killing. Instead, the SAC forced them to pay a fee to retrieve the villager’s body and his motorbike.[17]
In Dooplaya District, one incident took place on April 3rd 2023, at 10:00 am, when SAC soldiers temporarily based in the monastery in Cb--- village, Aww Hpa Kyi village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, shot and killed a villager beside the monastery, as he was on his way to Kawkareik Town.[18] Another incident took place on April 24th 2023, at 11:00 pm, on Kyainseikyi Town Road, Kyainseikyi Township, when the SAC IB #32 shot and killed a 28-year-old Muslim villager named K---. The villager was living in the Noh Poe refugee camp, located in Thailand’s Tak province, but had left the camp at 8:00 pm to go to Kyainseikyi Town for a visit.[19]
On the morning of October 22nd 2022, after a fight broke out with the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[20] at R--- place, S--- village, T’Hkaw Pwa village tract, Moo Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, a woman was shot and killed by an SAC battalion [unknown number]. The villager had been sick and was unable to flee fast enough, so the soldiers reached her. After killing her, the SAC soldiers also looted her money and jewellery.[21]
In Mu Traw District, on February 7th 2023, at 4:30 pm, SAC soldiers from IB #349, based at Hpah Ghaw Loh army camp, Saw Muh Plaw village tract, Lu Thaw Township, shot at Saw W--- and Saw H---, from Y--- village, Saw Muh Plaw village tract. The two villagers were on their way back home after hunting in the forest at A--- [place] to feed their families. Two bullets hit 28-year-old Saw W--- and penetrated his head, killing him on the spot. Saw H--- fled the shooting by crawling silently among the bushes, before running away. He was fired at by the SAC soldiers again, but was able to escape. Villagers went to the incident place the next day and brought back Saw W---’s corpse to their hiding site in E--- area. Saw H--- recalled: “When I heard the sound of gunfire, he [the victim] fell down next to me. He laid on my chest and [was] bleeding. I looked at him, he was not breathing. I crawled among the dense bushes and the SAC soldiers chased me from behind. I could not run as the bushes were so dense. I got [out] from the bushes slowly […]. Then, the SAC soldiers stopped firing. Then, the SAC soldiers fired a few more [rounds]. After that, I went down to the stream and went up to the mountain.”[22]
The cases mentioned above show the SAC's practice of shooting villagers on sight. Since the coup, the SAC is by default hostile to anyone they encounter travelling in Southeast Burma, and hence villagers face serious risks to their lives. When villagers face SAC soldiers on the road, fleeing and running away often appears to be their only option, even though SAC soldiers do not hesitate to shoot fugitives.
B. Shooting of fugitives
As illustrated above, SAC soldiers often kill villagers whenever they see them. Many villagers, therefore, choose to flee as fast as they can whenever they see the SAC, fearing arrest, detention, torture, disappearance and killing. Although posing a risk to their lives, this strategy sometimes allows villagers to escape. For this reason, many villagers reported that they flee when they see SAC soldiers. For instance, on January 13th 2023, the SAC based in Wa Ma village marched to Wah Ma Hkee village, Wah Ma village tract, Noh T’Kaw Township, Dooplaya District. The soldiers broke villagers’ doors, entered their houses, searched their properties and looted the villagers’ chickens. On the same day, fighting broke out between the SAC and the KNLA in T--- village, Wah Ma village tract. After the fighting, two villagers encountered the SAC, who ordered them to stop on the road. As the villagers did not stop, the SAC shot and arrested them. Villagers assumed that the two villagers were tortured and killed.[23]
In another case, on March 12th 2023, the SAC Light Infantry Division (LID)[24] #77, IB #598 and #589 combined forces marched to four village tracts in Hsaw Htee Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, in the KNU-controlled territory. On March 13th 2023, at around 10 am, the SAC troops entered Bb--- village, where they encountered three local villagers driving on a motorbike on the road. The villagers were coming from an internally displaced persons (IDPs) site to check their homes and to get some food for the KNLA. When they saw the SAC, the villagers stopped the motorbike immediately and ran, while the SAC soldiers shot at them. One of the villagers, Saw V---, was hit and the other two escaped. According to the two survivors, Saw V--- did not die on the spot when hit, as they heard him cry for help. However, the two villagers were too afraid to return and help him due to the SAC troops’ presence. The SAC troops camped in Bb--- village for two days. On March 15th 2023, villagers retrieved the corpse of Saw V---, and saw wounds on his back and injuries in his head and brain. His clothes had also been changed to a KNLA soldier uniform that was too small for him. The local authorities and villagers assumed that after he got wounded on his back, the SAC shot and killed him, and then changed his clothes. Due to this incident, Saw V---’s family members and other Bb--- villagers had to flee outside of the village. A local villager explained to KHRG that, the “SAC did it [change clothes to a KNLA uniform] in order to claim that this villager was a KNLA soldier, and they could get credit for killing one KNLA soldier and report it to their upper leader. The SAC did it to claim he [Saw V---] is [a soldier] from the KNLA, and not a villager.” [25]
In Mergui-Tavoy District, on October 17th 2022, a 40-year-old villager named U X---, from Z--- village, Ler K’ Saw Township, was shot and killed by the SAC as he was travelling with his son to buy a generator in Bokepyin Town, to support his family’s livelihood. The SAC soldiers who guarded the road ordered them to stop, but they were scared of the SAC, so they ran away. The SAC soldiers then shot at them. His son survived, but since he got hit in his back and elbow, he had to get medical treatment.
All these incidents show the constant feeling of fear prevalent among villagers in Karen State, caused by increased and indiscriminate SAC attacks. Any encounter with SAC soldiers can be fatal, so villagers run away when they meet SAC soldiers on the road. High militarisation and harmful military policies abovementioned, such as the four cuts, might encourage SAC soldiers to open fire on fleeing villagers, with no regard for human life. Many times, villagers are just shot on sight by SAC for no apparent reason.
C. Torture and killing after arrest
The villagers know from decades of experience that meeting with the SAC often leads to arrests, torture, detention, and death. For instance, on October 15th 2022, fighting broke out between about 200 SAC soldiers and KNLA Battalion #3, Company #1, as the SAC entered Pyin Ka Do Kon village tract, Kyeh Htoh Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. On October 21st, a combination of several SAC troops of about 100 soldiers entered I--- village, Pyin Ka Do Kon village tract and looted villagers’ properties, and burned nine villagers’ houses, including U J---’s house. Before the SAC troops arrived, all I--- villagers fled, but U J--- decided to return to the village to look after his house and other properties, after taking his children to a safe place. He encountered these SAC troops just before he arrived in his village. The SAC arrested him, tortured him and then killed him next to his house. After the SAC left I--- village, the village head returned to the village through the forest to look for U J---. The village head saw the corpse of U J--- near his house. His head had been blown apart, which villagers assumed was done by a gunshot.[26]
In Taw Oo District, two villagers from L--- village, Per Htee area, Htaw Ta Htoo Township, were going to look for turmeric in another village on April 7th 2023. The two villagers encountered SAC LID #22 soldiers on the way, who arrested them for unknown reasons. When local villagers learned that the two villagers had disappeared, they searched for them and found their corpses on April 16th 2023. Villagers reported that the two victims were not wearing military uniforms when they left the village, but when they saw their corpses, one of them was in a soldier uniform, and their hands were tied behind their backs with nylon. [27]
D. Killings by local armed resistance group
The 2021 coup resulted in increased militarisation in Southeast Burma, including the appearance of new armed groups, which has created a more unsafe environment for villagers. Villagers do not only have to be constantly afraid of being killed by SAC troops, but also of being killed by local armed groups that operate in the communities if suspected of being spies. For instance, on February 2nd 2023, the local People Defence Force (PDF)[28] troops came to M--- village, M’No Ro area, Ler K’Hsaw Township, Mergui-Tavoy District and arrested three villagers including the M--- village administrator, and took the three villagers with them, accusing them of being SAC spies. They released the two villagers, but not the village administrator. The M--- village administrator was U F---, a 70-year-old elder. The PDF troops killed him while detained. Villagers found his corpse on the morning of February 5th 2023.[29] Although less common than SAC attacks, killings of civilians by local armed groups constitute human rights violations, are illegal under the law of armed conflict, and worsen the security context of villagers in Karen State.
4. Analysis: Impacts on villagers’ lives and violations of international law and standards
In a context where villagers are facing violent attacks from SAC soldiers, every encounter with them could be fatal. Killings in Southeast Burma usually follow a pattern: during or following military activities, the SAC soldiers come across villagers in nearby areas and kill them. For this reason, villagers try to avoid meeting with SAC soldiers but, in many instances, villagers cannot avoid these encounters because they are caught by surprise by the arrival of the soldiers near their village, or because they meet them on the road. The SAC then arrests, detains, tortures, disappears and kills villagers. If villagers flee to avoid such deadly encounters, they are usually shot at.
This Burma Army practice of attacking civilians in Karen State is not something new. As explained above, it is linked to harmful ideologies prevailing through the Burma Army, picturing villagers as potential enemies due, in part, to perceived links or alignment with resistance groups. These ideologies fuel the Burma Army’s "four cuts" strategy and shoot-on-sight policies, still enforced in Karen State today. Decades of such human rights violations have generated widespread terror and traumatised communities. This context of fear, increased militarisation, and constant suspicion generates tension in the region, also tied to cases of local armed resistance groups killing civilians suspected to be SAC informants.
The SAC practice of killing civilians on sight impacts villagers’ security and lives. Cultivating and working in a field, travelling to town to buy items, or any other ordinary activities of villagers’ daily lives becomes a dangerous exercise; any road can become a trap, and even remaining in their village can be deadly. This creates a deep fear for villagers in Southeast Burma, specifically towards the SAC. This fear makes it harder for them to go and work on their farmlands to secure their livelihood, particularly while the SAC is present in the area, or after a member of the community has been killed. If villagers are not able to work on their farmlands, go to the market to sell and buy essential products, or commute to their place of work and earn money, their livelihoods are also threatened. The SAC often targets male villagers: of all incidents analysed for this report, all but one of the killings reported to KHRG concerned male villagers. Therefore, the families of victims are also deeply impacted by fear and livelihood insecurity after the death of the main breadwinner.
Faced with these human rights violations, villagers utilise avoidance strategies, which have been used for decades in Southeast Burma. The SAC is continually arresting, torturing and killing civilians in rural communities, so villagers evade these abuses by fleeing right after they receive information about SAC presence in or near their communities, and by running for their lives when they see SAC troops on the way. As mentioned above, they do so at great risk to their lives.
The killings of civilians violate international law. The ‘right to life’ is one of the most fundamental of all human rights, found in the third article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and essential to accomplish ‘human dignity’, set out in the very first article of the Declaration. All authorities have a duty to respect it, protect it, and fulfil it. Life is not protected only in times of peace, but also in times of war, since murder is prohibited according to the 89th rule of customary International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The targeting of civilians is also forbidden by the very first customary rule of IHL, while acts of violence made to terrorise the civilian population are prohibited by its second rule. The SAC is moreover trying to conceal that it kills civilians, by disguising the bodies with military uniforms or by disappearing the victims. The way in which the SAC kills civilians is against the 87th rule of customary IHL, which requires treating people humanly.
The grave breach of such fundamental prohibitions constitutes war crimes and, if committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population, the act of murder is also a crime against humanity. Furthermore, the consequences that killings and the climate of fear have on the livelihood of villagers are compromising numerous other rights, such as the right to food, the right to security of person, or the right to an adequate standard of living. Torture is also prohibited in all the bodies of international law, to the point that it constitutes an ius cogens rule, which applies at all times and in all situations.
As evidenced by the incidents being continuously documented by KHRG, the security and human rights situation in Southeast Burma has continued to worsen since the 2021 coup. In particular, a constantly high number of cases of killings of villagers have been reported to KHRG throughout 2022 and 2023. Urgent action needs to be taken in order to immediately protect civilians in Burma, as the SAC systematically targets and kills civilians, in blatant disregard for human life and international laws and standards. Moreover, the longer time the SAC enjoys impunity for their attacks, the more the situation in Karen State will worsen, leading to further violations, terror and insecurity. In turn, this will mean heavier, deeper impacts for communities and further help needed to accomplish peace, welfare and justice for ethnic villagers in rural Burma.
5. Recommendations
For international stakeholders, NGOs, and regional and foreign governments:
Acknowledge the grave crimes committed by the military junta and refrain from supporting it or granting it legitimacy, including by signing agreements with it, presenting it with credentials, and inviting its leaders to international forums and functions. Support local civil society, community-based organisations (CSO/CBOs) and ethnic service providers that prioritise human rights, including by working with them to develop support systems for victims of violations, including for the relatives of villagers killed, arrested and tortured by SAC soldiers and other local armed groups. Support efforts to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes in impartial and independent courts, including the International Criminal Court (ICC), International Court of Justice (ICJ), and national courts in countries with universal jurisdiction laws. Broaden the scope of accountability of international investigations to include crimes committed against Karen peoples, not yet covered by current proceedings. Support coordinated and targeted sanctions against junta officials suspected of being responsible for carrying out international crimes and other serious violations of international law.
For armed groups:
Give orders to the soldiers to end their attacks on civilians and abide by human rights and international humanitarian law, and make sure that those orders are respected at all times. Respect the exercise of the right to life, including by ending the arresting, torturing, and killing of civilians and by protecting their livelihood.
Footnotes:
[1] Unpublished raw data from March 20th 2023.
[2] On February 1st 2021, the Burma Army deposed the democratically elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD), transferred power to Min Aung Hlaing, the Commander in-Chief of Myanmar’s Armed Forces, and invalidated the NLD’s landslide victory in the November 2020 General Election.
[3] Karen State, or Kaw Thoo Lei, as defined by the Karen National Union (KNU), covers Kayin State, Tanintharyi Region and parts of Mon State and Bago Region. The KNU uses different boundaries and location names for the areas under its control, dividing Karen State into seven districts. Karen State, located in Southeast Burma, is primarily inhabited by ethnic Karen people. Most of the Karen population resides in the largely rural areas of Southeast Burma, living alongside other ethnic groups, including Bamar, Shan, Mon and Pa’Oh.
[4] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup.
[5] On February 2nd 2021, healthcare workers at state-run hospitals and medical facilities across Myanmar spearheaded what is being referred to as a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) consisting of labour strikes in protest against the February 1st 2021 military coup. The movement quickly spread to include civil servants from all sectors of the government who are walking off their jobs as a way of non-recognition and non-participation in the military regime. Because of the popularity of the movement, and its seminal role in wider protests across the country, some people have begun using it as a catch-all phrase to include other protest forms like boycotts and pot-banging. On February 2nd 2021, healthcare workers across Myanmar spearheaded a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and initiated labour strikes to protest against the February 1st 2021 military coup. The movement quickly spread to other branches of public service, eventually turning into to a nationwide, large-scale civil disobedience campaign.
[6] See: aappb.org/?lang=en
[7] The National League for Democracy (NLD) is the political party that governed Burma/Myanmar from 2016 to January 2021. Led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD won landslide victories in the 2015 and 2020 General Elections.
The NLD government was deposed by the Burma Army in the February 2021 Myanmar coup d'état, after which elected President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi were detained, along with ministers, their deputies and members of Parliament.
[8] KHRG, “Military Atrocities and Civilian Resilience: Testimonies of injustice, insecurity and violence in Southeast Myanmar during the 2021 coup”, November 2021.
[9] The Karen National Union is the main Karen group opposing the government.
[10] Burma News International, “KNU Offer Anti-Coup Protestors' its Protection”, February 2021.
[11] The State Law and Order Restoration Council, which replaced the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) following the September 18th 1988 coup d’état by then General Saw Maung (later Senior General). The SLORC was officially dissolved in 1997 by Senior General Than Shwe and was replaced by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
[12] KHRG, “SLORC Shootings & Arrests of Refugees”, January 1995.
[13] An Infantry Battalion (IB) of the Burma Army comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up-to-date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). They are primarily used for garrison duty but are sometimes used in offensive operations.
[14] Unpublished raw data from March 31st 2023.
[15] Aye Chan Yay A’pweh, which translates as ‘Peace Group’, is a (former) government-sponsored militia first formed in 1998, led by U Ko Gyi. It is sometimes referred to as the Northern Thandaung Aye Chan Yay A’Pweh. It has operated mainly out of a base in the upper region of the Kyaung Haung area in Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, Taw Oo District near the Karenni State border, but there are also small camps in Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, Taw Oo District. The group previously made a peace agreement with the Tatmadaw in 1998, but since the 2021 military coup, it has engaged in armed conflict with the military junta.
[16] A Tatmadaw Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Light Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up-to-date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. LIBs are primarily used for offensive operations, but they are sometimes used for garrison duties.
[17] KHRG, “Taw Oo District Incident Report: A villager died after he was shot by SAC troops in Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, December 2022”, January 2023.
[18] Unpublished raw data from April 6th 2023.
[19] Unpublished raw data from April 24th 2023.
[20] The Karen National Liberation Army is the armed wing of the Karen National Union.
[21] Unpublished raw data from October 2022.
[22] KHRG, “Mu Traw District Incident Report: A villager was fatally shot by SAC soldiers while hunting in the forest, February 2023”, April 2023.
[23] Unpublished raw data from January 25th 2023.
[24] A Light Infantry Division (LID) of the Tatmadaw is commanded by a brigadier general, and consists of ten light infantry battalions specially trained in counter-insurgency, jungle warfare, search and destroy operations against ethnic insurgents . They were first incorporated into the Tatmadaw in 1966. LIDs are organised under three Tactical Operations Commands, commanded by a colonel, three battalions each and one reserve, one field artillery battalion, one armoured squadron and other support units. Each division is directly under the command of the Chief of Staff (Army).
[25] Unpublished raw data from March 29th 2023.
[26] Unpublished raw data from January 12th 20023.
[27] Unpublished raw data from April 28th 2023.
[28] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalized the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2023-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) reports, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - Impact on village life, including health and education, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Sagaing has been the strongest resistance stronghold during the Spring Revolution in Myanmar. The region hosts the largest number of People’s Defense Forces-Local Defense Forces (PDFs LDFs) leading an armed revolution against the Myanmar’s military regime. The civil war has also produced the largest number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Sagaing. At the same time, the region has seen the worst destruction at the hands of Myanmar army troops, coupled with all forms of brutality.
On the one hand, there have always been disputes between PDFs-LDFs, all of whom have the common goal of eliminating the military dictatorship. Nevertheless, Sagaing’s defensive war against the military regime continues unabated. This is also the region where unarmed, nonviolent strikes still occur on the ground. On the last two days of May, the “Sagaing Forum” was convened and the military and administrative affairs of the region were discussed.
Our Burma News International (BNI) – Myanmar Peace Monitor (MPM) Weekly News Review examines the new military and political landscapes at the Sagaing Forum based on relevant news and data.....စစ်ကိုင်းဖိုရမ်နှင့် စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေး အခင်းအကျင်းအသစ်များကို မျှော်ကြည့်ခြင်း
စစ်ကိုင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များအား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံးဒေသ ဖြစ်သည်။ အာ ဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်အား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲနေကြသော မြို့ပြဒေသအလိုက် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့(PDF-LDF) အများဆုံးဒေသ ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်၏ ဘေးထွက်ဆိုးကျိုးအဖြစ် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးတိမ်း ရှောင်နေကြရသည့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူအရေအတွက်တွင်လည်း နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းလုံးအတွင်း စစ်ကိုင်တိုင်းသည် အများဆုံး ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုစာရင်းတွင်လည်း စစ်ကိုင်းသည် ထိပ်ဆုံးတွင် ရပ်တည်နေသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်မှု၊ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုပုံသဏ္ဍာန်မျိုးစုံကို စစ်ကိုင်းတွင် တွေ့ရသည်။
အခြားတဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြုတ်ချေမှုန်းရေးဆိုသည့် ဦးတည်ချက်တူညီစွာ ပေါက်ဖွား လာကြသည့် PDF-LDF များအချင်းအချင်းအကြား အငြင်းပွားမှုများကို မကြာခနဆိုသလို တွေ့ရတတ်သည်။ သို့ သော် စစ်ကိုင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲရာတွင်တော့ အရှိန်အဟုန်မြင့်တက်နေ ဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ လက်နက်မဲ့အကြမ်းမဖက်နည်းဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်လျက်ရှိသည့် မြေပြင်သပိတ်စစ် ကြောင်းများကိုလည်း စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း တွေ့မြင်နေရဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၃ခုနှစ် မေလ၏ နောက်ဆုံးနှစ်ရက် တွင်တော့ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွက် “စစ်ကိုင်းဖိုရမ်”ကို ကျင်းပကာ တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးဖြစ်ခဲ့ကြသည်ဟု ဆိုပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Peace Monitor
Date of publication:
2023-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"Executive Summary:
Following the attempted coup on 1 February 2021, thousands of Karenni people participated in the peaceful mass protest movement against military rule that spread across the country. After the regime’s brutal crackdown and killings of peaceful protestors, young people in Karenni State set up barricades and roadblocks and took up arms to defend themselves. Some joined the Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces, while others joined local Peoples Defense Forces groups.
Since May 2021 the junta has attempted to exert control over Karenni State through rapid militarization. Military reinforcements are routinely deployed across townships in Karenni State and neighboring areas. At the same time, the Burmese military has ruthlessly employed its counter-insurgency strategy known as the “four cuts.” This deliberately targets civilians, viewing them as the support base for armed resistance groups, and aims to cut off access to four essentials: food, funds, intelligence, and recruits.
As part of its collective punishment strategy, the Burmese military has occupied villages across Karenni State, razing civilian infrastructure, setting up temporary outposts, and planting landmines around villages. When soldiers from the Burmese military retreat from a village, they typically burn down civilian homes.
The first part of this report documents serious violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law. These include both indiscriminate and targeted attacks on Karenni civilian populations, murder and mass killings, widespread destruction of civilian property, forced displacement on a massive scale, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and cruel treatment, sexual violence, and using Karenni civilians as forced labor and human shields.
It also describes the humanitarian crisis facing at least 180,000 Karenni internally displaced people (IDPs). More than 40 percent of the estimated total Karenni population has been forcibly displaced, the vast majority of them women and children. The five townships of Loikaw, Hpruso, Shadaw, Deemaw Soe and Pekhon have been almost entirely abandoned. Already traumatized by the violations they have experienced, IDPs live in constant fear of renewed attacks by junta forces. Many IDPs have been displaced multiple times. Junta forces continue their assaults on Karenni towns, villages, and IDP sites unabated. In many cases, IDPs’ homes have been destroyed and they have nowhere to return to. The uncertainties they face about the future are paralyzing as they struggle to maintain hope.
The second part of this report contextualizes its findings with legal analysis. In summary, it is reasonable to conclude that members of the Burmese military have committed the war crimes of attacking civilians, attacking protected objects, pillaging, murder, torture, cruel treatment and displacing civilians in Karenni State. The conduct of the Burmese military likely also constitutes the crimes against humanity of imprisonment or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, murder, torture, enslavement, other inhumane acts, and forced displacement when considered in the context of a widespread or systematic ‘attack’ against the civilian population in Burma, committed with the requisite knowledge of the attack.
The Burmese military can commit these atrocity crimes with impunity because the international community does not hold them accountable, even though it has a legal and moral obligation to do so. A series of important steps must be taken to ensure that individual perpetrators from the Burmese military are held accountable. This includes referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, which provides a pathway to justice and reparations for the thousands of victims. Without justice and accountability, there can be no lasting peace for Karenni communities.
This report also urges the international community to take action beyond mere ‘statement diplomacy’ to protect the thousands of civilians who live with the daily threat of being murdered by the military regime. This should include imposing a coordinated global arms embargo on the Burmese military and sanctioning aviation fuel supply in a bid to end deadly airstrikes on civilian populations..."
Source/publisher:
Karenni Human Rights Group, Kayan Women’s Organization, Karenni National Women’s Organization, Kayah State Peace Monitoring Network
Date of publication:
2023-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"Executive Summary
Since September 2022, Myanmar Witness has been monitoring events in Kyainseikgyi township, which has been the site of clashes between the KNLA and Myanmar military. This report investigates claims that the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) carried out several airstrikes in the township between October 2022 and January 2023.
On 6 October 2022, at around 0300 hours, a military fighter jet allegedly bombed Mae Kasa village (မက္ကသာရွာ), about 10 kilometres east of the Phayar Taung military post which had been captured by the KNLA a few weeks earlier. Myanmar Witness has identified and geolocated imagery which shows significant damage to a building in the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery grounds (ဓမ္မရက္ခိတဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်း). Additionally, satellite imagery was used to verify a date window within which damage to the roof occurred. The monastery grounds had provided a site of refuge for internally displaced people (IDP).
During November and December 2022, and January 2023, KIC News reported that the MAF carried out four air strikes on the Thabyu mining pits, about 22 kilometres north of Mae Kasa village, killing at least three civilians. Myanmar Witness has identified and geolocated images of the destruction of structures in the area, specifically related to the 16 November airstrike and the 25 January airstrikes.
On 16 November 2022, General Zaw Min Tun, the head of the State Administrative Council's (SAC) press team, confirmed that a MAF offensive to ‘maintain the security of the region’ took place in the township. This confirms that the MAF was operating aircraft in the area and provides added weight to allegations of other airstrikes between October 2022 and January 2023.
Myanmar Witness has provided in-depth reporting on the nationwide use of airstrikes by the MAF in the Eyes on the Sky report, and will continue to monitor and investigate further incidents.
Background and Context
According to online news sources including Myanmar Now and Khit Thit Media, on 28 September, following clashes between the KNLA and Myanmar military, a joint force of the KNLA and the PDF attacked and captured the Phayar Taung military post (ဘုရားတောင်စခန်းကုန်း) situated on the road connecting Kyainseikgyi town (ကြာအင်းဆိပ်ကြီးမြို့) and Phayar Thone Su town (ဘုရားသုံးဆူမြို့). More than 10 SAC troops (exact number differs between 11 and 13) were reportedly killed, including the deputy battalion commander of the Myanmar military, and their weapons were seized.
The Karen National Union (KNU) reported that the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) bombed the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery in Mae Kasa village at around 0300 hours on 6 October 2022, severely damaging a building. The monastery was previously used by local charities, for Shinbyu ceremonies, and religious festivals. It was also used to house internally displaced people (IDP) from Mae Kasa and surrounding villages. The individuals who had been taking refuge in the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery have been forced to relocate to Phayar Thone Su town and nearby places due to the frequent sighting of fighter jets, according to Khit Thit Media.
The township remained a site of tension over the next few months. Between November 2022 and January 2023, three people were killed, eight were injured, and buildings were damaged during MAF airstrikes on the mining blocks of Thabyu Mine (သပြုသတ္တုမိုင်း), about 21 kilometres north of Mae Kasa village (မက္ကသာရွာ), according to reports by Khit Thit Media. There were also reports of ground clashes on the morning of 4 January 2023, when the KNLA and PDF joint forces attacked Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 32 and LIB-283, based in Kyainseikgyi township, and set a number of buildings on fire, according to Mizzima News..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2023-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
In the wake of Cyclone Mocha, civilians in Burma braced for the worst as the powerful storm threatened lives and caused widespread destruction. While local emergency response teams worked to put preventative measures and safety protocols in place, the military junta continued to bombard civilians with air and ground attacks. Their immense suffering, even in the wake of a natural disaster, did not deter the regime from their attacks.
The cyclone has affected the whole region, and yet days into the first week of May, the military junta deployed a series of targeted airstrikes on civilians in Southeastern Burma. A joint statement with the Karen Human Rights Group and the Karen Peace Support Network condemned attacks on 10 May by soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) #599 under Military Operations Command (MOC) #13, together with other junta-backed infantry divisions and battalions. The attacks killed nearly 20 people, including several children.
Between 7 and 14 May 2023, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) reported that the military was responsible for carrying out three airstrikes which bombed six villages in Ye Township, Mon State, on May 7, 8, and May 14 in western Dawei. These attacks led 1200 to 1500 residents to flee their homes as displacement continued to be fueled by the relentless raids and assaults by the regime. During this period, in Kyaukgyi Township (KNU areas), more than fifty civilian homes were also destroyed by the junta, including a religious building and a school.
Residents have also continued to face abuse and threats by junta-supported administrators. Since the regime reformed its gun laws and made it more accessible to purchase and use weapons, many Administrators in Mudon Township bought guns from the black market. “
“They threaten villagers with their guns,” said a villager.
The junta-backed Ministry of the Interior issued the order to revive the 1977 law allowing ‘loyal’ civilians to bear arms on January 31, 2023, a day before the second anniversary of the attempted coup. Since then, Mon State administrators have obtained guns. To access and own a weapon, any individual must make an application and need final approval from the Ministry of Home Affairs. Still, Administrators in Mudon Township have been able to get them quickly.
Now, junta-backed defence groups such as pro-junta militias and administrators can ‘legally’ take up arms issued to them by the junta, and the military overlooks their misconduct. This could lead to many other problems related to the misuse of these weapons, and we are worrying about the life and properties of the people.
On the other hand, it also means that if ordered, these armed people must cooperate in junta operations against the resistance, according to Mudon villagers. Guns obtained from the black market are illegal, but Administrators are pro-military, and critics of the policy note that the military simply overlooks their misconduct.
Extortion and bribery persist as the junta targets key routes to illicit funds from ordinary people. The military increased the operation of thirty-seven checkpoints along the Tanintharyi Highway and has been committing illegal taxation and extortion against travellers and vehicle drivers, according to local sources and travellers using this 180-mile-long motor highway.
HURFOM fieldworkers were able to speak with various locals and reliable sources. All believed that these were the results of the permission of the central junta administration to their security troops to utilize policies due to inadequate support from the State/Region levels to their security forces: “It is as if they can earn their daily incomes at the bottom level. This means more extortions, illegal levying of taxes, arbitrary arrests, and demanding ransom. As you know, we could only earn a maximum of 12.000 MMK a day, but we are forced to pay various illegal taxes, sometimes extorted money or properties, and unjust taxation. So, imagine how much cash we left in our hands to feed my family? A 50-year-old mini truck driver from Ye, Mon State, stated.
“Even the daily road users, such as local farmers, rubber plantation workers, and even local inhabitants, are suffering,” a 30-year-old Tavoyan rubber plantation farmer from a village in Yebyu Township told reporters, adding, “We have to encounter thieves and criminals in our daily life while crossing their checkpoints and security gates.
From Mahlawe Taung tollgate, Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region, to Myeik Township, Southern Region, travelers and vehicle drivers estimated that various junta forces had operated more than 37 checkpoints and tollgates along the 180 miles long highway.
“Before the coup, there were only seven tollgates for road tax. After the coup, the regime occupied all these tollgates for security reasons and added another thirty tollgates and checkpoints along the road to the Southern Region,” a truck driver who has to use this highway daily said.
“The military will justify their checkpoints for ‘security’ reasons. However, behind the scenes, the daily income from here is not even used to support their military families. Significant top-down corruption exists here,” a former Civil Servant from Myeik Township expressed his view on May 1.
In addition, the junta’s arrest and detainment of innocent people is ongoing. Those who stand firm in their beliefs and pro-democracy opinions are being targeted. Three people were arrested the first week of May, including a young man arrested on May 4. These young people were abducted for their views shared on social media, including their condemnation of the extrajudicial killings committed by the junta.
“The latest arrest case occurred in the early morning of May 4, 2023,” a neighbour told HURFOM. A group of plainclothes police and military intelligence officers surrounded the house of Ko Paing Thu, a young resident of Phet-Kalate village, Kyaik Hto Township, Mon State, who the junta forces have arrested for commenting to condemn the military’s inhumane mass killings.
Two related incidents occurred after civilians were abducted for condemning atrocities committed by the regime. The Administration Department detained and charged all three young men in Kyaik Hto Township.
“Two of them were accused of being associated with the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) after the junta troops inspected their mobile phones,” a reliable source close to the police said.
“My son is innocent, living and working in the welding metals workshop in the family business. We will try to face this case legally,” the father of Paing Thu, told the reporter.
Recently, the junta’s intelligence network has been monitoring youth activist accounts like Paing Thu’s Facebook since the beginning of this year and has conducted in-depth surveillance systems across the State. Anyone caught commenting or writing about the National Unity Government or news related to the pro-democracy movement is tracked by the well-trained technology groups financed and supported by the junta, according to a staff of the Civil Disobedience Movement from the Ministry of Home Affairs, Mon State.
HURFOM also reported aid workers having their rights violated by the junta. The military is weaponizing aid delivery. More than 40 civilians, including members of charity service volunteers, were abducted and interrogated by the Junta Forces in Kawkareik township, Karen State.
HURFOM’s field report stated that 42 people had been abducted between 9 and 11 May. The detainees were members of the free funeral service, rescue ambulance charity members, former school teachers, and ordinary civilians, including former civil servants in Kawkareik.
“Yes, I can confirm all arrests. As far as I know, social workers are based in Kawkareik township. They are now being held in a military interrogation center,” said a family spokesperson.
“For a long time, the administrative council wanted to blame social charity service members and social relief groups for their operations. Now they are targeting them directly,” said a former social group member, referring to the pressure on social workers by the junta council.
“I heard they came to arrest with detailed wanted lists and profiles. This must be the first time many people have been arrested in Kawkareik. Today, they were knocking on the doors of other neighbourhoods who they suspected,” said a woman close to ‘Palae Phyu’ local charity group.
Since the coup, at least five social workers in Kawkareik District have been arrested and charged with violating the counter-terrorism Law in connection with the local armed groups, according to HURFOM records.
Throughout May 2023, HURFOM also reported a rise in the number of people being abducted by the junta and used as human shields. The junta troops are committing crimes against humanity in Tanintharyi Region by arresting local civilians and forcing them to be their guides through armed conflicts. This is also a direct violation of the law of war, reported local Dawei residents.
On April 26, when the military troops marched towards the Ra-nge and Waerik villages in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei District, nearly 100 local people were arrested and released two days later by demanding ransom payments. “Those who can be redeemed with money are released quickly,” said a villager.
Villagers continue to be arrested and subjected to severe abuse. According to International Humanitarian Law, using human shields is strictly prohibited. This is also stated in the Geneva Convention. The fact that the military regime carelessly embarks on missions intended to devastate communities makes it clear that they act with impunity.
According to local sources, the junta forces that entered the villages in eastern Dawei these days arrested at least ten villagers from three villages in the area and used them as human shields along with its troops on 21 May 2023:
“At least five or five villagers from the village of Dar Thwe Kyauk were taken away and forced to go ahead and act as guides. Also, they entered Ah Nya Pyar village, arrested two more people, and then went down to U Yin Kyi village,” said the locals.
A field report from the northern Dawei District indicated that the junta forces and their alliance militias entered the village with about fifty troops. They arrested nearly thirty local workers as human shields on the morning of May 8, 2023. The local sources confirmed that those detained and used as human shields worked in a plantation near Wet Chaung village, Pagaw-Soon village tract, Yebyu Township.
“The local farm workers were arrested on the morning of May 8 when they left for work. After that, the junta forces took the villagers as their protection to the operation area where they wanted to go. The detainees were all taken with hands tied in the back,” said another anonymous source from the administrative area of KNU Brigade No.4.
According to the ground information received by HURFOM, six women were arrested on the evening of May 8, with twenty people from Wet Chaung Village in Yebyu Township.
“The first junta battalion is a joint unit of Infantry Battalion No.273 and Infantry Battalion No.406. The troop force is about 20 or 30 soldiers. They captured people from Wet Chaung village and used them as human shields. Another junta military column entered the nearby Kha Mout Chaung and seized the properties belonging to the locals. They took another ten villagers from Kha Mout Chaung when they left the village,” said an eyewitness source.
Those who escaped said that while stationed at the school in Kha Mout Chaung village, the junta troops broke into some houses in the village and looted valuables and other livestock.
“The use of human shields is a war crime. No other armed actor has done such a despicable act in this age,” a spokesman for the local PDF said while condemning the act as a war crime and a severe crime against humanity.
“Since we are resisting the junta council to minimize the harm to the people, we will not fight if there is a possibility that the people will be affected by the fighting on both sides. The junta military is taking advantage of this and attacking our forces in this area,” he continued.
Another worrying observation by HURFOM over this last month is that the houses and properties of those accused of supporting the revolutionary movement continue to be seized in Karen and Mon states. According to local people, the junta sealed off the houses and properties of those accused of disseminating and supporting the People’s Defense Forces in Karen State and Mon State and issued arrest warrants for the fugitives.
Between 10 to 14 May, soldiers isolated the properties of five civilians. They confiscated their homes in Myawaddy and Kyaik Hto due to unjust accusations.
Across two days between 12 and 14 May, two local people from Kyaik Hto, Mon state, were arrested by the junta and charged with the deeply flawed and controversial anti-terrorism act. Their homes and shops were sealed. The estimated value of the houses and properties contained by the regime is worth more than one hundred million kyats. According to HURFOM’s previous data, there have been eight cases of seized assets in Myawaddy and fourteen cases in Thaton District, including Kyaik Hto in Mon State.
During the last weeks of the month, the military also targeted young women, some as young as 15 and detained them for unjust causes. On May 19, family members reported that the junta in Launglon, Dawei arrested a 16-year-old. She has not been heard from since 22 May.
According to family members and friends, the junta arrested Ma Yin Phuu Pwit, a teenager. She was taken away at a family-owned restaurant in Maungmakan Beach:
“Military intelligence came first in civilian clothes with the exact names of the person and store. Then the junta soldiers from the Moungmakan police station arrived in a car and arrested our daughter.”
Almost all police forces came and arrested her in civilian clothes. The resident said, “Yin Phuu Pwit is a person who sells and buys online, and it is not yet known exactly why she was arrested. Usually, the junta targets successful people. The military constantly watches them. We don’t know precisely whether Yin Phuu Pwit has shared current movement-related posts or written comments,” another resident assumed. “One possibility is that, like previous cases, the junta military arrested her on suspicion of helping the revolution.”
A few days later, another young woman was abducted by the junta. According to local sources, Ma Chaw Su Ther, who lives in Maung Ngan quarter, Mon State, was abducted by the junta intelligence at 3 PM on May 22 for allegedly ‘spreading false news’ on social media. The detainee is 21 years old. She was arrested at home.
The junta said they found information on her Facebook which could ‘negate to the state and public unrest.’ Ma Chaw Su Ther (Mi) was sentenced and charged with 56/2023, section 505-A of the Penal Code at the court. Currently, many social network users are being monitored.
Women and young girls continue to be targeted by the military junta. The lawlessness has also disrupted pathways of accountability for survivors of sexual violence. Mon women’s groups are warning of increased child sexual abuse incidents in villages across Mon State with no action being taken by the authorities.
Women’s groups cannot assist the victims due to the political crisis and security concerns. “We’ve heard many cases of child rape in villages. We’re in a difficult situation to help the victims. The rule of law has failed in Burma, and the police haven’t handled these cases,” said a Mon women leader. Since the coup, the rights of children have been widely violated. The number of domestic violence and sexual abuse cases has also increased. Due to security concerns, it is difficult to get detailed information on the exact number.
Junta-appointed village administrators have blocked the legal trials of cases involving child sexual abuse, making it difficult to pursue justice for the victims. Mon women’s groups also mention the junta for freeing convicted child rapists.
Further, the increasing surveillance and abuse of law show the deeply worrying extent to which the junta is willing to go to create an illusion of legitimacy. In reality, the people have widely rejected the military and will continue working toward their freedom and dismantling militarized systems.
These acts of violence are rooted in the sinister legacy of the military junta. Unless true and meaningful accountability ensures the regime and those complicit in all crimes are held responsible in a court of law, these crimes will continue to occur.
Situation Overview
Karen State
The HURFOM documentation team reported heavy attacks against civilians in Karen State. The assaults came when no active fighting resulted in severe injuries to women and children. Indiscriminate in nature, the ongoing brutalities by the junta have created an atmosphere of deep insecurity and fear throughout the State.
According to the Karen National Union (KNU) Central Information Department from Brigaed No. 3, the junta forces shot a 23-year-old Karen villager dead in Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyuang Lay Bin District Bago region. They inhumanely tortured another two villagers during the interrogation in the military camp.
On May 3 at 7:20 PM, Saw Lay Lay Htoo, a resident of Tagondai Ward, Natthankwin Town, Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyaung Lay Bin District, was reportedly shot dead by security troops in front of Natthankwin General Hospital while returning to work from Yay Twin Kon Ward. A witness who went to help Saw Lay Lay Htoo told reporters the junta soldiers opened fire. The perpetrator was one of the patrolling officers on their sentry duty returning from Bon-Tha-Taw Ward: “I heard a gunshot and found the body on the road. No one dares goes to see him,” she said. The victim’s motorcycle and the body were lying on the road. The wallet and phone belongings were taken away.
Junta battalions are continuously firing at the residences of the local people with artillery weapons. In some cases, although there was no armed conflict in the area, local people, including women and children, were killed or injured when they opened fire on community homes with artillery. On May 5, LIB No. 97, based in Kawkareik Township, fired artillery at 7:30 am. A 58-year-old woman was injured.
“Artillery motors fell into our village and exploded. They continued firing until nightfall, some of which exploded in the courtyard,” said a local source. The victim, Naw Ma Latt, age 58, from the middle quarter of the village, was hit by artillery on the right side of her head. It’s not life-threatening, but it needs a lot of treatment. Currently, there are no medical teams in the village.
LIB No.97 and military troops at Hlaing Wa Hill constantly fired artillery mortars around the town. Due to that random fire, Kawkareik residents are terrified of explosions that sometimes hit their quarters.
“Their military base is at Hlaing Wa Hill, and no one dares to go out to work and eat because they are shooting randomly from there. More than ten people were injured and died when they opened fire. Local people, including their livestock animals, faced every loss of homes, property, and livelihoods. Most of the firing came from LIB No.97. Although there was no fight, they just wanted to shoot randomly. On the one hand, we are facing the risk of life, and on the other hand, we are all facing famine”, said a resident.
Attacks can happen at any time. Artillery shells exploded in the brick factory site near the exit of Kawkareik town, in Karen State, at around 6:00 AM on May 6. One civilian was killed, and six were injured during the explosion. According to an anonymous witness, the military troops were based in the hills on the eastern side of Kawkareik town. They fired many artillery indiscriminate shots toward the local Karen villages.
Many of these shootings fell near residential areas and inside the neighbourhood. Some houses were destroyed and burnt by mortar shells. The villagers fled from their homes when they heard the shots fired. Some of those who couldn’t run were sheltering in trenches.
All six civilians injured by the mortar shells fired by the military troops were not local villagers. According to a resident near the house, they were killed and wounded while temporarily moving here due to job opportunities.
“Almost all the houses and neighbourhoods in this area can be said to be battlefields. The military troops are stationed in at least three places around this area and firing daily. Nowhere can be said to be safe anymore. Travelling from one place to another is no longer easy for work or other matters. It becomes really difficult to work for a living. We also need humanitarian support. Many people are fleeing and staying near this city. I would like to request the donors and social groups to support us,” a fifty-year-old who spoke to HURFOM said.
On 7 May, the junta carried out indiscriminate attacks, despite no armed conflict in the area. The regime deployed airstrikes to bomb a village where Karen people lived in Ye Township, Mon State. It happened twice on the night of May 7 and the morning of May 8. Due to this sudden aerial attack, at least eight local villagers were seriously injured. Three were in critical condition, and an estimated 500 local villagers fled their homes in War Pa Tae village, a Karen ethnic majority village located in Bay Lamu village tract. One of the villagers fleeing the attack said that the military started the aerial attack with an air jet on May 7:
“We heard the sound of a jet plane at 11:00 PM. We immediately realized it was not a typical plane sound and ran to hide in the ditch by our homes. As expected, the sound of a bomb explosion began near the school.” There has not been any fighting or conflict around Chaung Hnit Kwa, War Pa Tae, and Tha Pa Taw villages. “I can’t understand why they came to fight with an airstrike,” said a local villager.
As many as eight villagers were injured in the bomb attack, three of whom were seriously injured. Two Tha Pa Taw village members inside their hut outside War Pa Tae village were also injured by the attack on May 8.
At least five houses, one school, and other village buildings were destroyed. Approximately 500 local people from three villages Chaung Hnit Kwa, Bay Lamu and Tha Pa Taw villages and the surrounding areas, who fled from the attack.
According to independent sources of two villagers from Tha Pa Taw village (a neighbouring village of War Pa Tae village), due to air strikes on May 7th and 8th, residents of Tha Pa Taw and other villages are fleeing the war. Three members of the PDF in the area were killed, and at least five were injured. However, HURFOM is still trying to confirm this information.
At present, the villagers from Chaung Hnit Kwa, Bay Lamu, Tha Pa Taw and other villages who fled from the fighting are hiding in the jungles in the southeast of Ye Township (west side of the mountain) and are areas that rescue and social charity groups cannot reach the moment. Children, women, and the elderly are the most affected by war. Food, drinking water, and accommodation are urgently needed, said a KNU Battalion Medical Team No.16 member.
Destruction of property is yet another crime being committed by the junta during their clearance operations. According to the field data collected from the evening of May 9, at 5 am, a village Church, a primary school run by the community, and an estimated 20 homes were demolished by the Junta artillery weapons in Poe-Lo-Noh-Pho village, Kyaukgyi township, Nyaung Lay Bin district.
“The troops must have been from LIB No.439 or the Artillery Regiment Command No.351. They destroyed these buildings with artillery mortars from their base station, three kilometres from this village,” said a KNU Brigade No.3 member who did not want to be named.
Even earlier that day, the junta troops attacked and raided Lae Wai Gyi village in Kyaukgyi Township, destroying more than 30 houses. A school, a church, and all other buildings of the nursery school and the common area were also burnt down by the same troops, according to the field research conducted by the documentation team from Brigade 3 areas.
Lae Wai Kyi and Poe-Lo-Noh-Pho villages in Kyaukgyi Township have more than 120 houses and a population of more than 1,200. According to KNU Brigade No.3, most residents have been fleeing due to such comprehensive clean-up operations and have been unable to return to their homes.
Since May 13, 2023, the military has been destroying asphalt roads connecting villages in Kawkareik Township, Karen State:
“They also destroyed the road near the Taung Kyar Inn Bridge. The Vice Commander of the LIB 343 LIB supervised the destruction. They destroyed roads with a backhoe. Now about 30 villages have lost connection with Kawkareik. All villagers are in trouble,” said a local farmer.
On May 13, the military also destroyed roadways connecting Southern Kawkareik, and on May 14, they destroyed the section of the road between Kawkareik – Kyaik Done Road and Ka Mile Gone Road. Then, they destroyed an asphalt road nearby Taung Kyar Inn Bridge on May 17.
“We can’t transport fruits from our plantation or sell fruits and vegetables farmed in our villages. We can’t do anything. We have to use the Kyarinnseikyi route to go to Mawlamyine, and it’s very far away. We are all struggling with transportation,” said a Kaw Ka Rate Town fruit seller. After destroying roads, the military junta indiscriminately launched artillery attacks targeting villages alongside the Hong Tha Yaw River.
“They are afraid that the revolutionary forces will enter the town and attack them. This is why they’ve destroyed the roads,” said a Kaw Ka Rate resident.
On 21 May, artillery shots killed an innocent child, injured two, and forced more than 12,000 villagers from nine villages to flee their homes. The junta’s indiscriminate firing into villages with artillery weapons persists in Nyaung Lay Pin District. According to the information received on the morning of May 20, 2023, the junta military’s joint forces LIB No.599, LIB No.590, IB No.44, and IB No.84 opened fire with more than 50 shots in Sa Wae and Kyung Taw villages in Mu Township. These areas are all controlled by the Karen National Union in eastern Bago, on the border of Mon State.
Since the early morning of May 18, these collective forces have been shooting continuously from the outside of the village where they are stationed. Until now, a 14-year-old boy has died. And then, a 47-year-old woman and another 18-year-old boy were injured by mortar shells.
In addition to the casualties, many houses and livestock, including a monastery, were destroyed, confirmed by those fleeing the two villages. According to local officials from KNU Brigade 3, food, supplies and accommodation assistance in new places are urgently needed.
According to a ground report released by KNU Brigade 6’s information Department, on May 23, at 11:30 PM, the junta air forces deployed two bombs with a jet fighter. The attack damaged some homes and a church in Kha Lae Law Kyae village in Maw Khee village tract, Kawkaraik, Karen State.
It is believed to have come directly from the Nay Pyi Taw Air Force Base. There were no casualties, but the church was destroyed entirely. Religious buildings continued to be destroyed, as are places people use often. We have been fighting from war for four decades.”
On May 22, one school, two residential houses, and one common wooden hall were damaged due to two shootings by a drone in Nyaung Kon village, Mu Township, #Karen KNU Administrative area.
According to information from ground service providers, as many as 21,880 civilians were displaced during May 2023 due to indiscriminate aerial attacks and Artillery firing by the
junta council battalions.
Out of the 55 local residents of Kawkareik #Karen who were arbitrarily abducted and interrogated by the Junta forces, only four were released by paying ransom demands, according to the families.
Sources close to the released villagers confirmed that the remaining 50 arbitrarily arrested are being tortured and detained daily, even in an army interrogation center.
Based on groundless accusations of information and financial support to the joint forces of Karen National Liberation Army and People’s Defense Force based in Kawkareik township, a total of 54 people from Kawkaraik were arrested and interrogated in a military camp from May 7 to 22 by the Junta forces.
Last May 25, about 4 people from this group were released because the relevant family members decided to ransom them at the Junta’s demand. Although it could not be confirmed how much was paid for each person, outside information stated that each person was paid more than 20 lakhs Myanmar Kyat.
Sources close to some detainees conveyed that about 50 inmates who could not pay for ransom have lost contact with their family members.
“These people were arrested on false accusations that they were helping Captain Kyaw Thet, who equipped defensive resilience operations in this area and Kyar Phyu (white tiger) armed troops. The perpetrator troop is the Infantry Battalion IB#97, based out of the city of Hlaing Bawk,” he said.
Among the more than 50 residents who were abducted from May 1 to May 21, about 4 have been freed after paying money, but some of them have not been able to communicate with their family members, said a person close to the family members of those arrested.
According to sources close to the village administrator, in addition, the villages outside the town, such as Sawhe, Nyaung Kile, Htee Po San, Hlaing Sein, Nyaung Nile and Yan Kok village administrators were also detained and interrogated on May 22. They were released after being demanded to report the activities of the local defence armed groups to the Junta and the general administrative department.
Currently, the Junta military is working to eliminate village-to-village roads and highways in Kawkareik Township so that the other armed forces in the area cannot easily use them.
Aircraft and drones frequently fly around, firing Artillery upon suspecting villages or areas and persistently making a threat, and the residents are still fleeing from their homes.
Mon State
Indiscriminate junta artillery fire at local villagers in Bilin Township, Mon State continues as civilians are routinely injured due to such attacks. On May 6, at 9 PM, the military fired several artillery mortars into Ah Lu Lay village, Bilin Township. According to the ground news team, at least one woman ..and one man was injured. As a result of the attack, more than 300 villagers fled, and some still could not return homes. A 40-year-old man said that the Army often attacks Ah Lu Lay village.
At least a dozen artillery mortars were fired indiscriminately by the junta forces stationed at the foothills of Along Taung and in front of the school, injuring two civilians from Ah Lu Lay: “Three houses were damaged due to heavy weapons. One couple, husband and wife, also were injured and had to flee.” Although their injuries are not life-threatening, the villagers are overwhelmed with fear due to constant attacks.
These attacks led to another 300 IDPs from this area. There is no opportunity to work for their livelihoods, and a lack of security prevents humanitarian aid.
We are suffering a lot here,” said a resident.
“Artillery mortar shells burst into the village, and U Nay Myo Kyaw’s arm and Daw Khin San Yi’s face were badly hit by the artillery shells,” said eyewitnesses. “It will be difficult to return to a normal state and to return to work to earn a living, even though it was not life-threatening,” said the neighbors who fled to a secure place.
On the morning of 18 May, a witness confirmed that a 35-year-old innocent villager from Ah Nin village, Thanbyuzayat, Mon State, was shot dead in the clash between the junta-backed forces and the KNU troops.
The military and joint forces of the militia entered the village of Ah Nin and deployed troops at night. They raided the houses of unsuspecting people. Many villagers were trapped inside the town. Individuals from outside did not dare to enter. They fled to farms and other villages for shelter. Junta forces have been stationed around the village of Ah Nin in Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State, since the beginning of the evening of May 17. The village has been controlled and blocked, trapping more than 300 villagers.
The KNU came from outside the village to surround the junta’s troops stationed inside. The military started firing their guns, killing a 35-year-old individual. It is still unknown who he was. The villagers are very concerned and afraid of impending disaster from being used as hostages since the military has been stationed around the village.
Tanintharyi Region
The Junta Council sealed off the assets of a local businessman for allegedly supporting the local armed forces and detained him for over a month.
On May 6, in Kawthaung District #southern Taninthayi Region, residents said that a group of junta forces, including the GAD and military officers, seized the property of one local businessman in Bokpyin Township. The victim, U Aung Zaw Oo, is an anti-Regime Activist and a local businessman from Kamar-Chaung village, and his family opened a gas station business a few years ago.
“On that day (May 6), his Gas Station, the house, and the tea shop, as well as the entire plot of land, have been sealed and seized by the joint SAC troops,” according to the local witnesses.
U Aung Zaw Oo was arrested by the junta forces at his home on April 4 on the unjust accusation of supporting the People’s Defense Forces and charged with section 50 (J) of the existing anti-terrorist law. He was arrested and confined until today at the police station in Bokpyin.
On April 4, 4 residents, including U Aung Zaw Oo, were arrested, and 3 of them were released 6 days later, but U Aung Zaw Oo continued to be detained, and more than a month later, his family’s property was sealed.
“Whenever the Junta forces and their intelligence in Bokpyin town receive suspicious information about the revolution, they arrest and inspect people. In some cases, the seizures were carried out before the accused were found guilty in court and had their property confiscated. Meaning the Junta forces have wholly disregarded the law.” A 39-year-old law specialist stated. “The punishment of someone not responsible for any alleged wrongdoing is prohibited under international rules for armed conflict.” He continued.
Homes and other properties belonging to anti-regime activists have not been sealed in Bokpyin township for a long time. “The most expensive assets and properties have been seized (by the Junta) this time,” said a resident of Bokpyin Town told HURFOM.
The Junta troops attacked the People’s Defense Armed Forces and committed two cases of arbitrarily arresting and torturing the residents with false accusations in townships of the Tanintharyi Region. There is a constant flow of violence, sometimes resulting in murder.
According to the field team’s report on May 9, the local eyewitnesses confirmed that two men from the village of Wae Yit village in Thayet-Chaung Township, Dawei District, Tanintharyi Region, were stopped and searched, then arrested and beaten by the junta troops with false accusations and were injured. The incident occurred on the morning of May 9, 2023.
“The victims, Ko Myo Myint Lay, over 40 years old, and Ko Kang Kang, 30, who live from hand-to-mouth, were tied their hands from the back and severely beaten by the soldiers with their gun butts and kicked by the boots.” A 40-year-old eyewitness from Wae Yit said. “The troop must be from Infantry Battalion No.403 or 404. Right now, they are the only ones patrolling around this village and enforcing the military offensive against the PDFs in the areas,” said a 25-year-old resident.
It was not detailed why the two male villagers were arrested and beaten. According to a source close to the victims, the support allegations are likely connected with a local PDF group.
“The forces that arrested and beat Ko Kang Kang were junta military stationed at Tha Win Wa village Police Station. They were from IB No.403. When they went to Ya Nge village, they met Ko Myo Myint Lay again and beat them up. Friends of Ko Kang Kang confirmed that he suffered a fractured head, and Ko Myo Myint Lay had a broken rib due to the beating. “I am pretty sure both detainees were not associated with any political movements or armed groups,” he continued.
On May 9, around 9:30 pm, about 50 military council soldiers were fully armed and stationed at the Ya Nge village monastery in Thayet-Chuang Township. They went around the village to forcefully raid unsuspicious homes and cause irritation. Some villagers (an estimated 70 households) did not dare to stay in their houses and fled to nearby places.
Early morning of May 10, the junta military consisting of more than 30 soldiers from Infantry Battalion No.403 raided Nyaung Zin village in Thayet Chaung Township, #Dawei, abducted about 14 local villagers, including five women, and beat them on the road, according to eyewitnesses.
Before entering the village, they stormed into Nyaung Zin village, threatening to shoot with weapons from two lorries. A 40-year-old villager told the incident on the evening of May 10 that most of those arrested were villagers who went out to shop for food in the morning,
“We usually see that they go in by military trucks and lorries. This time, the junta forces used civilian trucks, like a lorry truck carrying stones or a garbage truck. They indiscriminately fired into the village and grabbed the villagers they saw on the street that morning. The majority of the detainees were young men. Those who refused to detain were kicked in the boots and hit by gun butts. It happened around 6:30 in the morning,” said the residents.
According to the sources of three local villagers, these perpetrators’ units were from the Junta’s Light Infantry Battalion LIB No.403, operating under the Coastal Regiment Command based in #Dawei. “One of us saw their badges and mentioned LIB 403. Some troops searched the houses along the road in the middle village,” said a 50-year-old witness from Nyaung Zin.
All 14 detainees were confirmed interrogated and beaten on the side of the road until 2:00 pm; later on, four men were taken away with their faces covered and their hands tied behind their backs, the residents said.
Nyaung Zin Village is a large village on the Dawei-Myeik highway, about 8 miles away from Dawei. Last April 23, more than 90 local people, including 3 children, were arrested in Ya Nge village by the junta military during the local operation; some were released in the following days. However, the remaining villagers have not been released yet.
According to local sources, the junta has increased their presence in Dawei City, Tanintharyi Region. The city entrance and exit have been more stringent, and suspects have been arrested on various charges. Sources close to the victims confirmed about eight people, including local women, were arrested in one night on May 17.
“All the main roads leading into Dawei, including the small lanes, are under strict control by the junta and Pyu Saw Htee militias. There is suspicion since there is more control and inspection.”
On 17 May, three women and five men were arrested overnight. The youngest person who was abducted at 11:40 pm was a 17-year-old boy. Some of those arrested are not from Dawei, but they hold different regions of ID cards. Patrols and house checks are still being conducted outside the city. Local witnesses said that on May 17, six Dawei residents and two others from far away were arrested in one night.
Residents also stated that they opened fire at several points with heavy weapons before entering the village: “The sound of gunfire and artillery started at 9 PM. We heard around 10 gunshots and several explosions. Their forces consisted of around 150 junta soldiers, and they entered this side yesterday morning,” said a 50-year-old villager from the area.
Villages in this area, such as Pa Kari, Pa Khab and Tha Yat Ngok villages have been repeatedly raided by junta troops for the past 6 months, which also forced most of the local residents (an estimated 8,000) to flee and evacuate for a long time.
Most villagers of U Yin Kyi, Dar Thwe Kyauk, and Ah Nya Pyar villages, which had been raided recently, are local farmers who rely on farming, orchard, and plantation for their livelihoods.
Villagers reported that 9 residents of Bang La Moot village and East Maw Ton village in Tanintharyi township, who have been arbitrarily arrested since May 22, have not been released.
“All 9 were arrested as a group on the night of May 22 by the Artillery Unit No.306 and the joint unit of LIB No.557 for allegedly supporting the Local Defense Forces. It was around 9PM. About 3 women from East Maw Ton village and Panut village were included.
It is confirmed that it was unknown at which military camp they were taken and detained.
Last week, the junta entered Panut village of Bang La Moot village tract and arrested four male villagers. It cannot be confirmed yet whether they have been released or not. The number of disappearances in Tanintharyi, where the arrests are being made, has increased from 5 to 16 now. Due to arbitrary arrests by the junta military, who made various accusations and tortures during the interrogation, three suspected prisoners died while detained and examined. “Nowadays, arrests are often made with specific information.”
This is a sign that informers are always in the community. On May 22, they arrested a lot of men at Panut Nge. They went to the houses and arrested people with the exact list of names. They gave various reasons to arrest. There is even an accusation of involvement in the violence that goes beyond supporting the revolution,” said a local man.
According to the information received this morning, the arrested victims are being detained and examined in Artillery Unit No.306 and LIB No.557. Until now, no one has been released yet.
On May 20, a total of 10, 7 elderly women and 3 men from Yebyu village, Taninthayi township, were arrested by the junta military, and some half of them were released.
Key Findings
Inflation across all target areas has devastatingly affected civilians who cannot meet their basic needs.
The extortion of civilians is ongoing. Residents of Thanbyuzayat reported that the Ward Administrative Chairman is arbitrarily levying money from the people to reconstruct the district administration office that was destroyed by a mine explosion.
Mon women’s groups are warning of increased child sexual abuse incidents in villages across Mon State with no action being taken by the authorities.
Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions move people from their homes.
Police and junta-backed militias continue to initiate door-to-door checks and arrest those on their wanted lists.
Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along critical routes. Civilians are forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs.
Torture remains rampant in Burma and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to gruelling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information.
The international community, including UN bodies and ASEAN, is not responding swiftly enough to the situation in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta.
Military impunity remains deeply ingrained in the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only encourages the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations.
Children are targeted by the military junta and deprived of basic needs, including medical attention, food, education, and the right to live safely.
The junta’s arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas.
Recommendations
The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following:
A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma is to be made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court.
Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated international arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta.
Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma, which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians.
Targeted sanctions on military junta officials and their families and holds on their financial assets and possessions undercut their ability to conduct corrupt business dealings abroad.
Strengthened and renewed protection mechanisms grant civilians who are vulnerable and at risk of assault a position where they can access justice referral and accountability pathways.
Renewed and continued funding support for local organizations responding to the needs of their communities on the ground. Crossborder aid pathways must be accessed, and all humanitarian aid must be in the hands of local actors.
Foreign investors in Burma must immediately cease their operations and withdraw their involvement from all development projects in the country, including but not limited to airports, seaports, and cement businesses.
An abrupt and immediate halt to the use of torture by the military junta, and further, we call for investigations to probe the unlawful deaths of civilians in Burma who have been tortured to death, as well as those who have been forced to endure trauma and long-term injuries as a result..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication:
2023-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Political History
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"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Hsawng Phwe Hospital (ဆောင်းဖွေးဆေးရုံ), Pekon Township (ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်), Shan State (ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်) [19.669828, 96.889449]
Date/Time of Incident:
25 April 2023 around 1300 local time
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Myanmar Air Force (MAF)
Summary of Investigation:
On 25 April 2023, reportedly around 1300 local time, there were claims of an airstrike in Pekon that affected a local hospital and a nearby internally-displaced people (IDP) camp.
Myanmar Witness verified damage to a medical facility, including damage consistent with an possible air attack.
Pro and anti-military media appear to agree that the military attacked the area, however pro-military sources claim that the attack took place due to People’s Defence Force (PDF) personnel hiding in the area.
Myanmar Witness also verified one injured individual in a nearby IDP camp.
Summary
According to multiple pro-democracy news sources, including Khit Thit Media and MeKong News, the Myanmar military are alleged to have conducted an airstrike close to Hsawng Phwe Hospital, a medical facility in southern Shan state. The attack allegedly impacted civilians in the area, injuring three people including a nurse.
Radio Free Asia has claimed that a military Mi-35 attack helicopter was responsible for the damage, but local Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) media stated that a fighter jet was used. People Media, a pro-military media outlet, states that the airstrike was conducted because local PDF and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) members were present at this location. Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify this claim, but has verified damage to a medical facility in the area and at least one injured individual in a nearby IDP camp. The attack represents a steady escalation in the use of air power against civilians that has been addressed in the recent report Eyes on the Skies, and is being actively monitored by Myanmar Witness.
Myanmar Witness has been able to verify:
The location of a damaged medical facility, likely caused by an airstrike after further analysis of the damage caused.
Medical equipment in the structure, suggesting it was being used as a medical facility.
The location of a refugee camp nearby.
The location of at least one person in the refugee camp, an older woman, who sustained injuries to the head.
Currently unidentified munitions geolocated to the same area of the potential airstrike; one of the munition fragments allegedly located in the area of the attack could be air-delivered, and is likely associated with the incident.
Myanmar Witness is actively monitoring:
Claims that the military were involved in the attack and which groups are specifically implicated - Myanmar Witness hasyet to verify user-generated content (UGC) of an aircraft potentially involved. However, the use of aircraft suggests military responsibility, as the only group with access to such military assets.
Claims that more than the one individual already identified were injured during the attack.
Investigation Walkthrough
The military are alleged to have attacked an area in Pekon with airstrikes on 25 April 2023, resulting in the destruction of a medical facility and the injury of civilians in a nearby IDP camp..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2023-05-02
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident:
Nyaung Hla village (ညောင်လှရွာ), Tabayin township (ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ်), Sagaing region (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး), [22.65276909, 95.41811371].
Date/Time of Incident:
Multiple events between 23-28 January 2023.
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
State Administration Council (SAC) forces
A 17 January 2023 announcement from the National Unity Government (NUG) alleges the LIB 364 and LIB 701 (under direction of the LID 77) were responsible.
Summary of Investigation:
SAC forces allegedly entered villages in Tabayin township, setting at least 10 villages on fire. Fires were identified and verified in seven villages between 23-28 January 2023.
Almost the entirety of Nyaung Hla village was levelled by the fires, resulting in damage and destruction to up to 402 houses.
Food supplies - including a rice mill, multiple rice storage facilities, and farm animals - were reportedly damaged, destroyed or killed during the fires in Nyaung Hla and Ma Ya Kan (မရကန် ) villages.
Based on the analysis of identified open source user-generated content (UGC), it is likely that the SAC forces who were active in the area were responsible for these fires.
Summary
On 23 January 2023, SAC forces reportedly entered several villages located at the border of Ye-U (ရေဦး) and Tabayin (ဒီပဲယင်း) townships, and set at least 10 villages alight. On 24 January 2023, sources including Khit Thit News and Radio Free Asia reported that SAC forces burned Nyaung Hla (ညောင်လှ) village, which was home to over 900 households, for the third time since January 2022. The fire resulted in the damage and destruction of hundreds of civilian homes, rice paddies, and a rice mill. Farm animals and an elderly woman were also reportedly killed.
Myanmar Witness has verified and chronolocated the fires in seven out of the reported 10 villages (table 1). Additionally, Myanmar Witness has geolocated additional footage in Nyaung Hla village, where an estimated 402 houses were affected, and verified the destruction of a rice mill. Reports also indicate the damage and destruction of food supplies such as rice paddies and farm animals in some of the affected villages.
Myanmar Witness has identified content indicating the presence of SAC troops during and/or before the fires in and around the affected areas.
Myanmar Witness was able to verify:
At least seven villages were burnt between 23-28 January 2023.
Up to 402 houses in Nyaung Hla Village were damaged or destroyed by the fires.
A rice mill, and reportedly rice storage facilities, were damaged or destroyed in the fire.
Verification and Chronolocation of Fires in Nyaung Hla Village
Verification via FIRMS
Between 23-27 January 2023, The Fire Information for Resource Management System (FIRMS) shows multiple areas of high heat signatures in Nyang Hla village, consistent with the dates of the reported fires (Figure 2).
Verification via Sentinel
The fire locations identified using FIRMS were further analysed using Sentinel satellite imagery. Nyaung Hla and Tha Yet Taw were visibly damaged during the investigated timeframe, corroborating the FIRMS data on 25 January 2023. Additionally, an image from Sentinel hub on the 25 January shows smoke above the area (Figure 3). This can be seen by the discoloration shown in Figure 4 (from 10 January 2023 to 30 January 2023).
Estimating the number of houses affected
Sentinel imagery can also be used to count and estimate the number of damaged or destroyed houses. This is done by overlaying the discoloured area with higher resolution imagery (Figure 5). Using this method, Myanmar Witness was able to estimate that up to 402 houses were damaged or destroyed.
Geolocations
Rice Mill
The fires in Nyaung Hla village visibly damaged a rice mill located in the west of the village. Figure 6 and 7 compare drone footage (UGC) and satellite imagery of the location near the rice mill (blue box), showing the damage incurred by the fire.
Additional images of Nyaung Hla Village
Multiple sources of UGC, both drone and on-ground footage, show clear views of Nyaung Hla village during and after the fires were identified. These pieces of UGC, showing the fire and its aftermath, are verified from different angles below.
Figure 8 shows the geolocation of the middle section of Nyaung Hla village. The boundary (marked by the dotted line) and the white roofed house (marked in a red box) are verified by matching UGC with satellite imagery. The post claims the events took place on 24 and 25 January 2023, corroborating the aforementioned FIRMS and Sentinel data.
Unverified claims
Elderly woman’s remains in Ohn Ta Pin village
On 27 January 2023 it was reported that an elderly woman from Ohn Ta Pin (အုံးတပင်) (22.60137939, 95.34348297) village was killed in a fire set by SAC troops (identified through FIRMS to have occurred on 26 January 2023). Figure 10 shows the alleged remains of the victim found in the ashes.
Burnt rice store piles and farm animals
In Ma Ya Kan village, SAC troops allegedly burned the rice storage building (Figure 11) and damaged an estimated 70 houses. Myanmar Witness was able to verify the fire in the village using Sentinel satellite imagery, but the footage posted online of the burnt rice does not provide enough information to verify its location through geolocation.
Photos allegedly taken in Nyaung Hla village also show the destruction of food supplies. At least four farm animals were reported to have died as a result of the fires, and a partially burnt rice storage building can be seen (Figure 12).
Food shortages for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
A local support group reported that a military operation undertaken by an estimated 150 SAC troops in the east of Tabayin township resulted in tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs). The group appealed for donations as it expected it would face food shortages for the IDPs. These challenges may be exacerbated by the damage and destruction of food supplies caused by the fires.
Perpetrators of the Fires
Several used packages of bullets (Figure 13 a-d) labelled Ka Pa Sa, Defence Industries (ကာကွယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းစက်ရုံ, ကပစ), were allegedly found in Nyaung Hla village. The box in Figure 12a states “Manufactured by Defence Industries”. Figure 12d shows a paper box labelled “KaPaSa (2) 5.56x45mm bullets”, and Figure 12e shows possible rifle grenade casings - the features match the container tube for a 40mm rifle grenable model MG-2 which is used by the Myanmar military. This is determined due to the tube size and cracking of the tube body with the twist off end. While Myanmar Witness cannot verify the location where these boxes and weapons were found, the weapon characteristics and manufacturers signal that they belonged to SAC troops.
Images also circulated online showing messages on a blackboard inside a school building in Nyaung Hla village, both of which contain profanities directed against the PDF (Figure 14). While Myanmar Witness cannot verify the authors of these messages, they were left in a location where SAC troops were allegedly located and weapon boxes were also found.
Future monitoring
Although direct attribution cannot be made to the SAC in this case, SAC troops have an established history of using fire as a weapon against the local resistance forces and civilians in Sagaing region. The continued use of fire by armed forces within Myanmar is concerning; it places civilian lives at risk, creates IDPs, and could destabilise local food supplies. Myanmar Witness will continue to monitor the use of fire in the region..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2023-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-21
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Individual Documents
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2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Myanmar junta troops have killed two civilians, including one suffering from mental illness, and looted houses while raiding a village in Yesagyo Township, Magwe Region, on Sunday and Monday, according to residents.
The killings were committed by the junta’s special task force that killed 17 Tar Taing villagers in Myinmu Township, Sagaing Region, in early March.
On Sunday, around 80 soldiers, including many wearing resistance uniforms, raided Mee Laung Kyun village in Yesagyo, a resident told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
During the raid, more than 50 displaced people from nearby Myaung Township in Sagaing, were detained along with Mee Laung Kyun’s residents while they sheltered at the village monastery. Most of Mee Laung Khun’s residents escaped.
Villager U Maung Han, 50, who was cooking for the displaced at the monastery, was shot dead, a resident said.
A displaced 16-year-old suffered serious shoulder and abdomen injuries after being shot before he escaped, said a representative of Yesagyo People’s Defense Force that provided treatment.
A villager told The Irrawaddy that villager Ko Kaung Myat Soe Oo, 40, who suffered from mental illness, was tortured and killed by junta troops on Monday.
“His head was severely beaten by the soldiers, he was stabbed in his abdomen, legs and throat,” said the resident, who helped cremate the two villagers.
Regime forces were stationed at the village on Monday and Sunday, looting 25 million kyats (around US$8,700 on the black market), gold jewelry and mobile phones from houses and detainees.
They burned two houses and motorbikes at the monastery before leaving on Tuesday morning, leaving all the detainees.
They then burned houses in nearby Pan Nyo village in Myaung Township on Tuesday morning.
Before the raid junta forces had clashed with resistance groups in nearby Yay Lal Kyun for three days, losing six soldiers and suffering many injuries.
The Myingyan Black Tiger resistance group lost its headquarters and two fighters were injured.
During recent raids on resistance strongholds in Ayadaw, Myinmu and Sagaing townships in Sagaing Region, the junta task force beheaded resistance troops, killed civilian detainees and committed acts of sexual violence..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"China’s new special envoy to Myanmar, Deng Xijun, has already triggered changes in the country since his appointment in December 2022.
Last week, Deng Xijun met leaders of seven powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) based in northern and eastern Myanmar along the border with China — their third meeting since December.
Before the latest talks, the seven EAOs including Myanmar’s most powerful ethnic army, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), met in UWSA-controlled Wa State. In a joint statement, they thanked China for its work attempting to solve Myanmar’s current crisis.
Deng has also met junta boss Min Aung Hlaing twice. During their second meeting, Deng also met officials from the military regime’s peace negotiation team. Following the meeting, the junta moved battalions based near the Myanmar-China border to resistance strongholds in central and southeastern Myanmar, where they have launched massive offensive operations.
Reinforcements
The Myanmar military has launched large-scale operations in three locations: Kayah State, including Pekon and Pinlaung townships in neighboring southern Shan State, Tanintharyi Region and areas of Magwe Region and Chin State.
The new offensives have been made possible because the regime has moved some 3,000 troops formerly stationed near the Myanmar-China border in Shan State inland to the conflict areas.
Before the reinforcements arrived, junta troops in Kayah and Pekon and Pinlaung townships were under the Eastern Command and Loikaw Regional Operations Command and consisted of the 66th Light Infantry Division.
But strong resistance from Karenni resistance groups — the Karenni Army and the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force — and People’s Defense Forces (PDF) meant that the regime was unable to exert control over Kayah and Pekon and Pinlaung townships.
The military has also declared martial law in Tanintharyi Region’s Dawei and Palaw townships in southern Myanmar, while also deploying troops from Kayah to Karen State, where resistance is also strong. So the junta needed reinforcements in Tanintharyi.
Reinforcements were also needed in Magwe’s Gangaw District and neighboring Chin State, where PDF’s fighting alongside the Chinland Defense Force are making it difficult for the junta to resupply its bases in Chin State.
Despite being overstretched by fighting on multiple fronts, 3,000 reinforcements were found and started to arrive around the end of February.
Soldiers from the 12th Military Operations Command (MOC) based in northern Shan State were sent to Karen State, while troops from the 20th MOC fighting in Karen State were moved to Tanintharyi Region.
Further reinforcements came from 2nd MOC and 17th MOC, who have launched assaults in Yaw Region, an area made up of Gangaw, Htilin, and Saw in Magwe Region’s Gangaw District, and Kyaukhtu on the border of Magwe and Chin State.
Deng’s guarantee
Why couldn’t the regime move troops from northern Shan State before? Why now?
Three of the seven EAOs China’s special envoy met — the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) — have a strong presence in northern Shan State.
They have ties to pro-democracy revolutionary forces that took up arms after the 2021 coup. Thousands of revolutionary fighters have since been trained and armed by the KIA, TNLA and MNDAA. That forced the Myanmar military to keep soldiers from seven MOCs and Northeastern Command in their positions in northern Shan.
So what made the regime take a bold decision to move its troops in the face of such threat? The KIA, TNLA and MNDAA have rejected peace talks with the regime, and are unlikely to reach an immediate truce with the junta no matter what China’s special envoy says to them.
The regime was able to move the troops because of a guarantee made possible by an agreement between Deng and the junta. China does not want to see fighting along the Myanmar-China frontier. So the regime might have promised not to conduct attacks along the border, while Deng assured the junta that EAOs would not attack regime forces along the border.
For the military regime, the major threat now is in central Myanmar, and it won’t think twice about promising China that it will not fight along the border unless it is attacked. And Deng is in a position to pressure EAOs in northern Myanmar not to fight near the frontier with China.
EAOs in north and east Myanmar rely heavily on China for supplies of everything from food and medicine to fuel. So they are not in a position to argue when China makes a demand. That enabled the junta to move its troops without fear of attacks taking place along the border.
Result of Deng’s visits
Deng said he intends to help solve Myanmar’s issue peacefully. So what has been the result of Deng’s flurry of activity since December?
China has got a guarantee of stability at the border, while the Myanmar military got 3,000 troops to reinforce its battalions fighting in central and southeastern Myanmar. That resulted in regime forces slaughtering civilians and torching villages in Pinlaung Township.
The junta’s recent operations and its massacres of civilians are the outcome of an agreement between Deng and the regime. The Myanmar military has gained an advantage and has been able to launch large-scale operations in at least three places.
But for the Myanmar people that agreement has only induced more misery as they suffer the junta’s atrocities..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-03-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Myanmar regime troops on Friday raided Tham Mar Yoe Village, Wetlet Township in the anti-regime stronghold of Sagaing Region, torching 269 houses and killing an elderly resident, according to residents.
Around 110 junta troops raided the village in western Wetlet on Friday afternoon and torched the village for three hours despite not engaging with any resistance forces.
“A 78-year-old woman who had earlier suffered a stroke took refuge in a building in the monastic compound and was killed by the fire,” said Bo Young Ni, the leader of G-Z Brothers Young Ni Force.
Situated on the Shwebo-Monywa road, Tham Mar Yoe has more than 700 households. Currently, residents are returning to the village and clearing up the debris, according to a resident.
“They torched the village while passing on the road. Not even the monastery was spared,” a resident said.
Currently, shelter, palm leaves, rice, oil and other foodstuffs are urgently needed for the fire victims, according to the Wetlet Township People’s Strike Committee.
The troops involved in the raid departed the village for the Ayadaw Township military base’s Training Unit Battalion 10 on six vehicles that evening. Later that evening, G-Z Brothers Young Ni Force used eight land mines to mount two attacks on troops in Ayadaw Township, killing four soldiers.
“We attacked a military vehicle first. Then we attacked again when four soldiers got out of the car to clear the mine. It is certain that four were killed,” Bo Young Ni told The Irrawaddy.
His claim couldn’t be independently verified.
Wetlet Township is a resistance stronghold bordering Shwebo and Ayadaw townships, where armed attacks against the military council are frequent. Villages in those townships are frequently raided by regime troops, who routinely torch homes in the villages..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-03-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History
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"1. The National Unity Government (NUG), Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC), and the Pa-o National Federal Council (PNFC) strongly condemn the massacre by the terrorist military council on March 11th of 22 civilians, including three Buddhist monks and one woman in Nam Nein Village, Pinlong Township, Shan State. We further condemn all the crimes against humanity committed by the Myanmar military. We are committed to seeking justice for the victims and their families.
2. Since the arbitrary seizure of power in 2021, the terrorist Myanmar military council has been using brutal counter-insurgency methods against innocent civilians. They have been entering the villages, killing civilians, raping and executing women, and taking citizens for use as human shields. In addition, the Myanmar military is committing these atrocities with the express purpose of dividing our diverse ethnic and religious communities.
3. The National Unity Government, Karenni State Consultative Council, Pa-O National Federal Council, and the People’s Defense Forces are working in coordination to assist civilians escape military oppression and secure justice.
4. Our organizations are working together, and the relevant ministries of the National Unity Government are engaged in compiling information about all the crimes committed by the Myanmar military, including forwarding witnesses and material evidence to international prosecution organizations. We have urged all civilians, particularly the elderly, women, children, and the disabled, to remain vigilant and evacuate prior to attacks.
5. To safeguard the lives of our people, we ask the international community to provide vital communication technology, equipment, and early warning. We further urge the imposition of sanctions on the Myanmar military and the associates which supply jet fuel, weapons, dual-purpose technology, and other military equipment to the Myanmar army.
6. We call on international legal bodies and the International Criminal Court to expand their current investigations to encompass all crimes committed in Myanmar in order to hold perpetrators to account. We also urge governments to increase pressure on the Myanmar military council by establishing universal jurisdiction in order to try cases of crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Myanmar military council. In doing so, you provide protection to the people of Myanmar and contribute to the building a new, free, and just state.
7. We encourage the international community to support the National Unity Government and its allies in order to bring a speedy resolution to the current crisis and put a stop to the crimes committed by Myanmar military against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ် အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (KSCC)၊ ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားဖက်ဒရယ်ကောင်စီ (PNFC) တို့အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ပင်လောင်းမြို့နယ်၊ နမ်းနိန်းရွာရှိ သံဃာတော်(၃) ပါး၊ အမျိုးသမီး (၁) ဦး အပါအဝင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၂၂) ဦးကို ရက်စက်စွာ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည့် လုပ်ရပ်အပါအဝင် မတရားအာဏာလုယူထားသည့်ကာလအတွင်း ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စု အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အားလုံးကိုပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပြီး တရားမျှတမှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးအတွက် အလေးအနက်ထားဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများသို့ ဖြတ်လေးဖြတ်စနစ်ကိုကျင့်သုံးကာ ကျေးရွာများအတွင်း စစ်ကြောင်းထိုးဝင်ရောက်လျက်ရှိပြီး အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအား ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ အမျိုးသမီးများအား မုဒိမ်းကျင့်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ အချို့ရွာသားများအား လူသားဒိုင်းအဖြစ်အသုံးချရန် ဖမ်းဆီးခေါ်ဆောင်သွားပြီးမှ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကိုဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန် လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်နယ်များအတွင်း အတူတကွနေထိုင်နေကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများအကြား ဘာသာရေးအားဖြင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ လူမျိုးအားဖြင့် သော်လည်းကောင်းသွေးခွဲခြင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးတူညီကြသူသော်လည်း မတူညီသော အစုအဖွဲ့များအကြား သပ်လျှိုသွေးခွဲခြင်းများကို အစဉ်တစိုက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြောင်းလည်း သက်သေအထောက်အထားများ အခိုင်အမာဖြင့်တွေ့ရှိနေရသည်။
၃။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ မှ လွတ်ကင်းနိုင်ရေး အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်၊ တိုင်းများမှ အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီများနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအားလုံး အတူတကွညှိနှိုင်းလုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ပြောကြားလိုက်ပါသည်။
၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအားလုံးနှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး အချက်အလက်ရယူစုဆောင်းခြင်း၊ လူသက်သေ၊ ပစ္စည်းသက်သေများ ရယူစုဆောင်းခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့ ပေးပို့ခြင်းများအား သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိကြောင်းပြောကြားလိုက်ပါသည်။
၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အို၊ အမျိုးသမီး၊ ကလေးသူငယ် နှင့် မသန်စွမ်းတို့ပါ မချန် ရက်ရက်စက်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိသောကြောင့် ဒေသခံများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်မှုများအပေါ် အမြဲမပြတ် သိရှိစေနိုင်သည့် အစီအမံများ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်နှင့် ဝင်ရောက်လာပါက ဘေးလွတ်ရာသို့ အလျင်အမြန်ထွက်ခွာ ရှောင်တိမ်းကြပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။
၆။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ် စည်းစိမ်ကို ကာကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဆက်သွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ နည်းပညာနှင့် ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာများ၊ ကြိုတင်သတိပေးခြင်း စနစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာများစသည်တို့ကို ထောက်ပံ့ပေးနိုင်ပါရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု နှင့် အပေါင်းအပါများအပေါ် စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုအပါအဝင် လက်နက်ခဲယမ်းတင်သွင်းရောင်းချမှု၊ စစ်ရေးတွင်အသုံးပြုနိုင်သည့် နည်းပညာပံ့ပိုးမှု၊ လေယာဉ်ဆီ တင်သွင်းမှု နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် အသုံးပြုလျက်ရှိသည့် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာများ တင်သွင်းမှုများကို ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ပေးကြရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။
၇။ နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် International Criminal Courtအနေဖြင့် စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများကိုမြန်မာတစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ကျူးလွန်မှုများအထိ ချဲ့ထွင်စစ်ဆေးဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့်လည်း စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကိုကျူးလွန်နေသည့် မြန်မာစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ယင်း၏အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကို နိုင်ငံအလိုက်အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည့် Universal Jurisdictionတရားရုံးများ ဖော်ထုတ်ပြီးထိရောက်စွာလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အသက်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်မှ လွတ်မြောက်ပြီး၎င်းတို့လိုချင်သော လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် နိုင်ငံတော်သစ် တခုကိုတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးပါဝင်ပံ့ပိုးပေးနိုင်ကြပါရန်တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။
၈။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပါအဝင် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများအားလုံးနှင့် အမြန်ဆုံး ညှိနှိုင်းတိုင်ပင် ကူညီပံ့ပိုးခြင်းအားဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည့် ရာဇဝတ်များ လျင်မြန်စွာ အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရေး အစောတလျင် ဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါရန် အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"At least 28 people were killed by the Myanmar army at a monastery in southern Shan state, an insurgent group said.
Troops shelled Nan Naint village on Saturday, the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) said.
Myanmar has seen a growing number of deadly battles between its military and armed resistance groups since the junta seized power in a coup two years ago.
Some of the fiercest fighting has been in this region between the capital Nay Pyi Taw and the border with Thailand.
On Saturday, the military's air force and artillery entered the village after the shelling around 16:00 local time (09:30 GMT) and executed villagers they found hiding inside a monastery, the KNDF said.
A video from KNDF - one of several ethnic armies which have joined the fight against the military government - showed at least 21 bodies, including three in the orange robes worn by Buddhist monks, piled up against the monastery. The bodies had what appeared to be multiple gunshot wounds. The video also shows the walls of the monastery peppered with bullet holes.
The Kantarawaddy Times, a local newspaper, quoted a KNDF spokesperson saying: "It was like the [military] made them line up in front of the monastery and brutally shot them all, including the monks."
The group told the BBC it had found the other seven bodies nearby in the tiny village.
Some of the surrounding buildings and houses were also burned down in what the KNDF has said was a military attack on the village.
Devastation from the air in Myanmar's brutal civil war
She treated the resistance, and paid with her life
The group said the villagers had believed taking shelter with the highly-respected monks in the area might guarantee them protection. Others in the village had evacuated before the soldiers arrived.
Details of the incident are difficult to verify, but the savage nature of the attack against unarmed civilians is not new in this part of Myanmar, which has seen some of the strongest resistance to the military junta since a coup two years ago.
The KNDF told the BBC that since 25 February, there had been increased clashes and fighting as junta soldiers had advanced on the Nan Naint area and its monastery.
Nan Naint is on the main route from Shan state to Kayah state, a road the junta believes is critical to arms supply to the insurgent groups fighting against them.
It is also an area with a mixed population of sometimes rival ethnic groups: Pa-O, Shan and Karenni people.
The Pa-O National Organisation and its armed wing are strongly pro-junta in the area. Locals report the army has stepped up efforts to reinforce such pro-junta ethnic militias in the region to challenge the opposition who control the area.
And in recent months, attacks and counter-attacks had paved the way for the escalation on Saturday, observers say.
"The Karenni groups have captured some villages and so the Myanmar military is now shelling them," a village official near the military outpost of Saung Pyaung told the local The Irrawaddy newspaper.
Such fighting has also displaced thousands of people, local aid groups report.
Myanmar's military leaders had been hoping to hold an election this year in the belief this would give their government some badly-needed legitimacy.
But their failure to crush opposition to their rule, even with the extensive use of aerial bombardment in recent months, has made holding an election a near impossible task.
Myanmar has been caught up in a civil war for decades, which escalated after the coup in 2021.
One-and-a-half million people have been displaced, 40,000 homes have been gutted, eight million children are no longer in school, and 15 million people are judged by the UN to be dangerously short of food.
More than 2,900 people have been killed during the junta's crackdown on dissent, according to monitoring group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-03-13
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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"Regime troops raided at least 10 villages and torched at least 89 houses in Myaung Township, Sagaing Region over four days this week, according to local resistance forces.
A spokesperson from Civilian Defence and Security Organization of Myaung (CDSOM) said at least 15 houses from Yathit Village and 74 houses from Chaung Zinn Village were destroyed in the regime’s arson attacks.
Residents of Chaung Zin and Yathit villages where houses were burned down by junta troops are now clearing debris and setting up makeshift homes in the daytime. However, they have to flee for their safety when night falls due to the fear of regime drone attacks and artillery strikes, according to local people.
Two columns of regime troops from Light Infantry Battalion 16 and Pyu Saw Htee militia advanced toward Pauk Chaung Village on March 4 at around 3.00 pm and were backed up by another junta column from Kyauk Yit Village, according to witnesses.
Bo Kyar Thit, CDSOM spokesperson, said the local resistance forces in the area joined together and attacked the regime base in Kyauk Yit Village in Myaung Township on March 4.
“All local resistance forces in Myaung Township coalesced to ambush the regime’s base in Kyauk Yit Village on Saturday night at around 9.00 pm after they occupied Pauk Chaung. The attack took 30 minutes. Two junta police officers were killed during our joint attack and a member of a local resistance group was injured,” he said.
The Irrawaddy can’t independently verify the claim.
he regime troops conducted raids and fired artillery shells for the next three days, raiding another nine villages across Myaung Township, injuring two resistance forces, he added.
“Two members from our organization were injured due to the regime’s artillery attack on Tuesday. A civilian from Pauk Chaung Village was also arrested by regime troops,” he said.
The regime troops left Myaung Township and moved toward to their base in Kyi Village on Tuesday, according to the local sources..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Description:
"The following is an edited version of a speech by Zoya Phan, Programme Director at Burma Campaign UK, at the launch of Refugee Week at the University of East Anglia on 3rd March 2023.
Thank you so much for inviting me back to speak here again. It is a great honour for me to be back at the University of East Anglia.
Refugee Week can be an emotional time for me. It makes me think back on my experiences as a child and young woman.
When I was 14, the Burmese military attacked my village in Karen State, Burma. We all had to flee for our lives. We were lucky, we escaped, we walked through the jungle for weeks before we reached a refugee camp in Thailand. It was the first time I became a refugee. Before then, I had no idea what a refugee was and I had no understanding of the concept of being a refugee.
The second time I became a refugee was two years later, after we had moved back to Burma to try to rebuild our lives in a new place, but that was also attacked by the Burmese military. We had to run through the night back into Thailand. Back into the refugee camps. I thought in my heart, no, not again, I don’t want to be a refugee again. But I had no choice.
The third time I became a refugee was here in the UK, after coming to the UK to study. I became politically active against the Burmese military, and it was not safe for me to return to Thailand because of death threats, let alone Burma.
The theme of compassion for this refugee week is a good one. It focuses on the positive. At every stage of my journey as a refugee people with compassion have helped.
People from my own community, the ethnic Karen people of Burma, formed committees to help Karen refugees. They organised food, shelter and medical support. They made sure children had an education. International donors played a part, and international people came to help.
When I came to the UK, I was met with compassion from friends I made here at this university, from the university itself, which was my first home in the UK, and from Karen and Burmese refugees already in the UK.
Without this support, I cannot imagine my life. I would probably have died years ago.
But while focusing on the compassion that has been so important to us as refugees, we must also focus on the lack of compassion that many governments and institutions have shown to refugees, because this must be challenged and it must change.
When I was a refugee in Thailand, we were not given official refugee status. There was no pathway to work, integration, or making a life in Thailand, even though there was no hope of returning home to Burma. Instead we were made to construct barbed wire fences imprisoning ourselves, fences still there decades later. Thailand, like many countries, hasn’t signed the Refugee Convention.
And the truth is, when I claimed asylum here, the Home Office treated me with no compassion at all. Staff were rude and threatening, my application took years, leaving me stateless and in fear, unable to start a new life. The process was as traumatic as when I ran through the jungle at night with Burmese military mortar bombs shaking the ground as they attacked us.
I am always amazed and inspired by the compassion that so many people have to help others, I could not have survived without it.
But I am disappointed as well at how refugees are treated.
Cuts in aid budgets mean refugees abroad have rations cut, and children who have already been through so much will go hungry.
Governments and media spend more time publicly attacking those seeking asylum than they do terrorists and criminals.
And asylum seekers in the UK are still banned from working, despite the right to work making sense morally, economically, and having majority public support.
If the Nationality and Borders Bill was in place when I claimed asylum, I would have been turned down. There are no legal pathways for people from Burma to come to the UK for sanctuary.
But my hope for positive change is here. It means so much to me seeing many of you here. People with compassion. People who have no personal reason to give your time and effort to help refugees, but do so because you care.
We have to change public attitudes, and we have to change laws. And we will. Compassion will win.
My homeland is now a conflict zone. The Burmese military have been attacking us for decades. Every day, people have been attacked with airstrikes and artillery shelling. People in Burma are so desperate for help.
Refugees just want to go home, we want to go home, but we cannot go home. For many of us our homes have been shattered and our families have been destroyed. There is nothing for us to go back to. But we still want to go home, because we want to help rebuild our country. We want to work for the development of our community and help our next generation to grow..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Groups working with/for refugees from Burma/Myanmar, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
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Description:
"7 March 2023: Today, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) releases a new report, “We Dare Not Return,” Displacement and the Denial of Human Rights in Southeastern Burma. The report includes an analysis of the current situation in our respective target areas of Southeastern Burma throughout 2022. The findings draw on interviews with emergency response teams, survivors, and witnesses of the attacks. The Burma Army committed all the crimes documented in the report with complete and total impunity. They are widespread, systematic and indicative of a worsening pattern of violence.
Between 1 January 2022 and 31 December 2022, HURFOM reported that at least 146 people were killed, including 26 women and children. In addition, more than 480 were injured, and nearly 1500 were arbitrarily arrested and detained. The Burma Army continued to target opposition forces, including members of pro-democracy groups. This subsequently led to over 85 cases of enforced disappearances. Dozens of human rights defenders remain in exile for their safety. HURFOM also documented 750 houses burned, including 58 villages. The humanitarian crisis caused by the junta’s destruction has led to over 150 000 people being forcibly displaced in Southeastern Burma.
Throughout the reporting period of 2022, the conditions on the ground caused civilians to feel unsafe. Many villagers that HURFOM spoke to said they ‘dare not return’ to their homes out of fear that they would be arrested, tortured or even killed by the military junta. There are economic and social struggles as villagers cannot work, study or support their families because the presence of the regime has deterred them. On multiple occasions, HURFOM documented Burma Army soldiers indiscriminately firing into villages.
The situation in the third year since the failed coup has not improved. The rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in southeastern Burma requires urgent and immediate attention as more lives are caught in the crossfire daily. International actors and UN bodies must support and enact a no-fly zone in Burma, a global arms embargo, and an urgent and immediate referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court.
And yet, a sentiment of hope, determination and adversity is still prominent throughout the country as rallying forces join together to defeat and dismantle the junta. The people on the ground in Burma are brave in their unwavering commitment to see an end to military rule. The international community must not let their struggle be in vain. They must use their diplomatic tools and resources to engage meaningfully with civil society organizations and the National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
Date of publication:
2023-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.24 MB
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Description:
"Key Event Details
Location of Incident: Monywa town (မုံရွာမြို့), Sagaing region (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး) [22.105255, 95.137446].
Date/Time of Incident: 27 February 2021
Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement:
Multiple armed police and military personnel
Several men in civilian clothing
Summary of Investigation:
Myanmar Witness has verified footage showing multiple armed police and military personnel, as well as men dressed in civilian clothing, chasing and using sticks to beat two fleeing and unarmed individuals.
The footage indicates potential coordination between the police and civilians in carrying out the beatings.
The footage also shows soldiers from the military’s 101 Light Infantry Division pointing guns at the individuals who were filming the incident.
Executive Summary
In the months following the February 2021 military coup, Myanmar Witness documented and verified footage of police and military violence against individuals. This mini-series of spot reports documents five separate incidents in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing in February and March 2021. The first report of the series focusses on events in Monywa town
The case studies in the series show police and military personnel beating unarmed individuals, including those already apprehended; harassment, intimidation and arrest of medical workers; and the infliction of degrading treatment. Additionally, ranking police officers were identified in two incidents.
In this case study, Myanmar Witness has verified footage showing two unarmed individuals in civilian clothing, believed to be protestors or bystanders to a protest, running away from a water cannon and security forces. Multiple armed police and military personnel, as well as several men dressed in civilian clothing, are seen chasing and using sticks to beat the two fleeing and unarmed individuals.
The videos potentially reveal coordination between police and individuals dressed in civilian clothing. However, it cannot be ascertained from this case study whether the individuals were affiliated with, acting in coordination with, or undercover members of the security forces.
Analysis of rank and insignia, clearly visible in the footage, attributes responsibility of this violence to the Lon Htein (Riot Security Forces), soldiers from Myanmar military’s Yangon Command, and the 101 Light Infantry Division.
Sticks are used to beat the individuals’ head, arms and torso to the extent that one of them appears unable to stand, and a stretcher is brought for him. It also shows soldiers from the military’s 101 Light Infantry Division pointing guns at the individuals who were filming the incident.
To read the full investigation, download the report PDF.
These examples of police and military brutality are being released to mark two years passing since their occurrence; however, they are by no means exhaustive. Myanmar Witness has documented other instances of police and military harassment since the coup, which has been documented in several reports, including: Violence against protestors in North Okkalapa, Bago, and Hlaing Tharyar; and, the deaths of multiple female protestors, including Ma Kyal Sin (Angel) and Daw Tinnwe..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Witness
Date of publication:
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
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875.3 KB
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"ABSTRACT
Evidence is scarce on how conflict affects technology adoption and consequent agricultural productivity in fragile states, an important topic given the high share of the extreme poor living in fragile environments globally. Our study contributes to filling this knowledge gap by using unique large-scale data on rice producers in Myanmar before and after a military coup in 2021, leading to a surge of conflicts in the country. We find that the increase in violent events significantly changed rice productivity. Specifically, increases in fatal violent events between 2020 and 2021 reduced rice Total Factor Productivity (TFP) – a measure of how efficiently agricultural inputs are used to produce rice – by about 4 percent on average in the short-run. Moreover, poorer farmers are more affected by conflict, as seen through an increased output elasticity to agricultural equipment owned, indicating reduced output resilience for less-capital owning, and therefore poorer, farmers. This seems partly due to reduced access to agricultural extension services, which would otherwise help farmers maintain productivity, even with limited capital ownership, through substitution with human capital and skills. Lower mechanization service fees partly mitigate these effects. Our results consistently hold for both short- and long-run production functions, across various specifications, and in Upper and Lower Myanmar. These findings suggest that containing and reducing violent events is critical in restoring rice productivity. Improved access to extension services, as well as to cheap mechanization service provision to mitigate lack of equipment ownership, could compensate for these losses and boost the productivity of farmers, especially for those with less production capital, in such fragile settings..."
Source/publisher:
International Food Policy Research Institute (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Sustainable agriculture - Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Karenni activist Neineh Plo says cooperation is key to removing Myanmar’s junta and forming a democratic union.
Description:
"Neineh Plo is an ethnic Karenni activist working with the Coordination Team for Emergency Relief (Karenni) in eastern Myanmar’s Kayah state, situated along the country’s border with Thailand. A former spokesperson for the Karenni National Progressive Party who worked with the deposed National League for Democracy government on Myanmar’s peace process, he recently joined four Karenni organizations in publishing a report documenting war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by junta forces in Kayah state and surrounding areas between May 2021 and September 2022.
Earlier this month, Neineh Plo visited Washington, D.C. and met with U.S. officials, lawmakers, NGOs and U.N. agencies to discuss the report’s findings and how the international community can help hold the junta accountable for its rights violations in Myanmar. During his visit, he spoke with Nay Rein Kyaw of RFA’s Burmese Service about promoting cooperation between Myanmar’s resistance groups in the pursuit of removing the country’s military dictatorship and establishing a federal democratic union.
The following interview has been edited for clarity:
RFA: First of all, thank you for visiting RFA. We have three questions. The first question is, what were your first impressions during your trip to the United States?
Neineh Plo: Well, my first impression during this trip is that the U.S. enjoys freedom of expression. It is freedom of expression that makes programming like RFA’s possible. And it is with this freedom that we enable the voices of the oppressed to be heard by the international community. When these voices are heard, the international community can take action to help liberate them within the societies that oppress them, such as Burma. So, I really appreciate the fact that people have the freedom to express themselves … as that is something we don't have in Burma right now. Burma is under a military dictatorship and all kinds of free speech are banned … so you only hear from the military dictatorship what they want to tell the people. I want to tell the world the concerns of the oppressed people.
RFA: The world is watching the situation in Burma every day. Can you discuss the achievements of the resistance movement within the past two years [since the coup]?
Neineh Plo: Since the military coup two years ago … the people have suffered a lot. More than 1.5 million people are currently displaced internally in the country. But at the same time, we have many young people seeing this injustice and joining the resistance movement, whether it is armed resistance or other forms. And also, we see other people from Burma who were not aware of the plight of ethnic people in the country. Now they have become aware of the oppression that ethnic people have been facing at the hands of the military dictatorship – discrimination, lack of rights in the country. So this resistance movement, in a way, has brought people together against a common enemy, which is the military dictatorship, and then to work together and fight against this dictatorship – to remove it once and for all – and then bring about a new system to this country through the establishment of a federal democratic union.
RFA: So you are seeing more unity in Burma, right?
Neineh Plo: Yes. Now it is the kind of unity that we had not seen before the coup. Before the coup, it was mostly the ethnic groups who were fighting for equality, democracy, self-determination and federalism. Since the coup, we and other groups from Burma have had the opportunity to work with ethnic groups on a common principle, which is a federal democratic union.
But there's a lot more work to do. We are not there yet, but at least we have started this conversation and have worked together on this issue. It is not something that we are all in agreement about ... But at least we have a common understanding on the future of the country, which is that unless we can establish a federal democratic union, we won't be able to make progress. So, I think that is a big achievement.
Sadly, the military dictatorship is still in place and we need to remove them and bring people back home [who have fled since the coup]. And the people of Burma cannot do it alone. We need the international community’s help to remove this military dictatorship, to bring about a regime change in the country, so that we can enjoy sustainable peace.
Unity and international support
RFA: The people of Burma and the international community would like to know whether this movement can win and when that might happen. What is your opinion?
Neineh Plo: First, we need to build unity among all these groups … We have a lot of ethnic resistance organizations, the [shadow] National Unity Government, and the [anti-junta] People’s Defense Force [paramilitary groups], as well as many civil society organizations. All of these groups have to be able to come together and have a single vision ... which is the establishment of a federal democratic union for the future of Burma. With that kind of unity, we will be able to address many different things on the ground.
We also need international support. International support can come in many ways. Currently, we need immediate humanitarian support, and then we will also need international support to hold the military accountable [for its atrocities]. We also need international support to cut supplies to the military and disable the whole military apparatus in the country and eventually remove the military from politics. The people of Burma cannot do it alone – we need coordinated international support, otherwise it will not be effective.
RFA: Do you see a timeframe for victory?
Neineh Plo: I don't want to make a prediction, as I'm not in a position to do so, but if there is unity among the people of Burma and the international community, and if we can build momentum, victory will come sooner than we expect..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians
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Sub-title:
“They view themselves as the only ones capable of keeping the country together – something that goes back to the military’s foundation as an anti-colonial fighting force.”
Description:
"More than two years after Myanmar’s military seized power in a coup, the country is in a state of generalized armed conflict and economic dysfunction. What began as a loosely coordinated protest movement against the military takeover has since hardened into a broad front of resistance groups that seeks not just to reverse the coup, but to remove the military entirely from its position of centrality in Myanmar’s political, economic – even social – life.
How the Myanmar armed forces got there, and have since sustained their control over Myanmar and its people – even during the country’s decade of supposed reform in the 2010s – is the subject of a new book by the British journalist Oliver Slow, who lived and worked as a journalist in Myanmar between 2012 and 2020, several years of which he spent as an editor at Frontier Myanmar. His book “Return of the Junta: Why Myanmar’s Military Must Go Back to the Barracks” is due for release on February 23. Now based in London, he spoke to The Diplomat about the roots of a seemingly senseless coup, the ethnic and structural tensions bequeathed by British rule, and whether the country’s increasingly united resistance movement can manage to overcome them.
When the military seized power on February 1, 2021, many observers struggled to understand why the military leadership had taken such a disastrous step, after a decade in which Myanmar had opened its economic and political system. What in your view motivated the takeover? How would you describe the worldview of those at the upper echelons of the armed forces, and how is such a view inculcated?
The short answer I think is that the military was worried that the “transition to democracy” it had initiated a decade earlier risked spiraling out of its control. This wasn’t a transition towards any sort of genuine democracy, but rather an attempt by the ruling generals to gain the legitimacy they desired – particularly from Western powers – while also holding onto the main levers of power.
The transition/roadmap – whatever you wish to call it – was to be achieved through its own rules, by adhering to the 2008 Constitution, which it had passed in a sham referendum just months after Cyclone Nargis devastated large parts of the country.
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There were a couple of shortcomings with this approach. The first was that the people didn’t want to play by these rules. Every chance they’ve had the opportunity to do so, the Myanmar people have said loudly that they don’t want to be ruled by the military – in the elections of 1990, 2015 and 2020, not to mention by-elections in 2012 and 2017.
In all of these votes, the people have overwhelmingly voted for non-military parties, in particular Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). Now of course she remains hugely popular in the country, but I see this as much more an anti-military vote rather than necessarily a pro-NLD one.
And she didn’t want to play by these rules either, displaying a pretty clear desire to amend the constitution, which I think the generals worried could feasibly happen if the NLD were to rule for another term. The January 2017 assassination of constitutional expert U Ko Ni in broad daylight was a clear message by the military to leave their precious charter alone.
So when the military’s proxy – the Union Solidarity and Development Party – performed even worse in the 2020 election than it had in 2015, I think that was a clear signal to the military rulers that they weren’t going to receive the popular mandate they desired, so they put an end to the experiment in the only way they know how – through violence.
The NLD’s unwillingness to look into these claims of voter fraud was the final straw for them.
In terms of the worldview of the Tatmadaw’s top brass, I think they view themselves as the only ones capable of keeping the country together – something that goes back to the military’s foundation as an anti-colonial fighting force, and through the difficult years after independence when the military did play an important role in keeping the country together.
But the people view the military’s role in the exact opposite way, as responsible for the destruction of the country. I think that’s in large part because of the violence the military has meted out to the people for several decades, but also in the way it has destroyed other aspects of life in Myanmar, including education and the economy.
Based on this worldview, I think the military wants complete control, and essentially for the people to bow down at its feet. Clearly, that’s not happening, and at the other end of the scale, you have most of the population now wanting the military completely removed from power. So, between a military that wants total power, and a resistance that wants the army removed from power, there really is this bottleneck that feels completely immovable at this moment in time.
Your book examines in detail the history of military involvement in Myanmar’s politics from independence in 1948 up to the current iteration of military dictatorship. How is the current phase of military rule, which followed a decade of carefully graduated political and economic opening, different from past eras of direct military rule, and do you see any continuities?
I see a lot of similarities, and a fair few differences.
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I think the main similarity is that they all hold onto this belief that the Tatmadaw is the only institution that can hold the country together. As I mentioned, this goes back to its foundations as an anti-colonial fighting force, its efforts to repel the Kuomintang – a foreign occupier – from northern Burma in the mid-20th century, and the important role the military played in keeping the country intact after independence.
You simply don’t get to the top of the Tatmadaw without subscribing to this belief: it’s drilled into you through your education, through your daily life, through your social circle, through everything you do.
The main difference I see in the current leadership – in particular coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, as after all this is a deeply hierarchical institution – is that it’s much more violent, or at least much more willing to resort to violence to hold onto power. Yes, previous juntas were violent, but I don’t think quite on this scale that we’re seeing – although that could be because it feels backed into a corner by the widespread resistance against it.
I don’t want to claim for a second that previous juntas in Myanmar weren’t violent, but I don’t think we’ve ever seen such sustained violence by its forces across the entire country every day. Again, that could be because the resistance has never been as strong as it is now, but I do believe that the military in Myanmar today is a uniquely immoral institution.
Prior to Myanmar’s independence, the country’s territory had never been under the control of a single, unitary state. What role do you think this challenge – the difficulty of consolidating state control in outlying, ethnic minority-dominated areas of the country – has played in justifying and perpetuating military rule? How much is military rule a symptom of Myanmar’s troubles, and to what degree is it a cause?
Not all of Myanmar’s issues today are the fault of the military alone.
Take British colonialism, for example, which had a pretty devastating impact on Burma. In addition to playing these different ethnic groups off against each other in a form of divide-and-conquer – the legacies of which persist today – they also dismantled most of the institutions that existed in the country at the time.
The British also left behind a hugely unequal country in terms of a tiered education system, as well as one scarred by the brutal Burma Campaign of World War II, not to mention the thousands of weapons that were left behind from that fighting and fueled the insecurity of the early years after independence.
The military likes to blame colonial rule for the problems the country is facing. In fact, just this morning I was reading a piece in state-run media to mark Union Day that essentially blamed “capitalist invaders” for the issues the country is facing.
And there is some element of truth to that – a half-truth, if you will – but let’s not forget that it’s been more than 70 years since independence, and the military has had control of the country for the majority of that time. In that time, it has done almost nothing to lift the lives of the people. Instead, it has built up its own capabilities, filled its own pockets and those of its top brass, and done everything it can to hold onto power. Amid all of this, the people have not only been left to fend for themselves, but also subjected to the military’s violence.
Since the coup, many Myanmar people have expressed intense frustration at the outside world’s inaction in the face of the military’s atrocities, right at the time that Western nations are mounting a joint effort to defend Ukraine from Russian aggression. How in your view should foreign governments deal with the growing political and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar?
I think in large part the frustration is completely fair. While some Western governments have placed sanctions against the military’s business interests, there are still massive gaps in terms of what they could target. These gaps need to be closed as quickly as possible to ensure all steps are taken to ensure the military’s finances are cut off. Every day the military can continue making money, and it will continue meting out violence against the people.
But we also need to be realistic and recognize that Myanmar’s future direction will be driven first and foremost by the dynamics inside the country. It will depend on the likes of those involved in the resistance – in those building parallel administrative systems, providing humanitarian assistance, the National Unity Government, and the armed resistance – as well as whether or not the military has the capabilities to cope with the huge resistance against it.
I would say though, it’s clear that something in the world order is not working when a regime as objectionable as this one can cling to power. Of course, these are sovereign countries, and foreign interference in a country’s affairs is a complicated thing, but the “democratic global order” has shown itself to be pretty ineffective.
Some U.N. departments do incredible work, so this isn’t an attack on the U.N. as a whole, but I have some pretty big questions about the role of the U.N. Security Council in its response. It describes itself as having “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security,” and here we are two years after the military’s coup with one pretty flimsy resolution. Clearly, a drastic reset is needed in its approach, starting with getting rid of the veto for permanent members.
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Speaking in pragmatic terms, what I think we need to see from democratic countries is more support for the democratic resistance in Myanmar. There are so many remarkable groups doing important work, and these need to be highlighted and supported. Supporting justice initiatives against the military is also important, as is providing humanitarian assistance
In terms of the resistance, I think it’s important to try and engage with the few governments who are allies of the military – your Chinas, Indias, Thailands, and Japans (for as long as Putin hangs onto power, Russia is a lost cause). The democratic resistance needs to be able to make a positive case to these countries about their ability to rule – I don’t think these countries particularly want to support the military, they just see no other option right now.
One of the things that have historically benefited the military is the lack of unity between Myanmar’s various ethnic armed organizations and rebel groups on the one hand, and a simmering mistrust between these groups and the Bamar-dominated National League for Democracy (NLD) on the other. Are you at all optimistic that things have changed since the coup?
I am. One of the few upsides of what’s been happening in Myanmar since the coup has been this new-found unity among the ethnic groups.
I was in Myanmar in 2017, when much of the population pushed the military’s narrative that it had committed no wrongdoing against the Rohingya, so to see so many people apologize for that, and to admit they had fallen for the military’s propaganda, has been incredibly powerful.
Now that’s not to say that any post-Tatmadaw existence in Myanmar is going to be straightforward, and in fact, I think it would be extremely messy and challenging. A lot of these grievances go back a long way, so a lot of trust-building has to be done to show that the change is genuine.
But those looking to emerge as the future rulers of Myanmar have generally put together a positive case for the country’s future – one where federalism, justice, and respect for all are at its core. This is a much more positive vision for the country than the military has ever shown..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Military History
Language:
more