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Librarian's Choice

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Source/publisher: United Nations (A/C.3/60/L.53)
2005-11-02
Description: Resolution adopted by the 3rd Committee without a vote
Date of entry/update: 2005-12-03
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 41.89 KB
Local URL: PDF icon GA2005-res.pdf
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Source/publisher: University of Sydney
2005-00-00
Description: " The archaeological landscape of Upper Burma from the middle of the first millennium BC to the Bagan period in the 13th-14th century AD is a landscape of continuity. Finds of polished stone and bronze artifacts suggest the existence of early metal-using cultures in the Chindwin and Samon River Valleys, and along parts of the Ayeyarwady plain. Increasing technological and settlement complexity in the Samon Valley suggests that a distinctive culture whose agricultural and trade success can be read in the archaeological record of the Late Prehistoric period developed there. The appearance of the early urban ?Pyu” system of walled central places during the early first millennium AD seems to have involved a spread of agricultural and management skills and population from the Samon. The leaders of the urban centres adopted Indic symbols and Sanskrit modes of kingship to enhance and extend their authority. The early urban system was subject over time to a range of stresses including siltation of water systems, external disruption and social changes as Buddhist notions of leadership eclipsed Brahmanical ones. The archaeological evidence indicates that a settlement was forming at Bagan during the last centuries of the first millennium AD. By the mid 11th century Bagan began to dominate Upper Burma, and the region began a transition from a system of largely autonomous city states to a centralised kingdom. Inscriptions of the 11th to 13th centuries indicate that as the Bagan Empire expanded it subsumed the agricultural lands that had been developed by the Pyu."
Creator/author: Bob Hudson (PhD thesis)
Date of entry/update: 2005-12-01
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 28.72 MB
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Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
2005-12-01
Description: "Midnight. You hear many people pounding away at your door, demanding you open up. You make one last-ditch effort to hide the incriminating evidence, though you know they are only documents calling for democracy in your country. They pose no threat to anyone, except the brutal minds of your captors. You tell your family to remain calm; everything will be OK. Your heart is pounding, your mind racing. You open the door slightly and the authorities push their way into your home, overturning everything and demanding you come with them. They show no warrant; there is no need for legal matters when the authorities decide to take you away. You are hooded and handcuffed; now you must rely entirely on your captors. You are made to lie down in the back of a van, a gun held at your back. As the van moves along, you pray the gun will not accidentally go off. You are not told where you are going, and there is no point in asking. Suddenly, the van stops and you hear the cruel voices of your captors ordering you to get out, to jump, to duck, to twist, to turn, all for their amusement. You are taken to a small room where the torture begins. You are stripped naked and are beaten until you lose consciousness. You are awakened when your captors drench you with a bucket of water. The beatings begin again. This time a rod is run up and down your shins until you scream out in agony as your flesh peals off. Your captors are laughing and threatening to kill you and your family. You remain hooded and handcuffed, unable to defend yourself or move away. You are humiliated, made to pretend you are riding motorcycles and airplanes. You sit and stand continuously until you are exhausted, all the while being beaten. You are forced to hold unnatural positions for extended periods of time until you collapse. You are denied food, water, sleep and must beg to use the toilet. You are degraded, bruised and battered. Your entire existence is reduced to the struggle to survive. Finally, the torture stops and again you are hooded and taken to prison, which will be your home for the next seven years or more. So far, you have not been allowed to see your family or a lawyer, and you have no idea when you will be sentenced. You are placed in a cell with five of your colleagues, two criminals and several rats. You are given undercooked and dirty food to eat. You sleep on the cold concrete. Your toilet is a small pot which overflows, creating maggots and a foul, nauseating smell. You are allowed seven plates of water to wash your self. You have nothing to read, no mental stimulation. Your cell is so dark and damp that reading materials would not much matter. You are finally brought to court where you have a five minute trial. Your sentence is read out; you have no opportunity to defend yourself. You are taken back to prison; the conditions are the same. You become ill, but are not allowed to see a doctor. Your condition worsens; still, no doctor, no medication. You must wait until your next family visit to receive medication. You have been placed in a prison hundreds of miles away from your family?s home. By the time they visit, you are no longer ill. You have managed to ride out your illness. Your other colleagues are not so lucky. The years pass. One day you are told you will be released. You are prepared to go, standing at the gate, in site of your family, when the authorities re-arrest you. You will be held five more years, though they do not charge you or put you on trial. You want to complain, but fear the torture that would ensue. You are finally released. You arrive home to find your mother has died while you were imprisoned. Your spouse has married another person. Your children struggle to remember you. You try to find work or restart your education, anything to regain the identity that was stolen from you when you were tortured and imprisoned. You cannot find employment, the universities turn you away. The Military Intelligence follows you and your family. You fear being re-arrested. You become depressed and feel marginalized. Your old friends no longer want to associate with you. You are misunderstood, but how can you explain yourself? You decide there is no future for you in your own country. You flee in the dark of night to an uncertain future. You are a political prisoner from Burma..."
Date of entry/update: 2005-12-01
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University, Thailand
2004-07-00
Description: An important and well-researched report. ?Millions of people from Burma1 have migrated into neighboring countries over the past decade. Most have left their country in search of security and safety as a direct result of internal conflict and militarization, severe economic hardship and minority persecution. This exodus represents one of the largest migration flows in Southeast Asia. The minority people of Burma make up the majority of those dislocated as a result of Burma?s State Peace and Development Council?s (SPDC?s) renewed commitment to eliminate ethnic militias and any support for them in minority areas through forced labor and portering, as well as forced relocation and arbitrary taxation, all of which leave the country?s population, particularly the minorities, extremely vulnerable. Fearing persecution, the vast majority of those migrating from Burma find themselves desperate to survive, obtaining work in underground and, often, illegal labor markets. The majority of those fleeing Burma migrate to neighboring Thailand, where an estimated two million people from Burma work in "3-D jobs" (dangerous, dirty and difficult), for pay well below minimum wage. While clearly in need of assistance and protection, migrants from Burma have a particularly difficult time exercising their rights in Thailand due to the Thai government?s policy of denying the majority of them refugee status. Living in perpetual fear of deportation, migrants from Burma face abhorrent labor practices as a result of their illegal status, as well as the lack of standardized working conditions and protection mechanisms. It is estimated that well over one hundred thousand females from Burma are employed as domestic workers in Thailand, though little information is available on the realities faced by these women and girls. Although there is a growing awareness of their isolation and vulnerability to labor exploitation and violence, there is little data available documenting their realities. This results in the alienation of domestic workers and perpetuates the disregard for their labor and basic rights. Consequently, neither migrants nor domestic workers (including Thai citizens) have any official means of reporting or seeking redress to the grievances or abuses they encounter in their jobs....?
Creator/author: Awatsaya Panam, Khaing Mar Kyaw Zaw, Therese Caouette, Sureeporn Punpuing
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-20
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : html pdf pdf
Size: 11.25 KB 3.22 MB 1.2 MB
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Source/publisher: Anti-Slavery International
1994-11-00
Description: "...For a generation Burma languished behind closed doors. Then suddenly, in the summer of 1988, the doors burst open as angry protests were violently put down by the security forces and the chilling scenes made headline news around the world. 'In-depth pieces' reported on the political and civil repression that had been going on for years. But there was little examination then, and there has been little since, of the targeted repression which had been going on, and is continuing, against whole groups of people - Burma's ethnic minority groups. Burma is a country of proud cultural and historic traditions, and it is rich in natural resources. But nearly half a century of conflict has left Burma with a legacy of deep-rooted problems and weakened its ability to cope with a growing host of new ones: economic and social collapse; hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced people; environmental degradation; narcotics; and AIDS. These problems touch on the lives of all Burmese citizens. But it is members of ethnic minority groups who have suffered the most, and who have had even less say over their lives and the destiny of their peoples than the majority 'Burmans'. Many minorities claim that a policy of 'Burmanisation' is manifest. Amidst the upheavals, gross human rights abuses have been committed, including the conscription, over the years, of millions into compulsory labour duties, the ill-treatment or extrajudicial executions of ethnic minority villagers in war-zones, and the forcible relocation of entire communities..."
Creator/author: Martin Smith
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-18
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.12 MB
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Source/publisher: Myanmar Partners Think Tank Group
Description: This file is updated as the new issue comes out.
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-18
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Category: The Voice
Language: English
Format : html
Size: 185.14 KB
Local URL: HTML icon Voice2005.html
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Source/publisher: International Labour Office (GB.294/6/2(Add.))
2005-11-00
Description: GB November 2005 (294th Session) Developments concerning the question of the observance by the Government of Myanmar of the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29). The additional information includes the text a letter from the Labour Minister about Myanmar's possible withdrawal from the ILO.
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-17
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: International Labour Office (GB.294/6/1(Add.))
2005-11-00
Description: "Since the finalization of GB.294/6/1, the following additional replies to the Director- General?s letters have been received..." (from Australia, Canada, Finland, Netherlands, Poland, Sudan, Confederation of Italian Trade Unions (CISL), Azerbaijan Trade Unions Confederation)
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-17
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: International Labour Office
2005-11-17
Description: (Conclusions of the Governing Body debate on Myanmar of 17 November) "...There was a general feeling of grave concern about the degradation of the situation which these developments ? including the most recent condemnation of Aye Myint, the situation of Su Su Nway, and other individual cases raised during the discussion ? reflected. It was also one of firm rejection of what appeared as attempts to influence the ILO?s position through various forms of pressures and intimidation, including that of withdrawal, in contradiction with the commitment that the Authorities have consistently pledged to the eradication of forced labour in cooperation with the Organization..."
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-17
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: International Labour Office (GB.294/6/1)
2005-11-00
Description: Replies from ILO constituents and international organisations to the ILO D-G's letters of June and July 2005 (attached to the report) asking what action they had taken regarding Myanmar following the discussion and conclusions at the International Labour Conference of June 2005, which reaffirmed and reactivated the measures requested by the ILC of June 2000.
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-12
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Burma Lawyers? Council (BLC)
2004-12-00
Description: * Democracy in Afghanistan (Win Maung); * Women?s Role in Constitution (Daw Molly); * Discussion on Civil Society and Constitution (Aung Htoo); * National Convention - Burma?s Road Map (BLC); * Federalism and Self-Determination (Dr. Venkat Iyer); * Ukraine?s Election (Win Maung Maung); * Trial and Justice (B.K. Sen); * Brief News and Commentaries Relating to Constitutional, Trial, Election and judicial Matters (BLC?s Documentation Centre).
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-02
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format : pdf
Size: 302.96 KB
Local URL: PDF icon JOCA20.pdf
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Source/publisher: Burma Lawyers? Council (BLC)
2005-08-00
Description: Contents: Position Paper of the Constitutional Committee on the Revelations of the People?s Aspirations... Part (1) The Constitution, People?s Aspirations and Participation: ( 1 ) The Constitution and People?s Aspirations; ( 2 ) The Rights of the People to participate in the development of the Constitution... Part (2) The Brief History of the Emergence of Burmese Constitutions... Part (3) Work Schedule of the Emergence of the Constitution: ( a ) Work program of the Opposite Political groups; ( b ) The process implemented by the SPDC ( military rulers )... Part (4) Sectional Presentation for Systematic Revelation: ( A ) Rule of Law; ( B ) Human Rights and Constitution; ( C ) Bill of Rights; ( D ) The Structure of a State; ( E ) Sovereignty and Constitution; ( F ) Government Systems; ( G ) Independent Judiciary and Court Power; ( H ) Political Parties and Civil Society Organizations; ( I ) Women?s Rights and the Constitution; ( J ) Conservation of Natural Environment and the Constitution; ( K ) Self-determination of ethnic nationalities according to the Constitution; ( L ) The Role of the Army in the Constitution.
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-02
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 283 KB
Local URL: PDF icon LIOB_21.pdf
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Source/publisher: UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)
2004-10-11
Description: "Today, Myanmar, located in the heart of the ?Golden Triangle,” is the main opium producer in Southeast Asia. However, despite its reputation as a leading producer, during the last decade, Myanmar has demonstrated a steady and remarkable reduction in opium poppy cultivation. While the number of hectares devoted to opium cultivation was estimated at 160,000 in the mid-1990s, by early 2004, opium poppy cultivation stood at 44,200 hectares - - a reduction of 73% from the peak in 1996. Together with the parallel decline in opium cultivation in Laos, this trend, if sustained, signals a potential end to more than a century of opium production in the Golden Triangle, a fitting close to one of the most tragic chapters in the history of narcotic drugs. However, as history has proved in other countries, often with tragic consequences, Myanmar now faces a critical, two-fold challenge. First, the country needs to support the decline in its opium supply. Second, Myanmar must strive to prevent the humanitarian disaster threatening opium-growing families who at present live on, or below, the poverty line. These two processes must be implemented simultaneously. Supply control will bring more stability to a country that has been plagued by ethnic tensions, tensions that have often been exacerbated by narco-trafficking. At the same time, without provisions designed to ensure that the basic needs of affected families are met, without the necessary human rights guarantees, the current opium reduction programme may prove unsustainable. Democratization and national reconciliation in Myanmar, as well as a national commitment to drug control, are goals the United Nations has re-affirmed on several occasions. I would thus encourage the Government of Myanmar to adopt the steps recommended by the Secretary- General in his report on the human rights situation in Myanmar, along with the reduction of opium cultivation. The international donor community also carries a responsibility to support this process by providing alternative sources of income to those families in Myanmar whose livelihoods are affected by the loss of opium-generated revenue. The world has watched as various countries have struggled to eliminate the cultivation of opium. Some states have succeeded ? others have failed. Those who were able to realize a reduction in poppy cultivation brought both stability and progress to their nations and their citizens. Those who failed at curtailing the production of opium also failed at providing the security the citizens of these nations need and deserve, both within and beyond national their national borders. While the United Nations welcomes any significant progress in opium reduction, we are very much aware that, in Myanmar, there remains a very fine line between success and failure. We continue to believe, however, that the proposed compact between the Myanmar government and the international community is a powerful alternative to failure, and that this compact has both the potential and the support to turn the current crop reduction effort in Myanmar into a sustainable and successful process..."
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-01
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)
2005-11-01
Description: "...Opium cultivation in Myanmar has steadily declined since 2000, and two-thirds of poppy crops have disappeared. Compared with the peak in 1996, the number of hectares devoted to opium has been reduced by 80% in 2005, from 163,000 hectares to 32,800 hectares. When adding the weather factor, influencing opium yields on the fields, an 82% decline in the opium production is registered over the same period of time. While the data included in the report is largely positive, certain worrying factors, with a potential to undo this rapid progress, need addressing. Compared to the previous year, opium production has doubled in the southern Shan State despite the acreage showing only a slight increase. This is in part due to additional rains, however, and more disquieting, also due to improved cultivation practices. The latter, in turn, is an indication of more sophisticated criminal activity, transcending poverty, and not dissimilar to the trends witnessed with ATS production: cross-border networking and transfer of new and improved techniques. Even so and taking note of the exception mentioned, general figures overwhelmingly associate opium with marginal economic conditions typical to remote mountainous areas in which most of the opium is grown. Shocking for anybody less familiar to the opium problem in Myanmar, is the low income of farmers in the Shan State. Non-opium growing households in the Shan State earn an average US$364 annually, against only US$292 for an opium farming household, consisting of both parents and two to four children. Half of the households surveyed in the Shan State report food insecurity; a figure that rises to an astounding 90% in concentrated poppy-cultivation areas. With the loss of opium income, these poor farmers and their families not only lose their coping mechanism to deal with endemic poverty and a chronic food shortage; they equally lose access to health services and to schools. They end up very vulnerable to exploitation and misery ? from human right abuses to enforce the opium bans, to internal displacement or human trafficking to survive the bans. For the United Nations, replacing one social evil (narcotics) with another (hunger and poverty) is wrong. Therefore the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime calls on the international community to provide for the basic human needs of those affected. The situation in the Golden Triangle is similar to the one in Afghanistan and the Andeans: some of the poorest people are being affected by the loss of income from drugs as cultivation declines. Thus, the international community must have the wisdom to fight drugs and poverty simultaneously, to eliminate both the causes and the effects of these twin afflictions. In other words, the world will not condone counter-narcotic measures that result in humanitarian disasters. If there is one concrete measure that the Government and its development assistance partners can take now to ensure Myanmar?s future, it is this: food security and income generation programmes must remain in place and be strengthened to support both the farmers? decisions not to plant opium, and enforcement measures to eradicate the opium that is planted against the law..."
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-01
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Friends of the Karen People
Description: "Friends of the Karen People - Mission Statement * We provide scholarships to prospective students from Burma regardless of their ethnic origin. * We prepare students to able to integrate into the international education system. * We aim to upgrade the education system in the ethnic regions of Burma. * We help maintain the culture and literature of the different ethnic nationalities of Burma. * We publish materials about the struggle of the ethnic nationalities of Burma. Friends of the Karen People - Objective * To document the culture and daily life of the Karen People who are in refugee camps and who are internally displaced. * To inform the world about the plight of the ethnic nationalities. * To bring a new generation of leaders to Burma. * To help people to survive and bring peace to the region. Brief recent history of Burma The Burmese military dictatorship took over power on March 2, 1962 and has been introducing ethnic cleansing since. There are more than a hundred ethnic groups in Burma who are gradually becoming extinct. Ethnic nationalities of Burma are forbidden to study their languages and practice their religious beliefs. Their cultures are disappearing and they no longer know how to speak or write their own languages. Their land is being taken away from them. They become internally displaced. They are relocated to places where there is no way to make their living. They have to work as slaves for the military. They are used to clear land mines and carry military equipment as porters. They suffer all kinds of abuse and oppression. Husbands and sons are killed, wives and daughters are raped. Children and infants are burned alive. The ethnic nationalities have become internal colonies. They are oppressed by the military dictatorship of Burma and are trapped in the nest of a heartless monster. The Karen people and all the other ethnic nationalities have fought to defend themselves for over 50 years to survive ethnic cleansing."
Date of entry/update: 2005-11-01
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: International Labour Office
2005-11-00
Description: "...Developments as regards the follow-up to the 2000 resolution are set out in document GB.294/6/1 (which will be available in the week before the Governing Body?s discussion in order that it can reflect the maximum number of replies). The present document gives an overview of the various other developments that have taken place..."
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-28
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: United Nations
2005-10-27
Description: "...Throughout my mandate as Special Rapporteur I have received many reports, documenting violations of the Government's pledge to democratic reform and respect for human rights. I have attempted on many occasions, through different means, to be allowed to visit the country in order to verify those reports. The Government of Myanmar has not given me the opportunity to do so. In this way the Government is renouncing to have its views and policies reflected in my report..." In his oral delivery, though not included in the present text, the Special Rapporteur referred to the case of Su Su Nway as an example of regime?s harsh crackdown on human rights defenders and lack of cooperation with the ILO. This will be included in a later version if it becomes available.
Creator/author: Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-27
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 37.29 KB
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Source/publisher: "Living Colour"
2005-09-01
Description: "Burmese journal views prospects, situation of privately owned publications" 'A Burmese magazine has noted that positive changes and developments can been seen in the media, with privately owned journals being given permission to attend national conferences and licences to publish being issued. It notes weaknesses within the journalistic sector, including the lack of qualifications of journalists. However, it also notes strengths, including allowing journalists to use email and the Internet freely. The following is the text of an article by Zaw Htut Maung from the "Myanmar's Economic View" section entitled: "Future prospects for the development of privately owned news journal sector", published by Burmese business magazine Living Colour on 1 September; subheadings as published...'
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-26
Type: Individual Documents
Category: Living Colour
Language: English
Format : html
Size: 13.61 KB
Local URL: HTML icon LC2005-09.html
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Source/publisher: United Nations (A/60/422)
2005-10-10
Description: Summary: "The present report is based upon the good offices efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General and his Special Envoy aimed at facilitating national reconciliation and democratization in Myanmar, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 59/263 of 23 December 2004. The Secretary-General believes that the National Convention, which is charged with drawing up the principles based upon which a new constitution will be drafted, and the seven-point road map towards democracy announced by the Myanmar authorities in 2003, have the potential to generate positive change. However, as he has stressed from the beginning, the road map process should be transparent and allinclusive in order to ensure its credibility. To date, the National Convention — whose reconvening in 2004 constituted the first step of the seven-point road map, has regrettably fallen short of satisfying these basic requirements. The Convention, which is expected to resume later in 2005, continues to exclude representatives from many political parties, including the National League for Democracy, and several ethnic nationality groups, as well as other crucial groups of society. It also fails, in its present format, to adhere to the recommendations made by successive resolutions of the General Assembly. The Secretary-General thus reiterates his call upon the Myanmar authorities to take the necessary steps to make the road map process more inclusive and credible when the Convention resumes later in 2005, and during subsequent phases of the road map process, including those for drafting the constitution and organizing a national referendum. As a first step towards that end, the Secretary-General encourages the Myanmar authorities to resume dialogue with the representatives of all ethnic nationality groups and political leaders. Such a step should commence as soon as possible and be followed by: further release of political prisoners; the lifting of the remaining constraints on all political leaders; reopening of offices of the National League for Democracy; and inclusion of the aforementioned groups in the ongoing road map process. The Secretary-General hopes to see these steps implemented by the first half of 2006. If progress occurs, the Secretary-General is prepared to do his utmost to mobilize all the necessary international assistance to support the Myanmar authorities in facilitating their national reconciliation efforts so that the people of Myanmar can partake in the same benefits of economic, social and political development as are enjoyed in neighbouring countries."
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-19
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 37.2 KB
Local URL: PDF icon GA2005-SGR.pdf
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Source/publisher: Chin Human Rights Organization
2005-10-00
Description: "Starting from the early 1990s Chin refugees come to Malaysia in search of security and survival. Most Chin refugees say they fled to Malaysia to escape life-threatening conditions at home as a result of widespread human rights abuses such as political repression, forced labor, arbitrary arrest and torture at the hands of Burma?s ruling military regime. These claims were validated by the fact that while preparing this brief report, CHRO received a report that a Chin civilian was beaten to death and four village council members from Salen village severely tortured by members of the Burma military. In the spring of 2005, the population of Chin refugees in Malaysia was estimated at about 12,000. Of these numbers only about 600 are recognized by UNHCR Kuala Lumpur as refugees. There are about 6000 Chin refugees who have already obtained serial number from Chin Refugees Committee CRC, a first step in a long waiting process for a UNHCR interview. Because UNHCR is currently accepting only 18 new interviews per week for Chin applicants, it is most likely that with the current pace it will take years before a regular individual case can get processed by UNHCR. As the amnesty period for ?illegal migrants” in Malaysia expired at the end of February, the security of Chin refugees has become more precarious. ?We are not allowed to live here in Malaysia, and we can not go back to our home country, we have got no where to go” said a 60 year-old former school teacher who is now seeking refuge in Malaysia. The living conditions of the refugees are deplorable. About 20-40 people on average are clustered in a two-bedroom apartment. These are only those who can afford to live in the city and towns. Many more thousands of refugees are living in the jungle of Putrajaya and Cameron Highland Plantation in makeshift tents with plastic roof. On several occasions, police have raided their jungle camps and burnt their tents. The refugees usually come back and rebuild their tents as they have got no where else to go. Between 1998 and 2005 March, over one hundred Chin refugees have died in Malaysia. Of these numbers, only 20 of them have died of natural causes and illness. The rest of them died a violent death due to accidents in the worksite or while being chased by the police. There are about 400 Chin refugees who are in detention camp at the time this report is being prepared..." The smaller file (92K) is text only. The larger one (2.5MB) also contains photos.
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-18
Type: Individual Documents
Format : doc pdf
Size: 92 KB 2.5 MB
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Source/publisher: Global Witness
2005-10-18
Description: (Press release): "... Ending the destruction of Burma?s northern frontier forests" , details shocking new evidence of the massive illicit plunder of Burma?s forests by Chinese logging companies. Much of the logging takes place in forests that form part of an area said to be ?very possibly the most bio-diverse, rich, temperate area on earth.? In 2004, more than 1 million cubic meters of timber, about 95% of Burma?s total timber exports to China were illegally exported from northern Burma to Yunnan Province. This trade, amounting to a $250 million loss for the Burmese people, every year, takes place with the full knowledge of the Burmese regime, the government in Beijing and the rest of the international community. Chinese companies, local Chinese authorities, regional Tatmadaw and ethnic ceasefire groups are all directly involved. ?On average, one log truck, carrying about 15 tonnes of timber, logged illegally in Burma, crosses an official Chinese checkpoint every seven minutes, 24 hours a day, 365 days a year; yet they do nothing.? Said Jon Buckrell of Global Witness. In September 2001 the government of the People?s Republic of China made a commitment to strengthen bilateral collaboration to address violations of forest law and forest crime, including illegal logging and associated illegal trade. However, since then, illegal imports of timber across the Burma-China border have actually increased by 60%. ?A few Chinese businessmen, backed by the authorities in Yunnan Province, are completely undermining Chinese government initiatives to combat illegal logging. Not only are the activities of these loggers jeopardising the prospect of sustainable development in northern Burma they are also breaking Chinese law.? Said Buckrell."... Download as Word (english 2.0 Mb) | PDF (english - low resolution 6.9 Mb) | PDF (english - low resolution - part 1 1.6 Mb) | PDF (english - low resolution - part 2 1.5 Mb) | PDF (english - low resolution - part 3 1.2 Mb) | Word (chinese 2.5 Mb) | PDF (chinese - low resolution 7.8 Mb) | PDF (chinese - low resolution - part 1 4.0 Mb) | PDF (chinese - low resolution - part 2 2.9 Mb) | PDF (chinese - appendices 2.1 Mb) | Word (burmese - press release 47 Kb) | Word (chinese - press release 29 Kb) | Word (burmese - executive summary 51 Kb) In September 2004 EU member states called for the European Commission to produce ?…specific proposals to address the issue of Burmese illegal logging…? Later, in October, the European Council expressed support for the development of programmes to address, ?the problem of non-sustainable, excessive logging? that resulted in deforestation in Burma. To date, the EU has done next to nothing. ?Like China, the EU has so far failed the Burmese people. How many more livelihoods will be destroyed before the Commission and EU member states get their act together?? Asked Buckrell. It is essential that the Chinese government stops timber imports across the Burma-China border, with immediate effect, and until such time sufficient safeguards are in place that can guarantee legality of the timber supply. The Chinese authorities should also take action against companies and officials involved in the illegal trade. Global Witness is calling for the establishment of a working group to facilitate measures to combat illegal logging, to ensure equitable, transparent and sustainable forest management, and to promote long-term development in northern Burma. ?It is vitally important that all stakeholders work together to end the rampant destruction of Burma?s forests and to ensure that the necessary aid and long-term investment reach this impoverished region.? Said Jon Buckrell.
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-18
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese, Chinese, English,
Format : pdf
Size: 5.48 MB
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Source/publisher: OpenNet Initiative
2005-10-12
Description: "Burma, also known as Myanmar, implements one of the world?s most restrictive regimes of Internet control. These on-line restrictions buttress off-line regulation of speech implemented by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), a group of military officials who maintain authoritarian rule over the state. Burma?s system combines broad, vague laws of long standing with harsh penalties. Internet access is costly and the state uses software-based filtering techniques to limit significantly the materials Burma?s citizens can access on-line. Most dial-up Internet accounts provide access only to the limited Myanmar Internet, not to the global network that most people around the world can access. The state maintains the capability to conduct surveillance of communication methods such as e-mail, and to block users from viewing Web sites of political opposition groups, organizations working for democratic change in Burma, and pornographic material. As compared to states elsewhere around the world, Burma?s censorship regime is among the most extensive. The OpenNet Initiative (ONI) tested its global list of Web sites and a high-impact list of sites with material known to be sensitive to the Burmese state. On the global list, we found nearly 11% of pages tested blocked, with a high level of filtering of e-mail service provider sites (85%) and pornographic sites (65%). The state also blocked significant numbers of gambling (24%), group Web sites (18%), and free Web space sites (18%). On our high impact list of sites with content known to be sensitive to the Burmese state, we found 84% of sites blocked, including nearly all political opposition and pro-democracy pages tested. These findings align with Burma?s well-documented efforts to monitor e-mail communication by its citizens and to control political dissent and opposition movements. Burma?s commitment to regulating Internet content through technical methods is demonstrated by its purchase and ongoing implementation of filtering software from the U.S. company Fortinet. Our research suggests that Burma continues to seek to refine its censorship regime. Burma?s system of Internet control shows no signs of lessening, and may worsen as it moves to a more sophisticated software product and as the state moves to tighten on-line restrictions."
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-13
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: "Burma Economic Watch" 1/2005 pp 3-25
2005-09-00
Description: 1. INTRODUCTION: People from Burma have been entering Thailand since the Ne Win coup in 1962. Most of these people have fled civil war, hunger, poverty, unemployment and political oppression. A significant proportion of these Burmese are employed in the lower rungs of the Thai labour market. Despite the large numbers of people from Burma working in Thailand, there has been very little reliable statistical analysis undertaken in order to understand the situation faced by these people. The paucity of reliable information in this area led us to conduct a survey of about 1,400 people from Burma working in Thailand.1 The survey was undertaken between October 2003 and March 2004, in the following 12 provinces: • Bangkok • Singburi • Lopburi • Saraburi • Tak (Mae Sot District) • Ratchaburi • Kanchanburi (Kanchanaburi and Sangklaburi Districts) • Ranong (Ranong District) • Samut Sakhon (Mahachai) • Phetchaburi • Chiang Mai (Chiang Mai and Fang Districts)2 • Mae Hong Son (Mae Hong Son District)...The following is a discussion of the results of a partial preliminary statistical analysis of a sample of about 1,100 of these workers with regard to their place of origin, time of arrival, income in the last 20 years, receipt of a minimum wage and their possession of a work permit.3 The analysis does not involve the estimation of population parameters and any consequent inferences about the nature of the population (though inferences about the population will be published later). Rather, the following is a statistical description of Burmese workers in Thailand, which we, argue is important given the paucity of reliable and credible work in this area.
Creator/author: Wylie Bradford & Alison Vicary
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-11
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 209.89 KB
Local URL: PDF icon BEWsurvey.pdf
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Source/publisher: The Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) of the City University of Hong
2004-09-00
Description: CONCLUSION: As briefly outlined, the situation in Mae Sot makes it difficult for Burmese worker support organisations to operate effectively. As late as mid-2004 there were no Thailand-based labour organisations or trade unions working specifically on labour or trade union rights in Tak with an office and staff located there on a full time basis. The workers themselves are in an extremely vulnerable situation and greater organisational and protection efforts are needed. This organisational and political weakness is in stark contrast to that of the authorities, police and employers. This imbalance makes it difficult for workers to organise to protect and promote their rights. The handful of Burmese organisations attempting to assist workers is limited because of their problematic legal status in Thailand and the intense pressure preventing them from operating without fear of reprisal. Structural factors promote the gross exploitation and human rights violations of Burmese migrant labourers in Mae Sot. Burmese leave Burma due to political oppression and socio-economic hardship, and subsequently have a high threshold for difficulties they endure in Thailand. Thai authorities and employers, regardless of nationality, are eager to exploit this vulnerability for windfall profits. A lack of corporate social responsibility and adherence to corporate codes of conduct means workers at the bottom of the supply chain, in places such as Mae Sot, produce textiles and garments and other products for Northern markets in a state of acute vulnerability. It?s obvious that migrant workers in Thailand, particularly the Burmese, bear a lot of pressure from nearly every direction, both in Burma and Thailand. A myriad of human rights are abused in both systematic and random ways. Denying the right to freedom of association and right to organise effectively pulls out any attempts by migrant workers to improve their situation at the roots. The policy of the Thai government towards Burmese refugees and migrants is in the process of changing, for better or worse remains to be seen. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra?s forging of closer economic and political ties with the Burmese government has resulted in an increasingly hard-line stance by Thailand towards Burmese migrant workers and refugees, many of the latter have become migrant workers. Some million and a half Burmese migrant workers in Thailand are now stuck between one the most brutal military dictatorship in the world, and a Thai government intent on good relations with them, with an eye on increased revenue for businessmen operating in Thailand, and for Thai business operating in Burma. It is worth noting that the traditional gap between migrant support organisations and workers, and Thai unions and labour organisations has been reduced over the last year or so. This, in combination with greater advocacy for migrant rights ? by Thailand?s Human Rights Commission, international and global trade unions, academics in Thailand and the region, governments and human and labour rights organisations both in the region and internationally ? is creating space and the potential for greater transparency and respect for labour rights and adherence to labour laws and standards. It also enhances the ability of migrant workers to organise and improve work conditions."
Creator/author: Dennis Arnold
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-08
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 293.98 KB
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Source/publisher: Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 35 No. 3, 2005, pp. 319-340.
2005-09-00
Description: CONCLUSIONS As outlined, the situation in Mae Sot makes it difficult for organisations to operate effectively in support of Burmese workers. In mid-2004 there were no Thailand-based organisations working specifically on labour issues in Tak. As we have shown, migrant workers are in a vulnerable situation and greater organisational and protection efforts are needed. This organisational and political weakness is in stark contrast to that of employers who enjoy the support of the state. This imbalance makes it difficult for workers to organise to protect or promote their rights. The handful of Burmese organisations attempting to assist workers is limited because of their problematic legal status in Thailand and the intimidation prevents them from operating without fear of reprisals. Structural factors promote the exploitation and human rights violations of Burmese migrant labourers. Burmese leave Burma due to political oppression and socio-economic hardship, and subsequently have a high threshold for the difficulties they endure in Thailand. Thai authorities and employers, regardless of nationality, are eager to exploit this vulnerability in their effort to maximise profits. A lack of corporate social responsibility and adherence to corporate codes of conduct means workers at the bottom of the supply chain, in places such as Mae Sot, produce textiles and garments and other products for developed country markets in a state of constant exploitation and oppression. It is obvious that Burmese migrant workers in Thailand face a myriad of human rights issues in Thailand and Burma. Denying the freedom to organise effectively undermines any attempts by migrant workers to improve their situation. The policy of the Thai government towards Burmese refugees and migrants is changing. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra?s government has forged closer economic and political ties with the Burmese junta and this has involved an increasingly hard-line stance towards Burmese migrants and refugees. Some million and a half Burmese migrant workers in Thailand are now stuck between one the most brutal military dictatorships in the world, and a Thai government intent on maintaining good relations. While the Thai government trumpets ?constructive engagement,” there is no doubt that the government?s attitude is driven by business interests. It is worth noting that the traditional gap between migrant support organisations and workers, and Thai labour organisations has been reduced over the last year or so. This, in combination with greater advocacy for migrant rights ? by Thailand?s Human Rights Commission, international and global trade unions, academics in Thailand and the region, governments and human and labour rights organisations both in the region and internationally ? is creating space and the potential for greater transparency and respect for labour rights and adherence to labour laws and standards. It may enhance the ability of migrant workers to organise and improve work conditions, but the struggle will still be a long and difficult one.
Creator/author: Dennis Arnold, Kevin Hewison
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-08
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 145.41 KB
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Source/publisher: Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB
2005-10-01
Description: TABLE OF CONTENTS: Preface; Burma at a Glance: Facts & Figures; Map of Burma; Historical Background; Acronyms and Abbreviations; Facts on Human Rights Violations in Burma 2004; (1). Forced Labor; (2). Extra-judicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions; (3). Arbitrary Detention and Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances; (4). Torture; (5). Deprivation of Livelihood; (6). Rights of the Child; (7). Rights of Women; (8). Rights of Ethnic Minorities; (9). Rights to Education and Health; (10). Freedom of Belief and Religion; (11). Freedom of Opinion, Expression and the Press; (12). Freedom of Assembly, Association and Movement; (13). Internally Displaced People and Forced Relocation; (14). The Situation of Refugees; (15). The Situation of Migrant Workers; (16). Landmines in Burma; List of Resources and Contributors; All Photos.
Date of entry/update: 2005-10-02
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.82 MB (590 pages) - Original version
Local URL: PDF icon YB2004.pdf
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Source/publisher: United Nations (A/60/221)
2005-08-12
Description: Summary: "The mandate of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Myanmar was established by the Commission in its resolution 1992/58 and extended most recently in resolution 2005/10. In that resolution, the Commission requested the Special Rapporteur to report to the General Assembly at its sixtieth session and to the Commission at its sixty-second session. The present report is submitted further to that request and is based on information received by the Special Rapporteur up to 22 July 2005. It is to be read in conjunction with his last report to the Commission (E/CN.4/2005/36). The Special Rapporteur has not been permitted to conduct a fact-finding mission to Myanmar since November 2003. While he has not been granted access to the country during the period covered by the present report, he has continued to fulfil his mandate to the best of his ability based on information collected from a variety of independent and reliable sources. The National Convention was reconvened from 17 February to 31 March 2005 without the involvement of a number of political parties, including the National League for Democracy (NLD). The invited delegates were selected from the same eight categories as for the previous Convention: political parties, representativeselect, national races, peasants, workers, intellectuals and intelligentsia, State service personnel and ceasefire groups. According to the National Convention Convening Commission, 1,073 out of the 1,081 delegates invited attended the meeting. The exclusion of important and representative political actors from the process, the restrictions placed on their involvement, the intolerance of critical voices and the intimidation and detention of pro-democracy activists render any notion of a democratic process devoid of meaning. Freedom of movement, assembly and association must be guaranteed, as they are basic requirements for national reconciliation and democratization. The Special Rapporteur firmly believes that if the inherent procedural restrictions are not amended and the representatives of the democratic opposition are not involved in the National Convention, any constitution that emerges will lack credibility. Placing the procedural arrangements that govern the National Convention on a sound democratic footing would allow for the full inclusion and involvement of all political parties and true progress to be made in the democratization process. The Government can and should take immediate steps to salvage the National Convention and its credibility both at home and internationally. The question of defining who will draft the constitution is one of the most relevant issues in the current political process. Furthermore, there is at present no clear indication of the rules for the adoption of the constitution through a national referendum. The Special Rapporteur regrets to note that the information received demonstrates that the situation regarding the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms has not substantially changed during the reporting period. He constantly receives reports of restrictions and violations of basic rights and freedoms. There reportedly remain over 1,100 political prisoners in Myanmar. The release of 249 political prisoners on 6 July 2005 was tempered by the continuation of the arrests, detention and harsh sentences meted out to civilians and democracy advocates for peaceful political activities. The Special Rapporteur remains very concerned at the practice of administrative detention. It is deeply regrettable that NLD General-Secretary Daw Aung San Suu Kyi celebrated her sixtieth birthday under house arrest. Her virtual solitary confinement and lack of access to NLD colleagues run counter to the spirit of national reconciliation. The Special Rapporteur is encouraged that HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment activities have increased, but remains very concerned that HIV/AIDS has become a generalized epidemic in Myanmar. While the Government continues to work on a national plan of action for children, it has yet to ratify the two Optional Protocols on the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Serious human rights violations continue to be perpetrated against Myanmar?s ethnic minority communities. Widespread reports of forced labour, rape and other sexual violence, extortion and expropriation by Government forces continue to be received. Victims of violations rarely have recourse to redress. The transition to a full, participatory and democratic system in Myanmar can no longer be postponed. Political and constitutional dialogue must begin without delay. By instituting values of democracy and human rights, the Government will send a clear signal to the people of Myanmar and the international community that it is actively committed to facilitating the creation of a stable and democratic future for the country. The United Nations and the international community stand ready to work in partnership with the Government, the political parties and civil society organizations, to effectively facilitate national reconciliation and the transition to democracy. By strengthening its cooperation with international organizations, the Government can be assured of support for conflict resolution, political and economic reform, institution- and capacity-building, humanitarian assistance and human development."
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-27
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Chinese
Format : pdf
Size: 378.63 KB
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Source/publisher: Nations Unies (A/60/221)
2005-08-12
Description: Résumé: "Le mandat du Rapporteur spécial de la Commission des droits de l?homme sur la situation des droits de l?homme au Myanmar a été établi par la Commission dans sa résolution 1992/58 et prorogé la dernière fois dans sa résolution 2005/10. Dans cette résolution, la Commission a prié le Rapporteur spécial de présenter un rapport intérimaire à l?Assemblée générale, lors de sa soixantième session, et de lui faire rapport à elle-même à sa soixante-deuxième session. Le présent rapport, qui fait suite à cette demande, a été établi à partir des informations recueillies par le Rapporteur spécial jusqu?au 22 juillet 2005 et doit être rapproché du dernier rapport qu?il a présenté à la Commission (E/CN.4/2005/36). Depuis novembre 2003, le Rapporteur spécial n?a pas été autorisé à effectuer de mission d?établissement des faits au Myanmar. Faute d?avoir pu se rendre dans ce pays au cours de la période considérée, il a continué de s?acquitter de son mandat du mieux qu?il le pouvait sur la base des informations recueillies auprès de différentes sources indépendantes et fiables. La Convention nationale, pour sa reprise, a été convoquée du 17 février au 31 mars 2005 sans la participation de plusieurs partis politiques dont la Ligue nationale pour la démocratie (NLD). Les délégués invités à y participer appartenaient aux huit mêmes catégories que par le passé : partis politiques, représentants élus, ethnies nationales, paysans, travailleurs, intellectuels et intelligentsia, fonctionnaires d?État et groupes parties au cessez-le-feu. D?après la Commission chargée de son organisation, 1 073 des 1 081 délégués invités à y participer y ont assisté. L?exclusion d?acteurs politiques importants et représentatifs, les restrictions imposées à leur participation, l?intolérance face aux critiques et l?intimidation et la détention des militants pour la démocratie sont antinomiques de tout processus démocratique. Les libertés de mouvement, de rassemblement et d?association doivent être garanties car elles sont un préalable à la réconciliation nationale et à la démocratisation. Le Rapporteur spécial est fermement convaincu que si les procédures restrictives inhérentes à la Convention nationale ne sont pas levées et les représentants de l?opposition démocratique ne sont pas autorisés à participer à ses travaux, la Constitution qui en découlera manquera de crédibilité. Pour faire reposer les arrangements de procédure régissant la Convention nationale sur des bases démocratiques solides, il faut permettre la pleine participation et implication de tous les partis politiques et progresser réellement dans le processus de démocratisation. Le Gouvernement peut et doit prendre des mesures immédiates pour sauver la Convention de l?échec et conserver sa propre crédibilité sur les plans aussi bien national qu?international. La question de savoir à qui incombe l?élaboration de la constitution est un des aspects les plus critiques du processus politique en cours. En outre, on ignore encore à l?heure actuelle quelles seront exactement les règles qui s?appliquent à l?adoption de la constitution à l?occasion d?un référendum national. Le Rapporteur spécial constate avec regret que, d?après ses sources, la situation concernant l?exercice des droits fondamentaux et libertés civiles n?a pas vraiment évolué au cours de la période considérée. Il reçoit sans cesse des informations faisant état de restrictions et de violations de ces droits et libertés. Il y aurait encore plus de 1 100 prisonniers politiques au Myanmar. La libération de 249 d?entre eux le 6 juillet 2005 n?a pas empêché la poursuite des arrestations, des détentions et des condamnations de civils et militants démocratiques à des peines sévères pour des activités politiques pacifiques. Le Rapporteur spécial reste également très préoccupé par la pratique de la détention administrative. Il est tout à fait regrettable que la Secrétaire générale de la NLD, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ait fêté son soixantième anniversaire en détention administrative. Sa détention dans des conditions de quasi-mise au secret et l?interdiction qui lui est faite d?avoir des contacts avec les membres de son parti sont contraires à l?esprit de réconciliation nationale. Le Rapporteur spécial note avec encouragement que les activités de prévention et de traitement du VIH/sida se sont multipliées mais s?inquiète toujours de ce que la maladie a pris les proportions d?une épidémie généralisée au Myanmar. Si le Gouvernement continue de collaborer à l?élaboration d?un plan d?action national en faveur des enfants, il n?en a pas pour autant ratifié les deux protocoles facultatifs à la Convention relative aux droits de l?enfant. De graves violations des droits de l?homme continuent d?être commises contre les minorités ethniques du Myanmar. Les allégations de travail forcé, de viol et autres violences sexuelles, d?extorsion et d?expropriation par les forces gouvernementales continuent d?affluer. Les victimes de ces violations ont rarement des voies de recours. La transition vers un système pleinement démocratique et participatif au Myanmar ne souffre plus aucun retard. Un dialogue politique et constitutionnel doit être entamé sans tarder. En faisant respecter les valeurs démocratiques et les droits de l?homme, le Gouvernement fera clairement comprendre à la population du Myanmar et à la communauté internationale qu?il est fermement résolu à contribuer à l?instauration d?un avenir stable et démocratique pour le pays. L?Organisation des Nations Unies et la communauté internationale sont prêtes à travailler en partenariat avec le Gouvernement, les partis politiques et les organisations de la société civile pour contribuer efficacement à la réconciliation nationale et à la démocratisation. S?il coopère plus activement avec les organisations internationales, le Gouvernement peut être assuré de leur soutien en vue du règlement des conflits, des réformes politiques et économiques, du renforcement des institutions et des capacités, de la fourniture d?une assistance humanitaire et du développement axé sur l?être humain."
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-27
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Francais, French
Format : pdf
Size: 115.88 KB
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Source/publisher: Naciones Unidas (A/60/221)
2005-08-12
Description: Resumen: "El mandato del Relator Especial de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en Myanmar fue establecido por la Comisión en su resolución 1992/58 y prorrogado recientemente en su resolución 2005/10. En esa resolución, la Comisión pidió al Relator Especial que presentara un informe a la Asamblea General en su sexagésimo período de sesiones, así como a la Comisión en su 62° período de sesiones. El presente informe se ha preparado en cumplimiento de esa solicitud y se basa en la información recibida por el Relator Especial hasta el 22 de julio de 2005. El presente informe debe examinarse conjuntamente con el último informe presentado por el Relator a la Comisión (E/CN.4/2005/36). El Relator Especial no ha podido llevar a cabo una misión de investigación en Myanmar desde noviembre de 2003. Pese a que no se le ha permitido visitar el país durante el período al que se refiere este informe, el Relator Especial ha seguido cumpliendo su mandato en la medida de sus posibilidades, basándose en la información recibida de diversas fuentes independientes y fidedignas. La Convención Nacional fue convocada nuevamente del 17 de febrero al 31 de marzo de 2005 sin la participación de varios partidos políticos, entre ellos la Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND). Se seleccionó a los delegados invitados de entre las mismas ocho categorías establecidas para la Convención anterior: partidos políticos, representantes electos, razas nacionales, campesinos, trabajadores, intelectuales, personal del servicio estatal y grupos que han suscrito el alto el fuego. Según la Comisión para la Convocatoria de la Convención Nacional, de los 1.081 delegados invitados asistieron a la reunión un total de 1.073. El hecho de que se haya excluido del proceso a actores políticos importantes y representativos, las restricciones impuestas a su participación, la intolerancia con respecto a las voces críticas y la intimidación y detención de activistas en pro de la democracia hacen que carezca de significado, en este caso, toda noción de proceso democrático. Se debe garantizar la libertad de movimiento, reunión y asociación, pues dichas libertades son requisitos básicos para la reconciliación nacional y la democratización. El Relator Especial está firmemente convencido de que si no se enmiendan las restricciones de procedimiento inherentes al proceso y si no participan en la Convención los representantes de la oposición democrática, carecerá de credibilidad cualquier constitución que emerja de dicha reunión. Sentar las disposiciones de procedimiento que rigen la Convención Nacional sobre sólidas bases democráticas coadyuvará a la inclusión y participación plenas de todos los partidos políticos y para que se registren avances reales en el proceso de democratización. El Gobierno puede y debe adoptar medidas inmediatas para rescatar la Convención Nacional y su credibilidad tanto en el plano nacional como internacional. Una de las cuestiones más relevantes del actual proceso político es definir quién redactará el proyecto de constitución. Además, en la actualidad no hay indicios claros de cuáles son las reglas para la aprobación de la constitución mediante un referendo nacional. El Relator Especial observa con pesar que la información recibida demuestra que, en lo que respecta al ejercicio de los derechos y libertades fundamentales, la situación no ha cambiado de manera sustancial durante el período al que se refiere el informe. El Relator Especial recibe constantemente informes sobre restricciones y violaciones de libertades y derechos básicos. Al parecer quedan más de 1.100 presos políticos en Myanmar. La liberación de 249 presos políticos el 6 de julio de 2005 se vio menoscabada por los arrestos, la detención y la condena a severas penas de civiles y defensores de la democracia debido a actividades políticas de carácter pacífico. El Relator Especial sigue muy preocupado por la práctica de la detención administrativa. Es profundamente lamentable que Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Secretaria General de la LND, haya celebrado en arresto domiciliario sus 60 años. Su reclusión casi total y la falta de comunicación con sus colegas de la LND redundan en detrimento del espíritu de reconciliación nacional. El Relator Especial se siente alentado por el incremento de las actividades de prevención y tratamiento del VIH/SIDA, pero sigue muy preocupado por el hecho de que el VIH/SIDA se ha convertido en una epidemia generalizada en Myanmar. Si bien es cierto que el Gobierno sigue elaborando un plan nacional de acción en favor de los niños, aún no ha ratificado los dos Protocolos Facultativos de la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño. Se siguen cometiendo graves violaciones de los derechos humanos contra las comunidades étnicas minoritarias de Myanmar. Continúan recibiéndose informes generalizados sobre casos de trabajo forzado, violación y abuso sexual, extorsión y expropiación por parte de las fuerzas gubernamentales. Son raras las veces en que las víctimas de tales violaciones tienen posibilidades de obtener compensación. No se puede seguir posponiendo la transición hacia una democracia plena y participativa en Myanmar. El diálogo político e institucional debe iniciarse sin más dilaciones. Al instituir los valores de la democracia y los derechos humanos, el Gobierno estará dando claras muestras ante el pueblo de Myanmar y la comunidad internacional de que está firmemente comprometido a facilitar la creación de un futuro estable y democrático para el país. Las Naciones Unidas y la comunidad internacional están dispuestas a trabajar en asociación con el Gobierno, los partidos políticos y las organizaciones de la sociedad civil para facilitar de forma efectiva la reconciliación nacional y la transición a la democracia. Si fortalece su cooperación con las organizaciones internacionales, el Gobierno de Myanmar podrá tener la seguridad de recibir apoyo en materia de solución de conflictos, reformas políticas y económicas, fortalecimiento institucional y creación de capacidad, asistencia humanitaria y desarrollo humano."
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-27
Type: Individual Documents
Language: Espanol, Spanish
Format : pdf
Size: 226.9 KB
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Source/publisher: United Nations (A/60/221)
2005-08-12
Description: Summary: "The mandate of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Myanmar was established by the Commission in its resolution 1992/58 and extended most recently in resolution 2005/10. In that resolution, the Commission requested the Special Rapporteur to report to the General Assembly at its sixtieth session and to the Commission at its sixty-second session. The present report is submitted further to that request and is based on information received by the Special Rapporteur up to 22 July 2005. It is to be read in conjunction with his last report to the Commission (E/CN.4/2005/36). The Special Rapporteur has not been permitted to conduct a fact-finding mission to Myanmar since November 2003. While he has not been granted access to the country during the period covered by the present report, he has continued to fulfil his mandate to the best of his ability based on information collected from a variety of independent and reliable sources. The National Convention was reconvened from 17 February to 31 March 2005 without the involvement of a number of political parties, including the National League for Democracy (NLD). The invited delegates were selected from the same eight categories as for the previous Convention: political parties, representativeselect, national races, peasants, workers, intellectuals and intelligentsia, State service personnel and ceasefire groups. According to the National Convention Convening Commission, 1,073 out of the 1,081 delegates invited attended the meeting. The exclusion of important and representative political actors from the process, the restrictions placed on their involvement, the intolerance of critical voices and the intimidation and detention of pro-democracy activists render any notion of a democratic process devoid of meaning. Freedom of movement, assembly and association must be guaranteed, as they are basic requirements for national reconciliation and democratization. The Special Rapporteur firmly believes that if the inherent procedural restrictions are not amended and the representatives of the democratic opposition are not involved in the National Convention, any constitution that emerges will lack credibility. Placing the procedural arrangements that govern the National Convention on a sound democratic footing would allow for the full inclusion and involvement of all political parties and true progress to be made in the democratization process. The Government can and should take immediate steps to salvage the National Convention and its credibility both at home and internationally. The question of defining who will draft the constitution is one of the most relevant issues in the current political process. Furthermore, there is at present no clear indication of the rules for the adoption of the constitution through a national referendum. The Special Rapporteur regrets to note that the information received demonstrates that the situation regarding the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms has not substantially changed during the reporting period. He constantly receives reports of restrictions and violations of basic rights and freedoms. There reportedly remain over 1,100 political prisoners in Myanmar. The release of 249 political prisoners on 6 July 2005 was tempered by the continuation of the arrests, detention and harsh sentences meted out to civilians and democracy advocates for peaceful political activities. The Special Rapporteur remains very concerned at the practice of administrative detention. It is deeply regrettable that NLD General-Secretary Daw Aung San Suu Kyi celebrated her sixtieth birthday under house arrest. Her virtual solitary confinement and lack of access to NLD colleagues run counter to the spirit of national reconciliation. The Special Rapporteur is encouraged that HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment activities have increased, but remains very concerned that HIV/AIDS has become a generalized epidemic in Myanmar. While the Government continues to work on a national plan of action for children, it has yet to ratify the two Optional Protocols on the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Serious human rights violations continue to be perpetrated against Myanmar?s ethnic minority communities. Widespread reports of forced labour, rape and other sexual violence, extortion and expropriation by Government forces continue to be received. Victims of violations rarely have recourse to redress. The transition to a full, participatory and democratic system in Myanmar can no longer be postponed. Political and constitutional dialogue must begin without delay. By instituting values of democracy and human rights, the Government will send a clear signal to the people of Myanmar and the international community that it is actively committed to facilitating the creation of a stable and democratic future for the country. The United Nations and the international community stand ready to work in partnership with the Government, the political parties and civil society organizations, to effectively facilitate national reconciliation and the transition to democracy. By strengthening its cooperation with international organizations, the Government can be assured of support for conflict resolution, political and economic reform, institution- and capacity-building, humanitarian assistance and human development."
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-27
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 109.86 KB
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Source/publisher: International Organization for Migration (IOM)
2005-08-00
Description: RECOMMENDATIONS: "1. International migration policies should be aligned with other economic and social development policies. The Government should consider producing a policy document on international migration and incorporating its recommendations... 2. Because of the broad range of migration issues that Thailand is facing, the Kingdom would benefit from a national comprehensive migration management system, with an appropriate coordination mechanism, that would deal with all types of migration (asylum seekers, regular migrants and irregular migrants) in an integrated manner... 3. The Thai Government should re-establish a border screening mechanism such as the Provincial Admissions Boards in order to provide a means to determine which persons crossing the border from Myanmar are legitimate asylum seekers and deserve the protection of the border camps or the protection afforded those fleeing political persecution. The Government should broaden the concept of persons deserving asylum from those ?fleeing fighting” to the definition of a refugee spelled out in the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees... 4. Thailand would benefit from developing and implementing a strategy that would give Thai overseas workers a higher level of comparative advantage by targeting more technical occupations... 5. The process of registering for a work permit in Thailand should be simplified and made less expensive through cooperation among the ministries concerned. The Thai Government should articulate the rights and obligations of migrant workers and their dependents. Sanctions should also be applied to employers and others who withhold original registration documents or work permits. The Ministry of Interior should allow for on-going or renewed registration periods for migrants coupled with adequate publicity campaigns... 6. The Ministry of Labour should carry out a programme of pro-active random inspection of workplaces to ensure that they are complying with labour regulations and standards, including the timely payment of mandated wages... 7. The Ministry of Labour and the police should be more pro-active in investigating workplaces thought to have trafficked persons and those subjecting workers to abuse and exploitation. When enforcing laws against trafficking, forced labour and slavery-like conditions, care should be taken to protect the victims of such practices... 8. HIV/AIDS information and prevention programmes should target such mobile and difficult-to-reach populations as migrant sex workers, seafarers and other migrant workers. More cross-border intervention programmes should be implemented. 9. More comprehensive and higher quality research is required in many areas of international migration affecting Thailand in order to strengthen policy formulation and programme implementation. More research is required on:  The number and characteristics of Thai nationals overseas;  The number and characteristics of the unregistered migrant population in Thailand;  The situation of children of migrants and migrant children in Thailand without their parents;  The volume and types of trafficking to Thailand;  The incidence and prevalence of HIV/AIDS among migrants;  Effective intervention programmes for migrants in vulnerable situations."
Creator/author: Jerrold W. Huguet, Sureeporn Punpuing
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-16
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 953.21 KB
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Source/publisher: US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Mineral Yearbook, Mineral Industries of Asia and the Pacific, V III (1992)
1993-00-00
Description: This edition of the Minerals Yearbook discusses the performance of the worldwide minerals and materials industry including Burma?s Mineral industry during 1992 and provides background information to assist in interpreting that performance. Volume III, Minerals Yearbook International Review contains the latest available mineral data on more than 175 foreign countries and discusses the importance of minerals to the economies of these nations. Since the 1989 International Review, this volume has been presented as six reports: Mineral Industries of the Middle East, Mineral Industries of Africa, Mineral Industries of Asia and the Pacific, Mineral Industries of Latin America and Canada, Mineral Industries of Europe and Central Eurasia, and Minerals in the World Economy. The total work force of the mining sector was estimated at 83,000 or about 0.5% of Burma?s labor force in 1992. According to the Burmese Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development, the total output of the mining sector, in 1986 constant producers? prices, was valued at $76 million? or 0.89 % of Burma?s gross domestic product (the total value of net output and services), which was valued at $8.5 billion for fiscal year 1992. Of the total output of the mining sector, about 73% was produced by the State-owned enterprises, 26% by the private enterprises, and 1% by cooperatives. In fiscal year 1992, export earnings from jade and gems alone amounted to about $23.5 million and accounted for more than 60% of Burma?s minerals exports. Additionally, a considerable amount of high-quality jade and gems reportedly are smuggled annually to China and Thailand. Exports of copper concentrate in 1992 were estimated at $3.5 million and accounted for 10% of total minerals exports.
Creator/author: John C. Wu
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-09
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 203.19 KB
Local URL: PDF icon MIB92.pdf
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Source/publisher: US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Mineral Yearbook, Mineral Industries of Asia and the Pacific, VIII (1993)
1994-00-00
Description: "This edition of the Minerals Yearbook records the performance of the worldwide minerals industry including Burma?s mineral industry during 1993 and provides background information to assist in interpreting that performance. Volume III, Area Reports contains the latest available mineral data on more than 175 foreign countries and discusses the importance of minerals to the economies of these nations. The reports also incorporate location maps, industry structure tables, and an outlook section. According to the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development, the estimated employment in the mining sector was 83,000 in fiscal year 1993 or about 0.5 % of Burma?s estimated total employment of 16.5 million. The total output of the mining sector, in 1986 constant producers? prices, was estimated at $120 million or 1.2% of Burma?s gross domestic product (GDP) (the total value of net output and services), which was estimated at $10 billion for fiscal year 1993. Of the total output of the mining sector, about 73 % was produced by the State-owned enterprises, 26 % by the private enterprises, and 1 % by cooperatives. 14 Minerals production in Burma had been declining since the 1960?s. In 1989, the Government adopted an open-door policy and a liberal foreign investment law to encourage participation of foreign mining companies in exploration and development of Burma?s mineral resources. According to the Burmese Department of Geological Survey and Mineral Exploration, since 1988 no substantial foreign capital had been invested in the Burmese mining industry, especially in the non-fuel minerals sector. According to a local press report, 75 direct foreign investments were made in Burma with a total value of $956.3 million since the Government began implementing the new investment law in 1988. Of this total, only nine investments were in the mining sector. Burma?s mining industry suffered a steady decline because no new mines were developed while many of the old mines were left to deteriorate without the much needed renovation in the past years. However, because of increased contribution by the private sector, production of gemstones, gold, jade, tin, and tungsten reportedly showed some improvements in fiscal year 1993. Burma?s mineral trade involved mainly exporting jade, gems, and some amounts of copper concentrate, chromates, manganese ores, tin and tungsten concentrates, and importing some amounts of ferrous and nonferrous metals and an increasing amount of crude petroleum..."
Creator/author: US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-08
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 185.19 KB
Local URL: PDF icon MIB93.pdf
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Source/publisher: US Geological Survey (USGS)
1997-05-00
Description: For over 40 years the U.S. Bureau of Mines has issued an annual summary of mining activity in Burma which is now available on-line. These useful reports include information about surveying, mapping, exploration, concession grants, mineral exports and imports and the operations of major mining companies, as well as a valuable five year tonnage table for all major mineral products. The reports cover a wide range of mine products including base metals, precious metals, non-metallic minerals and petroleum. Cement and steel products are also covered. The focus of these reports is on large-scale mining operations and they tend to leave out of consideration the activities of smaller national companies and the mining ?rushes? that occur from time to time, attracting the participation of thousands from around the country. There is little emphasis on the environmental concerns associated with mining activities in Burma. Burmese government reports provide the major sources for the information provided in these reports, but, particularly in recent years, they have also included information from the section on Burma (Myanmar) in the Mining Annual Review produced by the Journal of Mining. The reports are usually a year out-of-date by the time are made available on-line. Exports of mineral commodities accounted for about 5.4% of the total export earnings, which are estimated at $867 million in 1996. Imports of mineral commodities for about 18% of total imports, which were estimated at $1.5 billion in 1996. The copper ore production averaged about 8,000 metric tons (t) per day and the mill produced about 24,000t of copper concentrate in 1996. State-owned companies, 40% by the privately owned companies, and 1% by the so-called cooperatives in 1996. The total number of employees in the mining industry was about 116,000, accounting for about 0.7% of Burma?s total employment in 1996.
Creator/author: John C. Wu
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-07
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 37.66 KB
Local URL: PDF icon MIB1996.pdf
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Source/publisher: US Geological Survey (USGS)
1996-00-00
Description: For over 40 years the U.S. Bureau of Mines has issued an annual summary of mining activity in Burma which is now available on-line. These useful reports include information about surveying, mapping, exploration, concession grants, mineral exports and imports and the operations of major mining companies, as well as a valuable five year tonnage table for all major mineral products. The reports cover a wide range of mine products including base metals, precious metals, non-metallic minerals and petroleum. Cement and steel products are also covered. The focus of these reports is on large-scale mining operations and they tend to leave out of consideration the activities of smaller national companies and the mining ?rushes? that occur from time to time, attracting the participation of thousands from around the country. There is little emphasis on the environmental concerns associated with mining activities in Burma. Burmese government reports provide the major sources for the information provided in these reports, but, particularly in recent years, they have also included information from the section on Burma (Myanmar) in the Mining Annual Review produced by the Journal of Mining. The reports are usually a year out-of-date by the time are made available on-line. According to the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Developement, the total work force in the mining sector was about 105,000, accounting for 0.61% of Burma?s labor force in 1995. The total output of the mining sector, in 1986 constant producers prices, was estimated at $141 million, or about 1.3% of Burma?s gross domestic product, which was estimated at $10.8 billion in 1995.
Creator/author: John C. Wu
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-07
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 35.98 KB
Local URL: PDF icon MIB1995.pdf
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Source/publisher: Humanitarian Affairs Research Project, Asian Research Center for Migration, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University
2004-01-00
Description: "The plight of Burma's internally displaced persons has largely been overlooked by the international community and the Burmese government itself. Villagers in the country's war zones nevertheless have suffered for decades the adverse effects of conflict. For some, displacement has become a way of life and a multi-generational phenomenon. Displacement wherever it occurs profoundly changes the persons forced to move. People lose belongings, jobs, and loved ones. The case of the internally displaced in southern Shan State is no different. In this report, the Humanitarian Affairs Research Project documents the impact displacement has had on civilians in southern Shan State and the living conditions in the various places to which they fled. The report builds successfully on the work of other local research groups and adds updated information and perspective to the study of Burma's internally displaced. It will be a valuable addition to policy makers, academics, and anyone concerned about the fate of the people of Shan State. One lesson clearly emerging from the report is that the IDPs in southern Shan State clearly are in need of protection and assistance. More needs to be done and it needs to be done now. The Burmese government as well as other domestic and international actors should consider carefully the ways in which this important goal can be accomplished. This report offers some recommendations that can help to set the actors on the right path..."....This document contains a Shan version of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. Since this is an image file of almost 2MB, OBL has produced the whole document, with GP; the Guiding Principles as a separate document; and the English text without GP.
Creator/author: GARY RISSER, OUM KHER, SEIN HTUN
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-03
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English and Shan
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.88 MB 1006.8 KB 1.9 MB
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Source/publisher: World Health Organisation (WHO)
Description: Very rich seam of medical articles. This page presents the current issue, with all articles downloadable (pdf). For previous issues (back to 1947) click on "Past Issues" in the left hand column and browse the Volumes
Date of entry/update: 2005-09-01
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Arakan National Council
Description: "ANC is a decentralized political body representing the people of Arakan for self-determination, justice, peace, prosperity, equality, integrity, tranquility, and dignity in emerging the Arakan State with civilized modernity and democracy."... ANC activities: "1. Drafting Arakan State Constitution; 2. Strengthening civil society; 3. Education and training skills in diplomat and foreign relationship; 4. Documentation in human rights violation, rape cases, forced labours, internal displaced persons (IDP), and researching over military expansion; 5. Media networking and training; 6. Training in civil administration and management skills; 7. Research on state-based economic planning; 8. Training youths and women to make public awareness in constitutional power and democratic principle inside Arakan State; 9. Cooperating with democratic forces; 10. Publishing monthly newsletter, research papers, white paper, and producing annual report books; 11. Supporting financial, logistics, and skills to the civil societies in the Arakan State and abroad."
Date of entry/update: 2005-08-24
Type: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG #2005-F7)
2005-08-19
Description: "...Burma?s State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) military junta claims to be implementing peace and development in Karen regions, but civilians in Toungoo District of northern Karen State say they are facing instead brutal treatment aimed at asserting military control. An example of SPDC-led ‘development? is a new dam project on the Thauk Yay Ka (Day Loh) river in western Toungoo District. Villagers in the area of this proposed dam say that it has brought a new military access road to their area and that large SPDC military columns now patrol their villages, looting their belongings and forcing them into labour. Security checkpoints along all roads in the area have proliferated, restricting the movements of villagers and extorting heavy ‘taxes? on all goods they try to take to market. Increased military presence along the roads has occurred throughout the district, from the Than Daung Gyi ? Leit Tho road in the north to the Kler Lah ? Bu Sah Kee road in the southeast, and close to 300 acres of villagers? farmland has been confiscated for the establishment of a large military base at Leit Tho in the north. This continues the campaign of control already exposed in KHRG?s March 2005 report from the district (see ‘Peace?, or Control?, KHRG Report from the Field #2005-F3). SPDC troops burn farmfields and plantations adjacent to vehicle roads for military security, while destroying the villagers? food security. People who have been forced from the hills into SPDC-controlled villages struggle against disease, food scarcity and restrictions on their movement, while those who have chosen to evade SPDC control in the hills must remain mobile to evade SPDC patrols who destroy their rice fields and landmine the pathways. In the relocation villages and in the forests, people are facing a difficult struggle against food scarcity, deteriorating health conditions, and SPDC human rights abuses..."...Dam security; Road security; New Army base at Leit Tho; Destruction of villages and livelihoods; Relocation sites and roadsides; Villagers in hiding; Health; Children and education
Date of entry/update: 2005-08-20
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Amnesty International (ASA 16/16/89)
1989-08-00
Description: (formerly the Karen State in the "...There have been numerous allegations that people arrested for their non-violent political activities in Yangon and other towns since 18 September 1988 have been ill-treated during interrogation by the military intelligence authorities. Amnesty International has been able to obtain a few first-hand testimonies about alleged ill-treatment since 18 September 1988 of people arrested in the Kayin State who were accused of involvement with insurgent groups or seized there or in the Yangon Division and forced to act as porters in the Kayin State The organization considers that in at least some cases, seizing and forcing suspected political opponents to work as porters is analogous to detaining them without charge or trial, and that these people are effectively political prisoners. Four testimonies about ill-treatment of political prisoners and porters are contained in this document. One is by a political prisoner who says he was beaten during interrogation by military intelligence officers in the Kayin State in early 1989, and the others by porters who say they themselves were ill-treated and saw other porters ill-treated or killed during counter-insurgency operations in the Kayin State in October 1988 and June 1989..."
Date of entry/update: 2005-08-19
Type: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 41.47 KB
Local URL: PDF icon 16-16-89-ocr.pdf
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