The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Individual Documents
Sub-title:
The three senior election officials, including UEC chair Hla Thein, have been in regime custody since last year’s coup
Description:
"The ousted chair of Myanmar’s Union Election Commission (UEC) and two other senior election officials have each been sentenced to three years in prison.
UEC chair Hla Thein, secretary Myint Naing, and commission member Than Htay were sentenced under Section 130a of the Penal Code last Thursday, according to court sources.
The charge is related to alleged violations of electoral laws during the 2020 general election, which Myanmar’s military claimed was marred by massive voter fraud.
All three were tried by a special court inside Naypyitaw Prison. They have been in regime custody since the military seized power in a coup on February 1 of last year.
Hla Thein, a 74-year-old former professor from Meiktila University, was appointed chair of the UEC after the 2015 election, which the now-deposed ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won in a landslide.
Myint Naing, who is also 74 years old, was also the UEC’s spokesperson. He joined the commission prior to 2015 and had also served as a parliamentary advisor on legal matters.
According to Khin Maung Oo, a member of the new, junta-appointed UEC, the cases against the three defendants were among 373 filed by the commission since last year’s military takeover. At a press conference held in Naypyitaw on July 1, he said that action had already been taken in 369 cases.
Despite the military’s claims of widespread voter fraud, the UEC revealed earlier this year that it had discovered just over 3,200 instances of double voting and other irregularities, representing barely more than 0.1% of the votes cast in 2020.
The junta has also used its claims of a stolen election to lay charges against senior leaders of Myanmar’s elected civilian government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint.
It has also imprisoned and fined a total of 2,173 local election workers for allegedly failing to ensure that votes were cast and counted correctly..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2022-07-11
Date of entry/update:
2022-07-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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Description:
"The junta-appointed election body of Myanmar led by former major general of the military U Thein Soe has published a report titled “Findings of the Investigation into Electoral Fraud and Irregularities in the 2020 General Election.”
The report is without front matter, so it is not known when it was published. It came to light only after reports spread that the regime had distributed copies of the report to Buddhist monasteries earlier this year.
The report attempts to justify the junta’s allegations of voting irregularities in the 2020 general election, citing figures, charts and photos. However, far from convincing voters, the report has only raised doubts as to the motives of the junta-appointed election body.
Commission chairman
After declaring a state of emergency following the coup, the military reconstituted the Union Election Commission (UEC), appointing U Thein Soe as its chairman.
U Thein Soe served as the judge advocate-general under the previous military regime, and was the chairman of the inaugural election body formed under the army-drafted 2008 Constitution to hold the general election in 2010, the first election in 20 years since the 1990 poll.
The election was held at a time when the country had no access to freedom of speech or press freedom, and political parties were severely restricted from campaigning and rallying.
The international community said the election lacked credibility because local and foreign observers were barred from covering the voting, the commission lacked transparency, there were restrictions in electoral complaints procedures, and because of early votes that only arrived after polling stations were closed and changed the election results.
It is questionable whether U Thein Soe, who supervised a rigged election, has the credibility to investigate whether there was electoral fraud in the 2020 election.
Commission’s autonomy
In its report, U Thein Soe’s commission repeatedly claimed that the election body under the National League for Democracy (NLD) was not independent because it was influenced by President U Win Myint, region and state chief ministers and NLD lawmakers.
The fifth point of the five-point roadmap of the regime’s governing body, the State Administration Council (SAC), says “Upon accomplishing the provisions of the state of emergency, free and fair multiparty democratic elections will be held in line with the 2008 Constitution, and further work will be undertaken to hand over State duties to the winning party in accordance with democratic standards.”
This clearly shows that the military always intended to cancel the results of the 2020 general election and hold a new election. U Thein Soe’s commission was apparently formed to serve that purpose, and the independence and justice of his commission is thus in question.
Electoral complaints
The report cites the failure of the NLD government, the Union Parliament and the NLD-appointed election body to address the complaints submitted by the military about errors in voter lists as a major reason for its decision to seize power and declare a state of emergency.
Regarding the electoral complaints, the policy of the NLD was that concerned candidates were to resolve disputes through the Election Commission; the policy of the election body was that it does not accept complaints from third-party organizations, and complaints would have to be submitted by concerned candidates in line with election laws.
Those policies comply with provisions in the 2008 Constitution and election laws. U Thein Soe himself had assumed the same stance as UEC chair at the time of the 2010 election.
A few days after the 2010 general election, the National Democratic Force (NDF) formed by Dr. Than Nyein and U Khin Maung, who had split from the NLD, announced that the party would call on authorities to address unlawful early votes and electoral irregularities in the poll.
In response, the election body released an announcement signed by then chairman U Thein Soe. The announcement said if an objection was to be raised about the election of a candidate or the credibility of the election in a particular constituency, the complaint should be submitted in line with electoral laws; and that the NDF had violated the ethics and laws for political parties by issuing such a statement.
However, U Thein Soe contradicted himself when he said in the report that the NLD and the Union Parliament should have responded to the voter fraud complaint by the military, which is not a political party.
International agencies
The report of U Thein Soe’s commission alleges that the election commission under the NLD government sought advice from international organizations in order to deliver victory for the NLD.
U Thein Soe accused the previous commission of amending election laws based on suggestions from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA). The commission cooperated with 24 international agencies and signed memorandums of understanding with 12 of them.
The previous commission received financial assistance from international agencies, and was thus influenced by them, the report concludes.
Perhaps U Thein Soe was not aware of or deliberately ignored the fact that the tradition of collaborating with international agencies was established by former lieutenant general U Tin Aye when he headed the UEC at the time of the 2015 general election.
In its report on the multi-party democratic election held by the U Tin Aye-led UEC in 2015, the previous Union Parliament said on page 33—which is found in Chapter 5, on “Cooperation with International Agencies”—that “IFES and IDEA opened offices at the UEC Office and cooperated closely. The IFES provided 18.1 billion kyats and the IDEA provided 2,800 million kyats for the electoral process.”
The report also detailed cooperation with international agencies including the EU, and training and workshops organized by those agencies.
It is in question why U Thein Soe failed to mention in his report the cooperation between the country’s election body and international agencies on the 2015 poll. He also needs to answer this question. If the 2020 general election was not free and fair because of intervention by international agencies, to what extent was the 2010 general election, which was held behind closed doors, free and fair?
National registration cards (NRCs) and voter ID cards
The report of U Thein Soe’s commission claims that the previous commission violated Article 59 of the electoral law by allowing people to cast votes in the 2020 general election with voter ID cards, even though they did not have NRCs, also known as citizenship scrutiny cards.
Here the main question is whether a citizen is allowed to vote if she does not have an NRC.
Section 391 (a) of the 2008 Constitution says that “every citizen who has attained 18 years of age on the day on which the election commences, who is not disqualified by law, who is eligible to vote, and person who has the right to vote under the law, shall have the right to vote.”
Under the existing registration procedures, it is impossible for Myanmar citizens to obtain an NRC on the day they turn 18. And it can be seen that there are many citizens who have not yet obtained NRCs even after they turn 18.
The U Tin Aye-led commission said in its report on the 2015 general election that it counted those who had attained 18 years of age on the day on which the election commenced, and who were not disqualified by law, in the voter lists. When it made the list of such people, the election day had not yet been chosen, so it therefore included those who would be 18 by Nov. 30, 2015. After the election day was announced as Nov. 8, the commission excluded those who were born between Nov. 8 and Nov. 30, 1997 from the voter list, said the report.
U Thein Soe’s commission failed to mention that point and failed to check whether those who had attained the age of 18 but did not hold an NRC were allowed to cast votes with any other documents in the 2015 election.
Section 14 (a) of the Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House) Election Law, Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) Election Law and Region and State Hluttaw Election Law states that “Every citizen, associate citizen, naturalized citizen and holder of temporary certificate who do not contravene the provisions of this Law and are residents in a constituency and have completed the age of 18 years on the day of commencement of election shall be included in the voter list.”
This was an amendment made by the Union Parliament under the Union Solidarity and Development Party government in 2015. U Thein Soe’s commission, however, did not mention a word about this in its report.
It is not that voter ID cards were introduced for the first time in the 2020 general election; they began to be used in the 2015 poll to facilitate the voting process.
The U Tin Aye-led commission said in its announcement ahead of the Nov. 8 election in 2015 that because many voters have the same name, there will be many voter ID cards that bear the same name; but the commission will apply election ink to voters to make sure they cannot vote twice.
U Thein Soe’s commission failed to compare the actions of the 2015 UEC and mention Section 14 (a) of the electoral laws in accusing the 2020 UEC of violating electoral laws by allowing those without citizenship scrutiny cards to cast ballots.
Alleged voter list errors
The report of U Thein Soe’s commission particularly highlighted alleged voter list irregularities. The report claims that there are more than 11 million errors (11,305,390) in voter lists, including multiple appearances by individuals, which could lead to a person voting more than once; and the inclusion of underage persons and those without citizenship certificates.
More importantly, U Thein Soe’s commission has interpreted those 11 million errors as 11 million votes being rigged. Voter list errors are a result of poor management. If the commission is to argue that those errors constitute fraud, it must present strong evidence for how each error could have led to fraud.
For example, suppose a voter list for a constituency included six voters with the same NRC number, but five others were found to be non-existent when inspected. In that case, we can’t call it fraud unless it is proven that the five others cast ballots on election day. If all six voters live in the constituency and they are all recorded with the same NRC number in storing their data on the computer, it is then a technical error.
Similarly, if the same voters appeared in two constituencies, unless it is proven that all or some of them voted in both constituencies, it does not constitute voter fraud.
In the 2020 general election, voter turnout for the Lower House was 71.89 percent, for the Upper House 71.84 percent, and for region and state parliaments 71.06 percent. So, it is wrong to conclude that all the wrongly included voters cast ballots in the 2020 poll.
U Thein Soe’s commission said in its report about electoral offenses in the 2020 general election that there were 546 complaints and 287 cases of electoral violations. The report thus indirectly admits that not all the vote list errors constitute fraud.
The report says that the commission is making a thorough investigation into double or triple voting by the same individuals. But the commission is still unable to provide details about its investigation to date, and unable to prove its claim of multiple voting by tens of thousands of voters.
The most important point is that U Thein Soe’s commission fails to compare the voter list errors of the 2020 general election with those of the 2010 and 2015 polls.
As the 2010 election was held under the tight restrictions of the previous military regime, there was little scrutiny and media coverage of voter lists compiled by the then commission led by U Thein Soe.
However the U Tin Aye-led commission’s announcement to the public about “its actions to ensure the accuracy of voter lists” released on July 6, 2015 said: “After we have published the voter lists according to the experiences of the 2010 general election and 2012 by-election, we found that there were faults and weaknesses in the voter lists. The commission considers that this happened because voter lists were compiled based on outdated statistics, people failed to check voter lists, and time was not sufficient for people to submit correction requests. That weakness can harm the peace and stability of the election.” Given that announcement, it is obvious that there were also errors in the voter lists of the 2010 general election.
In preparing voter lists for the 2015 general election, the U Tin Aye-led commission had compiled preliminary voter lists since May 2014 in cooperation with international and local agencies. Despite this, the voter lists released to the public were riddled with errors, and the commission thus drew widespread criticism, according to media reports at the time.
However, the voter list errors reported by the media then were about errors spotted in some wards. There might have been many more errors if all the voter lists from around the whole country had been checked, the way U Thein Soe’s commission has done.
The flaws at the time ranged from erroneous exclusions of some celebrities and the inclusion of deceased people, to incorrect data like whole villages having the same birthdate. The commission had to publish an article in the July 8, 2015 issues of state-run newspapers to explain the causes of the voter list errors.
Then commission chairman U Tin Aye met local and foreign election observers on Oct. 23, 2015, and promised that no eligible voter would lose their voting rights, no matter how flawed the voter lists were.
The U Thein Soe-led commission’s credibility is in question because it failed to compare the voter list errors of the 2020 general election with those of previous elections, and because of its invalid conclusion that all the voter list errors constituted vote rigging.
Election results
The most important point is that U Thein Soe’s commission annulled the results of the 2020 general election with its announcement 2/2021 issued on July 26, 2021, saying that the results were canceled because the 2020 election did not comply with the Constitution, election commission law, and relevant parliamentary election laws and by-laws, and was not free and fair.
The question is whether the UEC has the authority to cancel the results of an entire election.
According to Section 399 of the 2008 Constitution, the UEC is only tasked with holding Hluttaw elections; supervising Hluttaw elections; forming different levels of sub-commissions and supervising thereof; designating and amending the constituencies; compiling lists of voters and amending thereof; postponing elections of the constituencies where free and fair election cannot be held due to natural disaster or due to the local security situation; prescribing rules relating to elections or political parties in accord with the provisions of this Constitution, and procedures, directives, so forth, in accordance with the relevant laws; constituting the election tribunals for trial of disputes relating to the election in accordance with the law; and performing duties assigned under the law.
It is not authorized by the Constitution to cancel the results of entire election, and to hold a new election. Section 10 of the UEC Law, which concerns the “rights and responsibilities of the UEC”, does not grant such authority to the election body.
Chapter 15 of the election law, on “”Delivering judgement on electoral objections”, says, “Objection to an elected Hluttaw candidate may be made to the Commission as prescribed by any challenging Hluttaw candidate or any voter.” A third party such as a political party or the military can’t intervene or raise an objection.
The commission shall form electoral tribunals to examine electoral objections and if the elected candidate is found to be guilty of malpractice, it shall declare the said candidate void, according to the provisions of the election law.
It is therefore obvious that the UEC is only authorized to examine electoral objections, form tribunals and subsequently disqualify elected candidates in individual constituencies upon receiving complaints.
The U Thein Soe-led commission’s wholesale cancellation of the result of the 2020 general election is therefore against the Constitution, the Union Election Commission Law and relevant parliamentary election laws.
Overall, the report of U Thein Sein’s commission is another attempt by him to please the military, much as he pleased it by ensuring electoral victory for the military’s proxy, the USDP, in the 2010 general election. In other words, it is another stain on his character..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2022-02-17
Date of entry/update:
2022-02-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
First Verdict in Slew of Fabricated Charges
Description:
"Update: On December 6, the junta announced it was reducing the sentences of Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint from four to two years. It also announced they would be “detained in the current location for the remaining two years of imprisonment.”
(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s junta should immediately quash the verdict against Aung San Suu Kyi, who on December 6, 2021, was found guilty of inciting public unrest and breaching Covid-19 restrictions and sentenced to four years in prison, Human Rights Watch said today. The 76-year-old de facto leader of Myanmar prior to the February military coup faces an additional 10 politically motivated charges, including for possessing unlicensed walkie-talkies, corruption, and election fraud, carrying a total potential sentence of more than 100 years in prison. Ousted President Win Myint was also sentenced to four years.
The military arrested Aung San Suu Kyi, head of the then-ruling National League for Democracy party, along with other senior officials in the capital, Naypyidaw, on February 1, as it nullified the results of the November 2020 democratic elections and installed a junta under a manufactured “state of emergency.” She did not appear in person in court until May 24. Her trial began on June 14. The special court in Naypyidaw remained closed to all journalists and observers, and her legal team has been barred from speaking on the case.
“Aung San Suu Kyi’s guilty verdict has been guaranteed since Myanmar’s military detained her on February 1, and more baseless convictions and sentences can be expected to be piled on in the future,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The junta is using this sham court proceeding to wipe out all opposition to military dictatorship. Yet since the coup and Suu Kyi’s arrest, millions have taken to the streets to protest for freedom and democracy.”
Myanmar’s security forces have killed over 1,200 people since the coup, arrested more than 7,500, and tortured and raped detainees. The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses amount to the crimes against humanity of murder, enforced disappearance, torture, rape and other sexual violence, severe deprivation of liberty, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering.
The junta has detained thousands of protesters, activists, journalists, and others on charges that are similarly unjust as those against Aung San Suu Kyi, Human Rights Watch said. The verdict against her should remind foreign governments of the need to adopt urgent measures to press for the release of everyone arbitrarily detained and to bring the junta’s leadership to justice.
“The junta should unconditionally release Aung San Suu Kyi and all others facing politically motivated charges,” Adams said. “The military’s initial disappearance of Suu Kyi, the most well-known person in the country, speaks to the brutality and injustice that detainees with little or no profile are enduring.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-12-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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more
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"One year ago, on 8 November 2020, the people of Myanmar cast their ballots in large numbers in the country’s general elections. Their choice was clear and their aspirations for democracy explicit. The elections were an important milestone in Myanmar’s democratic transition and were confirmed as transparent by all independent domestic and international observers. The military coup on 1 February 2021 forcibly overthrew the civilian government in blatant violation of the will of the people, with disastrous humanitarian, social, economic and human rights consequences. The announcement to extend the state of emergency until August 2023 under the guise of a “caretaker government” can in no way grant legitimacy to the military regime. The European Union strongly condemns the grave human rights violations by the Myanmar armed forces since then.
The current military build-up in the central and northwestern part of the country, including the Sagaing and Magway regions, and the resulting escalation of violence particularly in Chin State, are of deep concern. The European Union condemns in the strongest terms the attacks by the Myanmar military on civilians and villages in Chin State, including the use of torture, sexual violence, arbitrary detention and the destruction of private property and religious sites, which are blatant violations of human rights and international law and call for justice and accountability. The European Union reiterates its calls for an immediate cessation of all hostilities and the disproportionate use of force witnessed in recent days. The military authorities must ensure rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all displaced persons and people in need, in all parts of the country. The European Union will continue to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and is deeply concerned by the combined effects of the conflict, food insecurity and COVID-19 on the population.
The escalation of violence led by the Myanmar armed forces also runs counter to the commitments made at the ASEAN Leaders’ Summit in April, setting out the “Five Point Consensus”. The European Union continues to call for its immediate and full implementation. The European Union further calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained in connection with the coup, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
The European Union welcomes the appointment of Noeleen Heyzer as the Special Envoy of the Secretary General of the United Nations on Myanmar and welcomes continued close collaboration with the United Nations. The European Union also reiterates its full support for the approach and efforts of ASEAN and the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy, Erywan Yusof, Foreign Minister II of Brunei Darussalam, to engage in a meaningful and inclusive process of dialogue involving all relevant parties in the country, including the National Unity Government and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. The European Union underlines that a meaningful political dialogue must include full, equal and meaningful participation of women, youth and ethnic groups.
The European Union welcomes the actions taken by ASEAN in view of its recent summit. The European Union looks forward to engaging closely with Cambodia as the Chair of ASEAN for 2022 and as the chair of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) on 24-26 November 2021. The European Union will continue to support ASEAN’s efforts to ensure a peaceful resolution of the current crisis that will ensure the country’s swift return to a democratic path....ပြီးခဲ့သည့်နှစ် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၈ ရက်နေ့၌ မြောက်မြားလှစွာသော မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုသည် နိုင်ငံ၏ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲများတွင် အသီးသီးမဲဆန္ဒပြုခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၎င်းတို့၏ ရွေးချယ်မှုသည် တိကျပြတ်သားပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီရရှိရေးနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြင်းပြသောဆန္ဒများမှာလည်း ရှင်းလင်းခိုင်မာနေခဲ့သည်။ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီအသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးလမ်းကြောင်း၌ အရေးပါသော မှတ်တိုင်တစ်ခုဖြစ်ခဲ့ပြီး အမှီအခိုကင်းသော ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပစောင့်ကြည့်လေ့လာသူအားလုံးက အဆိုပါရွေးကောက်ပွဲများကို ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုရှိကြောင်း အတည်ပြုပေးခဲ့ကြသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့သော စစ်တပ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုသည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ သဘောဆန္ဒအား ပြောင်တင်းစွာ ဆန့်ကျင်လျက် အရပ်သားအစိုးရကို တရားမဝင်ဖြုတ်ချခဲ့ပြီး ယင်းဖြစ်ရပ်ကြောင့် ဆိုးရွားသော လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု၊ လူမှုရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျိုးဆက်များ ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ “အိမ်စောင့်အစိုးရ” အသွင်ဆောင်လျက်ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် အရေးပေါ်အခြေအနေကာလအား ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ် အထိ တိုးချဲ့မည်ဟူသော ကြေညာချက်ဖြင့် စစ်အစိုးရကို တရားဝင်အစိုးရအဖြစ် မည်သည့်နည်းနှင့်မျှ ထောက်ခံနိုင်မည်မဟုတ်ပေ။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် မြန်မာတပ်မတော်လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များ ထိုအချိန်ကတည်းက ဆိုးရွားစွာ ကျူးလွန်ထားသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများကို ပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပါသည်။
စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းနှင့်မကွေးတိုင်းအပါအဝင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအလယ်ပိုင်းနှင့် အနောက်မြောက်ပိုင်းတို့၌ လတ်တလောတွေ့ရသည့် စစ်တပ်အင်အားတိုးချဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် ၎င်း၏ရလဒ်အနေဖြင့် အထူးသဖြင့် ချင်းပြည်နယ်အတွင်း အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြင့်တက်လာခြင်းတို့သည် အလွန်အမင်းစိုးရိမ်ဖွယ်အခြေအနေများဖြစ်သည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေတို့ကို ပြောင်တင်းစွာ ချိုးဖောက်မှုများဖြစ်သည့် နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းမှု၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု၊ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်မှုနှင့် ပုဂ္ဂလိကအဆောက်အအုံများ၊ ဘာသာရေးနယ်မြေများကို ဖျက်ဆီးမှုတို့အပါအဝင် ချင်းပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိ ကျေးရွာများနှင့်အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအပေါ် မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရှုတ်ချပြီး တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် လတ်တလောကာလများတွင် မျက်မြင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် စစ်မက်ပြုမှုများနှင့် မလျော်မကန်အင်အားသုံးမှုများ အားလုံးကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်ရန် ထပ်လောင်းတောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ စစ်တပ်အာဏာပိုင်များအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံအနှံ့အပြားရှိ နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာတိမ်းရှောင်သူများနှင့် အကူအညီလိုအပ်သူများ အားလုံးထံ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာအကူအညီများ မြန်ဆန်ဘေးကင်းပြီး အဆီးအတားမဲ့စွာ လက်လှမ်းမီရောက်ရှိစေရန် ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည်လည်း လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု၊ ဘက်မလိုက်မှု၊ သမာသမတ်ကျမှုနှင့် အမှီအခိုကင်းမှုဆိုင်ရာ အခြေခံမူများနှင့်အညီ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီများကို ဆက်လက်ပေးအပ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုအပေါ် စုပြုံသက်ရောက်နေသည့် တိုက်ပွဲများ၊ စားနပ်ရိက္ခာမဖူလုံမှု၊ ကိုဗစ်-၁၉ ကပ်ရောဂါတို့နှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍လည်း အလွန်အမင်း စိုးရိမ်ပူပန်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
မြန်မာတပ်မတော်လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များ၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမြင့်တက်လာခြင်းသည် “သဘောတူညီချက်ငါးရပ်” ပြဋ္ဌာန်းရာ ဧပြီလတွင်ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သော အာဆီယံခေါင်းဆောင်များ၏ ထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးတွင် ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည့် သန္နိဋ္ဌာန်များနှင့်လည်း ဆန့်ကျင်နေပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့ကို ချက်ချင်းအပြည့်အဝအကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂက တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် နိုင်ငံတော်သမ္မတဦးဝင်းမြင့်နှင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏အတိုင်ပင်ခံပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်အပါအဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ မတရားသဖြင့် ဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခံထားရသူအားလုံးကို အကြွင်းမဲ့ချက်ချင်းလွှတ်ပေးရန် ထပ်မံတောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ Noeleen Heyzer အား ကုလသမဂ္ဂအထွေထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာအထူးသံတမန်အဖြစ် ခန့်အပ်မှုနှင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အနီးကပ်ဆက်လက်၍ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုတို့အပေါ် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂက လှိုက်လှဲစွာ ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ထို့ပြင် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရနှင့် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီတို့အပါအဝင် နိုင်ငံအတွင်းရှိ သက်ဆိုင်ရာပါတီအားလုံးပါဝင်သည့် အဓိပ္ပာယ်ပြည့်ဝပြီး အားလုံးပါဝင်သော နှီးနှောဆွေးနွေးရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တစ်ရပ်ကို ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်အလို့ငှာ အာဆီယံနှင့်တကွ ဘရူနိုင်းဒါရုဆလမ်၏ ဒုတိယနိုင်ငံခြားရေးဝန်ကြီးတစ်ဖြစ်လဲ အာဆီယံဥက္ကဋ္ဌအထူးသံတမန် Erywan Yusof တို့၏ ချဉ်းကပ်မှုနှင့် အားထုတ်မှုများကို အပြည့်အဝထောက်ခံကြောင်း ထပ်လောင်းထုတ်ပြန်ပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂအနေဖြင့် အဓိပ္ပာယ်ပြည့်ဝသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးနှီးနှောဆွေးနွေးပွဲတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်များနှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသားအုပ်စုများကို အပြည့်အဝ၊ ညီတူညီမျှနှင့် အဓိပ္ပာယ်ရှိရှိ ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်စေရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း မီးမောင်းထိုးဖော်ပြလိုပါသည်။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် အာဆီယံအနေဖြင့် မကြာသေးမီက ကျင်းပခဲ့သော အာဆီယံထိပ်သီးအစည်းအဝေးကို အကြောင်းပြု၍ လုပ်ဆောင်ခဲ့သည့် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များကို ကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် အာဆီယံဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်ပြီး ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ ၂၄-၂၆ ရက်နေ့များ၌ ကျင်းပမည့် အာဆီယံဥရောပအစည်းအဝေး (ASEAN) တွင် ဥက္ကဋ္ဌဖြစ်လာမည့် ကမ္ဘောဒီးယားနိုင်ငံနှင့် အနီးကပ်ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် မျှော်လင့်ပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအား ဒီမိုကရေစီလမ်းကြောင်းအပေါ် ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိစေမည့် လက်ရှိပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ရပ်များကို အကြမ်းမဖက်ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဖြေရှင်းရန် ကြိုးပမ်းနေသော အာဆီယံ၏ အားထုတ်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ပံ့ပိုးထောက်ခံသွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
European Council (Brussels)
Date of publication:
2021-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"One year ago, Burma held multiparty elections to select a new government. Independent observers reported that the elections, despite some concerns, were credible and reaffirmed the commitment of the Burmese people to democracy. The military’s coup on February 1 sought to overthrow the will of the people and erase the outcome of that credible election. The military’s subsequent and ongoing violent crackdown has further undermined human rights and fundamental freedoms and reversed a decade of progress toward a genuine democracy that the people of Burma clearly sought and still seek.
On the anniversary of the November 8 election, we honor the people of Burma striving to restore democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of law in their country, including more than 1,300 innocent people who have lost their lives in that struggle. The United States is committed to promoting justice and accountability for these and other abuses by the regime. Today, we reiterate our call for the military regime immediately to cease violence, release all those unjustly detained, and return Burma’s path to a genuine and inclusive democracy..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of State
Date of publication:
2021-11-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Foreign Secretary Liz Truss gave a statement on the one-year anniversary of the Myanmar elections, held on 8 November 2020.....Foreign Secretary Liz Truss said:
"Elections in Myanmar 1 year ago were a clear demonstration of the Myanmar people’s long standing desire for democracy. The military’s allegations of electoral fraud are entirely unsubstantiated and we reiterate our condemnation of the military coup. The military must end the violence, release political prisoners and engage in dialogue to enable a return to democracy."..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2021-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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"1. On 8th November 2020, the multi-party democratic general election was
held in accordance with the Election Laws and Rules by the Union Election
Commission in a free and fair manner and was actively voted by the citizens
with a strong desire for democracy even during the COVID-19 pandemic crisis.
2. In the election, 1117 seats out of 1171 constituencies were successfully
voted for Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw and Regional/State Hluttaws and
there were a total of 5639 candidates from all the political parties and
independent members. More than 71 percent of the eligible voters took part
in the election and it was recognized as a free and fair election by the teams
of local and international observers.
3. On 1st February 2021, against the result of the votes from the citizens,
the brutal State Administrative Council (SAC) accused that voting fraud was
found in the election and seized the state power from the civilian government
neglecting the Election Law and Rules and the 2008 Constitution. The
announcement of the invalidation of the 2020 general election's results by
the SAC was only to destroy the desire and hopes of the citizens using the arm
power. Therefore, in order to retain the citizens' rights, including the Civil
Disobedience Movement (CDM), people took part in different ways of protest
against the military coup.
4. The peaceful protestors against the dictatorship were handled by the
SAC with violence including illegal arrests, unjust detentions, murders,
appropriation and destroying the properties of the people which have created
the emergence of revolution.
5. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw has been formed with
the mandate from the people to conduct the functions of Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
and we have performed the legislation, relations with international
parliamentary bodies and revoking the 2008 Constitution. We have also
formed the Interim National Unity Government (NUG) after the
announcement of the Federal Democracy Charter drafted by the National
Unity Consultative Council (NUCC).
6. We appreciate and recognize all the contribution and efforts in the battle
for democracy in Myanmar by our new generations, public officials and
people in the Civil Disobedience Movement, Ethnic Armed Organizations,
political parties, protest groups, civil societies, organizations for public
security and those international governments, parliaments, organizations
who stand with us at this challenging period.
7. On the anniversary of the 2020 election, we, the Committee
Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) would like to announce that we will
continue working together with all stakeholders to eliminate military
dictatorship and establish a federal democratic state in the future and will
continue working steadfastly to ensure the State power is returned to its
original owner, the citizens..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2021-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, National Unity Government (NUG), Anti-coup protesters
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"၁။ ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ်၊ နိုဝင်ဘာလ (၈) ရက်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုရွေးကောက်ပွဲကော်မရှင်က ပါတီစုံ ဒီမိုကရေစီအထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲကို လွှတ်တော်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများ နှင့်အညီ လွတ်လပ်ပြီး တရားမျှတစွာ ကျင်းပပေးနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး ဒီမိုကရေစီလိုလားသည့် ပြည်သူလူထုမှ COVID-19 ကူးစက်ရောဂါ ကပ်ဘေးကြားမှပင် ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ တက်ကြွစွာ ဆန္ဒမဲပေးခဲ့ကြသည်။
၂။ ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ်၊ ပါတီစုံဒီမိုကရေစီ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ပြည်သူ့လွှတ်တော်၊ အမျိုးသား လွှတ်တော်နှင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီး/ပြည်နယ်လွှတ်တော်မဲဆန္ဒနယ် ၁၁၇၁ နေရာရှိသည့်အနက် ၁၁၁၇ နေရာ အတွက် ကျင်းပပေးနိုင်ခဲ့ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများနှင့် တစ်သီးပုဂ္ဂလလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားလှယ်လောင်း ၅၆၃၉ ဦး ဝင်ရောက်ယှဥ်ပြိုင်ခဲ့ကာ ဆန္ဒမဲပေးပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသူဦးရေ၏ ၇၁ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းကျော်က ဆန္ဒမဲပေးခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်တွင်းပြည်ပ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲလေ့လာစောင့်ကြည်ရေး အဖွဲ့များက လွတ်လပ်ပြီး တရားမျှတသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုခဲ့သည်။
၃။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖေါ်ဝါရီလ (၁) ရက်နေ့တွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ တခဲနက်ဆန္ဒမဲပေးရွေးချယ်ခဲ့သော ရွေးကောက်ပွဲရလဒ်ကို ဆန့်ကျင်လျက် မဲမသမာမှုရှိသည်ဟု မမှန် မကန်စွပ်စွဲ၍ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲဥပဒေ၊ နည်းဥပဒေများအရ ဖြေရှင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ပြဋ္ဌာန်းထားသည်ကို လျစ်လျူရှုလျက် ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ကျော်လွန်ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာကို ပြည်သူက ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ထားသည့် အစိုးရထံမှ အတင်းအဓမ္မ သိမ်းယူခဲ့သည်။
၄။ ၂၀၂၀ ပြည့်နှစ်၊ အထွေထွေရွေးကောက်ပွဲရလဒ်အား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက ဖျက်သိမ်း ကြောင်း ကြေညာခဲ့ခြင်းသည် ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဆန္ဒသဘောထားနှင့် မျှော်လင့်ချက်ကို လက်နက် အားကိုးဖြင့် ဖျက်ဆီးခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ပြည်သူလူထုက အကြမ်းမဖက် အာဏာဖီဆန်မှုအပါအဝင် နည်းလမ်း မျိုးစုံဖြင့် မိမိတို့၏ နိုင်ငံသား အခွင့်အရေးမဆုံးရှုံးစေရန် ဆန့်ကျင်တော်လှန်ခဲ့သည်။
၅။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာ ဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်ခဲ့သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များက အင်အားသုံး အကြမ်းဖက်ဖြိုခွင်းခြင်း၊ မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့အိုးအိမ် စည်းစိမ်များအား ဖျက်ဆီးခြင်း၊ မတရားသိမ်းဆည်းလုယူခြင်း စသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်နည်းလမ်းများဖြင့် ဖိနှိပ်ခဲ့ခြင်းကြောင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရေး အခင်းအကျင်းသည် တော်လှန်ရေးအသွင် ပြောင်းလဲလာခဲ့သည်။
၆။ ပြည်သူလူထုက အပ်နှင်းထားသည့် အခွင့်အာဏာကို ကျင့်သုံးလျက် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) ကို ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့ပြီး ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကို တာဝန်ခံလျက် ဥပဒေပြု ကိစ္စရပ်များကို ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာလွှတ်တော်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် ဆက်ဆံရေးထူထောင် ချိတ်ဆက်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း၊ ၂၀၀၈ ခုနှစ် ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေကို ဖျက်သိမ်းခြင်း၊ အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီကရေးဆွဲသည့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်ကို အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်၍ ကြားကာလ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ(NUG) ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့သည်။
၇။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ ဒီမိုကရေစီပြန်လည်ရရှိရေး ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် ပါဝင်သည့် မျိုးဆက်သစ် လူငယ်များ၊ အကြမ်းမဖက်အာဏာဖီဆန်မှု (CDM) လှုပ်ရှားမှုတွင် ပါဝင်သည့် ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ပြည်သူ များ၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် တော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများ၊ နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ၊ သပိတ် အင်အားစု များ၊ လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ ပြည်သူလူထု၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံရေးကို အကာအကွယ်ပေးသည့် အင်အားစုများ နှင့် ခက်ခဲကြမ်းတမ်းသည့် ယခုကဲ့သို့ အချိန်ကာလတွင် မိမိတို့နှင့်အတူ ရပ်တည် ကူညီပေးကြသော နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုက်အဝန်းမှ အစိုးရများ၊ လွှတ်တော်များ၊ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို တန်ဖိုးထားလေးစားစွာ ဖြင့် ဂုဏ်ပြုမှတ်တမ်းတင်အပ်ပါသည်။
၈။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ စစ်အာဏာရှင် အမြစ်ပြတ်ချုပ်ငြိမ်းရေးနှင့် အနာဂတ် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ နိုင်ငံတော်သစ် တည်ထောင်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်နေသော အင်အားစုအားလုံးနှင့် လက်တွဲ ပြီး နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာဏာကို မူလပိုင်ရှင်ဖြစ်သည့် ပြည်သူလူထုထံ ပြန်လည်ရောက်ရှိရေးကို မမှိတ်မသုံ ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတစ်နှစ်ပြည့်မြောက် သည့်နေ့တွင် ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ(CRPH) အနေဖြင့် သဘောထားထုတ်ပြန် အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2021-11-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"In the 2020 general election, the Mon Unity Party made a strong showing, encouraging hopes of a political breakthrough. These were abruptly ended by the February coup of the State Administration Council. Since this time, Mon politics have become divided. Amidst countrywide breakdown, some leaders have accepted cooperation with the SAC, others declare support for the opposition National Unity Government, while others urge caution for the Mon people. Kun Wood analyses the dilemmas facing the Mon movement, explaining why lessons from history need to be learned.
The political backdrop
It has been eight months since the military coup in Myanmar, and the situation remains very serious. Mon State is one territory in the country that has suffered greatly from this crisis. Social, economic, healthcare and education systems have broken down; the people are facing daily difficulties in their livelihoods; and many lives have been lost. The generals are good at talking but take no actions for the benefit of the people. Meanwhile the country is sinking ever deeper into poverty.
In the meantime, the struggle to bring down dictatorship is continuing in line with the desire of the people for democracy. But dead bodies are the only measure that have increased in the country. The third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic occurred at the same time as the military coup. But, since the military rulers prepared nothing for the pandemic, many people have died; the generals only sought advantage. The whole country has suffered from the negative consequences, and Mon State is suffering as well. The result eight months after the coup are tears, grief, homelessness, the deaths of innocents, broken families, a lost young generation, and countless fallen stars who died before their time.
The Mon Unity Party is one of the political organisations that collaborated with the military State Administration Council after 1 February 2021. Different people have given various criticisms. In the 2020 general election, a large number of the Mon people supported the Mon political movement, and there were good results. After over 60 years of civil war, the 2020 polls were considered to mark a historic turning-point in Mon politics.
At the time of the election, the Mon people were proud to vote for Mon parties. They declared that the ballots of the Mon people are for the Mon nationality cause. As a Mon, it was an honour for them to vote for a Mon party. It is not wrong to say that the 2020 election was considered a most beautiful painting in Mon politics. Unfortunately, the new military regime discoloured this painting in a very short time.
The reason why the Mon people voted for a Mon party, the MUP, was because the two main nationality parties joined together before the polls to create a power-base to take the Mon movement forward. In Mon politics, this unification was regarded as a foundation to build a future federal nation for the Mon people in which they can achieve their demands for the rights to self-determination and ethnic equality. Equally important, these two parties were brought together by joint efforts among different sectors in Mon society, including Buddhist monks, intellectuals, community leaders and youth groups who overcame various challenges.
Unfortunately, the leadership of the national armed forces (Tatmadaw) seized control of the government for the whole country on 1 February after claiming that there had been election fraud by the National League for Democracy. Following the coup, the generals approached different political parties to form a coalition. Most of the nationality parties refused to join them, but there were some parties that agreed to do so. Among these parties, the MUP – which is supposed to represent the Mon people and their aspirations – accepted this collaboration.
Since this time, the MUP decision has caused great disagreement within the party and many members have left. The outcome is felt not only within the party but it has also had huge impact in Mon communities as well. Two groups have appeared: those who thought the decision was right and those that could not accept it. Since unity is needed for the strength of the Mon people, this split and diversity of views have become a weakness.
The Thanlwin Bridge and Mon political dilemma
Eight months after the military coup, many people are considering whether the subsequent course of events has proven the MUP decision wrong or right. Following its alliance with the new regime, the party were given one seat at the union level and one at the state level under the SAC. On 1 June, in one new initiative, they renamed the bridge which connects Mawlamyine and Belu Island from the “General Aung San Bridge” to “Thanlwin Bridge”. The name, though, that the Mon people prefer is “Ramanya”, a traditional term for Mon State.*
The reasons for this compromise change to Thanlwin, which is the river name, were given as pragmatic. As is recognised, Mon State is made up of different nationalities, and there are different political perspectives as well. No matter what the differences are, it is important that the vision of building a future federal state together must be the same. But, if there are no common goals or firm positions, the future of the Mon people will be swept away in the tide of current politics.
Thus a question arises: how can Mon political parties guarantee that their decisions are made on the basis of “do no harm” to their people? As long as I can remember, Mon politics have been struggling up until now. In 1995, after the New Mon State Party made a ceasefire agreement with the military government of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, Tatmadaw bases were expanded, people’s land was grabbed and many human rights violations carried out. As a result, although political dialogue has been held several times in the intervening years, the right to self-determination and federal state that the Mon people truly want still seem far away.
For the moment, it remains uncertain why the MUP is collaborating with the SAC. But it is sure that the Mon people do not want the Tatmadaw to be in their homeland for even a second. Nobody will be happy if the land that they inherited from their ancestors is grabbed and becomes military-owned property. But, since Mon issues are about Mon people, how can we resolve the political crisis that we are facing? Do we continue living according to the desire of dictators and under their orders? Or do we move forward, without self-interest, along with other nationality peoples so that our future generation will fully enjoy federal democracy?
Although our paths and approaches to reach our goal may be varied, it is essential that our objectives are the same. It is necessary to learn the strengths and weaknesses of different peace and political processes, and new steps should be taken. Unity of the Mon people is the power of the Mon people.
Economics
Before the military coup, people in Myanmar had already been struggling with their jobs and businesses due to the first and second waves of the Covid-19 pandemic. There were fewer job opportunities for the daily-wage workers, and it was not easy to have a meal each day. Many families were facing difficulties in their livelihoods due to the closure of markets, workplaces, transport and other facilities around the country.
After the military coup, the third Covid-19 wave followed, increasing the struggles of the ordinary people. Prices rose further as well as the number of jobless persons. Compounding the crisis, daily-wage workers face renewed difficulties due to travel restrictions imposed by the SAC. In some areas, families also lost their sources of income from wages earned from illegal immigration to Thailand, where many jobs have also been lost.
Following the NMSP’s 1995 ceasefire, people had been persuaded with the prospect of economic opportunities. However, until now, many working people are still struggling to even have regular meals. In the past, the fishery sector was the type of business which supported the economy of Mon State. But because of travel restrictions, it is presently difficult for people to come and buy products as well as for local people to go and sell their products. The worries in many communities are only increasing.
There are also many concerns over land. A recent case is the confiscation of farmlands for the airport project on Kaleguak Island, Ye township. Although the project is being implemented following the military coup, the affected communities have not been paid as yet. Said a local resident: “It is very difficult for us. We have been using the land on this island for our livelihoods since the time of our ancestors. But they came and confiscated the land, but we have heard nothing about compensation.”
There is thus a dilemma. Many lands have been confiscated with the purpose of expanding military camps, but very few people have received compensation. The economy is failing, but few people are receiving support. How do we solve these problems? Who should we ask to help us?
Healthcare
After the coup on 1 February, healthcare workers across the country decided not to work under the military regime, and many of them joined the Civil Disobedience Movement. There are hospitals but no health workers, and the health system has continued to deteriorate. Consequently, since the third Covid-19 wave is significantly worse than the first and second waves, many people have died who could otherwise have been treated.
Among those suffering, many are people living in Mon State. The collapse of the health system has become a perfect storm in many communities. Although people feel sick, the hospitals and clinics are shut down. In the past, there were many humanitarian organisations and charity groups that provided aid to local communities. But they, too, face challenges and delays in delivering services due to the SAC crackdown. Even though they are willing to help, they face security oppression. As a result, many lives have been lost during the past few months through the combination of a lack of treatment, medicines and SAC restrictions.
This raises the question of the MUP, which is cooperating with the SAC, and what they have achieved so far. They explained that they joined hands with the regime in order to improve the situation for the Mon people and prevent them from being harmed. But the Mon people are now in trouble, so how can they help?
For the moment, the Mon people are having to work in their own ways to protect themselves from the Covid-19 pandemic. To do this, they are undertaking their own fundraising and programmes to get the necessary medicines and supplies that will be used for the benefit of their own communities. Presently, there is no other way.
Social affairs
The current social and political situation in Mon State is not about being red (NLD) or green (Tatmadaw). There are many organisations with different colours. This creates a situation where people do not know who to trust. There are people who support the red and who like the green. Among them, there are people who support alignment with the military SAC and people who are against it. The MUP’s Nai Layi Tama, for example, was appointed as a Mon State economic minister. There have also been killings due to political violence in Mon State as well as cases of suicide since the SAC coup. According to a report by Lagoon Eain, 411 people were arbitrarily detained amidst protests during the Myanmar Spring Revolution that followed the military takeover. Mon State politics and society remain very unstable.
The peace process and New Mon State Party
It is now a quarter of a century since the NMSP ceasefire with the then SLORC government. Leaders chose to talk peace at the table instead of killing one another. The NMSP has been following this peace agreement until now, avoiding conflict as much as possible. However, although it has been 26 years since the ceasefire, neither the NMSP nor Mon people have achieved their goal of federal democracy and the right to self-determination.
Negotiating, however, with a military ruler is like people talking to each other while an unleashed tiger is still moving about. This is not just the Mon experience. According to the Pa-O National Organisation, which has also been involved in peace negotiations: “The current peace process is dark now and we don’t see any light. In the past, we could see a sparkle of light.”
The humanitarian and internally-displaced situation
Shortly after the coup, the third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic occurred. Internally-displaced persons from Mon areas have fled from civil war many times and, even with the 1995 ceasefire, many could not return home. Since the February coup, the dream of IDPs to return has been pushed back even further. In the past, if there was fighting, they could flee and take refuge in Thailand or in a border area. But in the current crisis, it is very difficult to travel and nobody wants to accept IDPs any more.
Who, then, will take responsibility for the IDPs not to be homeless again? With the spread of the third wave, villages have been locked down, and there are people who cannot afford even a regular meal. The crisis means that it is more important for them to find food rather than to be afraid of Covid-19. As there is lockdown between villages, it is hard for people to work outside of the displacement camps.
The health crisis for the IDPs is also very serious. It is difficult for households in the camps to buy preventive masks and, if somebody contracts Covid-19, they have no choice but to remain at home, risk spreading the virus and face potential death. Health treatments are rarely available. A community member from Chaung Phya, an IDP camp in Ye township, described the IDP plight:
“It costs about 1000 Kyat for one mask. We can’t afford to buy it. We can buy a meal for our family with that 1000 Kyat. We just go and cut bamboo shoots and banana trunks everyday, but that is not sustainable. It is our hope that the disease will disappear quickly. We have no paddy and we have to buy rice. Now, all the prices have risen and it is really difficult for us.”
In this situation, local communities have been struggling against the humanitarian emergency as best they can. Since the coup, however, commodity prices have increased rapidly while the price of local products, such as lemons and bananas, has fallen even lower than before. Said a local resident:
“Now, we are not sure whether we have to be afraid of Covid-19 or not. We normally went to the hospital whenever we are sick and we could get treatment. But currently, it is like we are challenging death. We don’t know who to rely upon. Our future is very uncertain.”
Conclusion
In Mon politics, it is a time to question whether other people are leading us or are we following other people. Is it because of ethnicity? And why are the politics of “divide and rule” always working? Along with these questions, it is time to review the peace process for the whole country in the light of the military coup.
There are many points of view and analysis among the Mon people. In the current crisis, it is like walking but not moving forward, and there is a concern that our way will be lost altogether sooner or later. For many reasons, Mon politics are now in a very unpredictable situation. Therefore it is necessary to review past activities and, from this, learn and prepare for the future. It also important not to blame each other but to work together for the common good. Future generations in Mon State must enjoy a brighter future.
In many respects, the present situation repeats the moment when the Mon people tried to merge two different parties into the MUP. If the current differences in Mon politics can be rectified, then there is hope for a better future. If we are to achieve equality, the right to self-determination and federal democracy along with other nationality peoples, it is essential that we are united among ourselves. No matter how hard the journey is, if we can eradicate racism and work together with other peoples, then we can surely achieve our goal.
In summary, it is the duty of both the Mon people and their leaders to ensure that our identity does not disappear and that we remain free from oppression. If we are united and living in harmony, our goals will be in sight and remain very close to us.
* The naming of this bridge, which opened in 2017 under an administration led by the National League for Democracy, is controversial. General Aung San was the father of the NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi. After its opening, Mon people continued to lobby for a name, such as Ramanya, that signifies Mon land and identity.
“Kun Wood” is the pseudonym for an activist engaged in Mon national and political affairs. She has been working on community development and the right to land for ethnic nationality peoples since 2006. She has carried out research on customary tenure in different parts of the country..."
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute ( Amsterdam)
Date of publication:
2021-11-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-11-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Regional bloc has a bevy of good reasons to block junta representatives from attending this month's summit meeting
Description:
"Has the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for the first time foregone its longstanding policy of “non-interference” in the internal affairs of one of its ten member states by blocking a representative of Myanmar’s junta from attending the bloc’s upcoming summit in Brunei? And, if so, why?
Is it concern over a February 1 coup and the brutal repression of massive public opposition to the military power grab, which has left more than a thousand dead and many more who have been arrested and tortured?
Or is it simply a face-saving gesture from a regional bloc that has come under increasing criticism for being ineffective and therefore is losing its credibility at a time when global superpowers are playing a rising role in the region’s power politics?
ASEAN is heavily dependent, especially on what may come after the pandemic, on the goodwill of the US and other Western nations that in no uncertain terms have condemned Myanmar’s coup and urged the bloc to do more to restore normalcy in the country.
Myanmar demonstrators have also condemned the bloc for its inactivity and set ASEAN flags alight at public protests in the old capital of Yangon.
To be sure, ASEAN can hardly be described as a gathering of liberal democracies. The bloc’s current chair, Brunei, is an absolute monarchy. Two of its members — Vietnam and Laos — are communist-ruled one-party states.
Cambodia is governed by Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has recently outlawed the political opposition and in the process made the country into an even harsher autocracy.
Singapore also lacks fundamental freedoms when it comes to the media and civil rights and Malaysia is best described as a semi-democracy. Rodrigo Duterte, the president of the Philippines, is known for his disdain of the media and all opposition to his rule.
In Thailand, the military has staged several coups to oust elected governments and retains an outsized political role despite 2019 elections. That leaves, ironically given its history of autocratic rule, Indonesia as the most, some would argue the only, democratic ASEAN member.
ASEAN’s two cardinal principles, non-interference and consensus, have until now made it impossible for the bloc to take any decisive action when there has been trouble in or between its non-democratic member states. But it is also clear that ASEAN leaders are running out of patience with the Myanmar junta, known as the State Administration Council (SAC).
Its leader and now self-appointed prime minister, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, paid a one-day visit to Jakarta on April 24, where he and his ASEAN partners agreed on what was called “a five-point consensus” comprising calls for an immediate cessation of violence and the exercise of utmost restraint and a dialog among all parties concerned to seek a peaceful solution to the crisis.
It was also decided to appoint a special envoy by the ASEAN chair to “facilitate mediation in the dialogue process” and to provide humanitarian assistance through AHA, the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management.
Even Min Aung Hlaing agreed that the special envoy and his delegation should be given the right to visit Myanmar and there meet with “all parties concerned.”
ASEAN’s decision to prevent junta representatives from participating in the summit, which is scheduled to take place on October 26-28 via videoconference, was explained in a statement issued at the bloc’s foreign ministers’ meeting — also online — on October 15.
While noting “the principles enshrined in the ASEAN charter”, meaning non-interference, the ministers stated that “the situation in Myanmar was having an impact on regional security as well as the unity, credibility and centrality of ASEAN as a rules-based organization.”
ASEAN would, therefore, “invite a non-political representative from Myanmar to the upcoming Summits.” Who that “non-political” individual will be is unclear, nor how and by whom he or she would be appointed.
The junta’s response was that it had cooperated on the five-point consensus by accepting the appointment of Brunei’s Foreign Minister Erywan Pehin Yusof as ASEAN’s special envoy — and that it had distributed aid delivered through AHA “to those in need.” But the envoy was not allowed to meet the deposed and detained president Win Myint and state counselor Aung San Suu Kyi because they are facing criminal charges in Myanmar courts.
In other words, the SAC has closed the door to any dialogue with the ousted leaders and opponents to military rule. The Myanmar foreign ministry also remarked that Myanmar “hopes that he [the ASEAN envoy] will be able to avoid actions from anyone with the intention of putting politically motivated actions and pressures on Myanmar.”
SAC has always claimed that it assumed power constitutionally, because the president had decided to hand over power to the generals, which he has the right to do under the country’s 2008 constitution.
According to the SAC, the military-appointed First Vice President Myint Swe, a retired lieutenant-general, had taken over the presidency from Win Myint, who the military body claimed had resigned for health reasons.
But during court testimony on October 12, Win Myint let it be known that he was in good health. According to his lawyer Khin Maung Zaw, the military had tried to force him to relinquish his post hours before the February 1 coup by warning him he could be seriously harmed if he refused.
Win Myint replied that he “would rather die than consent”, the lawyer stated in an English language text message sent to reporters. That undermined any SAC claim of legality, even under the 2008 constitution, which was drafted under the auspices of the military.
ASEAN’s initiative to block Myanmar appears to have been taken by Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah who, on October 6, even said that his country is ready to consider holding dialogue with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG) — consisting of ousted MPs and other opposition figures — if SAC does not fully cooperate with the five-point consensus.
Indonesia’s outspoken Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi went even further in a Twitter message on October 15 that said Myanmar “should not be represented at the political level until Myanmar restores its democracy through an inclusive process.”
But, regional security analysts argue, ASEAN’s annoyance with the SAC’s intransigence and the bad rap the bloc has received because of Myanmar’s membership may not be directed solely by concerns about democracy and human rights.
Malaysia and Indonesia have for years been at the receiving end of a flood of Muslim Rohingya refugees from Myanmar. According to UNHCR, at the end of August, there were 179,390 refugees and asylum seekers registered with the international body in Malaysia.
Of those, 102,990 are Rohingyas, 22,470 Chins (a mainly Christian minority) and 29,390 from other ethnic groups from conflict-affected areas in Myanmar. Although the exact number is unknown, thousands of Rohingya refugees have also ventured in rickety boats to Indonesia.
Attempts to have them repatriated have failed; neither Malaysia nor Indonesia is in a position to integrate the high number of people fleeing oppression and persecution in Myanmar.
The February 1 coup has also been bad for intra-ASEAN business. Singapore exported US$2.7 billion worth of goods to Myanmar in 2020, mainly mineral fuels, oil, electronics and machinery. But companies from Singapore and other ASEAN members may now face sanctions and boycotts for dealing with Myanmar.
Trade with Vietnam was also booming before the coup, with Vietnamese companies investing in real estate and a huge new modern shopping mall in Yangon. Mytel, one of Myanmar’s top telecom operators, is a joint venture between the military-controlled Myanmar Economic Corporation and Viettel, which is owned by the Vietnamese military.
Vietnam, hardly a democracy, would not normally have cared about a military takeover in a foreign country, but the Vietnamese can hardly be pleased to see their co-owned communication towers being blown up by anti-junta protestors and other investments being ruined because of the coup.
No serious observer of the post-coup situation in Myanmar believes that the SAC would ever engage in a meaningful dialogue with Win Myint, Aung San Suu Kyi and other ousted — and now detained — leaders.
So ASEAN is stuck with an ostracized member that had dragged its reputation in the mud and there is little it can do about it than what it has done already: wait and see what happens next.
In true ASEAN manner, the foreign ministers’ statement “reiterated that Myanmar is an important member of the ASEAN family” so Myanmar should be given “the space to restore its internal affairs and return to normalcy.”
But not many will be holding their breath on that one. Myanmar is in turmoil, and there is very little ASEAN can do about it apart from symbolic summit snubs..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-10-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"“I would rather die than resign.”
This was the response of President U Win Myint when two senior army officers told him to resign on health grounds on the morning of the military coup on Feb. 1 and threatened him with harm if he refused.
U Win Myint testified about the circumstances of his detention during a court hearing in Naypyitaw on Oct. 12. The regime has filed several charges against him since his detention.
“He was then told that he could be harmed if he refused, and was told to reconsider. He replied that he had faced dangers along the way and faced the risk of death,” lawyer U Khin Maung Zaw said, recounting U Win Myint’s testimony to the court.
U Win Myint also told the two military officers to act in line with the 2008 Constitution and not to stage the coup.
Though President U Win Myint, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Naypyitaw Mayor Dr. Myo Aung were detained on the day of the military takeover on Feb. 1 and have been isolated since then, the regime has charged them with incitement over a statement condemning the coup that was issued by the National League for Democracy (NLD)’s Central Executive Committee a few days after their detention.
While U Win Myint’s testimony has won loud applause from many in Myanmar, the response to another detained senior NLD member, Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein, has turned out to be just the opposite. In the eyes of many, U Phyo Min Thein’s political career ended the moment he testified that he bribed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi with more than 11 kg of gold and US$600,000—a claim that angered and disappointed many in the country.
“When there are violent political storms, U Win Myint is prepared to row with his hands if there is no oar. U Phyo Min Thein belongs to those who want to hitch a lift,” said political analyst U Than Soe Naing.
A true people’s representative
U Win Myint has won four electoral races on the NLD ticket—in the general elections in 1990, 2015 and 2020, and in a by-election in 2012.
Born in Danubyu Township of Ayeyarwady Region, U Win Myint was trained as a lawyer. He has engaged in politics for more than 30 years since the pro-democracy movement in 1988, joining the NLD in its early days.
Like many other politicians of the time, U Win Myint ended up in prison after the military refused to honor the results of the 1990 general election. Back then, he was offered large sums of money and a permit to import a car, a rare luxury at the time, if he resigned from the NLD. But he chose prison over the money, and not even the lousy food and terrible conditions in prison could shake his faith.
“U Win Myint is imbued with all four attributes of a politician—bravery, honesty, industriousness and humility,” remarked U Than Soe Naing, who has known U Win Myint for two decades.
When the NLD boycotted the military-orchestrated general election in 2010, U Win Myint stood firmly with the party line. And when he was elected to Parliament alongside Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the 2012 by-election, he was the youngest member of the NLD’s Central Executive Committee. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was appointed to the Committee for Rule of Law and Stability in the Lower House in the same year, U Win Myint served as the committee’s secretary, and the two worked together more closely.
“He seems to be meticulous and uncompromising, but he is very cooperative and hard-working, both in the party and the government,” said NLD lawmaker U Bo Bo Oo.
Stony-faced Speaker
One question on voters’ minds ahead of the 2015 election was who would serve as Myanmar’s president if the NLD won, as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was constitutionally barred from taking the country’s top job. Myanmar’s military and their allied parties expressed doubts as to whether the NLD had a person capable of assuming the presidency.
In response to the criticisms, U Win Myint, speaking in a pre-election debate program organized by media outlet DVB, implied in his comments that no one could do a worse job of managing the country than the military, saying, “Every bird is as beautiful as a vulture.”
After the NLD won a majority in the 2015 poll, U Htin Kyaw became president, and U Win Myint, due to his legal knowledge, was elected Lower House Speaker. He was 66 at the time.
As Parliament Speaker, U Win Myint was not liked even by fellow NLD lawmakers, as he never hesitated to complain about any lawmaker—regardless of what party they were from—for any act deemed to be inappropriate, including reading journals during parliamentary sessions.
He often confronted ministers when they failed to give clear answers to lawmakers’ questions.
It was the first civilian government since 1962, and U Win Myint shrewdly managed the Parliament to avoid friction between military-appointed representatives and elected lawmakers, according to political analysts.
“There could have been problems, should there have been constant friction between elected lawmakers and the military appointees. The problem, I mean, is that there could have been a coup back then,” U Bo Bo Oo said.
U Win Myint did not show any bias toward his party when he was in charge of the Lower House, said Shan Nationalities League for Democracy chairman U Sai Nyunt Lwin.
“When I asked how he was doing as the Parliament Speaker, he said it was an ‘unspeakable’ trouble,” said U Sai Nyunt Lwin.
U Win Myint’s daughter married while he held the Parliament Speaker role, but he insisted that no wedding gifts would be accepted. The politician also earned plaudits for his handling of land issues for farmers.
Lowly politician to President
After two years as the Parliament Speaker, U Win Myint became the President in March 2018 after U Htin Kyaw retired on health grounds.
Anti-graft efforts were stepped up after he assumed the presidency, both in the administrative and judicial branches. One of the most significant reforms was to bring the General Administration Department, which had been overseen by the military-controlled Ministry of Home Affairs, under civilian oversight. However, the military transferred the department back to the Home Affairs Ministry after the coup.
“He has not changed his stance along the way from a [rank-and-file] politician to a president,” said U Than Soe Naing.
No fault can be found with U Win Myint throughout his political journey to the presidency, said politicians and political analysts.
“We believe he will remain firm in his stance. And we should praise him for that,” U Sai Nyunt Lwin said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-10-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Articles and reports about the NLD
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Description:
"Ousted President U Win Myint appeared at a special court in Naypyitaw on Oct. 12 to face incitement charges over a National League for Democracy (NLD) central executive committee (CEC) statement condemning the Feb. 1 coup.
State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and former Naypyitaw Mayor Dr. Myo Aung also appeared at the court for the same charge.
President U Win Myint for the first time revealed details of his detention on the morning of the Feb. 1 coup during his testimony. He said the military tried to force him to step down before the coup but he refused.
The president’s lawyer, U Kyi Win, told The Irrawaddy about his first public comments since he was detained.
What did President U Win Myint testify about his detention?
The court asked his age, address and occupation. He said he was 70 but that he didn’t even know where he was being held and that he lived at the presidential residence until Feb. 1.
And he said his occupation was president, which suggested he still considered himself to be the president.
He said soldiers entered his bedroom at around 5am on Feb. 1. He said he took his medicines, said his prayers, got dressed and went with them.
He was taken to the President’s Office and was asked to wait outside his office. Two generals asked him to resign on health grounds.
He said he was in good health and would not resign. One of the generals asked him to reconsider his decision, saying he could be harmed.
He said he would rather die than resign. He told them to act lawfully and not to stage a coup. He was taken back to his presidential residence.
At the residence, many soldiers had seized communication devices from the building. At noon, he was told he would have to move within three days. So he and his family started packing.
He said he was moved to a house in the ministers’ neighborhood on Feb. 4. He was moved again on May 23. He didn’t know where it to.
Many soldiers were waiting for them at the new house. He said he lost contact with the outside world on Feb. 1 and there was no television or newspapers.
He said it was unreasonable to charge him over the NLD statement which was issued after his detention and that he was not guilty.
Was he detained with his family?
All we know is he said he packed with his family. We assume they are still together.
To what extent will his testimony impact the case?
The prosecutors have charged him under Article 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement.
They cannot prove he was involved in the NLD statement. The prosecutor failed to submit evidence.
In Myanmar, prosecutions can’t proceed unless the prosecutor can submit evidence. The president cited Article 64 of the Constitution: “If the president or vice-presidents are members of a political party, they shall not take part in its party activities.”
He said he strictly followed Article 64 and had not engaged in the party’s activities since he assumed the presidency.
He said the accusation that he was involved in the NLD’s statements on Feb. 7 and Feb. 14 was unsubstantiated because he was detained on Feb. 1. He said the charge was therefore baseless. He said they only charged him because he was on the NLD’s CEC.
We heard the prosecutor asked him about the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, National Unity Government and People’s Defense Forces. What was his response?
Prosecutors asked him if he knew about the organizations. He said he didn’t because he had been isolated since Feb. 1.
Did Daw Aung San Suu Kyi instruct you to inform the public about the testimonies made in court?
Yes. She said the public must be informed about the trial. Trials are supposed to be held in public. She said people should know if a trial is unfair. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi asked us to release the testimonies.
What is your legal assessment of the case?
Legally, [U Win Myint] did not violate the law. The prosecution cannot prove he was involved with the statements..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-10-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Articles and reports about the NLD, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights Defenders
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Description:
"Myanmar’s ousted civilian President told army officers he would rather die than consent to their order that he resign from his post on the day of the military coup in February, a court heard Tuesday.
The circumstances of President U Win Myint’s detention on the morning of Feb. 1, when the military seized power from the country’s democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government, were revealed for the first time by the former head of state himself during his testimony to a court in Naypyitaw.
The junta has filed several charges against U Win Myint, who has been under house arrest since the coup.
On the morning of the takeover, two very senior army officers entered his room at the Presidential Residence in Naypyitaw and attempted to persuade him to resign from his post on grounds of ill health, his lawyer quoted him as telling the court.
The President turned down their proposal, saying he was in good health.
“The officers warned him the denial would cause him much harm but the President told them he would rather die than consent,” said lawyer U Khin Maung Zaw.
Since the coup, a number of NLD government leaders including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have been detained and charged by the junta. The ousted President is seen as an important ally of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and is the vice chairman of the NLD.
Among the cases filed against U Win Myint is a charge of sedition, based on the NLD’s post-coup statements urging the people of Myanmar to resist military rule, and an allegation that he breached COVID-19 restrictions during the campaign period ahead of last year’s general election.
Speaking in his own defense in the sedition trial on Tuesday, the former president—who is himself a lawyer—told the court that the accusations against him were groundless, as he had been held incommunicado. Therefore, he said, the statements allegedly released by the NLD were issued without his knowledge, even though his name appeared on them.
A loyal NLD member, longtime democracy activist dating back to 1988 and former political prisoner, U Win Myint served as Myanmar’s 10th President from 2018 until the coup. Prior to assuming the presidency, the 69-year-old served as Lower House Speaker when the NLD took office in 2016 after its landslide victory in the 2015 general election.
During his speakership, he earned the respect of many lawmakers for his strong leadership and impartiality, but was hated by military appointees in the Parliament. As President, U Win Myint was known for his strong political will and efforts to tackle corruption and reform the country’s weak judicial system.
Throughout his political career, he was elected four times, most recently in 2020..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-10-12
Date of entry/update:
2021-10-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Articles and reports about the NLD, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"ASEAN is expected to name its special envoy to Myanmar at the regional grouping’s ongoing foreign ministerial meeting this week. Originally scheduled for Monday, the announcement has been delayed after a last-minute objection from Myanmar torpedoed the group’s consensus choice. The Irrawaddy has interviewed various sources across ASEAN to find out what has been going on behind the scenes.
ASEAN Secretary General Dato Lim Jock Hoi and Bruneian Second Foreign Minister Erywan Yusof visited Naypyitaw on June 5-6 to discuss the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy and a group of advisers. (Brunei currently holds ASEAN’s rotating chair position.) A list of candidates drafted by the ASEAN members was presented for consideration. Of the candidates, two emerged as favorites for consideration: former Indonesian foreign minister Hasan Wirayuda and former Thai vice foreign minister Virasak Futrakul.
While the ASEAN chair remained tight-lipped, news reports surfaced in Singapore following the Naypyitaw trip that Myanmar preferred Virasak as the special envoy, given his experience and expertise. He served as Thai ambassador to Yangon in the mid-1990s. The news raised eyebrows in Jakarta, which was backing Hasan.
When the ASEAN foreign ministers discussed the Myanmar situation on the sidelines of the ASEAN-China special meeting in Chongqing, China on June 8, the junta’s foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, said Naypyitaw still backed Virasak as the envoy. However, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi continued to push for Hasan’s leadership. According to various ASEAN sources, Malaysia further muddied the waters by suddenly throwing the name of veteran Malaysian diplomat Razali Ismail—a former special envoy to Myanmar—into the ring.
Also on the sidelines of the meeting, the earlier Thai idea that the ASEAN “special envoy” should not be a single individual but rather a group of diplomats working on different tasks was first officially put to Myanmar and formally discussed. Wunna Maung Lwin told the meeting that as a new proposal, it would need to be vetted by the military junta before a decision could be made. This further delayed the decision on the special envoy, as the ASEAN chair had to ponder once again who would be the most suitable candidate. In the end, there was no consensus on how to proceed.
The Chongqing meeting set the stage for a prolonged tussle—both between ASEAN and Naypyitaw and among ASEAN members—over the choice of envoy. Throughout the envoy saga, the ASEAN chair has been reluctant to preempt any ASEAN member’s judgement on the issue, despite its prerogative to do so, which is one of the reasons the selection process has dragged on.
Further complicating the process was the fact that in late June and early July, the ASEAN chair had to attend a few G7 and G20-related meetings, while also observing end-of-Ramadan rites.
On July 13, the ASEAN foreign ministers met again, on the sidelines of the ASEAN-US special ministerial meeting. The choice of ASEAN special envoy was once again discussed, this time without the participation of Myanmar. They now agreed that Erywan would take up the position as the ASEAN special envoy.
According to a highly placed source, Thailand decided at this meeting to withdraw Virasak’s name to make it easier for the ASEAN chair to act. With the consensus now solidifying around Erywan, Retno finally yielded and the Bruneian was suddenly put forward as a candidate to head an envoy team, with Hasan, Virasak and Razali serving as advisers. The three readily agreed to the proposal. Additionally, a senior diplomat from Cambodia, the upcoming ASEAN chair, would be included.
Two days before the ASEAN meeting this week, however, Myanmar junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing asserted his preference for Virasak, adding that ASEAN’s new proposal made it impossible to move ahead. This is an interesting development, to say the least, as Myanmar had known for some time that Erywan would be the head of ASEAN team. Myanmar now insists it will have to consider the proposal to make Erywan the head of the team.
At the meeting on Monday, Myanmar adopted a hardline attitude towards ASEAN, especially over the draft Joint Communique that was scheduled to be released on the day, only to be delayed. Some ASEAN members want a commitment from Myanmar to release all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as foreigners detained since the coup. In addition, there has been a strong appeal to include a sentence in the statement calling for swift and full implementation of ASEAN’s five-point consensus, reached in April, on solving the crisis in Myanmar.
After six months of engagement with the Myanmar junta, it is clear that the ASEAN chair wants to earn the trust of all stakeholders, and, accordingly, is proceeding with the appropriate caution needed to reach a decision. The sources expressed disappointment with Naypyitaw’s response to ASEAN’s effort to end the current stalemate. At one point, they said, the chair even threatened to add a paragraph disowning Naypyitaw.
The ASEAN foreign ministers expected Myanmar to quickly approve Erywan’s leadership and move forward with the implementation of its five-point consensus, especially the immediate deployment of an ASEAN team on the ground to help with the humanitarian crisis in the country, which is being worsened by the collapse of the health system amid a raging COVID-19 outbreak..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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Sub-title:
Six months after seizing power, Min Aung Hlaing extends coup with promise of elections in 2023
Description:
"Myanmar’s military leader has declared himself prime minister and said he will lead the country under the nation’s state of emergency until elections are held in two years’ time – vastly extending the timeline given when the military deposed Aung San Suu Kyi six months ago.
“We must create conditions to hold a free and fair multiparty general election,” Gen Min Aung Hlaing said on Sunday during a recorded televised address. “We have to make preparations. I pledge to hold the multiparty general election without fail.”
He said the state of emergency would achieve its objectives by August 2023. In a separate announcement, the military government named itself “the caretaker government” and Min Aung Hlaing the prime minister.
The general’s announcement would place Myanmar in the military’s grip for nearly two-and-a-half years, instead of the initial one year the junta announced days after the coup.
The state of emergency was declared when troops moved against the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi on 1 February, a move the generals said was permitted under the military-authored 2008 constitution. The military claimed her landslide victory in last year’s national elections was achieved through massive voter fraud but offered no credible evidence.
The military government officially annulled the election results last Tuesday and appointed a new election commission to take charge of the polls.
The military takeover was met with massive public protests, resulting in a deadly crackdown by security forces who routinely fire live ammunition into crowds. As of Sunday, at least 939 people had been killed by the authorities since 1 February, according to a tally kept by the independent Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Casualties are also rising among the military and police as armed resistance grows in urban and rural areas.
Moves by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to broker a dialogue between the military government and its opponents have stalled after an agreement at an April summit in Jakarta to appoint a special envoy for Myanmar.
Min Aung Hlaing said that among the three nominees, Thailand’s former deputy foreign minister Virasakdi Futrakul was selected as the envoy. “But for various reasons, new proposals were released and we could not keep moving onwards,” he said. “I would like to say that Myanmar is ready to work on Asean cooperation within the Asean framework, including the dialogue with the Asean special envoy in Myanmar,” he said.
Asean foreign ministers were expected to discuss Myanmar in virtual meetings this week hosted by Brunei, the current chair of the 10-nation bloc.
Myanmar is also struggling with its worst Covid-19 outbreak, which has overwhelmed its already crippled healthcare system. Limitations on oxygen sales have led to widespread allegations that the military is directing supplies to government supporters and military-run hospitals.
At the same time, medical workers have been targeted by authorities after spearheading a civil disobedience movement that urged professionals and civil servants not to cooperate with the government.
Min Aung Hlaing blamed the public’s mistrust in the military’s efforts to control the outbreak on “fake news and misinformation via social networks” and accused those behind it of using Covid-19 “as a tool of bioterrorism”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-08-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-08-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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"ကြေညာချက် အမှတ် ( ၃၅/၂၀၂၁)
၁၃၈၃ ခုနှစ်၊ ဝါဆိုလပြည့်ကျော် ၄ ရက်
ဇူလိုင်လ (၂၇)ရက်၊ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်။
=================
၁။ ၂ဝ၂ဝပြည့်နှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာ(၈) ရက်တွင်ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကြီးသည် လွတ်လပ်၍တရားမျှတစွာ ဥပဒေနှင့်အညီဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ကြောင်း ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲလေ့လာစောင့်ကြည့်သည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်း များက အတည်ပြုထုတ်ပြန်၍ ကမ္ဘာကလည်း အသိအမှတ်ပြုပြီးဖြစ်သည်။
၂။ အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ၏ မူလပိုင်ရှင်ဖြစ်သောပြည်သူများက ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ခဲ့သည့် ပြည်သူ့အာဏာ ကို လူတစ်စု၏ တရားမဝင်အမိန့်ထုတ်ပြန်ရုံမျှဖြင့် ချေဖျက်နိုင်ခြင်းမရှိပါ။
၃။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (CRPH) အနေဖြင့် ပြည်သူတို့၏ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက် အာဏာအပ်နှင်းခြင်းခံရသည့် ပြည်သူ့ကိုယ်စားလှယ်ကြီးများနှင့်အတူရပ်တည်ပြီး ပြည်သူပေးအပ်သောတာဝန် များကို ဆက်လက်ထမ်းဆောင်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ပြည်သူတစ်ရပ်လုံးအား အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။ စစ်အာဏာ ရှင်ကိုဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး ပြည်သူဘက်တွင်သစ္စာရှိစွာရပ်တည်သော အနိုင်ရပါတီများမှ ကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့်လည်း ကောင်း၊ တစ်သီးပုဂ္ဂလကိုယ်စားလှယ်များဖြင့်လည်းကောင်း ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီပဋိညာဉ်နှင့်အညီ ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ် ကြောင်းလည်း ထပ်လောင်းအတည်ပြုပါသည်။
၄။ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ(CRPH) အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာပါလီမန်များအသီးသီးနှင့် လည်းကောင်း၊ ပါလီမန်အစုအဖွဲ့များ၊ ပါလီမန်ကိုယ် စားလှယ်အစုအဖွဲ့များနှင့်လည်းကောင်း တက်ကြွစွာပူးပေါင်း
ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည့်အတိုင်း အနာဂတ်ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံတော် တည်ဆောက်ရေးအတွက် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ပြည်သူများအား ထပ်မံကတိပြုပါသည်။
၅။ မည်သည့်နိုင်ငံကမျှ တရားဝင်အစိုးရဟုအသိအမှတ် ပြုခြင်းမခံရသောတရားမဝင်အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ က ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲကော်မရှင်ဟူသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း၏ ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်သည် မည်သည့် ဥပဒေနှင့်မျှ အကျုံးဝင် အာဏာသက်ရောက်ခြင်းမရှိကြောင်း အတိအလင်း ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာလိုက်သည်။
ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော်ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ..."
Source/publisher:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
Date of publication:
2021-07-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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"Over 5,000 residents from three villages in Shwebo Township, Sagaing Region, fled their homes after junta raids on Sunday.
Shootouts occurred outside Pa Lai village on Sunday evening when resistance fighters used homemade rifles against large numbers of advancing junta troops.
“They came with informants. At first, there was only a truck of them but more troops followed in smaller vehicles. We were outnumbered and they fired artillery at the village. All the villagers have fled into the forest,” said a Pa Lai villager.
Junta troops set a National League for Democracy ((NLD) supporter’s house in Pa Lai on fire. The two-story building, along with four silos and harvesters, was destroyed. The financial loss was estimated at more than 100 million kyats (US$61,000), said another resident.
About 16km from Shwebo, Pa Lai is a large village with a population of more than 3,000. Nearby villages Kantha and Gontan have a combined population of over 2,000.
“All the villagers fled. We can’t yet return because they are stationed at a monastery in the village. Some houses were damaged by shelling. I don’t know yet if anyone was injured,” said a resident.
Junta troops also reportedly ransacked the house of a former NLD chairman in Kantha village and detained three villagers. Personnel have also reportedly raided villages adjacent to Kantha and Gontha.
“We are still in the forest and having troubles. Some of us are elderly and children. They are raiding one village after another. I heard a woman was shot by a sniper. I don’t know if she died. Many of us ran as soon as they entered the village. All the villagers followed after they started firing artillery,” said a villager.
Four residents were killed in a shootout between a neighborhood watch group and junta troops in Seik Khun village on Saturday..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-07-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, National Unity Government (NUG), The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
" Soe Win stood in line at a plant to buy oxygen for his grandmother, who is struggling with COVID-19 symptoms.
“I have been waiting since 5 in the morning until 12 noon but I’m still in line. Oxygen is scarcer than money,” said the resident of Myanmar’s biggest city, Yangon.
Consumed by a bitter and violent political struggle since the military seized power in February, Myanmar has been slow to wake up to a devastating surge in cases since mid-May. It has left many of the sick like Soe Win’s grandmother to suffer at home if they cannot find a bed at an army hospital, or prefer not to trust their care to the widely disliked government.
Under Aung San Suu Kyi, the civilian leader ousted by the military, Myanmar had weathered its second coronavirus surge beginning in August last year by severely restricting travel, sealing off Yangon, and curbing election campaigning in virus hot spots where lockdowns were imposed.
Suu Kyi appeared frequently on television with stern but empathetic entreaties to the public on how to deal with the situation. Vaccine supplies were secured from India and China. Her ouster came less than a week after the first jabs were given to health workers.
Suu Kyi’s removal by the military sparked widespread protests, and medical workers spearheaded a popular civil disobedience movement that called on professionals and civil servants not to cooperate with the military-installed government.
Military hospitals continued operating but were shunned by many, while doctors and nurses who boycotted the state system ran makeshift clinics, for which they faced arrest. The pace of vaccinations slowed to a crawl, threatening an explosion in infections.
“No wise person with a good heart and a sincere desire for truth would want to work under the junta’s rule,” said Zeyar Tun, founder of the civic action group Clean Yangon who helped out at quarantine centers. “Under Suu Kyi, the government and volunteers worked together to control the disease, but it is difficult to predict what the future holds under military rule.”
Photos and news stories early last week of people lining up to buy oxygen in the city of Kalay in the northwestern Sagaing region brought home the reality that Myanmar’s health care, already one of the world’s weakest, was on its knees.
“From Myanmar, our U.N. colleagues on the ground say they’re concerned about the rapid increase in the number of recorded COVID-19 cases,” U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric said in New York. “The U.N. team warns that a major outbreak of COVID-19 would have devastating consequences on both people’s health and on the economy. They stress the importance of resuming the delivery of essential health services, implementing measures to prevent the spread of the virus, and to scale up vaccinations.”
By the end of the week, residents of Myanmar’s two biggest cities, Yangon and Mandalay, were also having trouble finding oxygen supplies.
Myanmar’s new leader, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, in a Friday meeting on COVID-19 response ordered oxygen plants to work at full capacity, including converting industrial oxygen for the needs of patients.
Investment and Foreign Trade Minister Aung Naing Oo followed up on Saturday with an announcement that the government is dropping all duties and licensing requirements for the import of oxygen concentrators — devices that generate oxygen.
The Health Ministry on Saturday reported a record 4,377 new confirmed cases for a total of 188,752, as well as a record 71 deaths, bringing the toll to 3,756. The number of tested people found to be infected is hovering around 25%, and equally alarming is how quickly the numbers have been rising.
The data on vaccinations is not very clear, but it appears that as of last month, only 3.5 million doses had been administered to the country’s 55 million people, meaning a maximum of 3.2% of the population would be fully vaccinated with two doses.
According to Johns Hopkins University, the seven-day rolling average rose from 1.18 cases per 100,000 people on June 25 to 6.08 cases per 100,000 people on July 9. In the same period, deaths jumped from 0.01 per 100,000 people to 0.08.
Even those numbers are likely an undercount.
According to aid group Relief International, Myanmar’s major challenges are a lack of adequate screening, testing capacity and availability of vaccines.
The Health Ministry announced Thursday night that all schools would be closed for two weeks. Stay-at-home orders had already been issued for badly hit neighborhoods in several cities, including Yangon, and basic field hospitals set up..."
Source/publisher:
"Associated Press" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-07-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
COVID-19 (Coronavirus), Public Health, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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"Madam President,
The European Union thanks the High Commissioner for her oral update.
The European Union condemns in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar. This unacceptable seizure of power abruptly turned back the clock of history in the country. Once again, the path towards democracy has been reversed and the will of the people expressed in the November 2020 elections, has been ignored. The EU calls on the Myanmar armed forces to immediately halt violence and the use of force against civilians and to allow the population to exercise their human rights, including their rights to freedom of expression and assembly. Arbitrary arrests and detentions and the torture and ill-treatment of detainees must end. We take note of the release of some detainees by the Myanmar military authorities.
The EU acknowledges the efforts undertaken by ASEAN to initiate a peaceful dialogue-driven process to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. The swift and faithful implementation of the five-point consensus reached at the Leaders’ Meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta on 24 April is important
The EU strongly supports the valuable work of the High Commissioner and her Office, to ensure continuous monitoring, documenting and reporting on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. The EU calls on Myanmar to cooperate with your Office by ensuring immediate access to the country and by facilitating the opening of a country office.
We share your concern that the human rights-, humanitarian- and security situations are deteriorating quickly, with indiscriminate attacks against the civilian population, precipitating mass displacement and a rapidly worsening humanitarian crisis. This threatens the lives of many thousands in Myanmar, including women, children and persons belonging to minorities, in particular in the Saigan and Mandalay regions as well as in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Kayah and Kayin and Shan States.
The Special Advisor of the Secretary General on the Prevention of Genocide warned in her recent address to this Council that root causes of discrimination and violence need to be addressed, including guaranteeing full citizenship and other rights to the Rohingya community in Myanmar and ensuring accountability for past crimes in order to deter more atrocity crimes from being committed.
The EU reiterates our strong support to the mandate of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar to collect evidence of serious international crimes or violations of international law, including those committed after 1 February 2021, and facilitate criminal proceedings in order to ensure the accountability of those responsible.
We would welcome your views, Madame High Commissioner, on how your Office can contribute to existing accountability efforts, including through cooperation with other mechanisms, and what your current priorities are in this regard..."
Source/publisher:
Delegation of the European Union to the UN and other international organisations in Geneva
Date of publication:
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations (commentary/analysis), Human Rights and international relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"A month after its 1 February 2021coup, themilitary junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed bydeployment of notorious military units to represspeaceful demonstrations,underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence.
The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomaticand human rightsmissions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and confrontation sparked by the coup.
In order to avert worse violence and create the space for dialogue and negotiations, the movement in Burmaand their allies urge that:oInternational Financial Institutions (IFIs) immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior loans and reassess the post-coup situation; oForeign states and bodies enact targeted sanctions on themilitary (Tatmadaw),Tatmadaw-affiliated companiesand partners, including a global arms embargo;andoThe UN Security Council immediately send a delegation to prevent further violenceandensure the situation is peacefully resolved.
Thecoup violatedmultiple provisions of the Tatmadaw-designed 2008 Constitution.
The junta’s public statements and information warfare reflect a calculated plan to neutralize domestic democratic forces and pacifythe international community.While portraying themselves as a gentler version of previous juntas, the Min Aung Hlaing regime has already attacked thousands ofunarmed protestors.On 28 February the Tatmadaw killed at least 18, injured dozens more, and arrested at least 479, in a significant escalation of abuses. This brought the total to at least 30 killed, hundreds injured, and 1,132 politicians, activists, journalists, and othersarrested, with most denied access to legal counsel.
The coup also involved a systematic purge of members of the executive and key agencies including the Central Bank of Myanmar. The coup and crackdown havedisrupted the economy, heighteningconcerns that political and economic destabilization will have regional and global impacts, intensifying reputational and operational risks, and resulting in withdrawals and suspensions of investment.
The Tatmadaw has sought to weaken popular opposition by implementing or amending seven laws that violate human rights norms, eliminate privacy and threaten lengthy imprisonment for anybody perceived as an enemy of the junta.
Millionsof civilians continue to protestnationwide—in almost every township in Burma—despite military intimidationand brutal violence.The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has been joined byworkers and senior officials from the civil service, police officers, and the private sector..."
Source/publisher:
Altsean Burma, Burma Human Rights Network, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK, Initiatives for International Dialogue, International Federation for Human Rights, Progressive Voice, US Campaign for Burma, and Women Peace Network
Date of publication:
2021-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-07-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Sanctions - general, Business and the Military, Sanctions
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"Three separate hearings on criminal charges brought against deposed Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi took place Monday in the capital, Naypyitaw.
Suu Kyi’s lawyer, Khin Maung Zaw, told journalists the first hearing involved two witnesses testifying on charges she violated the country’s Natural Disaster Management Law for breaking COVID-19 restrictions while campaigning during last year’s parliamentary election.
In the second hearing, Khin Maung Zaw said the court sustained an objection to the defense team’s cross-examination of a police officer in the case against Suu Kyi under the Communications Law on the grounds the question may affect the court’s verdict.
The final hearing involved charges she violated the country’s Export-Import Law.
Khin Maung Zaw said the hearings have been adjourned until next Monday, July 5.
The 76-year-old Suu Kyi has been detained since February 1, when her civilian government was overthrown nearly three months after her National League for Democracy party scored a landslide electoral victory. Along with violating the COVID-19 restrictions, she has been accused of illegally possessing unlicensed walkie-talkies, breaching the Official Secrets Act, inciting public unrest, misusing land for her charitable foundation, and accepting illegal payments of $600,000 in cash plus 11 kilograms of gold.
Ousted President Win Myint and former Naypyitaw mayor Myo Aung are being tried alongside Suu Kyi.
Electoral fraud allegation
The junta has cited widespread electoral fraud in the November 8 election as a reason for the coup, an allegation the civilian electoral commission denied. The junta has threatened to dissolve the NLD over the allegations.
The coup triggered a crisis in that led to deadly anti-junta demonstrations and clashes among several armed ethnic groups and the ruling junta.
In a campaign to quell the protests, the government has killed more than 800 protesters and bystanders since the takeover, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which tracks casualties and arrests in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2021-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"Ousted Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi will return to court next week after two hearings on criminal charges brought against her by the military junta.
Suu Kyi’s lawyer, Khin Maung Zaw, told journalists Tuesday that she and her two co-defendants, former president Win Myint and former Naypyitaw mayor Myo Aung, heard witnesses testify on charges of sedition in the first hearing. The second hearing involved charges that she violated the country’s Natural Disaster Management Law by breaking COVID-19 restrictions while campaigning during last year’s parliamentary election.
Khin Maung Zaw said the hearings have been adjourned until Monday, July 5.
The 76-year-old Suu Kyi has been detained since February 1, when her civilian government was overthrown nearly three months after her National League for Democracy party scored a landslide electoral victory. Along with violating COVID-19 restrictions, she has been accused of illegally possessing unlicensed walkie-talkies, breaching the Official Secrets Act, inciting public unrest, misusing land for her charitable foundation, and accepting illegal payments of $600,000 in cash plus 11 kilograms of gold.
Ousted president Win Myint and former Naypyitaw mayor Myo Aung are being tried alongside Suu Kyi.
Electoral fraud allegation
The junta has cited widespread electoral fraud in the November 8 election as a reason for the coup, an allegation the civilian electoral commission denied. The junta has threatened to dissolve the NLD over the allegations.
The coup triggered a crisis that led to deadly anti-junta demonstrations and clashes among several armed ethnic groups and the ruling junta.
In a campaign to quell the protests, the government has killed more than 800 protesters and bystanders since the takeover, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, which tracks casualties and arrests in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"VOA" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2021-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, COVID-19 (Coronavirus), The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) released the final comprehensive report of its international election observation mission to the 2020 Myanmar general elections and said “it is its informed opinion that the results of the 2020 general elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar”. It also said despite the raging COVID-19 pandemic, 27.5 million people voted thanks to the hard work of polling staff and election or health officials, their voices cannot be silenced. ANFREL has identified the election postponement, disenfranchisement of the Rohingya community and the other ethnic minorities, legal framework outlined by the 2008 military drafted constitution as the shortcomings of the election that has to improve in future elections. International and local media reported the findings, and diplomatic missions of Canada, US, UK, New Zealand, Switzerland to Myanmar also quoted ANFREL in their social media accounts with its full report.
The junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) called for a meeting with the political parties on 21 May in Nay Pyi Taw and 59 political parties joined. The popular parties like National League for Democracy (NLD), Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Arakan National Party, Democratic Party for New Society did not attend the meeting while a representative of the People’s Party, known as a pro-democracy party attended. The party faced mass resignation over the decision that seven out of 20 central executive committee members resigned, including co-founder Ye Naing Aung. At the meeting, the junta-appointed election commission chair Thein Soe said they will dissolve the NLD due to “electoral fraud” and the regime will prosecute NLD leaders as “traitors”.
The protests continued in different parts of Myanmar despite the crackdown by the junta. Tension between the junta forces and the civilian resistance fighters increased during the week that the situation in Mindat, Chin State further escalated after junta forces entered Mindat. The junta has blocked road access to the town and cut off its water supply, making life very difficult for those who stayed behind. Local media also reported the locals fled to the nearest forest due to the attacks on Mindat town and they desperately needed emergency support for food and medicine.
The clashes between the junta forces and the civil resistance fighters also emerged in several places in Kayah state such as Loikaw, Hpasawng, Demoso, and Bawlake townships. Media reported that emergency support on food, shelter and medicine were needed in IDPs camps of Kayah.
Kachin Independent Army (KIA) forces also clashed with the Myanmar military forces over the week in Kachin state, Sagaing region and Shan state. Continued fighting with KNU forces and military has also left many to flee to Thailand. The civil society organizations based in Thailand and Thai-Myanmar border urged the Thai government to delay the repatriation of Myanmar refugees and allow war refugees and displaced persons at the Thailand-Myanmar border by the Salween to have access to humanitarian aid. According to Indian government officials, more than 15,000 had sought refuge since the Feb. 1 coup. A local official of the Union Election Commission (UEC) in Magway Region was also tortured to death by junta troops.
According to the information compiled by ANFREL, at least 57 bomb blasts happened across Myanmar in the past week. It was reported that at least 11 people died including a nine-year-old boy, and at least 40 were injured.
International Crisis Group reported that Myanmar’s junta is seeking to limit access to the internet to an internal network of only “whitelisted” sites to quash opposition. Reports said that military and intelligence agencies are conducting some tracing of SIM cards and interception of calls.
United Nations General Assembly vote on 18 May on a draft resolution calling for “an immediate suspension of the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and munitions” to Myanmar has been postponed. The US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated 16 individuals and one entity connected to Burma’s military regime including adult children of previously designated senior Burmese military officials and the UK extended its sanctions to Myanmar Gems Enterprise, a distributor of jade and other precious stones.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 23 May, 818 people were killed by the junta. 4,296 people are currently under detention and 95 are sentenced. 1,822 warrants have been issued. 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Humanitarian assistance - emergencies, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Sub-title:
"We understand why people hated the military so much and that’s why we are joining them," says Capt. Lin Htet Aung.
Description:
"Capt. Lin Htet Aung left the Myanmar Army’s Light Infantry Battalion #528 to join pro-democracy forces resisting the military coup that seized power from the elected government on Feb. 1, citing voting fraud in the November 2020 elections. He told Khin Maung Soe of RFA’s Myanmar Service in a telephone interview from an area outside military regime control that about 800 officers and soldiers – roughly five battalions -- have defected since the coup. RFA could not independently verify that number. The following Q&A has been edited for clarity.
RFA: Can you tell us how many members of the Armed Forces have defected to the people’s side?
Lin Htet Aung: There are around 800. That's about the size of five battalions in Myanmar’s military structure. Some of them were from the army and many are from the Navy, the Air Force, artillery units, the Defense Service factories, etc.
RFA: How do you get these numbers?
Lin Htet Aung: We have contacts with one another and also from other sources.
RFA: What is the security situation of these people?
Lin Htet Aung: Those who have arrived in the liberated areas and territories held by ethnic armed groups have security. For those who have joined ordinary citizens, we are a bit worried for their security. People are trying to give them some protection, though, and some have contacted us for help.
RFA: What about the welfare of these former soldiers?
Lin Htet Aung: Most of them left their units without much money in hand. Those who have arrived in territories held by ethnic groups do not have to worry about food and lodging.
RFA: What about their families left behind?
Lin Htet Aung: Most of them are single. Those with families who arrived in territories held by ethnic groups do not have any problems. But some of them had left their families in their mother units and we are a bit worried for them.
RFA: How many officers have defected from their units?
Lin Htet Aung: There are about 100 among the officers but the majority are from lower ranks.
RFA: What are you doing now?
Lin Htet Aung: Most of us have decided to join the armed revolution. Those who do not want to join the armed revolution are seeking ways to help the people in whatever capacity they can.
RFA: There are some people who are suspicious of people like you who have defected. Some people think you could be spies. How do you feel about these doubts and suspicions?
Lin Htet Aung: Yes we have faced such situations. But I believe we will gradually win their trust. We will need time but I hope they will soon realize we genuinely want to oppose military dictatorship.
RFA: Do you think we could say there might be military agents among those who have crossed over?
Lin Htet Aung: Of course it is possible. We cannot trust everyone. We systematically checked everyone who contacted us directly. We have to be very careful because they have very qualified people gathering intelligence. We understand why people hated the military so much and that’s why we are joining them. We also hate military dictatorship as much as the people do. Our main objective is to join hands with the people and bring down the military dictatorship.
RFA: Do you face any other difficulties?
Lin Htet Aung: Though we can say we are now in liberated areas we don’t actually know what we should be doing or what role we should take. Most of us who defected have pure goodwill in our hearts towards the people.
RFA: Do you think there will be more members of the Armed Forces coming over to the side of the public?
Lin Htet Aung: Changing sides is an important tactic for this revolution. At first, we had hoped about 4,000 of the 400,000-strong military would change sides. But now we are expecting more than 4,000 will come to the aid of the people.
RFA: The present revolution relies a lot on the ethnic armed groups and they have been staging a revolution fighting for their rights for many years. How do you think the two revolutions can be combined?
Lin Htet Aung: We cannot just ask for assistance from them and leave but we will have to help them achieve their goals, too. If we leave them after seeking help from them, then it will be like we are fighting for Burma proper only. If we are to fight for the entire country, we will have to complement each other to achieve better results.
RFA: Do you have any progress in working together with the National Unity Government (NUG)?
Lin Htet Aung: The NUG is working very hard through a lot of difficulties and we have found some cooperation between them and us. We are very encouraged..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Human Rights Defenders, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"The beginning of 2021 has been a devastating moment for civilians living in Myanmar. The military (led by Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing) forcibly seized power from the National League for Democracy (NLD) vice-president U Myint Swe on February 1st 2021.[2] Since the coup,[3] NLD government officials and [anti-coup] protestors have been detained [by security forces].
Since the military coup, civilians living in Myanmar who do not want the dictatorship have protested against the military coup. People living all throughout Myanmar have participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[4] by banging metal boxes and metal barrels to express their disapproval. The [CDM] protests were started by healthcare workers and have gradually been growing with protests occurring in both Hpapun and K’Ma Maung towns. On February 5th 2021, healthcare workers from the public hospital in K’Ma Maung Town participated [began participating] in the CDM. On February 6th 2021, healthcare workers from the hospital in Hpapun Town (a 100-bed-hospital) also participated [began participating] in the CDM.
On February 8th 2021, local people who live in Hpapun Town and K’Ma Maung Town protested against the military coup because they do not accept the dictatorship. On February 9th 2021, they held another protest which included around 200 people, starting from [the area between] the Hpapun Basic Education High School and the (100-bed) hospital in Hpapun Town. From there, they marched to Section (1) of Hpapun Town. People who took part in the protest in Hpapun Town circled twice around Hpapun Town, before returning to the Hpapun Government Basic Education High School at 10:30 am. The protest was successfully finished [ended without incident].
Likewise, on February 9th 2021, there were around 600 people from K’Ma Maung Town who held a protest starting from the government kindergarten school and marching to the public hospital. The protest finished at 11:30 am. The slogans used in the protest were: 1. Release the detained NLD government officials and protesters; 2. May Aung San Suu Kyi be healthy. The protests were held by different ethnic groups and staff from different [government] departments.
On February 13th 2021, another protest was held in K’Ma Maung Town. The protest started at 9:00 am and ended at 11:00 am. Around 200 people, of different ethnic groups, participated in the protest. The protesters started marching from the football [soccer] field at K’Ma Maung Basic Education High School and circled once around the town. Then they returned and gathered at the school. No protests were held in K’Ma Maung on February 15th 2021.
Similarly, on February 13th and February 15th 2021, there were no protests in Hpapun Town.
Civilians protested in Hpapun Town on March 5th 2021. The protest was held in the western part of Hpapun Town located in K’law Hta village tract,[5] Lu Thaw Township, Mu Traw District. The protest was held with the people from the eastern and western parts of town, who gathered to protest against the military coup.
Village heads and elders took part as organisers and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[6] soldiers stood guard as security during the protest. Villages such as Nah Khoh Hkee, Nah Khoh Hta, Maw Taw Hta, Ta Ghaw Kyoh, Day Baw Khaw, Dwe Lo, Baw Thay Hkee, Ta Hkoo Doe and K’Law Day, Htee Boh Kah Hta, Day Law, Baw Hta, Hpa Hee Kaung, Pyin Ma, Nga Ein Su, Ma Htaw and many more took part. There were villagers from 100 villages in total that took part in the protest.
As for the village tracts: Meh K’Law, Meh Nyoo, Meh Hkoo, Meh Mawe, Meh P’Lee, Day Wah, Htee Th’Daw Hta, Ma Htaw, Htee Th’Blut Hta, Lay Boe Hta, and K’Taing Tee village tracts were included. [With such large numbers] the protesters split into two groups to hold the protest. One group held a protest in Hpapun Town and the other group held a protest in Way Mone village.
In Hpapun, the villagers held the protest in front of the army camp of Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[7] #642 and then they circled twice around Hpapun. The protest, which was held on March 5th 2021, [started] at 8:00 am and finished at 12:00 pm. The protesters gathered at the football [soccer] field at Hpapun High School [prior to going to the army camp]; they chanted slogans and sang their national hymn. The protest ended without incident.
The slogans used in the protest were: 1. Release the detained NLD government officials and protestors; 2. The Burma Army must withdraw their army camps from our territory; 3. Burmanisation and military dictatorship must end; 4. Abolish the 2008 Constitution; 5. Establish a federal democratic state; 6. Give us equality and self-determination; 7. The United Nations and the international community must not work with the Burma Army. Local people living in Hpapun Town provided food, water and juice for the protesters.
Even though there were no blockades to stop the villagers from protesting in Hpapun Town, villagers who participated in the protest in Way Mone were stopped for about one hour by Tatmadaw[8] LIB #434 at their gate near the southern part of their army camp. The protest organisers and officials from LIB #434 negotiated and the gate was later opened, so villagers were able to continue their protest in Hpapun Town.
Even though the protesters were confronted with obstacles, there were no casualties as a result of the protest. They were able to finish the protest at 12:00 pm without incident. No one was apprehended [by security forces] after the protest..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group
Date of publication:
2021-06-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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498.28 KB
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Mandalay regional parliamentarian Lwin Maung Maung is the brother of Saffron Revolution leader and former political prisoner U Gambira
Description:
"A detained Mandalay regional parliamentarian with the National League for Democracy (NLD) has been sentenced to three years in prison by the military council without a trial, his family members said.
Lwin Maung Maung, who would have represented Meiktila Constituency 1 if not for the February 1 military coup, was arrested on the night of April 28 after briefly returning to his home following a period in hiding. The 38-year-old lived in Meiktila’s industrial zone, 10 miles from the town.
His family was barred from visiting him in Meiktila Prison, and were only permitted to deliver supplies to him on May 12. On that day, they learned of his prison sentence, but said that the charges against him are still unknown.
Yay, Lwin Maung Maung’s mother and a former school teacher, told Myanmar Now that 12 military vehicles and police cars were used in her son’s arrest.
“They arrested him because they wanted to—they sentenced him to prison time because they can, even though there is no legal basis for it,” she said. “They arrested him because he is an NLD member. Actually he had enough time to evade arrest, but he didn’t. I think he worried that if he tried to escape, the junta would arrest me as his mother.”
Lwin Maung Maung was known for assisting Mandalay Region farmers in issues related to the confiscation of their land by the military, Yay explained. She said that she discouraged him from running in Myanmar’s 2020 election, but he told her that he wanted to advance land rights in parliament.
The MP is the younger brother of Nyi Nyi Lwin, also known by his monastic name U Gambira, a leader of the 2007 Saffron Revolution. U Gambira was arrested in 2007, interrogated and tortured for his involvement in the anti-military protests. He was handed a prison sentence of 68 years, but released in a general amnesty in 2012.
“There is no one in our house who has not been imprisoned for politics,” Yay said. “Our family members were imprisoned in 1988, 2007 and 2021. It’s like they have a license to be imprisoned.”
Myanmar Now tried to contact the military council’s information department for comment on Lwin Maung Maung’s sentencing, but received no response.
Meiktila District is home to a large number of military bases, and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won the area’s seats in the 2015 general election. However, in 2020, the NLD won the majority of votes in the area.
In addition to Lwin Maung Maung in the regional parliament, Lower House NLD candidate Dr Sint Soe won a seat, as did Upper House NLD candidate Phone Kyaw. Maung Maung Gyi, also from the NLD, won the second regional parliamentary seat.
After the military coup, which was staged on the pretext of voter fraud, NLD lawmakers and prominent party supporters in Meiktila Township were forced to flee the junta’s arrests.
The military council has repeatedly prosecuted dissidents, including NLD members, under Section 505a of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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No media in court and heavy police presence outside as former leader faces raft of charges
Description:
"The trial of Myanmar’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi began on Monday in a closed courtroom in Naypyidaw, as the military junta escalated its attempts to remove her as a political threat.
No journalists were present at the hearing inside the Naypyidaw council compound, where there was a heavy police presence. The defence lawyer Khin Maung Zaw said Aung San Suu Kyi “seemed not very well” in court, but that throughout the hearing “she seemed quite interested and paid keen attention.” She is suffering from toothache, according to her lawyers, who were escorted to the courtroom by police.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been in detention since 1 February when the military seized power, and had just three meetings with her legal team to prepare for the start of the trial. She has been prevented from using the internet or reading anything other than state-controlled media for the past four months.
She faces a wide range of charges, including three that were addressed on Monday. Plaintiffs testified that she breached a natural disaster law by breaking coronavirus restrictions in the run-up to last year’s election, and that she broke a communications law and an import law by illegally possessing walkie-talkies.
The court also heard testimony alleging that the ousted president, Win Myint, had broken a natural disaster management law.
Phil Robertson, the deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said the cases brought against Aung San Suu Kyi were an attempt to “nullify her landslide election victory in the November 2020 election and prevent her from ever running for office again”.
There was little likelihood she would receive a fair trial, Roberston said. “In fact, the junta gives every indication that this is just the beginning and they will continue to pile on additional cases against Suu Kyi to keep her locked away into the distant future.”
The military’s seizure of power has been defiantly opposed by the public, which voted overwhelmingly for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) in last year’s election.
Though her international stature diminished following a wave of military violence targeting the country’s marginalised Muslim Rohingya community, Aung San Suu Kyi, who previously spent a total of 15 years in detention campaigning against military rule, is widely revered domestically as an icon of democracy.
Street demonstrations have dwindled since the coup, owing to the military’s brutal violence against protesters, but many workers remain on strike, bringing essential services to a standstill.
More than 860 people have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). Security forces have repeatedly opened fire at protesters and bystanders, killing dozens of children.
In response, grassroots defence groups have formed across the country, fighting back against the military raids and targeting army officials in shootings and bomb attacks, including in the main city, Yangon.
At least 4,863 people are in detention or have been sentenced by the military, which has arrested anyone it suspects of organising against the coup, often during night-time raids.
On Monday state media reported that a former head of the country’s Covid vaccination campaign, Dr Htar Htar Lin, had been arrested and faced several charges, including of high treason for colluding with the national unity government, which was established by pro-democracy politicians and has been labelled a terrorist group by the military.
Doctors and nurses were among the first to protest against the coup, and many are treating patients in secret, underground clinics because they refuse to work in junta-controlled hospitals.
On Monday an American journalist detained since March was released after charges against him were dropped, his lawyer told AFP. Nathan Maung, who founded the local Kamayut Media outlet, has been detained under a colonial-era law that criminalises encouraging dissent against the military.
The junta has said it will hold new elections within the next two years, though the public and analysts are extremely sceptical of such promises. The military ruled Myanmar for half a century before transitioning towards democracy in 2011. If Aung San Suu Kyi is convicted, she could be barred from running in any future vote.
On Tuesday the court will hear further cases against Aung San Suu Kyi. These include a charge of incitement against her, Win Myint and Dr Myo Aung, the Naypyidaw council chairman and mayor of Naypyidaw city.
Aung San Suu Kyi is also accused of breaching the official secrets act, and of corruption charges, though these allegations will be handled separately. According to state media, she allededly accepted $600,000 cash and 11.4kg of gold in bribes, and misused her authority to rent land. Khin Maung Zaw described the claims as absurd.
The military has justified seizing power by accusing the NLD of widespread voter fraud, a claim rejected by a group of independent observers, the Asian Network for Free Elections. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development party fell to a humiliating defeat in the vote..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-14
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-14
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Sub-title:
137 organizations call for urgent international action in response to coup and crackdown
Description:
"The United Nations Security Council should “institute a coordinated, global arms embargo” against the Myanmar military, said Fortify Rights and 136 other organizations in an open letter to the body and U.N. member states today.
“The Myanmar military poses a demonstrable threat to international peace and security,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “The Security Council should break its long history of inaction on Myanmar and immediately respond to this crisis.”
Signatories to the open letter hail from 31 countries and include Fortify Rights, Human Rights Watch, and a diverse group of human rights organizations worldwide. Dozens of Myanmar-led organizations based in the country and Rohingya-led organizations signed the letter, demonstrating a level of inter-ethnic unity in the wake of the February 1 coup d’état in Myanmar, Fortify Rights said.
The open letter released today focuses on the February 1 coup as well as the junta’s deadly crackdowns on nationwide protests, which continue at the time of writing. The Myanmar military “has detained the elected civilian leaders of the country, nullified the results of the November 2020 democratic elections, and installed a junta, the State Administration Council, under a manufactured ‘state of emergency,’” the letter says.
On Monday, millions of people throughout Myanmar joined the “civil disobedience movement” by participating in a nationwide general strike and street protests.
State security forces have used lethal force against unarmed protesters, killing Wai Yan Htun, 16, and Thet Naing Win, 36, in Mandalay and Tin Htut Hein, 30, while he was on a “night watch” in Yangon on February 20. On February 19, Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing, 20, died from injuries sustained after security forces shot her in the head in Naypyidaw on February 9. The police used excessive force—including with high-pressure water cannons, beatings, and rubber bullets and other less-lethal projectiles—in various locations since February 1, injuring scores.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, as of February 22, more than 630 people are either evading arbitrary arrest or are currently in detention since the junta seized power.
In addition to overthrowing a democratically elected government and arbitrarily detaining an elected world leader, the Myanmar military is also responsible for mass atrocities and protracted human rights violations committed with impunity against the Rohingya and the Arakanese (Rakhine), Kachin, Shan, Karen, and other ethnic-nationality people. In its 2017 genocidal offensive against the Rohingya, the military massacred untold civilians and forced nearly 800,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities continue to confine more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims to more than 20 internment camps in five townships in Rakhine State. Several armed conflicts in the country are ongoing.
The U.N. Security Council already recognizes humanitarian emergencies, atrocity crimes, military coups, and cross-border refugee crises as legitimate threats to international peace. The United Kingdom is the current president of the U.N. Security Council, and the United States of America will become president on March 1.
“There is no question that the Myanmar military poses a threat to international peace and security, even beyond this coup,” said Matthew Smith. “The coup will only exacerbate existing crises in the country that threaten to spill over its borders.”
Despite the Myanmar military’s long-standing threats to peace and security, the U.N. Security Council has never used its authority under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter with regard to Myanmar. Chapter VII allows the U.N. Security Council to “determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression” and to take military and nonmilitary action to “restore international peace and security.”
In 2007, China vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Myanmar. Months later, the people of Myanmar held nationwide pro-democracy protests, similar in scale to the protests occurring now. In response, Myanmar state-security forces killed unarmed pro-democracy protesters and Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai with impunity.
On February 2, the U.N. Security Council convened an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar and failed to establish a common position. Later, the body issued a statement on the situation in Myanmar.
“Council members should use that newfound consensus to take swift and substantive action,” the open letter issued today said. “An arms embargo would be the centerpiece of a global effort to shield the people of Myanmar from a return to abusive and autocratic rule.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2021-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
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Sub-title:
The country’s least developed state is dealing with a refugee crisis as well as a COVID-19 outbreak.
Description:
"Nearly 30 junta troops were killed Thursday in Myanmar’s Chin state as fighting between militia groups and the military escalated in the country’s remote regions, prompting the United Nations rights czar to warn of a “human rights catastrophe.”
Members of the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) in Chin’s Thantlang township said they attacked a column of soldiers traveling around 25 miles outside of the town center, killing as many as 17 in the ensuing firefight and suffering no casualties.
“More than 100 junta soldiers were marching towards the Khuahring Thang mountain range,” said a fighter with the Thantlang CDF, who spoke to RFA’s Myanmar Service on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal.
“We’re a little worried about the situation. There are more troops than ever pressing on us. The fighting is expected to become more intense.”
The CDF fighter said his group attacked the column “because the military has been intimidating local residents.”
The clash marked the first in Thantlang township and caused around 600 residents of three villages in the area to flee to the mountains, he said.
“Most people fled because they were scared about the presence of the soldiers,” he said.
“A lot of people in Thantlang had already fled their homes earlier [when troops began to deploy to the area].”
A similar clash broke out in an area between the townships of Hakha and Gangaw, the Hakha CDF announced Thursday, saying it had killed 10 junta soldiers. The group did not report any casualties of its own in the fighting.
In a statement, the CDF said it will “continue to fight fiercely in all parts of Chin state” to protect the people.
RFA was unable to independently verify CDF claims about the number of soldiers killed in Thursday’s clashes and calls to Myanmar’s Deputy Information Minister Zaw Min Tun went unanswered Friday.....‘Human rights catastrophe’: On Friday, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet warned that any escalation in violence in Myanmar must be halted to prevent even greater loss of life and a deepening humanitarian emergency.
“As I had feared, armed conflict and other violence are intensifying in many parts of Myanmar, including Kayah State, Chin State and Kachin State, with the violence particularly intense in areas with significant ethnic and religious minority groups,” Bachelet said in a statement, noting that the military has continued to use heavy weaponry, including airstrikes, against armed groups and against civilians.
“In just over four months, Myanmar has gone from being a fragile democracy to a human rights catastrophe,” she said.
“In addition to the loss of life, people are suffering from severe impacts on the social and economic rights. The military leadership is singularly responsible for this crisis, and must be held to account.”
The junta deposed Myanmar’s democratically elected government on Feb. 1, claiming that the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party had won the country’s November 2020 elections due to widespread voter fraud, despite a lack of evidence. The move prompted widespread protests that the military has responded to with violent crackdowns, killing some 860 people over the past four months.
The CDF is a network of volunteers that formed in April to protect the people of Chin and has enjoyed relative success facing the military—the second largest in Southeast Asia—with slingshots and the same crude flintlock “Tumee” rifles their forefathers used to fight off British colonizers in the 1880s. The CDF said it had killed some 100 junta troops between March and May.
Fighters of the CDF were engaged in daily battles from May 12 until May 15, when the junta occupied Mindat with 1,000 fully armed troops who used civilians as human shields and sprayed gunfire indiscriminately, the CHRO said recently.
The CDF pulled out May 16 to protect civilians from further artillery attacks and fire from helicopter gunships, Chin fighters have said, but fighting resumed on June 3 and both sides have suffered casualties.
The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) estimates that some 40,000 civilians have fled their homes throughout Chin state since May.....Outbreak compounds challenges: As more residents flee intensifying fighting in Chin, the region is also facing an outbreak of COVID-19 that medical workers reported had killed 10 people as of Friday. Over the past three weeks, around 320 cases have been reported in the townships of Tunzan and Kyeehar, near Myanmar’s border with India.
Myanmar’s least developed state had already been dealing with a shortage of health workers prior to the coronavirus pandemic, but sources told RFA that following the military coup, many of the medical personnel in the state joined the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, leaving few behind to control the spread of the virus and treat those infected with COVID-19, the disease it causes.
“Nobody who is infected wants to go to the hospital because there are no doctors there,” said an official with the COVID-19 Relief Team in Kyeekhar, where medical students are assisting three hospital staffers attend to 195 infected patients.
“They are just being treated at home … We have tried to help them. If their condition becomes serious, they call us for help, and we take them by car to the hospital so that they can be given oxygen.”
The administrator of Kyeekhar township confirmed to RFA that there are no longer any doctors at the local hospital.
“We are treating patients with the help of volunteer doctors and nurses,” he said.
On May 28, the local government issued a Stay At Home order in Kyeekhar and Tunzang townships and similar restrictions have since been implemented in the nearby townships of Tedim, Falam, Hakha and Thantlang.
According to the junta’s Ministry of Health, a total of 144,876 confirmed infections and 3,237 deaths from COVID-19 have been recorded in Myanmar beginning in March 2020.
Earlier this week, the United Nations in Myanmar voiced concern about what it called “the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian situation” the country’s remote conflict areas.
The U.N. stressed the urgent need for food, water, shelter, fuel, and access to healthcare for people fleeing the fighting, saying that the aid it has distributed is insufficient—particularly for those in remote locations, where insecurity, travel restrictions, and poor road conditions are delaying the delivery of supplies.
Aid groups estimate that more than a quarter of a million civilians in seven regions of Myanmar have been displaced by clashes between the military and militias or fighting between ethnic armies in the four months since the junta coup.
The 226,000 displaced in 2021 join more than 500,000 refugees from decades of military conflict between the government military and ethnic armies who were already counted as internally displaced persons at the end of 2020, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, a Norwegian NGO..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Internal displacement/forced migration in Chin State, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Anti-coup protesters, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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Sub-title:
Just as during the decades-long civil war and recent elections, Myanmar’s ethnic minorities will be pivotal in the post-coup status quo
Description:
"The diverse ethnic minorities in Myanmar have a long and often troubled history with the Burmese military that seized power in Myanmar on February 1, 2021, spanning across the bloody civil war, as well as the country’s democratic reforms in the past decade. Ethnic relations and the delicate, changing balances of power between the Bamar majority, the Tatmadaw, the civilian government officials, and amongst themselves have long dictated the reality and prospects of Myanmar’s politics, peace, and prosperity.
In this policy paper, Michael Martin, a long-time Myanmar expert, traces the history of ethnic minorities in the 2008 constitution, the three ensuing parliamentary elections, and now the fluid and contentious political environment after the February 1 coup. Martin outlines three potential outcomes for the future of Myanmar, either federal democracy, fragmentation, or military power consolidation—all of whose outcomes intrinsically depend on the complex political and security dynamics of the ethnic minorities dispersed across the country.....About this Series: This paper is part of Stimson’s Civil-Military Relations in Myanmar series, which seeks to analyze the complex relationship between the civilian and military sides of the Burmese government and the implications for the country’s future peace and development. Since the founding of the country, the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, has held a unique and privileged status across institutions of power. And despite movement toward democracy in the past decade, the relationship between the civilian and military sides remains deeply unsettled. This contest for power and the political, security, and constitutional crises it creates have had far-reaching effects on Myanmar’s political processes, its ongoing civil war, the Rohingya crisis, and regional peace and stability—a reality most recently and poignantly seen in the 2021 coup d’état staged by the Tatmadaw against the civilian government. The series brings together the expertise of leading experts on Myanmar, Southeast Asia, democratization, and policy to uncover the complex dynamics between the two sides. The series provides key insights and recommendations for disentangling the contentious relationship and charting a path forward for relevant stakeholders in Myanmar.
More than three months have passed since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Tatmadaw staged their palace coup in Myanmar (Burma), setting up a new military junta entitled the State Administrative Council (SAC). The actions of the nation’s ethnic minorities1 and their associated ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) will be critical if Min Aung Hlaing and the SAC are to be defeated, either by political or military means. The failure to secure the support of the ethnic minorities and their EAOs could either doom the people of Myanmar to many more years of oppressive military rule or lead to the fragmentation of the nation into several smaller sovereign states.
To properly appreciate the importance of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities and their EAOs to the nation’s future requires an examination of the country’s political developments since 2010, Min Aung Hlaing’s decision to depose the civilian side of the hybrid civilian-military Union Government, and the role of the ethnic minorities and their EAOs in determining Myanmar’s future. However, in order to understand why the ethnic minorities and the EAOs are so critical to Myanmar’s future, it is necessary to first examine the Tatmadaw’s original plan for the political transition of Myanmar into a “flourishing and disciplined democracy.”2.....The Tatmadaw’s Plan for Myanmar’s Political Transition: On August 30, 2003, Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt announced that Myanmar’s military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), would undertake a “seven-point roadmap for democracy.” 3 The roadmap called for the reconvening of a constitutional convention that was suspended in 1996, the drafting of a new constitution for the nation, the adoption of the constitution in a national referendum, the holding of nationwide parliamentary elections, and the transfer of power from the SPDC to the new government.4..."
Source/publisher:
The Stimson Center
Date of publication:
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2010 General Elections in Burma, The 2015 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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"The top lawyer for Myanmar's deposed leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, voiced concern on Friday that she had no legal representative listed in the case against her brought by the military junta for breaking the Official Secrets Act.
Khing Maung Zaw said the Supreme Court had announced cases to be heard on June 23 against Suu Kyi and four others, including her Australian economic adviser, Sean Turnell, but had listed all of them as representing themselves.
"We have concerns that they won't have any legal representatives and there won't be any transparency with hearing," Khin Maung Zaw told Reuters.
"Normally, they should contact the defendants and need to give the opportunity to the defendants to contact their lawyers before they announce the case."
Reuters was unable to reach the Supreme Court or a junta spokesman for comment.
The secrets charges are the most serious ones facing Suu Kyi, 75, and could mean a 14-year jail sentence. She appeared in court for the first time since the coup this month on lesser charges, which include breaking COVID-19 protocols.
No explanation has been given for taking the secrets case directly to the Supreme Court, whose verdict cannot be appealed.
The army overthrew Suu Kyi on Feb. 1, cutting short a decade of democratic reforms that resulted from a long campaign for democracy that made her a national heroine and won her the Nobel peace prize.
The army accused Suu Kyi's party of fraud in its massive victory in a November 2020 election, accusations dismissed by monitors and the then electoral commission.
Suu Kyi is among more than 4,500 people who have been detained since the coup, which has plunged Myanmar into chaos - with daily protests, paralysing strikes and a resurgence of ethnic conflicts..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Defenders, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"The Elders today called on the international community to intensify pressure on the military leadership in Myanmar to prevent the country descending into endemic violence and state failure.
The UN, ASEAN and other regional and international actors must urgently step up their level of engagement to prevent consolidation of the coup, and give their full backing to a return to democratic, civilian rule.
The Elders warned that the cost of inaction is high, as can be seen from other protracted conflicts worldwide and their humanitarian consequences. Although international media attention on Myanmar is receding, state violence, repression and coercion continue to be systematically deployed against civilians who stand up against the coup.
More than 800 people have been killed by security forces since 1 February, and violence is escalating in many parts of the country. The impact of the crisis on health, education and other basic services has been devastating, and the economy is on the verge of collapse. Teachers who have been striking as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement have reportedly faced suspensions and threats by the military ahead of today’s deadline for public schools to reopen, risking further tensions and violence.
Mary Robinson, Chair of The Elders and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said:
“Myanmar is currently on a dangerous path towards state failure. The international community must stand firm in opposition to the military coup. Allowing the coup to succeed through inaction and disregard would further undermine the international rules-based order upon which global stability depends. Regional states and international organisations, notably the UN, should use all the tools at their disposal to convince the military of the urgent need for constructive dialogue between all relevant parties, as the only way out of the crisis."
The Elders noted that divisions within the UN Security Council continue to impede concerted action, and they urged its Permanent Members to enable the Council to fulfil its obligation under the United Nations Charter to maintain global peace and security.
Within the region, more than a month has passed since the ASEAN summit in Jakarta on 24 April, without visible progress on implementation of the commitments in the five-point plan. ASEAN must hold Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, accountable for his adherence to the commitments agreed in Jakarta, without preconditions.
Ban Ki-moon, Deputy Chair of The Elders and former UN Secretary-General, said:
"Unfortunately, ASEAN is failing to live up to its mandate and responsibilities. It must now step up and play the crucial role expected of it by countries around the world in the resolution of this crisis. A visit by a high-level ASEAN delegation, to initiate dialogue with all parties, is long overdue. Myanmar’s regional neighbours have the levers in their hands to change the trajectory of this crisis. Now is the time to use them."
The Elders warned that the State Administrative Council established following the coup does not have the legitimacy or authority to govern Myanmar. The threat by the military-appointed Union Election Commission to dissolve the National League for Democracy, which won an overwhelming majority in elections last November, only diminishes the junta’s legitimacy even further and exposes their fear of Myanmar’s people.
The Elders reaffirmed their solidarity with the people of Myanmar, including those living outside its borders, in their quest for a better future based on democratic freedom, inclusion and prosperity..."
Source/publisher:
The Elders
Date of publication:
2021-06-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, ASEAN-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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354.92 KB
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"On 1 June, it will be four months since a military coup overthrew Myanmar's elected government.
Tens years of democratic reforms have been upended and bloody attempts to silence opposition have shocked the world.
Those on the front line attempting to stand up to the regime are trying to delicately navigate through a new life of protest and safety.
While pro-democracy demonstrations have mostly left the streets, the movement against the junta exists through other means of expression in other realms.
In particular, it has made being an artist in Myanmar a dangerous business.
"I'm sorry that I couldn't turn my camera… messy situation right here", illustrator Raven told RTÉ News over a secure line.
Raven is one of many artists in Myanmar’s largest city Yangon who have been using art as a weapon against the country’s ruling junta, by exploring a digital canvas to showcase political messages against the February coup.
Protests through paint, illustrations, images and words are a more secure place of demonstration, away from the violence on the streets.
However, that is not to say it doesn’t come with its own risks. The sheer level and reach of this expression caught those in power off guard which has led to a clampdown to squeeze out any opposition voices.
According to artists in Myanmar, art studios have been burnt down and state-sponsored news channels broadcast arrest warrant lists regularly that include influencers, actors, film makers, artists and graphic designers.
The New York Times has reported that four poets have been killed and dozens imprisoned in the last couple of months.
Poet Khet Thi, whose work declared resistance to the military, died in detention recently. His family said that his body was returned with the organs removed.
Raven has a reluctance to give anything away about herself, out of fear for her safety.
While working a full-time job she has been leading a double life, shielding herself online by using a fake name so she can "work harder and longer".
She said: "I have been protesting physically on the streets, but when the shooting became serious and brutal, I kind of stopped going outside in person.
"I've been illustrating a lot of stuff every day…listening to people listening to their stories, their ideas and trying to illustrate them and spread the message because it's the only thing you know I can do."
Demonstrations against the coup have been the largest and bloodiest in decades.
Myanmar was ruled by the armed forces from 1962 until 2011, when a new government began ushering in a return to civilian rule.
However in February, the junta seized control again following a general election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party won by a landslide.
It was a vote the military claimed was rigged. Hundreds of people, including children, have been killed in the last four months.
While the streets have become too risky for protest, the pro-democracy movement continues to live through art in the online world.
The Hunger Games' three-fingered salute has become one of the major symbols, a defiant pose that gripped demonstrators from the beginning with interpretations of the move making its way through digital art.
"Our objective is trying to reflect the people's voices as much as we can so that other people see it, hear it, because not everybody can go out" said Nyi Maw, a Myanmar filmmaker.
He continued: "[The three-fingered salute] is a symbol that people can hold onto. It aligns with the people who in the beginning were demanding the three main objectives: to get democracy, to release the leaders, and to give the people's power back to the people".
Red, the colour of danger, anger and violence, floods most of the imagery.
Art collectives like the Raise Three Fingers group in Yangon have been founded through the frustration by artists and creatives - hoping to bring the global art community together and highlight the crisis happening in the country.
"Clearly art has some kind of power, right? Because it's causing some kind of fear in the eyes of the junta" said a representative from the group to RTÉ News, who is also on the call with Raven.
"We know that art is powerful because it transcends language", they said.
"It can, it's emotional. It can get people to act. You don't need words, right? Anyone can feel moved by a piece of art you might ask", they added.
The Raise Three Fingers (RTF) group lives online with creatives posting their work anonymously from countries around the world, in solidarity with the movement.
TikTok, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram have served as platforms to spread their message far and wide, allowing this movement and many others, to grow, flourish and connect with users globally.
They say access to the world at their finger trips has helped keep the situation in Myanmar on people’s agenda.
It is what separates it radically from the previously pro-democracy movements that have come before in Myanmar.
Unlike the revolutions of 1988 and 2007, the current protests in Myanmar are being led by a digitally savvy generation using hashtags, memes, visual graphics and social media to fight and shape the direction of the movement on a day-to-day basis.
More than a decade ago SIM cards were exceptionally expensive, but after a series of reforms in the country during Aung San Suu Kyi’s time in government, this opened up the digital domain to the people of Myanmar.
"There are figures to show that there are more SIM cards than people in Myanmar. In fact, Facebook is the internet in Myanmar and that's the way in which people, particularly the young, process news", Vijaya Nidadavolu, a gender and development specialist who recently worked in the country, told RTÉ News.
Even now with regular patchy internet access, creatives have the ability to organise, engage and spread the message online across interactive communities.
They can paint, draw, sculpt, animate, sing or dance and share works instantly within their networks through digital platforms.
"The revolutions in 1988 and 2007 was very different because we didn't have this type of access to the Internet. But now it feels like the playing field is different because since day one of the coup, we saw that there was a huge outpouring of art. People were able to like organise protests around a certain theme and get people together", said the RTF spokesperson in Yangon.
This online world of protest has also opened up the movement to more diverse voices.
Iconography surrounding other political mobilisations revolved solely around the figure of politician Aung San Suu Kyi, who became famous in the late 1980s for campaigning to restore democracy.
In 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi led the NLD to victory in Myanmar's first openly contested election in 25 years.
Posters, calendars and billboards all carried her image prominently as a symbol of hope as she spent nearly 15 years in detention between 1989 and 2010, after organising rallies calling for democratic reform and free elections.
"There was no alternative imagery in the public domain," said Vijaya Nidadavolu.
"The current protests have enabled a diverse set of other voices to express themselves and seize the political space, including through art. Aung San Suu Kyi’s image is not the only visible symbol of protest. People are rallying around a diversity of images and iconography, which is a defining feature of the current protest", Ms Nidadavolu added.
That changing political landscape can be seen in the art that has been produced and floods the Raise Three Fingers website.
"It's making room for diversity and inclusion and reparations for a lot of communities, including for the Rohingya communities" said the Raise Three Fingers spokesperson.
"So I think people are making different demands. It's not just about get rid of the dictatorship, we want democracy. We want a better democracy because the democracy we had before failed us", they said.
According to the RTF, Generation Z have been the most active as they have known nothing other than a country moving towards a free nation.
It’s in stark contrast to other age groups who have only gotten a taste of life outside a dictatorship, some of whom are disappointed with Aung San Suu Kyi's record and are still haunted by previous regimes.
"We want this to be the last generation under a dictatorship because we're sick of it quite frankly. For even young adults like me, it just feels like you have to do something because you don't want to go through this anymore", they said.
However, four months since the military coup, the junta still holds a tight grip on the Myanmar and Aung San Suu Kyi remains detained after being hit with a string of criminal charges including flouting coronavirus restrictions during last year's election campaign and possessing unlicensed walkie-talkies.
Social media may offer an alternative reality and solace for those who are trying to keep the pro-democracy movement alive as life on the streets of Yangon and elsewhere are still very different and difficult.
The spokesperson from RTF said: "I feel like I was more confined than during Covid. At least during Covid, if I had my mask on and I was keeping safe, I could go out [and] see friends. But now you know I'll go to the grocery store and I'll visit my parents house and that's about it.
"For for some people life has returned to normal. I see people eating at restaurants."
Many are living with a constant fear of being arrested.
"They're still stopping people checking cars in this street, and there is a feeling of constant anxiety, knowing that you could be arrested at any moment for everything. For having a phone, for having social media accounts" they added.
For Raven, she still puts her pen to digital paper every day with the hope that her images will keep the spirit of the movement alive.
"I definitely believe that we're going to win because we have to. Otherwise it will never win" she said..."
Source/publisher:
RTÉ News
Date of publication:
2021-05-30
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Political History, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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" Myanmar’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi appeared in court in person Monday for the first time since the military arrested her when it seized power on Feb. 1, Myanmar media reported.
One of her lawyers, Min Min Soe, told The Associated Press by phone that Suu Kyi was able to meet with her defense team before her hearing began at a special court set up inside the city council building in Naypyitaw, the capital. The hearing’s purpose was procedural.
The lawyers also met with Win Myint, who was president in the government that Suu Kyi led as state counsellor, and a defendant on some of the same charges she faces.
Suu Kyi had been charged with several criminal offenses, but her only previous court appearances had been by video link, and she had not been allowed to meet in person with any of her lawyers.
Min Min Soe said Suu Kyi had a message for Myanmar’s people to the effect that her National League for Democracy party would stand by them.
“The main thing (she said) is that she always wishes good health and well-being for all the people, and she also said that since the NLD was founded for the people, the NLD will exist as long as the people exist,” said Min Min Soe said after the hearing.
“She looks fresh, healthy and full of confidence,” she added.
Monday’s hearing concerned several of the six charges Suu Kyi faces.
These are two counts of violating the Natural Disaster Management Law for violating COVID-19 pandemic restrictions during the 2020 election campaign; illegally importing walkie-talkies that were for her bodyguards’ use; unlicensed use of the radios; and spreading information that could cause public alarm or unrest.
The most serious charge that Suu Kyi faces is breaching the colonial-era Official Secrets Act, which carries a penalty of up to 14 years’ imprisonment, but that is being handled by a separate court.
Suu Kyi’s supporters say the proceedings against her are politically motivated and meant to try to legitimize the military’s seizure of power and discredit her. If convicted of any of the offenses, she could be banned from running in the election that the junta has said it will hold within one or two years of its takeover.
The military ousted Suu Kyi’s government less than three months after her National League for Democracy party won a landslide victory in a general election that would have given it a second five-year term in office. Before the start of democratic reforms a decade ago, Myanmar was ruled by the military for 50 years.
The junta claims it was justified in taking power because of alleged widespread electoral fraud, especially irregularities in the voting lists.
The Asian Network for Free Elections, a non-partisan poll watching organization, in a report issued last week rejected the military’s allegations of massive fraud, saying the results of last November’s voting were representative of the will of the people.
On Friday, however, the head of Myanmar’s military-appointed state election commission said his agency will consider whether to dissolve Suu Kyi’s former ruling party for alleged involvement in electoral fraud and whether those involved “should be punished as traitors.”
The junta has accused Suu Kyi of corruption and presented on state television what it said was evidence that she took bribes, but has so far only said it intends to pursue charges for that offense. Her lawyers dismiss the allegations.
Several cases are also pending against other senior members of Suu Kyi’s party in addition to Win Myint, the ousted president.
Australian economist Sean Turnell, who served as Suu Kyi’s adviser and was also detained on the day of the army’s takeover, has been charged with violating the Official Secrets Act..."
Source/publisher:
"Associated Press" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-05-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
About Aung San Suu Kyi, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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more
Description:
"The European Union on Sunday denounced a proposal by Myanmar's junta-appointed election commission to dissolve deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), which overwhelmingly won the general election in November.
"If the Commission were to proceed with this proposal, it would show yet again the junta's blatant disregard for the will of Myanmar's people and for due legal process," a spokeswoman of the EU's executive Commission said in a statement.
On Friday, media cited the chairman of the junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC), Thein Soe, as saying the panel would have to dissolve the NLD for committing vote fraud in the November election.
Myanmar's army seized power on Feb. 1, overthrowing and detaining the elected civilian leader Suu Kyi, who led a non-violent struggle against dictatorship in the last two decades of the military's 1962-2011 rule of Myanmar.
The military justified its coup by accusing the NLD of obtaining a landslide victory through a manipulated vote, though the electoral commission at that time rejected its complaints. The NLD says it won fairly.
The EU echoed the NLD's position, underscoring the party's victory had been confirmed by all independent domestic and international observers.
"No repression or unfounded pseudo-legal proceedings can grant legitimacy to the junta’s illegal takeover of power," the spokeswoman for the EU Commission said.
"The EU will continue to denounce all attempts to overturn the will of the Myanmar people and to alter the outcome of the last general elections."..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Articles on the NLD, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
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Description:
"We have heard the statement of U Thein Soe, the junta-appointed chairman of the Union Election Commission, according to which the Commission may dissolve the National League for Democracy, which overwhelmingly won the last general elections in November.
If the Commission were to proceed with this proposal, it would show yet again the junta’s blatant disregard for the will of Myanmar’s people and for due legal process.
The EU reiterates that the elections in November faithfully represented the will of Myanmar’s people. This was confirmed by all independent domestic and international observers. No arbitrary decision by the military junta and their illegally-appointed members of the Electoral Commission can cancel that.
The EU will continue to denounce all attempts to overturn the will of the Myanmar people and to alter the outcome of the last general elections. No repression or unfounded pseudo-legal proceedings can grant legitimacy to the junta’s illegal takeover of power. Only respecting the will of the people can bring Myanmar back onto its democratic path and deliver stability and sustainable development..."
Source/publisher:
European External Action Service
Date of publication:
2021-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
European Union-Burma relations - European Parliament, Articles on the NLD, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Senior leaders of the pro-democracy party say the move was inconsistent with its stance on the military takeover
Description:
"A decision by People’s Party chair Ko Ko Gyi to attend a meeting convened by a junta-appointed election body on Friday has cost the party more than a third of its senior leaders.
Seven of the party’s 20 central executive committee members have resigned over the move, according to co-founder Ye Naing Aung, who was among those who stepped down.
The two men, who have known each other since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, were divided over whether to accept an invitation from the Union Election Commission (UEC) to attend the meeting.
“I expressed the view that we shouldn’t accept, because it wasn’t in line with the will, desires, or expectations of the people,” Ye Naing Aung told Myanmar Now.
“However, a majority decided to attend the meeting. Since I couldn’t accept that decision, I resigned as the party’s secretary,” he said.
Aye Aye Khaing, another CEC member, confirmed that she also resigned for the same reason.
“Some members of our party have been arrested. Some of my friends have lost their children. I could not turn my back on them and meet with election officials appointed by this junta,” she said.
According to Ye Naing Aung, there were also many resignations from the party’s more than 80 township-level branch offices, especially in Mandalay Region.
Myo Aung, the secretary of the party’s office in Kayin State’s Myawaddy Township, told Myanmar Now that he simply could not accept Ko Ko Gyi’s justification for the decision.
“It is impossible to form a federal union just by cooperating [with the junta]. What they did was unacceptable to the entire country and very evil,” he said, noting that the regime has killed more than 800 people since seizing power on February 1.
He added that regional party officials were not given an opportunity to express their views on the subject or even informed about the decision.
The meeting on Friday was the second convened by the UEC since the regime replaced all of its members with its own appointees soon after the coup.
The People's Party rejected an invitation to the first meeting, held in late February, because the newly formed UEC “did not try to resolve issues related to the results of the 2020 multi-party democratic general election in accordance with the law,” the party said at the time.
Ko Ko Gyi acknowledged that party’s current stance was “more dangerous”.
"The path we have chosen now is more arduous and more dangerous. We have to act with political courage and political faith,” he told Myanmar Now.
He reiterated that a majority of the party’s CEC members were behind the decision to attend Friday’s meeting and added that it would not compromise the party's pro-democracy principles.
Ko Ko Gyi did not comment on the resignations of the members, but said that many party members expressed their support on social media.
“With other like-minded people, a political party must continue,” he said.
Formed in 2018, the People's Party has about 100,000 members. In addition to its township-level branch offices, it has around 400 quarter/village-level offices.
The party fielded more than 150 candidates in the 2020 general election but did not win any seats.
Ko Ko Gyi contested a lower house seat representing Yangon’s South Okkalapa Township, but was defeated by a candidate from the National League for Democracy (NLD).
The NLD went on to win a landslide victory in the election, but was ousted by military before it could begin its second term in power.
The military used unfounded allegations of electoral fraud as a pretext for overthrowing the NLD government.
Soon after seizing power, the regime reorganized the UEC and appointed former military judge advocate-general Thein Soe to act as its chair.
Thein Soe previously served as chair of the UEC during the 2010 election, which most observers regarded as rigged in favour of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).
The NLD boycotted that election, but soundly defeated the incumbent USDP government five years later. It performed even more strongly in last year’s election..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Burma/Myanmar's political parties, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"ASEAN’s capacity to spearhead a collective response to a regional crisis was tested at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting (ALM) in Jakarta on 24 April following the February coup in Myanmar. Facing backlash for its decision to invite Myanmar’s military junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing to the event, the stakes were high for ASEAN to find a unified stance on Myanmar’s rogue behaviour. But it was Indonesia’s leadership that made possible the resulting five-point consensus.
Hours before the release of the ALM chairman’s statement, Indonesian President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo held a press conference outlining Indonesia’s position on Myanmar, which resembled the final draft of ASEAN’s collective statement. Several differences between Indonesia and the ALM chairman’s statement stand out.
First, Jokowi conveyed that the situation in Myanmar is ‘unacceptable and cannot be allowed to continue’. The watered-down ALM statement stated a ‘deep concern on the situation in the country, including reports of fatalities and escalation of violence’.
Second, Jokowi called on the military government in Myanmar to cease its use of violence, while the ALM statement made no direct reference to the junta.
Third, Jokowi called for political prisoners to be released. The ALM chairman’s statement worded this as: ‘we also heard calls for the release of all political prisoners including foreigners’.
One of the biggest shortcomings of the ASEAN five-point consensus is the absence of a call for the junta to honour the results of the 2020 general elections that the National League for Democracy (NLD) won in a landslide. While Jokowi emphasised the Myanmar people as Indonesia’s priority, General Min Aung Hlaing’s inclusion in the ALM dashes any hope of restoring a pre-coup state of affairs. The ALM chairman’s statement confirms this.
The ALM was convened on 19 March — five weeks after Jokowi called for an ASEAN special summit to discuss the political crisis in Myanmar. While the meeting was being arranged, the Myanmar military’s violent crackdown against protesters and civilians continued, with at least 739 deaths and 3331 arrests as of 21 April.
ASEAN’s collective stance on the Myanmar political crisis differs from its response during Myanmar’s 2007 Saffron Revolution. When anti-government protests grew in number across Myanmar in September 2007, the military government responded violently, culminating in an ASEAN chairmanship statement three weeks later. The statement singled out the Myanmar military government and expressed revulsion for what had transpired.
Yet despite Indonesia’s best efforts, the ALM chairman’s statement is less assertive than it was in 2007. Naypyidaw’s detachment from ASEAN after forfeiting its chairmanship position in 2006 encouraged ASEAN and its key member states at the time — Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines — to ensure that Myanmar ameliorated its human rights record before it was trusted with further engagement in ASEAN-led processes.
Aside from the flaws in the ALM statement, there are also challenges to its implementation. Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi has managed to find common ground among ASEAN member states on the ongoing political crisis in Myanmar — first at an Informal ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (IAMM) through shuttle diplomacy and subsequently in preparation for the ALM.
The night before the ALM, Marsudi hosted a working dinner with ASEAN counterparts in making final preparations for the leaders’ meeting. Though the leaders of Thailand, the Philippines and Laos were absent from the ALM, a consensus was reached on how to prevent the situation in Myanmar from destabilising the wider region.
Now that ASEAN has articulated a regional response to the situation in Myanmar, it needs to ensure that the junta adheres to the first two points of its five-point consensus — halting the violence and facilitating constructive dialogue between concerned parties. The other three points also require continuous commitment from ASEAN including Myanmar to appoint an ASEAN special envoy, facilitate humanitarian assistance and advance dialogue.
While the implementation of ASEAN’s five-point consensus is still too early to assess, ASEAN must display a tangible commitment to its framework for peace and stability in the region. This is where Indonesia’s role and leadership within ASEAN should be nurtured.
As the regional powerhouse in Southeast Asia, Indonesia is no stranger to advancing initiatives to strengthen political stability in the region. These include former president Megawati Sukarnoputri’s leadership to finalise the ASEAN Political-Security Community, former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s incorporation of democratic principles in Indonesian foreign relations through the Bali Democracy Forum and President Jokowi’s adoption of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.
In a climate where Indonesia and ASEAN depend on one another to preserve peace and stability in Southeast Asia, ASEAN needs to remain the cornerstone of Indonesian foreign policy — no matter who its president is.
Gibran Mahesa Drajat is a Doctoral Researcher at the Graduate School of Global Studies, Sophia University, Tokyo, and a Lecturer of International Relations at President University, Cikarang, Indonesia..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2021-05-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Indonesia-Burma relations, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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"Michael Lidauer explores electoral politics in Myanmar: The Tatmadaw sought to legitimise the 1 February 2021 coup d’état – which occurred hours before the newly elected parliament was about to convene – with one key narrative: that the November 2020 elections were marred by widespread fraud.[1] To counter this argument, twelve civil society organisations released a statement four days prior to the coup, declaring that “the elections were credible and reflected the will of the majority voters” (PACE 2021). Indeed, no evidence has become available that any electoral materials were tampered with.....The electoral narrative of the coup: The Tatmadaw has commented on weaknesses in the electoral process at several times before and even more so after the elections, referring inter alia to the question of organising elections under the conditions of Covid-19 and inconsistencies in the voter lists. Before the electoral campaign period, in August 2020, the Commander-in-Chief discussed with a delegation of political parties their concerns (The Irrawaddy, 15 August 2020). Although accepting the election results immediately after election day, the military fielded numerous objections regarding the elections and rejected the results during the weeks leading to the coup, and recapitulate this in their public communications (cf. Tea Circle Oxford, 9 March 2021). It ultimately blamed the government, not only the election administration, for shortcomings.[2]
Apart from the President, the State Counsellor and other governmental protagonists, the Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman and members were arrested, and a new commission was appointed few days after the coup. In fact, the UEC became the single-most targeted institution with arrests and interrogations (AAPP 2021). Since then, the newly appointed UEC – headed by the same Chairman who was in charge of organising the 2010 elections – appears to build a body of evidence to substantiate the military’s claims of electoral fraud with publications about voter list data and ballots used in the 2020 elections in the Global New Light of Myanmar which yet await a closer analysis.
Given the unfolding dramatic events of civilian resistance, heavy-handed responses by the security apparatus, and the struggle for international recognition of legitimate actors, this appears of a lesser significance in the current situation. However, the underlying electoral narrative is likely to become reinvigorated if the Tatmadaw keeps to the idea of organising fresh elections, as announced in the Five-Point Road Map of the State Administration Council, coupled with proposals to change the electoral system.
This article seeks to look beyond claims of manipulation and provide more nuanced perspectives. While the elections have generated credible results, there were nevertheless a number of challenges related to long-standing weaknesses in the legal framework, political competition, and the dynamics generated by the Covid-19 pandemic, all of which are important to keep in mind for a more comprehensive understanding of the recent electoral process.
What is more, the organisation of elections reveals frictions in civil-military relations among Burmese elites from which ethnic minorities suffer as a consequence. As Myanmar people on all fronts oppose a new military regime and as the armed forces exercise their powers against the population, this article aims to recollect some elements of the electoral process preceding the coup, in the hopes of contributing to an understanding of the ongoing situation and of gathering lessons learned for times when elections in Myanmar will again be under scrutiny.
One such element is the cancellation of elections in parts of the country, a complex phenomenon that defies a simplistic explanation. Its analysis helps to understand majority-minority as well as civil-military relations even beyond the electoral process. Ahead of election day, on 8 November 2020, the polls were locally cancelled in many more locations than during previous elections, which resulted in disenfranchisement, political controversies, and diminished trust in the election administration (cf. ANFREL 2021: 45-51). However, while disenfranchisement was much debated, it was not a new phenomenon.....Varieties of disenfranchisement: In Myanmar, electoral disenfranchisement pertains to multiple processes of exclusion from the ballot, affecting people in various ways. These systemic deficiencies have been part of the electoral legal framework since long and were no novelty to the 2020 elections. Disenfranchisement extends inter alia to voters who are not at their place of residence at the time of the elections but elsewhere in the country or abroad. This may concern the diaspora, refugees, migrant workers, students or other travellers, although procedures exist for those who are temporarily registered at a new place and could therefore “transfer” their ballot. Persons who are forcibly displaced by conflict (namely internally displaced persons, or IDPs) often cannot take part in the polls, as authorities repeatedly failed to develop and implement a consistent and effective policy for IDP inclusion at the ballot box.
Voting for IDPs was discussed ahead of the 2015 general elections, but was largely overlooked by national and international audiences, whose attention focused on the overall success of the election and its result, leading to a peaceful transition of power to a government led by the National League for Democracy. More debated – but not significantly tainting the perceptions of an overall well-run process at that time either – was the legal disenfranchisement of predominantly Muslim voters and candidates, preceding the mass exodus of the Rohingya to Bangladesh in 2017. The highly contentious Rakhine State politics during the last term ultimately altered how Myanmar was seen in the world.
The recently published article “Boundary Making in Myanmar’s Electoral Process: Where elections do not take place” discusses both the processes of “legal denial” for Muslim voters and candidates as well as the lack of voting opportunities for IDPs during the 2015 elections. It is part of the forthcoming Modern Asian Studies Special Issue on “Border Governance: Reframing Political Transition in Myanmar and Beyond”, edited by Kirsten McConnachie, Elaine Lynn-Ee Ho and Helene Kyed. The article also discusses election cancellations, which occurred ahead of the general elections in 2010 and 2015, but did not stir much controversy at that time. Despite affecting approximately half a million voters in 2015 – the phenomenon of election cancellations remained little understood. However, without further specifications in the legal framework and without transparent criteria for cancelling or postponing the polls, election cancellations occurred again in 2020, but this time attracted much more attention and controversial debates.....Election cancellations in 2020: Myanmar’s legislation allows for localised election postponements due to risk of violence or natural disasters. While such decisions are usually informed by state institutions in the security sector and by election sub-commissions, the ultimate authority to cancel and postpone elections lies with the Union Election Commission.[3] The UEC is the constitutionally mandated body tasked with organising and overseeing elections. The UEC Chairperson and commissioners are appointed by the President. In addition to a permanent secretariat in Nay Pyi Taw, there are sub-commissions at state/region, district and township level. At the local level, the UEC relies strongly on personnel from other state institutions including from the General Administration Department (GAD) which until 2019 was under the authority of the military-led Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA) and only then became part of the Ministry of the Union Government under civilian administration (cf. Lidauer and Saphy 2014; Renshaw and Lidauer forthcoming).
The cancellation or postponement of elections has different electoral consequences, depending on the size of the administrative unit concerned. Vacant seats in the legislature occur only where elections are cancelled for entire constituencies; in this case the need for by-elections arises. Conversely, the partial cancellation of elections in a number of wards or village tracts smaller than a constituency does not translate into vacant seats, but leads to the disenfranchisement of voters residing in the cancelled areas, as the election goes ahead regardless of their participation (Lidauer 2021). Vacant seats in the hluttaws at national level proportionally increase the voting powers of military representatives for whom 25 per cent of the seats are reserved.[4]
On 16 October, the UEC announced the cancellation of elections in a number of electoral constituencies where “free and fair elections cannot be held” (UEC Announcement 192/2020). While this timing and reasoning followed the pattern of similar announcements in 2015, the scale of these cancellations was unprecedented. Elections were cancelled for nine entire townships in Rakhine State and six entire townships in Shan State, as well as for 581 additional wards and village tracts in these States together with Kachin, Kayin and Mon States and Bago Region.[5]
The cancellations resulted in 15 vacant seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (nine in Rakhine, six in Shan), seven vacant seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw (all Rakhine), as well as 32 vacant seats in states’ legislatures (20 in Rakhine, 12 in Shan). Based on data shared by the UEC, over 1.2 to 1.3 million voters did not have the opportunity to vote as a result of the cancellations, and 189 candidates (who had already started campaigning) lost the possibility to contest these elections.....Reasons and reactions: These decisions caused strong reactions among political parties and civil society organisations, with allegations of gerrymandering in Rakhine State. Several parties questioned the UEC’s impartiality in this process, demanded more transparency and consultations, called for ethnic voting rights to be protected, and for the decisions to be reconsidered. On 27 October, eleven days after the first announcement, the UEC made further cancellations public, notably for Paletwa township in Chin State[6] – raising the overall number of constituencies without elections to 54 – and revoked some of the earlier decisions. These additional announcements did not help to improve perceptions and trust in the UEC, but hardened the belief that its decisions would favour the incumbent.
The UEC decisions were criticised both for cancelling elections in some areas and for going ahead in others. In various areas, elections were in fact cancelled for different reasons, although on the same legal basis. The cancellation of four entire townships that form part of the Wa Self-administered Zone, and its ally in Mongla township – resulting in five vacant Pyithu Hluttaw seats and ten vacant State Hluttaw seats respectively – had been expected, as elections did also not take place there in 2010 and 2015. These are areas without any Myanmar governmental administration to prepare for elections, where a voter list had not been established, and no candidates had been enlisted.
The cancelled areas in Kachin State, Karen State and Eastern Bago Region (including one village tract of Mon State) followed a similar logic, as all these areas pertained to ceasefire areas under full or mixed control of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and have changed little since 2015, but did not result in vacant seats in any hluttaw. In Kachin State, elections were cancelled in fewer village tracts than in 2015 in a number of townships. In Kayin State, unlike in 2015, no elections were cancelled in Hlaingbwe township, and the cancelled areas were significantly reduced in Kyainseikgyi township. This was reportedly a result of negotiations between candidates and the election administration.
Partial election cancellations also occurred across Shan State. In southern Shan State, elections were cancelled entirely for Mongkaing township, where several EAOs are present. In northern Shan State, partial cancellations coincided with locations where armed conflict or tensions between the Tatmadaw, EAOs, and local militia had occurred. Kyaukme and Tangyan townships stood out with new cancelled areas while others were similar to 2015. In eastern Shan State, the cancelled areas corresponded to territories where the government has historically a weak presence.
In Rakhine State, where election cancellations were new, they were all argued for on the basis of security threats resulting from ongoing armed conflict between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army (AA). This included entire townships that ethnic parties and candidates considered safe, such as Pauktaw and Ponnagyun, and partial cancellations in other townships where only voters in small urban areas remained eligible to elect their respective representatives, such as in Taungup, Kyauk Phyu and Ann townships.[7] Widely held assumptions that all these cancellations would result in electoral outcomes favouring the NLD proved incorrect; in fact, ethnic parties secured the majority of elected seats in the Rakhine State Hluttaw despite the cancellations. The partial election cancellations in Paletwa township in Chin State, affecting a total of five electoral constituencies,[8] were also contentious.....High-level public disputes over the election cancellations: The UEC’s decision-making process regarding the election cancellations became a public point of controversy at a high political level, involving the Office of the President and the Tatmadaw, and resulting in mutual accusations of shortcomings between the military and civilian leadership. The UEC stated that several governmental offices, including MoHA and the Ministry of Defence, were consulted to arrive at the decisions where elections should be postponed. The Tatmadaw, while maintaining that the UEC is the only authority to decide whether to hold elections or not, outlined that the UEC’s announcements did not reflect the military’s advice (Eleven, 20 October 2020).
In fact, this issue – touching upon civilian administrative authority but also upon questions of security, the Tatmadaw’s domain – was not the first point in time that saw military discontent with the electoral process, but brought tensions between the civilian government and the armed forces in particular to the fore. These discussions exacerbated ethnic parties’ frustrations about the exclusion of their voters from the elections.....Impact on Rakhine State: In the immediate aftermath of the elections, the AA and Tatmadaw became unlikely allies in demanding that the cancelled polls should take place before the formation of the new hluttaws. In mid-December, this demand was supported by the President, and the Rakhine State sub-commission reportedly started preparations for by-elections (Radio Free Asia, 15 December 2020). For the AA, this was an opportunity to broaden their bargaining powers and increase their legitimacy. On the side of the Tatmadaw, the push for elections in Rakhine State was also interpreted as part of larger efforts to discredit the overall electoral process (The Irrawaddy, 20 January 2021). It was nevertheless unlikely that these elections would have taken place in the immediate aftermath, since, following amendments to the electoral laws in 2016 and 2019, by-elections for vacant seats cannot take place one year after and one year before general elections. In that context, by-elections seemed unlikely to happen before April-May 2022.
In the interim, the postponement of elections in Rakhine State appeared to generate an unexpected opportunity for a truce between the Tatmadaw and the AA (ICG, 23 December 2020); fighting ceased and tens of thousands were reportedly able to return home. In mid-January, the Rakhine State Hluttaw passed a proposal to urge the government to remove the “terrorist” designation of the AA. This designation, in place since March 2020, had been seen as an impediment to ceasefire negotiations. With an unusual expression of solidarity, Rakhine and Rohingya communities issued a joint declaration of mutual respect that emphasized not only elections for those areas where they were cancelled, but also for the Rohingya (Rohingya Today, 18 January 2021).....Reflecting on the elections in the light of the coup: All interpretations about reasons for the cancellations and effects of vacant seats as well as speculations about early by-elections and any opportunities that may have come from this situation were overtaken by the coup d’état of 1 February. Portraying itself as the guardian of electoral democracy, the military leadership deployed a narrative of electoral fraud to justify its takeover. The public controversies around the election cancellations were one element in a longer process of discrediting the 2020 elections.
The issue of election cancellations demonstrates that the 2020 electoral process has seen a number of challenges, inter alia related to decision making process in the state administration. Although the final decision about election cancellations remains with the UEC, sub-national offices charged with informing these decisions were reporting within different hierarchies in the context of electoral security, turning decisions on localised election cancellations into an area of civil-military co-ownership and co-dependency. The process of election cancellations in 2020 illustrates the problematic nature of this co-ownership, which did not occur as such in 2015 when the leadership of the election management body had more direct communication channels with the security apparatus. As a consequence, the situation resulted in opportunities to criticize the UEC, despite the fact that similar cancellations had occurred in previous elections albeit at different scale.
The cancellations shed light on loopholes in the system – here, the lack of clear procedures for postponing the polls – that were present both in the 2015 and the 2020 elections, and show how weaknesses in the regulatory framework for elections amplified the opposition between the civilian and military parts of the State ahead of the coup d’état, with detrimental effects on ethnic minorities.
Now is not the time to strive for electoral reforms, but debates about elections and suffrage rights in Myanmar are essential and will eventually return. At that time, the transparency and process of any necessary election cancellations should be enhanced with clear communications and consistent criteria for such decisions, alongside other issues pertaining to electoral integrity, accountability and inclusion that will be important to address..."
Source/publisher:
"Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Several Groups, Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians, Various groups, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) released the final comprehensive report of its international election observation mission to the 2020 Myanmar General Elections on 17 May 2021.
The 2020 Myanmar polls encountered several challenges including restrictions amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite the observed shortcomings, the outcome of the elections were deemed to reflect the true will of the electorate.
The members of the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house of Myanmar's national Parliament) were scheduled to convene for their swearing-in ceremony on 1 February 2021, but, the Myanmar military staged a coup and seized power from the civilian government alleging electoral fraud. Several key political figures and activists including President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the chair of the Union Election Commission (UEC) U Hla Thein, were arrested. The country was placed under state of emergency.
The people of Myanmar continue to resist military rule through peaceful protests across the country but such efforts have been met with violent crackdowns by the military arresting thousands and killing hundreds of people.
ANFREL recognizes the voice of the people of Myanmar and hopes this report illustrates the progress achieved by Myanmar as a democracy prior to the coup. ANFREL wishes that the country may soon return on the rightful path to an elected civilian government.
ANFREL deployed 13 long-term observers for 24 days, eight short-term observers for eight days, three Election Day observers, a core team based in Yangon, and four electoral analysts, one in Yangon and the rest working remotely. The observers were deployed in 13 out of 14 states and regions in Myanmar.
ANFREL's international election observation efforts follow a methodology based on international principles contained in documents such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Bangkok Declaration for Free and Fair Elections, and the Dili Indicators of Democratic Elections. ANFREL is a signatory of the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-05-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights and international relations, Political History
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Independent observers have rejected claims of voter fraud in Myanmar's 2020 election, three months after the military took power in a coup.
Description:
"The Asian Network for Free Elections said the outcome of the vote was "by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar".
The military has justified its February coup by alleging massive voter fraud, but provided no evidence.
The vote was won by Aung Sang Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.
Ms Suu Kyi and other elected officials were arrested on 1 February in a series of early morning military raids. She has only been seen by video link since.
The election observers' report described the military's decision to ignore the election results as "indefensible" .
Myanmar's military has yet to respond to the report. It has previously said it will hold new elections within two years.
The Asian Network for Free Elections, which had observers at more than 400 polling stations during November's vote, did acknowledge a number of "irregularities" in how the vote was held - but the said they were caused by the Covid-19 pandemic and a number of conflicts in the country at the time.
It also said those irregularities meant the election was not as free and fair as the previous vote in 2015.
But the outcome did represent the will of the people, the report concluded, and showed Myanmar's democracy was making progress.
"Despite the raging Covid-19 pandemic, 27.5 million people voted thanks to the hard work of polling staff and election or health officials; their voices cannot be silenced," the report said..."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-05-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"1. National Unity Government is leading the executive sector of Union of Republic of Myanmar exercising the mandate and powers conferred by the people of Myanmar in 2020 General Elections.
2. Council of terrorist military junta has seized the State Power from the people’s government and detained the leaders of the government in addition to the war crimes they are committing by violent torture and killings, arbitrary arrest and detention of the people resisting the military dictatorship, using extreme force including air strikes and bombing of ethnic armed revolutionary organizations and people working on federal democracy.
3. Armed forces of the council of terrorist military junta have failed to ensure the perpetuation of the sovereignty, human security of the people and respect and value for humanity; and they have harmed, disrupted and destroyed the lives and properties of the people in addition to blocking the building of federal democracy union as the political goal of the country.
4. In such a situation, National Unity Government has the responsibility to end the civil war of over seventy years, implement effective security sector reform and establish federal
democratic armed forces by controlling and ending the violent actions, military aggression and hostilities of military council.
5. Therefore, National Unity Government has officially established People Defence Forces as the forerunner essence of Federal Democratic Armed Forces on May 5, 2021.
Signed
Prime Minister
National Unity Government
Union of Republic of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
National Unity Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2021-05-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, National Unity Government (NUG)
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"In the early hours of February 1st, 2021, the Myanmar military known as the Tatmadaw seized power of the country. The coup led to the ousting of democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi and brought Myanmar's decade long experiment with democracy to a crashing halt. A mass uprising soon broke out across the country. The security forces responded by launching a brutal crackdown against the protesters, turning some areas of the capital, Yangon into battle zones.
But why did the army stage a coup and shatter the hopes and dreams of many of its citizens? Will the violence and protests in the streets help restore democracy in Myanmar?..."
Source/publisher:
"CNA Insider" (Singapore)
Date of publication:
2021-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Political History
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Sub-title:
The ITUC has welcomed the formation of a national unity government in Myanmar and called for it to be formally recognized by the United Nations, governments and inter-governmental bodies as the legitimate government of Myanmar.
Description:
"The government is composed of parliamentarians elected in November 2020, representatives of the ethnic nationalities, academics and others with specialist expertise.
Sharan Burrow, ITUC General Secretary, said: “This is the legitimate government of Myanmar reflecting the will of the people as expressed in the November elections. The international trade union movement recognises its legitimacy and so should the entire international community.
“The military junta, which is continuing its murderous campaign against the people of Myanmar, should be completely isolated. Governments should have nothing to do with it and all businesses must sever any economic ties they have with the military.
“Failure to do so means direct complicity in mass murder of people who yearn for democracy and freedom from violent oppression.”
The government includes U Win Myint as President, Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counsellor and Mahn Win Khaing Than as Prime Minister..."
Source/publisher:
International Trade Union Confederation (Brussels)
Date of publication:
2021-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Sub-title:
The cabinet includes 11 ministries and 26 members
Description:
"Myanmar’s acting vice-president was appointed interim prime minister on Friday by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a body formed of elected lawmakers from Myanmar’s ousted civilian government.
Mahn Win Khaing Than served as the speaker of the Upper House until the Aung San Suu Kyi-led civilian government was forced out in the February 1 military coup.
The CRPH announced the lineup of its interim cabinet members at an online press event on Friday. It includes a president, state counsellor, vice president, prime minister and 11 ministers for 12 ministries. There are also 12 deputy ministers appointed by the CRPH.
Of the 26 total cabinet members, 13 belong to ethnic nationalities, and eight are women.
Ousted president Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi retained their previous positions, but were still detained in military custody at the time of reporting.
Duwa Lashi La was appointed Vice President.
CRPH spokesperson Yee Mon, also known as Maung Tin Thit, has been named the defence minister with his deputies revealed as Khin Ma Ma Myo, the founder of the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security Studies, and Nai Kao Rot, an ethnic Mon politician.
Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who has been the acting minister for three cabinet positions (labour, immigration, and population; education; and health and sports) has become the interim head of two ministries: education and health.
Zin Mar Aung, an elected lawmaker and member of the CRPH was appointed foreign affairs minister.
Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe, the elected Karen ethnic affairs minister for Yangon Region, was appointed Minister of Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs. Her deputy is Ei Thinzar Maung, who competed in the 2020 elections as a Lower House candidate for Yangon’s Pabedan Township.
At 26 years old, Ei Thinzar Maung is the youngest interim cabinet member. She is a well known protest leader in the anti-coup resistance movement and a former member of the Democratic Party for a New Society.
Dr. Sasa, a member of the CRPH and Myanmar’s Special Envoy to the United Nations, has been appointed the Minister for International Cooperation.
The CRPH consists mainly of parliamentarians from the National League for Democracy (NLD) who were elected in Myanmar’s 2020 general election but were unable to take their seats in the legislature due to the February 1 military coup.
A CRPH member, who spoke to Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity, said on Thursday that the cabinet was formed with the agreement of multiple ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and would be in accordance with the political roadmap outlined in the Federal Democracy Charter.
The Federal Democracy Charter was published by the CRPH on March 31, the same day it announced that it had abolished the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.
The two-part charter lays out a plan to form an “interim national unity government,” the duties of which include working to “weaken the governance mechanisms” of the military regime, support the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), and make arrangements for “national defence.”
According to the political roadmap described in the first part of the charter, legislative and judicial bodies will be created after the formation of a national unity government. The charter also includes plans to establish a national convention to draft a new constitution, which would be approved only after a national referendum is held.
The charter states that the national unity government will govern under a parliamentary system and will include a prime minister, president, state counsellor and a vice-president.
Under the charter, there are also plans to establish a National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) to coordinate cooperation among federal democracy forces. The NUCC will include representatives of the CRPH, political parties, EAOs, civil society organisations and CDM groups.
Dr. Lian Hmung Sakhong, the appointed minister of federal union affairs, said at an online press conference on Friday afternoon that members of the NUCC would be announced within one week, although the council was originally supposed to have been formed at the same time as the interim cabinet.
He said that the members were trying to ensure that the council would be as inclusive as possible.
The interim cabinet was formed following a series of meetings between current CRPH members and the leaders of several EAOs and ethnic political parties, held after the previous NLD-led administration’s term officially expired on March 31.
The 20-page Federal Democracy Charter is based on an interim constitution drafted between 1990 and 2008 by NLD lawmakers elected in 1990 and ethnic armed forces in Myanmar’s border areas. This is the first time it has been unveiled to the public..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-04-16
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG), Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"On 1 February 2021, military television channel Myawaddy told the people of Myanmar that a state of emergency had been declared. President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, both senior members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), had been arrested.
Former vice president Myint Swe — now serving as President — used his constitutional authority to declare the state of emergency, then transferred state power to the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), Min Aung Hlaing.
The Tatmadaw claimed that widespread election fraud in the November 2020 elections resulted in the NLD landslide victory. On 2 February 2021, they announced that a new State Administrative Council had been formed to take over all state legislative, judicial and executive functions. This has been called a coup by most Western media.
After 10 years of varying levels of cooperation between the Tatmadaw and the NLD, the democratic transition has taken a serious U-turn. But given the strained relations between the Tatmadaw and the NLD — and given the fragility of all democratic transitions — the potential for such a reversal was always there, lingering in the shadows.
Most Western governments and media outlets were quick to denounce and condemn the Tatmadaw and tried to draw attention to what they saw as a slow and weak response from the Japanese government. Certainly, Japan was not included in the 15 February statement by ambassadors to Myanmar that called for the military to show restraint and condemned the detention of political leaders.
But Japan was a signatory to the G7 Foreign Minister’s statement on 3 February, ‘condemning the military coup’. On 21 February and again on 28 February, the Japanese government said it ‘strongly condemned’ the situation in Myanmar. In the same statement it said, ‘the government of Japan once again strongly urges the Myanmar military to release those who are detained … and swiftly restore Myanmar’s democratic political system’.
Leaving aside Western governments’ failures to facilitate positive change in Myanmar — and ignoring the high probability that they are merely appealing to domestic activist stakeholders at a relatively low political cost — Japan’s different approach to the coup in Myanmar does raise questions.
The day after the Tatmadaw took power, Japan’s State Minister of Defence Yasuhide Nakayama told Reuters, ‘If we do not approach this well, Myanmar could grow further away from politically free democratic nations and join the league of China’. This reveals the Japanese government’s understanding of the geostrategic significance of Myanmar in the region.
China’s increasing influence in Myanmar has long been a concern for Japanese leaders. Fear over increasing dependence on China was one of the factors that led to the Tatmadaw deciding to initiate political reforms and open up Myanmar in 2011. The government of Japan was instrumental in this process, facilitating re-engagement between the international community and the government of Myanmar.
On the condition that democratisation proceeded, Japan cancelled much of Myanmar’s outstanding debt in 2012. But more importantly perhaps, Japan provided a bridge loan to Myanmar to enable it to clear its arrears with the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank in the same year. This allowed these financial institutions to begin development aid and support the democratic transition of then-president Thein Sein.
Japan’s diplomacy should also be viewed within the framework of relations with ASEAN, a key strategic partner for Japan. Tokyo has spent decades investing in the stability and prosperity of Southeast Asian countries and Japan’s economy is heavily dependent on them. On 10 February there was a phone call between the foreign ministers of Japan and Indonesia, with the main issues discussed being the situation in Myanmar and issues related to the South China Sea and the East China Sea. For Japan — and for ASEAN alike — these issues are all linked.
The Japanese government’s approach to the coup in Myanmar is in some ways a middle road between the ‘distant’ Western states that prioritise human rights and democracy and the ‘local’ Asian states that prioritise stability and development. In this way, Japan is treading a fine line between its position as a liberal democracy and its dependence on stability and development in Southeast Asia. The overriding international concern for all states in Southeast Asia is China’s rise and responses to the coup in Myanmar are best understood within that framework..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2021-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Japan-Burma relations, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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Description:
"Since Myanmar’s coup on 1 February, Commander-in-Chief of the Tatmadaw General Min Aung Hlaing has been working to remake the country’s political landscape by removing the National League for Democracy (NLD), detaining its leadership and installing a military junta. But the success of the coup is not guaranteed, given the junta’s lack of control over parts of the state apparatus, population and spiralling economy.
The civil disobedience movement is spreading across key ministries. Staff from the Central Bank of Myanmar and commercial banks are striking and limitations placed on withdrawals indicate a looming liquidity crisis. Foreign trade is frozen with exports down by 90 percent. Medical professionals are striking and two-thirds of the country’s hospitals are not properly functioning during a pandemic. Some police have joined protests, refusing to do the dirty work of the military.
A groundswell of protests have swept across the country, with Myanmar’s tech-savvy youth proving to be a creative mobilising force the old guard has not faced before. As Min Aung Hlaing sports bulletproof vests in rare outings and uses state media to blast the civil disobedience movement and protesters, the junta’s own propaganda machine suggests the resistance is having an impact. Can the military maintain internal cohesion facing off against a nation and multiple crises? Based on 2020 election results, there may even be hints of support for the NLD within the military.
A number of possible scenarios are emerging with different enabling factors, not least of which is the Myanmar people’s sheer determination for democracy.
One scenario is a return to absolute military rule. The junta would use the crises, violence and coercion to remove any semblance of social order, and then present a false dichotomy to the population: anarchy or dictatorship. A delay in holding elections for several years would be justified under the guise of restoring stability.
A second scenario follows the path set by Min Aung Hlaing: hold elections within a year and reinstall a semi-elected parliament. The military has likely realised by now that the political system they designed under the Constitution does not guarantee its political victory. The military-backed Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP) has been unable to secure enough seats to outnumber the NLD, even with the advantage of a quarter of parliamentary seats being assigned to the military.
The junta may attempt to redesign the electoral system from first-past-the-post to proportional representation, framing this as an opportunity for ethnic and other political parties to gain more seats in a new election. A sham election could then take place with the NLD removed from the electoral map.
While ASEAN countries initially seemed tempted by this track, it does not provide a pathway to de-escalate resistance. A rigged military-run election would fail to transfer the electoral legitimacy voters bestowed on 2020-elected officials, some of whom have formed the Committee Representing the Union Parliament in opposition to the junta.
In another, third, scenario, the coup does not either clearly fail or succeed, creating a protracted crisis. For over 70 years, the Myanmar military has failed to win a number of asymmetric internal armed conflicts. The battle for state control would become another front line of drawn-out crises where the use of state-based violence breeds further resistance and new support for the civil disobedience movement.
A protracted crisis could also materialise if there is significant reorganising of power within the military leading to unforeseen contests. Potential stalemates due to the military and civilian blocs not recognising each other for negotiations, as called for by several ASEAN countries, could also prolong events.
In scenario four, the coup fails and there is a return to the hybrid government under the 2008 constitution, with NLD members released and the 2020 election results honoured, as called for by the United Nations and much of the international community. For the coup to fail, the civil disobedience movement would need to sustain popular and financial support and continue to impact the junta’s control over the economy and administration. This scenario hinges on support for Min Aung Hlaing’s leadership waning as multiple crises hit regular military families and businesses..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2021-03-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Topic:
civil disobedience movement, Coup, Democracy, Human Rights, military in politics, Min Aung Hlaing, National League for Democracy, November 8 general election, Rule of Law, State Administrative Council, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Tatmadaw, Yangon
Topic:
civil disobedience movement, Coup, Democracy, Human Rights, military in politics, Min Aung Hlaing, National League for Democracy, November 8 general election, Rule of Law, State Administrative Council, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Tatmadaw, Yangon
Description:
"What is the new normal for Myanmar today? As people have been trying different forms of civil disobedience to fight the military coup it has become a new normal in Myanmar.
The words “civil disobedience” comes from State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal before she was detained. She urged people to “oppose the military coup together in any way possible”. For her, as she often said, “the people are the most important force”.
A veteran journalist asked another National League for Democracy (NLD) leader, U Win Htein, about the message and what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wants people to do. U Win Htein said she wanted a civil disobedience movement rather than mass street protests because of COVID-19 and the potential for bloodshed.
As her message was not clear enough, people were puzzled about what to do.
NLD members have waited for instructions from the party’s central executive committee who are being held in Naypyidaw.
The strict hierarchy of the NLD left people feeling bereft on the first day of the coup. My 78-year-old mother kept asking me, “Is there any luck?” She cried the whole day because her beloved leader, “Mother Suu”, was detained. It is heartbreaking for her because she did not expect to return to military rule.
One day after the coup, people started banging pots and pans and honking car horns to oppose military rule. Banging pans is a traditional way of driving out ghosts. That initiative reached the international media and was dubbed the “drum revolution”.
Thais have followed suit in an attempt to drive out Thailand’s military regime.
But pots and pans are not enough for young citizens who have been hit the hardest by the forced internet shutdown ordered by the authorities. My son and his student friends have lost their online jobs, they cannot play virtual games and their online shopping businesses have folded.
Food Panda delivers lost their jobs as online ordering has broken down and most bank cards have stopped working because of connection failures. Shops only want cash as the banking system is unstable and the Grab taxi app just says, “no connection found”. The internet shut down is causing a long list of problems.
Facebook was blocked after the authorities forced telecoms operators to ban the most popular social media network. People immediately searched for virtual private networks (VPNs) to bypass Myanmar’s networks. Anti-coup posts and protest photos returned to Facebook..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2021-02-15
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Health Workers Strike, Rail Workers strike, Spring Revolution, General Strike, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Articles on the NLD, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports
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287.29 KB
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Sub-title:
National League for Democracy urges military to acknowledge 2020 election result
Description:
"The party of Aung San Suu Kyi has called for her immediate release and for Myanmar’s 2020 election results to be acknowledged by the military, which took power in a coup on Monday.
The country’s elected leader, who was among dozens of political figures picked up by the army, reportedly remains under house arrest.
The coup has provoked widespread outrage around the world, but China and Russia blocked British-led efforts at the UN security council to deliver a consensus statement condemning the military takeover.
The streets of Myanmar’s main city, Yangon, were calm on Tuesday, but online many people turned their social media pictures red to signal their support for Aung San Suu Kyi, who won a landslide victory in November’s elections. In the evening, residents banged metal pots, a symbolic protest against the military, which previously ran Myanmar for some five decades. Some lit candles on their balconies.
A growing civil disobedience campaign has also emerged among doctors, with health workers from dozens of hospitals across Myanmar stating they will not work under the military, starting from Wednesday.
A statement on the Facebook page of May Win Myint, an official with her National League for Democracy, said the party’s executive committee urged the military to acknowledge the results of November’s election and called for the parliamentary session due to start this week to go ahead. It also called for Aung San Suu Kyi’s immediate release.
Later on Tuesday, an official from the National League for Democracy said in a message on Facebook that Aung San Suu Kyi was in good health and that there was no plan to move her. It is not possible to verify such posts.
The UN special envoy on Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, briefed the UN security council in closed session on Tuesday.
“She didn’t hold back at all,” a diplomat who was in the chamber said. “She really called for a clear signal of council support for democracy in Myanmar.”
China and Russia however blocked a British-drafted statement condemning the coup and calling for its reversal, while India and Vietnam also voiced reservations.
“China, weren’t actively supportive of the military vocally, but they talked about stability and internal affairs and tried not to say anything at all,” a diplomat said. “Russia supported China, and then India and Vietnam were just a bit more nuanced […] and said it was important to consider regional efforts.”
Louis Charbonneau, UN director for Human Rights Watch, condemned the security council’s silence.
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“The abject failure of the security council, thanks to the likes of China and Russia, to hold Myanmar’s military leaders accountable for their crimes helps them feel they can engage in horrific abuses and pay little or no cost,” Charbonneau said.
A spokesperson for the Chinese UN mission said: “It’s also our hope that any move of the council would be conducive to the stability of Myanmar rather than making the situation more complicated.”
Beijing has invested billions of dollars in projects in Myanmar. The state-backed Xinhua news agency described the military take over with the euphemism: “major cabinet reshuffle”.
The US president, Joe Biden, threatened sanctions and called for governments to press for the military to release detainees. The UN security council will meet on Tuesday to discuss the matter..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-02-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Anti-coup protesters, Health Workers Strike, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Sanctions - general, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights
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194.98 KB
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Sub-title:
The need for a combined Ethnic approach in the 2020 election
Description:
"Many expected the 2016 election which saw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for
Democracy gain power to be a major step forward, not only towards democracy but also
ethnic equality.
Such hopes now seem somewhat misguided in retrospect, with many ethnic political
parties feeling abandoned by the NLD and especially Aung San Suu Kyi, therefore the
2020 election will allow ethnic representatives to redress the balance at the ballot box.
The NLD had been able to win the majority of seats in ethnic states based largely on the
iconography of its leader and the perception that she would rule justly. While the ethnic
political parties had been able to secure seats in Rakhine and Shan states, their power
was largely curtailed by the NLD appointing non-ethnic State Ministers, or those with
NLD loyalties. The winning ethnic political party representatives were forced to accept
NLD appointments and the NLD largely ignored ethnic political parties in the governing
process.
During by-elections in 2018, the NLD retained its overall parliamentary majority but lost
several seats previously held in minority-dominant areas.
According to NLD spokesman Myo Nyunt,
We lost five out of six seats in ethnic areas. Ethnic people are not satisfied with
our performance on the peace process . . . This result is a lesson for us. We will
come up with a strategy for each constituency for the coming election.1
While the NLD appears to be insistent on tying its electoral future, and its ability to
retain ethnic votes, to the peace process, it is unlikely to see progress made on the issue
before the election date. The NLD turning its back on ethnic political parties (EPPs) has
not gone down well with ethnic leaders and as the election draws nearer, they need to
rally their constituents around ethnic aspirations.
Also, what needs to be taken into account, is the fact that it is not necessarily in the
military’s best interests to have the NLD in power for another four years as the NLD
continues to try to chip away at the military-drafted constitution. Already, pro-military
demonstrations have taken place in Yangon seeking to prevent constitutional
amendments that would weaken the military’s 25% grip on power in the legislature.2 It
would, therefore, be better for the military, and the Union Solidarity Development Party
(USDP) the most likely challenger to the NLD, to delay the peace process until after
November regardless of current constraints due to the COVID-19 pandemic. While some ethnic political parties have seemingly learnt from the mistakes in the last
election and have organised along state lines, joining together to create united fronts,
large scale communication strategies need to be implemented putting forward the
benefits of ensuring a much larger voice for ethnic representation in the governance of
the country..."
Source/publisher:
Euro Burma Office
Date of publication:
2020-04-00
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Euro Burma Office, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Several Groups
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112.12 KB
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Sub-title:
Moving forward after the election
Description:
"After the Myanmar peace process had been deadlocked from the end of 2018 until the beginning of 2020 the Government of Aung San Suu Kyi along with the military and a number of armed ethnic
organisations (EAOs) were able to hold another Union Peace Conference 21st Century Panglong (UPC) from 17-19 August 2020.
State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi had made resolving peace with the many armed ethnic groups in the country a priority after coming to power in 2015. And both the State Counsellor and Commanderin-Chief of the armed forces, Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing had voiced an opinion that talks must restart prior to the 2020 general election.
Several criticisms have been made about the results of the UPC which saw representatives from all 10 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement-signatory EAOs participate. Invitations had also been offered to
non-signatory EAOs from Kachin (KIA), Wa (UWSA), Kokang (MNDAA), Mong La (NDAA), and Shan (SSPP) in the northeast, but all declined due to the exclusion of the Arakan Army (AA) which the
government has designated a terrorist organisation.
Regardless, the talks continued with the adoption of a further 20 principles for the Union Accords (UA), and an agreement among the parties to continue formal peace talks with the incoming
government in 2021. While some believe there were no substantive results from the UPC, 1 the fact is that the UPC meeting has led to the reinvigoration of a stalled peace process and allowed further time
for EAOs to reconsider their position in moving forward.
At least one participant, Sai Leng from the Restoration Council Shan State Army, pointed out that, It is meaningful to agree on how to build a federal union beyond 2020. We also agreed on some
guiding principles of building the federal union, such as power-sharing between Union and States,2 Similarly, the State Counsellor said the peace process was now back on track and the principles signed
were “more sincere and have more substance.”3 Lieutenant General Yar Pyae, the military delegate and chairman of the Joint Monitoring Committee on the nationwide ceasefire, Now we can draw a conclusion that countless negotiations have reduced the mistrust that has been deep-rooted on both sides . . . [stakeholders] should not leave the negotiation table, whatever the reason.4 According to one EAO advisor, one of the more important points was that, Part 3.3 (a) Power, resource, tax and finance will be divided between the Union and regions/states in line with the federal system (official translation).
But he also noted, [But] Some observers have pointed out that it was only a repetition of UA#1 (political sector) 4 (d). But according to the negotiators, the difference is the emphasis shown here, which was
not in UA#1. Therefore, they [ethnic leaders] say, the key to a federal union is now open. Accordingly, it can be regarded as a second breakthrough after the NCA.5 Another negotiator in the talks had suggested that the talks were ‘more disappointing’ but expressed
the desire to move forward regardless.6..."
Source/publisher:
Euro Burma Office
Date of publication:
2020-11-00
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Panglong Peace Conference, Various groups, Euro Burma Office, Several Groups, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies
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98.53 KB
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Sub-title:
Ethnic Political Parties and the 2020 elections
Description:
"As Myanmar moves towards the 2020 election, ethnic political parties now, more than ever, need to work together and find common ground if they ever want to influence the future politics of the
country and ensure ethnic equality. Minority ethnic groups make up a third of the country's 51.5 million people.1 Currently, ethnic
politics can be defined as consisting of five main actors: merged ethnic political parties, the NCA non-signatory armed ethnic groups, NCA signatory groups, the Nationalities Brotherhood Forum
(NBF), and the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA).
All of these groups have divergent interests and it is these interests that may weaken ethnic policymaking in the future. While all groups profess a singular goal – ethnic equality and a genuine
federal union, it is how they work together, if they can, that will ultimately decide the future of ethnic representation in the country after the 2020 election. One of the main ethnic alliance is the United Nationalities Alliance which was formed after the 1990 election and was considered one of the most influential and experienced political alliances operating in the country.2 The UNA encompassed a varied spectrum of ethnic political parties, dominated by the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), which had contested and won seats in the 1990 general election. Originally, in the UNA there were 12 different political parties. Today, there are 15 parties:..."
Source/publisher:
Euro Burma Office
Date of publication:
2021-09-00
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Euro Burma Office, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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128.61 KB
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Description:
"The 2021 Myanmar military coup began on 1 February 2021 when the Myanmar military, Tatmadaw detained numerous government officials, including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint, and Union Election Commission (UEC) Chair U Hla Thein, as well as pro-democracy activists and politicians from the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) and other parties. Since then, civil resistance efforts in opposition to the coup has been growing across the country, and security forces have been violently cracking down on the anti-coup protests.
In order to keep the international community informed about the post-coup development in Myanmar, ANFREL will closely monitor the situation and prepare weekly briefs on Myanmar for public dissemination. You may find our weekly briefs below:
Myanmar Situation Update (1 to 14 February 2021)
Myanmar Situation Update (15 to 21 February 2021
Myanmar Situation Update (22 to 28 February 2021)
Myanmar Situation Update (1 to 7 March 2021)..."
Source/publisher:
Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
Date of publication:
2021-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Anti-coup protesters, General Strike, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations
Language:
Format :
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153.15 KB 164.84 KB 164.72 KB 194.13 KB
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Sub-title:
The outlets have reported extensively on protests over the coup over recent weeks, as well as the brutal response by the security forces
Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta has revoked the licences of five media outlets as it seeks to clampdown on independent coverage of anti-coup protests, a major blow to press freedom in the country.
Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), Khit Thit Media, Myanmar Now and 7Day News have each been ordered to close, according to an announcement on state broadcaster MRTV. It said the companies were “no longer allowed to broadcast or write or give information by using any kind of media platform or using any media technology.”
The outlets have reported extensively on protests over the coup over recent weeks, as well as the brutal response by the security forces. Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets to call for the military to hand power back to the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi. Police and troops have responded with lethal force, killing more than 50 people. Rights experts warn the military has adopted a “shoot to kill” approach. On Monday evening, before the junta announced it was to ban several media companies, soldiers and police raided the headquarters of Myanmar Now, a news outlet that scrutinises the Tatmadaw, or military, seizing computers, part of the newsroom’s data server and other equipment.
The offices were evacuated as a precautionary measure on 28 January as talk of a possible coup intensified and were empty at the time, a representative said.
Nearly 1,800 people have been detained during army crackdowns, including dozens of journalists. In one disturbing video shared last week, Kaung Myat Hlaing, a journalist working for DVB in the southern city of Myeik, filmed from his balcony as security forces surrounded his apartment, shouting for him to come down. What sounds like gunfire can be heard in the background. He calls out, urging his neighbours to help him. DVB later confirmed he had been detained. Six journalists, including the Associated Press photojournalist Thein Zaw, have been charged with violating a public order law for covering the coup. They could be imprisoned for up to three years.
DVB said it was not surprised by the cancellation of its licence, adding that it would continue broadcasting on satellite TV and online. “We worry for the safety of our reporters and our staff, but in the current uprising, the whole country has become the citizens’ journalists and there is no way for military authorities to shut the information flow,” executive director Aye Chan Naing told Associated Press.
Since the coup, protesters have flooded social media with footage from protests, and used Facebook Live to document military crackdowns on peaceful demonstrators. The junta attempted to block social media early in February, but many have evaded the restrictions by using virtual private networks (VPNs). At night, however, when the military conducts raids of homes, the junta routinely imposes a nationwide internet shutdown.
On Monday night, security forces blocked around 200 people from leaving a four-street area in Sanchaung township in the country’s largest city, Yangon, according to the UN rights office. The Associated Press reported that door-to-door searches were carried out, with police searching for protesters who had sought shelter in the buildings. Protesters have since been allowed to leave the area. A rights group told Reuters about 50 people had been arrested in Sanchaung after police searched houses, though checks were still being made.
While the protesters were trapped, the UN secretary general, António Guterres had called for their release “without violence or arrests”.
Guterres’s spokesperson, Stéphane Dujarric, said the secretary general had been following the developments “very closely”, particularly in the township “where hundreds of peaceful protesters have been barricaded inside residential apartment complexes for hours”.
Sharp loud bangs had been heard coming from the area, according to an AFP reporter, although it was not immediately clear if the sounds were caused by gunfire or stun grenades. Repeated screaming was audible in a live Facebook stream.
Guterres also called the occupation of a number of public hospitals in Myanmar by security forces “completely unacceptable,” the UN spokesperson said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Sub-title:
Immediately Produce Another NLD Official’s Forcibly Disappeared Father
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta should promptly and impartially investigate and hold accountable those responsible for the torture and death in custody of a National League for Democracy (NLD) official, Human Rights Watch said today. The junta should also urgently produce U Peter, the forcibly disappeared father of an NLD elected official and all others “disappeared” since the February 1, 2021, coup.
On the evening of March 6, 2021, witnesses saw soldiers and police arrive at the home of Khin Maung Latt, 58, a ward chairman in Pabedan township in downtown Yangon. After forcibly entering his home, the security forces beat and kicked Khin Maung Latt in front of his family, then took him away at gunpoint. The next morning, Khin Maung Latt’s family recovered his body from a hospital after notification by the authorities. The body had severe wounds to the hands and back and was covered in a bloody shroud, a witness said. “Myanmar’s junta runs the security forces and can quickly find out who killed Khin Maung Latt if they want to,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “If they want to show they believe in the rule of law, all those responsible should be held to account. Sadly, Myanmar’s security forces seem intent on using nighttime raids and brutal mistreatment to create fear and break popular resistance to military rule.”
A witness told Human Rights Watch that at 9:15 p.m., four military trucks arrived and stationed themselves on Anawrahta Road between 29th and 30th streets. Soldiers identified as being from the 77th Light Infantry Division lined up on 30th Street, where Khin Maung Latt lived, while others stood on 29th Street. Between 9:15 p.m. and 10.30 p.m., 15 gunshots were heard, the witness said. All the military trucks left at 11 p.m. The authorities informed Khin Maung Latt’s family around 7:30 a.m. on March 7 that they should retrieve his body from the Mingladon military hospital. A member of the Muslim community who helped prepare Khin Maung Latt’s body for a Muslim burial said there were deep wounds on his back and hands consistent with torture..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political role of the Tatmadaw, The Military's political role, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"With live fire being deployed on a widespread basis in Myanmar since a military coup on February 1, the generals who seized power have lived up to fears that they would resort to lethal force against their own citizens. Early restraint in the face of peaceful protesters has been replaced with bullets, and security forces have killed more than 50 people to date. Several victims were killed by shots to the head -- a sign that the troops were shooting to kill as part of their intensifying crackdown that also has included curfews and nightly internet shutdowns, armored vehicles and armed troops on the streets and draconian laws limiting freedom of speech and assembly.
Predictably, the coup and the violence against unarmed civilians triggered international condemnation, new sanctions by the US, the UK and Canada and threats of sanctions from the European Union.
But statements like these have done little more than highlight just how limited the world's diplomatic arsenal is against crises of this nature -- especially when most governments are battling the Covid-19 pandemic or trying to revive their sagging economies and Myanmar's military leaders seem not to care about returning their country to pariahdom. "The army in Myanmar has a long track record of not listening to the outside world, not caring what people think, simply living off, in a vicarious way, the isolation that is then imposed," Southeast Asia expert Michael Vatikiotis told me.
Indeed, it is hard to see how international opprobrium or even sanctions -- a blunt and controversial tool with a limited record of success -- are likely to convince the generals to release the government leaders they're detaining and accept that the military lost last November's election. Nor are measures against the military likely to get backing from China and Russia, which have taken a softer line to responding to the coup. So is there anything that could persuade the generals to back down? Myanmar is a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the political bloc that probably has the most influence over the generals. So far the bloc has failed to unite behind a strong call of action, but it's high time it did. If member countries such as Thailand begin to see a flood of refugees, transforming the unrest into a regional crisis, that could force ASEAN to relax its policy of non-interference in the affairs of member states and take a strong stance against the junta -- something it should do nonetheless for the sake of ASEAN's own credibility..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-03-09
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Political role of the Tatmadaw
Language:
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Description:
"China is willing to engage with “all parties” to ease the crisis in neighbouring Myanmar and is not taking sides, the Chinese government’s top diplomat, State Councillor Wang Yi, said on Sunday. Beijing has said the situation in Myanmar, where the military seized power last month, was “absolutely not what China wants to see” and has dismissed social media rumours of Chinese involvement in the coup as nonsense.
“China is ... willing to contact and communicate with all parties on the basis of respecting Myanmar’s sovereignty and the will of the people, so as to play a constructive role in easing tensions,” Wang told a news conference on the sidelines of China’s annual gathering of parliament.
While Western countries have strongly condemned the Feb. 1 coup, China has been more cautious, emphasising the importance of stability.
China nonetheless agreed to a United Nations Security Council statement that called for the release of elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other detainees and voiced concern over the state of emergency. “China has long-term friendly exchanges with all parties and factions in Myanmar, including the National League for Democracy (NLD), and friendship with China has always been the consensus of all sectors in Myanmar,” Wang said.
The NLD is Suu Kyi’s party. Its landslide November victory in national elections has been ignored by the junta.
“No matter how the situation in Myanmar changes, China’s determination to promote China-Myanmar relations will not waver, and China’s direction of promoting China-Myanmar friendly cooperation will not change,” Wang said.
On Saturday, an Israeli-Canadian lobbyist hired by Myanmar’s junta told Reuters that the generals are keen to leave politics after their coup and seek to improve relations with the United States and distance themselves from China.
Some of the protests against the coup, which have drawn hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets, have taken place outside the Chinese embassy in Yangon, with protesters accusing Beijing of supporting the junta..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Political role of the Tatmadaw, China-Burma relations, Burma/Myanmar's political parties
Language:
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Sub-title:
Human rights group says move is a breach of international law as labour unions call for extended stop work
Description:
"Police in Myanmar have occupied hospitals and universities and reportedly arrested hundreds of people involved in protesting last month’s military coup, while a coalition of labour unions called a nationwide strike for Monday.
Tension was high in the country’s biggest city, Yangon, on Sunday night, where gunshots from heavy weapons could be heard in several areas after the 8pm curfew. The sounds of what apparently were stun grenades could also be heard on videos posted on social media.
Some of the shooting was heard near hospitals, where reports said neighbourhood residents sought to block the entry of police and soldiers.
Security forces have previously targeted medical personnel and facilities, attacking ambulances and their crews. There are fears the police presence in hospitals would allow authorities to arrest wounded people presumed to be protesters. The international Physicians for Human Rights group condemned the occupation of hospitals, saying in a statement that it was “appalled by this latest wave of violence by the Myanmar military, including the invasion and occupation of public hospitals and wanton excessive force against civilians”.
“If it was not obvious before, it is absolutely clear now: the Myanmar military will not stop violating the rights of the people of Myanmar until the international community acts decisively to prevent and account for these outrageous acts,” it said. The group said the occupation of hospitals by force was a violation of international law which “only serves to further undermine a health care system already embattled by the Covid-19 pandemic and by the military’s recent coup d’état”. It said one eyewitness account reported armed security forces entering and seeking to occupy West Yangon General Hospital by force. It said it also had reports of Yangon General Hospital, North Okkalapa Waibagi Specialist Hospital, South Okkalapa Women and Children’s Hospital, East Yangon General Hospital, and Central Women’s Hospital, being occupied by the military. The group said it had received similar reports from Mandalay, Monywa, and Taunggyi.
An alliance of influential worker unions in Myanmar has called for an extended nationwide strike starting on Monday, with the intention of causing the “full, extended shutdown” of the country’s economy in an attempt to halt the military coup.
In a statement, nine labour organisations called on “all Myanmar people” to stop work in an effort to reverse the seizure of power by the military.
Workers in several industries have joined the protest movement, most notably from the state railway and the banking sector.
Moe Sanda Myint, chair of the Federation of Garment Workers Myanmar, said she believed the majority of workers would join.
“We are urging to continue the strike until the dictatorship is uprooted,” she said. Andrew Tillett-Saks, Myanmar country program director for the Solidarity Center, a US-based worker rights organisation, said the strike “increases the likelihood that many more from the private sector will answer the call in the days and weeks that follow”.
“This is a strategy that could actually plausibly really pressure the military,” he said.
Tens of thousands of people came out in Myanmar on Sunday in one of the biggest days of protest against the coup, despite overnight raids by security forces in Yangon, on campaign leaders and opposition activists.
In a single Yangon neighbourhood, Shwepyitha, at least 100 students were reported to have been arrested, and many protesters were also said to have been detained in other cities, especially at universities.
Police fired teargas and stun grenades in Lashio town in the country’s northern Shan region, according to live video posted on Facebook. A witness said police opened fire to break up a protest in the historic temple town of Bagan, but it was not clear if they were using rubber bullets or live ammunition..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-03-08
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Reporting (global, regional and Myanmar), Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"In Myanmar, protesters took zo the streets again to continue their demonstrations against last month's military coup and demanding the release of elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Tens of thousands participated in the Marches, with the largest protests in the city of Mandalay. It followed police raids targeting opposition leaders, where a number of people were arrested. Witnesses have described hearing shots during those raids. It comes as the Chinese government says it's willing to work with the relevant parties to ease tensions.
There hasn't been a day of rest for protestors since February first, when the military rounded up the country's democratically elected leaders, and told the world they are now in charge. Estimated 50 deaths, one in particular has gripped people around the world.
Mandalay university student Kyal Sin was shot in the head as police opened fire on protesters last Wednesday. Thousands attended her funeral a day later. Giving the three-finger salute that has become a gesture of solidarity among pro-democracy civilians – and a show of defiance against the military.
Kyal Sin hasn't been allowed to rest in peace. Witnesses say her grave was disturbed by soldiers shortly after her burial. They allege her body was subject to a graveside autopsy by military doctors. Only adding to the outrage over her killing.
Kyal Sin's story is no isolated incident. Wednesday was the deadliest day since protests began at the start of February. But UN figures show more than 50 civilian protestors have been killed since the military coup.
Many people say the international community isn't doing enough. Diplomatic efforts so far have failed. The UN's special envoy has urged the security council to act now. But that hasn't stopped one day of violence.
With no signs of the bitter and dangerous standoff easing between civilians and the military, many are wondering when everything will nbe okay on the streets of Myanmar again..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Sky News investigates the killing of a protester in Myanmar after the military opened fire.
Several videos from before and after the shooting give a full picture of how events unfolded.
Zin Ko Ko Zaw was 22 years old. One of at least 38 people killed that day..."
Source/publisher:
"Sky News"
Date of publication:
2021-03-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Demonstrations held in more than half a dozen cities after soldiers and police moved in on several districts in Yangon
Description:
"Tens of thousands of people came out in Myanmar on Sunday in one of the biggest days of protest against the coup, despite overnight raids by security forces in the main city, Yangon, on campaign leaders and opposition activists.
Police fired tear gas and stun grenades in Lashio town in the country’s northern Shan region, according to live video posted on Facebook. A witness said police opened fire to break up a protest in the historic temple town of Bagan, but it was not clear if they were using rubber bullets or live ammunition. There were no immediate reports of casualties. Protests in half a dozen other cities were peaceful.
The biggest turnout in Sunday’s protests was in Myanmar’s second city, Mandalay, where activists staged a sit-in protest after two minutes of silence in honour of people killed by police and the army, video showed.
The United Nations says security forces have killed more than 50 people since daily protests began after the military overthrew and detained elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi on 1 February.
“They are killing people just like killing birds and chickens,” one protest leader said to the crowd in Dawei, in the country’s south. “What will we do if we don’t revolt against them? We must revolt.”
Protests were also held in at least three places in Yangon, where residents said soldiers and police moved into several districts overnight, firing shots. They arrested at least three in Kyauktada township, said residents who did not know the reason for the arrests. “They are asking to take out my father and brother. Is no one going to help us? Don’t you even touch my father and brother. Take us too if you want to take them,” one woman screamed as two of them, an actor and his son, were led off.
Soldiers also came looking for a lawyer who worked for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy but were unable to find him, a member of the now dissolved parliament, Sithu Maung, said in a Facebook post.
Police could not be reached for comment. A junta spokesman did not answer calls requesting comment.
More than 1,700 people had been detained under the junta by Saturday, according to figures from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, an advocacy group..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK) via "The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Hopes placed in the UN and the Member States that serve on the Security Council to take action against leaders of Myanmar’s military coup, are waning fast, the UN Special Envoy for the country warned on Friday.
Description:
"Christine Schraner Burgener welcomed the fact that the Council was meeting behind closed doors on Friday to discuss the rising death toll on the streets as daily protests continue but told Ambassadors that “your unity is needed more than ever on Myanmar”.
Power to veto any Security Council statements or resolutions, rests with the five Permanent Members, China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
‘Real heroes’
The Special Envoy said she had been in close contact with people across various communities since the 1 February military takeover, noting that “they, including committed civil servants, are the real heroes and protectors of the nation’s democratic progress.”
But, she added, “the hope they have placed in the United Nations and its membership is waning and I have heard directly the desperate pleas – from mothers, students and the elderly. I receive every day around 2,000 messages, for international action to reverse a clear assault on the will of the people of Myanmar and democratic principles.”
She urged the Council to push further to end the violence, and restore democratic institutions, denouncing the actions by the military, “which continues to severely undermine the principles of this Organization and ignores our clear signals to uphold them.” The envoy noted that around 50 “innocent and peaceful” protesters had now been killed, with scores more injured, with evidence mounting of killings and maiming by military snipers, in contravention of international human rights law.
As of 2 March, she said the UN human rights office OHCHR was reporting that around 1,000 are either detained or unaccounted for, having been arbitrarily taken from the streets.
“The Secretary-General, who remains closely engaged, continues to speak out and has strongly condemned the violent crackdown”, she said, adding: “The repression must stop.”
Be 'resolute and coherent'
“It is critical that this Council is resolute and coherent in putting the security forces on notice and standing with the people of Myanmar firmly, in support of the clear November election results” she said, which overwhelmingly returned the party of jailed leader Aung San Suu Kyi to power.
She praised the stand taken by Myanmar’s ambassador to the UN, Kyaw Moe Tun, who a week ago publicly sided with the protesters against the coup, and has remained in post, despite the efforts of the Burmese military to remove him. He “needs your full support”, she told the Council.
Ms. Schraner Burgener said she had continued to communicate the UN’s “strong dismay and condemnation” for its failure to protect the Burmese people, and said she would continue to engage, with all actors during the crisis..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-03-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Political analysis of Burma and the region, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"For many of Myanmar's ethnic minorities, the bloodshed inflicted across the country's towns and cities this week is a continuation of the oppression they have suffered at the hands of the military for decades.
The Southeast Asian country is home to some of the world's longest civil wars, where myriad ethnic insurgencies have fought the military, central government and each other for greater rights and autonomy. Some of those bloody conflicts have ebbed and flowed in the borderlands for 70 years.
Throughout years of conflict in Myanmar's jungles and mountains, ethnic people have witnessed and been subjected to horrific atrocities including massacres, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture, forced labor and displacement by the armed forces, as well as state-sanctioned discrimination.
In 2016 and 2017, the military launched a brutal campaign of killing and arson that forced more than 740,000 Rohingya minority people to flee into neighboring Bangladesh, prompting a genocide case to be heard at the International Court of Justice. In 2019, the United Nations said "grave human rights abuses" by the military were still continuing in the ethnic states of Rakhine, Chin, Shan, Kachin and Karen. This week, that brutality played out on the streets of Myanmar's biggest cities, as the ruling junta launched a systematic and coordinated attack on unarmed peaceful demonstrators calling for an end to the February 1 coup. Witnesses, footage and photographs showed police and the military shooting dead anti-coup protesters, beating detainees and reported extrajudicial killings, while images of crumpled bodies laying in pools of their own blood or being dragged through the streets shocked the world.
Determined to fight against those abuses and ensure their distinct voices and demands are heard, ethnic people have loudly joined the nationwide protests, uniting in solidarity against a common enemy. Though many fear further violence and intensified conflict from an unchecked military junta operating with impunity and now firmly in control of the country.
"This fight has been since the beginning of the forming of the country itself. We hope that the current fight against the military coup in 21st century might be a new hope for our people," said Chin activist Sang Hnin Lian..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-03-06
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
Language:
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Description:
"More than a month on from a democracy-suspending military coup in Myanmar, many see the junta’s increasingly violent crackdown on dissent as approaching a point of no return. As the United States and others press for tougher sanctions on the junta’s leaders, Southeast Asian nations are under pressure to intervene to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe.
With its credibility on the line after past failures to tackle human rights crises in the region, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is still widely seen as the best hope for a diplomatic solution amid uncharacteristic outspokenness from some of its member states who are pushing to build a regional consensus on the need for Myanmar to return to democracy.
But the grouping isn’t speaking with one voice, with some of its members describing the putsch as an internal matter, consistent with the bloc’s long-held tradition of non-interference in members’ domestic affairs. Moreover, the organization’s diplomatic efforts have been met with skepticism by those protesting across Myanmar who are staunchly opposed to any engagement that would confer legitimacy onto Naypyidaw’s generals..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-03-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Human Rights Reporting (global, regional and Myanmar), Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
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Sub-title:
The 82-year-old’s lawyer asked that bail be granted due to Win Htein’s need for ongoing medical care
Description:
"National League for Democracy (NLD) patron Win Htein requested that a Naypyitaw court release him from a detention center on bail on Friday, citing his deteriorating health. He awaits a trial for sedition charges brought against him by Myanmar’s ruling military council.
At 82 years old, Win Htein uses a wheelchair and is reliant on an oxygen supply to help him breathe. He suffers from hypertension, diabetes and heart and thyroid diseases, according to his lawyer, Min Min Soe.
He is charged with violating Section 124-A of the Penal Code, which carries a maximum prison sentence of 20 years.
“We requested that the court hold the trial with him out on bail because he needs constant medical care for those health issues,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now.
At Win Htein’s second hearing on Friday at the Dekkhina District court in Naypyitaw, deputy judge Soe Naing said the court would make a decision regarding the bail request in the next hearing, scheduled for March 19.
Lawyer Min Min Soe also said that officials at the Naypyitaw detention center have not allowed her to meet with her client or to obtain a copy of his medical records to submit to the court. She said that the NLD’s legal team has also requested that the judge allow an open court for her client’s hearings.
The outspoken party stalwart Win Htein was arrested at his home in Yangon on the evening of February 4. He had recently returned from Naypyitaw, where he gave media interviews in which he said the coup was a result of Min Aung Hlaing’s “personal ambition.”
At his first hearing on February 19, Win Htein asked for a sentence to be handed down to him immediately, which was rejected by the judge..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-03-05
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"Myanmar security forces dramatically escalated their crackdown on protests against last month’s coup, killing at least 33 protesters Wednesday in several cities, according to accounts on social media and local news reports compiled by a data analyst.
That is highest daily death toll since the Feb. 1 takeover, exceeding the 18 that the U.N. Human Rights Office said were killed on Sunday, and could galvanize the international community, which has responded fitfully thus far to the violence. Videos from Wednesday also showed security forces firing slingshots at demonstrators, chasing them down and even brutally beating an ambulance crew.
The toll could even be higher; the Democratic Voice of Burma, an independent television and online news service, tallied 38 deaths.
Demonstrators have regularly flooded the streets of cities across the country since the military seized power and ousted the elected government of leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Their numbers have remained high even as security forces have repeatedly fired tear gas, rubber bullets and live rounds to disperse the crowds, and arrested protesters en masse. The intensifying standoff is unfortunately familiar in the country with a long history of peaceful resistance to military rule — and brutal crackdowns. The coup reversed years of slow progress toward democracy in the Southeast Asian nation after five decades of military rule.
The Wednesday death toll was compiled by a data analyst who spoke on condition of anonymity because he feared for his safety. He also collected information where he could on the victims’ names, ages, hometowns, and where and how they were killed.
The Associated Press was unable to independently confirm most of the reported deaths, but several square with online postings. The data analyst, who is in Yangon, the country’s biggest city, said he collected the information to honor those who were killed for their heroic resistance. According to his list, the highest number of deaths were in Yangon, where the total was 18. In the central city of Monywa, which has turned out huge crowds, eight were reported. Two deaths each were reported in Salin, a town in Magwe region, and in Mandalay, the country’s second-biggest city. Mawlamyine, in the country’s southeast, and Myingyan and Kalay, both in central Myanmar, each had a single death.
As part of the crackdown, security forces have also arrested hundreds of people at protests, including journalists. On Saturday, at least eight journalists, including Thein Zaw of The Associated Press, were detained. A video shows he had moved out of the way as police charged down a street at protesters, but then was seized by police officers, who handcuffed him and held him briefly in a chokehold before marching him away..."
Source/publisher:
"Associated Press" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Security forces open fire on anti-coup protesters in Yangon, Mandalay and elsewhere
Description:
"At least 33 people have been killed after Myanmar’s security forces opened fire on peaceful anti-coup protesters in multiple towns and cities, in the worst day of violence since the military coup last month.
Police and military have increasingly used lethal violence in an attempt to crush demonstrations, killing at least 40 people since the coup on 1 February.
Crowds have continued to take to the streets daily in defiance of the military junta, with just goggles, hard hats and homemade shields for protection. Protesters are demanding that the military restore democracy and for their elected leaders to be released.
Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a human rights activist based in Yangon, described the military’s use of force against protesters as a “daily slaughter”. Among those who died on Wednesday was a 19-year-old woman shot in Mandalay. Images shared on social media showed her wearing a T-shirt that read “Everything will be OK”. A teenage boy was also killed. Local media reported that he was 14.
Security forces used deadly force in several cities including Monywa, where six people were killed and at least 30 injured, a witness told the Guardian. Hundreds of people had turned out to protest when police opened fire around 11am.
At least eight people were killed in a neighbourhood in Yangon after security forces opened sustained fire with automatic weapons in the early evening, according to Reuters.
A protester who witnessed the crackdown in North Okkalapa township told the Guardian that the firing was continuous. “I’m still going to go to the frontlines. If I get shot and die then so be it. I can’t stand it any more,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"The fight for control of Myanmar has now officially arrived at the United Nations.
In a letter seen by CNN, Myanmar's UN Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun has told the international body that he still represents Myanmar, after making an impassioned speech last week rejecting the country's military takeover.
Meanwhile, a deputy ambassador to the UN from Myanmar will claim that he is now the man the military authorities want to represent the country.
Both sides have sent the UN letters to make their case on official letterhead.
Myanmar's democratically elected government was overthrown last month in a military coup that saw civilian leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi detained. For weeks, thousands of people in the country have come out to protest against the coup, risking deadly violence and arrest by security forces.
"The perpetrators of the unlawful coup against the democratic government of Myanmar have no authority to countermand the legitimate authority of the President of my country," Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun wrote in his letter to the UN. But the Myanmar foreign ministry is backing a deputy ambassador to take control of the country's UN representation, according to UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric. "It's a unique situation we have not seen in a long time," Dujarric told reporters on Tuesday of the dueling claims. He added that the UN is "trying to resolve things as quickly as possible."
Myanmar's military leaders first announced Kyaw Moe Tun's removal over the weekend, after he called on UN members to use "any means necessary" to help restore the country's civilian leadership.
"We need further strongest possible action from the international community to immediately end the military coup, to stop oppressing the innocent people, to return the state power to the people and to restore the democracy," he told the UN on Friday.
Kyaw Moe Tun said he was delivering the speech on behalf of Suu Kyi's government, and flashed the three fingered "Hunger Games" salute used by protestors on the streets of Myanmar, prompting a rare round of applause from his UN colleagues at the end.
The new US ambassador to the UN, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, praised the envoy's "courageous" remarks..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"Pro-democracy demonstators in Myanmar show no signs of backing down amid the ongoing crackdown by security forces. Police fired tear gas and warning shots to disperse protestors, who have been on the streets every day since the military siezed power over a month ago. Demonstrations are taking place around the country and strikes are planned in at least one state. Diplomatic efforts to ease the crisis stalled on Tuesday as ASEAN countries failed to make a breakthrough in talks with Myanmar's military junta..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar security forces opened fire on protests against military rule on Wednesday, killing at least 18 people, a human rights group said, a day after neighbouring countries called for restraint and offered to help Myanmar resolve the crisis. The security forces resorted to live fire with little warning in several towns and cities, witnesses said, as the junta appeared more determined than ever to stamp out protests against the Feb. 1 coup that ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
“It’s horrific, it’s a massacre. No words can describe the situation and our feelings,” youth activist Thinzar Shunlei Yi told Reuters via a messaging app.
A spokesman for the ruling military council did not answer telephone calls seeking comment.
Ko Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners rights group, said in a post on Twitter: “As of now, so called military killed at least 18.” In the main city Yangon, witnesses said at least eight people were killed, one early in the day and seven others when security forces opened sustained fire with automatic weapons in a neighbourhood in the north of the city in the early evening.
“I heard so much continuous firing. I lay down on the ground, they shot a lot,” protester Kaung Pyae Sone Tun, 23, told Reuters.
A protest leader in the community, Htut Paing, said the hospital there had told him seven people had been killed. Hospital administrators were not immediately available for comment.
Another heavy toll was in the central town of Monywa, where six people were killed, the Monywa Gazette reported..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
UN Security Council Should Impose Targeted Sanctions, Arms Embargo
Description:
"Myanmar’s military junta should order its security forces to end the use of excessive and lethal force against largely peaceful protesters, Human Rights Watch said today. On March 3, 2021, security forces fired live rounds at protesters, killing at least 38 and wounding more than 100 at demonstrations across the country, the United Nations reported.
One of the deadliest incidents took place in Myanmar’s largest city, Yangon, where security forces opened fire on largely peaceful protesters. Security forces fired on some protesters as they attempted to rescue an injured man. Earlier in the day, police detained and brutally beat medical workers. Human Rights Watch reviewed an incident in which a man in custody appears to be shot in the back.
“Myanmar’s security forces now seem intent on breaking the back of the anti-coup movement through wanton violence and sheer brutality,” said Richard Weir, crisis and conflict researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The use of lethal force against protesters rescuing others demonstrates how little the security forces fear being held to account for their actions.”
At a March 3 briefing, the United Nations special envoy on Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, reported that 38 people had been killed during the day’s violence, bringing the tally of those killed since the protests began a month ago to more than 50. At least four of those killed were children, according to Save the Children. Through the analysis of 12 videos and 15 photographs, Human Rights Watch documented three incidents in which security forces apparently used live fire against protesters along the Thudhamma Road in Yangon on March 3.
In a Facebook live video posted on March 3, Human Rights Watch identified a line of at least five military vehicles positioned on the overpass road that merges into the Airport Road near Okkala Thiri Park on Thudhamma Road. The video shows hundreds of protesters shielding and taking shelter from ongoing gunfire coming from the direction of the overpass..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Six journalists are facing charges punishable with up to three years in prison amid a crackdown on anti-coup protests.
Description:
"The Associated Press news agency released a video on Wednesday that showed Myanmar security forces holding an AP journalist in a chokehold and handcuffs as security forces crack down on anti-coup protests.
Myanmar authorities have charged Thein Zaw and five other journalists with violating a public order law, which could put them in prison for up to three years.
"Independent journalists must be allowed to freely and safely report the news without fear of retribution," Ian Phillips, AP vice president for international news, said on Wednesday, calling for Thein Zaw's immediate release. What did the video show?
In the AP video, Thein Zaw appears to be photographing security forces running at protesters on Saturday in Myanmar's largest city Yangon.
Thein Zaw tries to escape as seven people place him in a chokehold and handcuffs.
A policeman then pulls him with the handcuffs.
What do we know about the charges?
According to AP, Thein Zaw's lawyer said he faces charges under a law that punishes spreading false news, causing fear, or agitating for a criminal offense against public employees.
The junta amended the law last month to increase the penalty from two years and widen its jurisdiction, the lawyer told AP.
Thein Zaw, 32, is reportedly being held in Insein Prison in northern Yangon, where previous military regimes sent political prisoners.
AP said that the lawyer confirmed Thein Zaw could be held until March 12 without another hearing.
Among the charged journalists are reporters working for Myanmar Now, Myanmar Photo Agency, 7Day News, Zee Kwet online news and a freelancer, AP reported..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-03-04
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Media - control of media in Burma, Human Rights Reporting (global, regional and Myanmar), Police, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Using live gunfire, security forces kill a 37-year-old man and 19-year-old woman in a crackdown on anti-coup protests
Description:
"Two people were shot dead after security forces cracked down on anti-coup protesters using stun grenades and live ammunition in Mandalay on Wednesday afternoon.
The victims have been identified as 37-year-old Myo Naing, who suffered a gunshot wound to the chest, and 19-year-old Kyel Sin, who was shot in the side of the head, emergency workers and family members told Myanmar Now.
No further details about the victims were available at the time of reporting.
At least 11 people were also injured in the shootings by security forces according to reporters who were covering the incident on the ground. Of those injured, two are in critical condition, having suffered gunshots to the forehead and to the back. Emergency medical workers have said that the number of people wounded could be higher, as multiple groups were working to treat them at the scene.
The protests against the military regime started on Wednesday morning with hundreds of school teachers and members of student unions gathered at the corner of 84th and 30th streets in Mandalay.
Soldiers and police officers then used stun grenades and fired their guns into the air to disperse the crowds. The protesters fled into apartment buildings in the area, as well as down side streets.
They gathered again half an hour after the morning crackdown. At around noon, the security forces shot into the crowd with live ammunition to break up the demonstration. Mandalay has seen some of the most violent and lethal crackdowns in Myanmar in recent weeks, with at least 10 people killed in the city.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has estimated that around 30 people in anti-coup protests have been killed by security forces, and more than 1,200 arrested.
Security forces also fired guns and detained hundreds of people in an attempt to crush similar protests in Yangon on Wednesday..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
UN Special Envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, warned on Wednesday that the situation in the country challenges “the stability of the region” and could lead to a “real war”.
Description:
"Speaking at a virtual press conference, Ms. Burgener said the news out of Myanmar was shocking and, with the death of 38 people, marked the bloodiest day since the start of the coup on 1 February.
More than 1,200 people are under detention and many families do not know where their loved ones are or what condition they are in.
Ms. Schraner Burgener said that in discussions with the army, she warned that UN Member States and the Security Council might take “strong measures”, to which they responded: “We are used to sanctions and we survived the sanctions time in the past”.
She continued, “I also warned they will go in an isolation”, to which they said, “we have to learn to walk with only few friends”.
Chaos continues
Myanmar has been in turmoil since the army seized power and detained elected government leader Aung San Suu Kyi and much of her National League for Democracy (NLD) leadership, who won a November election in a landslide, which the military said was fraudulent.
However, the election commission said the vote was fair.
The UN envoy said she remained in contact with the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), which represents the elected parliamentarians, and with all regional stakeholders, including leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
She noted that the Secretary-General condemned the coup and urged an end to the violence.
Stressing that every tool available was now needed to end the situation, she spelled out that the unity of the international community was essential..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-03-03
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Various rights: reports of violations against several ethnic groups, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Sub-title:
In a virtual meeting, regional foreign ministers will call for Aung San Suu Kyi’s release and encourage talks between the civilian leader and the military.
Description:
"ASEAN foreign ministers are preparing to hold virtual talks with a representative of Myanmar’s military on Tuesday, as anti-coup protesters returned to the streets in the main city of Yangon defying fresh threats from Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
Singapore’s foreign minister Vivian Balakrishnan, in a televised interview late on Monday, said the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will tell the military it is appalled by the violence in Myanmar and call for the release of the country’s elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and for the two sides to talk. “Instability in any corner of Southeast Asia threatens and affects the rest of us,” he said, adding that the coup will cause “grievous damage to Myanmar’s society and economy”.
The military’s February 1 power grab has plunged Myanmar into chaos, drawing hundreds of thousands of people on to the streets of cities and towns across the country as doctors, teachers and other civil servants stop work in protest against the coup.
In the bloodiest crackdown yet, security forces opened fire on protesters on Sunday, killing at least 18 and wounding dozens more.
The killings triggered widespread international condemnation, including from the United Nations and a group of ASEAN legislators who said they were “alarmed at the scale of arbitrary arrests and surge in violence in Myanmar”. ASEAN, which comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam, also renewed its efforts to open a channel between Myanmar’s military and civilian leaders.
Philippine foreign minister, Teodoro Locsin, indicated on Twitter that ASEAN would be firm with Myanmar and said the regional group’s policy of non-interference in a member’s internal affairs “is not a blanket approval or tacit consent for wrong to be done there”.
He also called Aung San Suu Kyi “Burmese democracy’s only hope”. ‘Illegitimate military-led regime’
But ASEAN’s effort to engage with Myanmar’s military was met with a fierce rebuke from groups in the anti-coup movement.
Sa Sa, a representative of a committee of deposed legislators, said ASEAN should have no dealings with “this illegitimate military-led regime”, while the alumni of ASEAN youth programmes in Myanmar said the bloc should be talking to the international representatives of Aung San Suu Kyi’s administration, not to the military government.
“ASEAN must understand that the coup or the re-election promised by the military junta is utterly unacceptable to the people of Myanmar,” it said it a letter to ASEAN.
Aaron Connelly, a research fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, said ASEAN member states were in a difficult position..."
Source/publisher:
"Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of publication:
2021-03-02
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The United Nations has condemned the use of lethal force against peaceful protesters in Myanmar. It said at least eighteen demonstrators had been shot dead in the bloodiest day of clashes since military leaders seized power four weeks ago.
Elections in November saw the ruling party, the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi, win a comfortable victory. That threatened the military's hold on power.
On 1st February, generals seized power in a military coup. There have been huge protests leading to a violent crackdown by the security forces.
Reeta Chakrabarti presents BBC News at Ten reporting by South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head...."
Source/publisher:
"BBC News" (London)
Date of publication:
2021-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Media in Myanmar are reporting that police have shot dead protestors and wounded several others in a crackdown on protests against the military junta. Tear gas, water cannons and stun grenades were fired into crowds in various locations, while scores of demonstrators were hauled away in police trucks. Authorities are trying to crush weeks of demonstrations against the February 1st military takeover which deposed the civilian government..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Police in Myanmar have fired tear gas, water cannon and stun grenades at pro-democracy protesters, killing at least 18 people, the UN has said.
The UN's human rights office said it has received "credible information" that the crackdown on people demonstrating against a military coup included live ammunition being fired into crowds, resulting in the deaths and dozens of injured people.
It is the highest single-day death toll among protesters, who demanded the restoration of Aung San Suu Kyi and her elected government..."
Source/publisher:
"Sky News"
Date of publication:
2021-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2021-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"Myanmar police opened fire on Sunday (Feb 28) on protests against military rule, killing at least two people and wounding several on the second day of a crackdown on demonstrations across the country, a doctor and a politician said.
Myanmar has been in chaos since the army seized power and detained elected government leader Aung San Suu Kyi and much of her party leadership on Feb 1, alleging fraud in a November election her party won in a landslide. The coup, which brought a halt to Myanmar's tentative steps towards democracy after nearly 50 years of military rule, has drawn hundreds of thousands onto the streets and the condemnation of Western countries.
Police opened fire in different parts of the main city of Yangon after stun grenades and tear gas failed to disperse crowds.
One man was brought to a hospital with a bullet wound in the chest and died, said a doctor at the hospital who asked not to be identified. The Mizzima media outlet also reported the death. Police also opened fire in the southern town of Dawei, killing one and wounding several, politician Kyaw Min Htike told Reuters from the town. The Dawei Watch media outlet also said at least one person was killed and more than a dozen wounded. Police and the spokesman for the ruling military council did not respond to phone calls seeking comment. Police were also cracking down on a huge protest in the second city of Mandalay and in the northeastern town of Lashio, residents there said.
Junta leader General Min Aung Hlaing said last week authorities were using minimal force to deal with the protests.
Nevertheless, at least five protesters have died in the turmoil. The army said a policeman has been killed..."
Source/publisher:
"CNA" ( Singapore)
Date of publication:
2021-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Join Targeted Economic Sanctions, Global Arms Embargo; Review Aid
Description:
"The Japanese government should take urgent action to pressure the leaders of the military coup in Myanmar to restore the democratically elected government and respect human rights, Human Rights Now, Human Rights Watch, Japan International Volunteer Center, Justice For Myanmar, and Japan NGO Action Network for Civic Space said today.
In a letter to Japan Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi on February 25, 2021, the organizations urged the Japanese government to take joint action with other countries, including imposing targeted economic sanctions against the Myanmar military and companies that it controls, supporting a global arms embargo, and triggering human rights-based conditionals enshrined in Japan’s Official Development Assistance programs and charter. “As a major and influential donor, the Japanese government has a responsibility to take action to promote human rights in Myanmar,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer. “It should urgently review and suspend any public aid that could benefit the Myanmar military.”
The organizations also said in their letter that Japan should join other concerned governments in imposing targeted economic sanctions against the military-affiliated companies, including Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), while assisting Japanese companies with direct or indirect ties to the military to terminate their business relationships responsibly..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar, Japan-Burma relations
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Security forces came down hard on protesters on Saturday, arresting dozens as nationwide demonstrations against military rule continue
Description:
"Myanmar’s junta stepped up its campaign to end anti-military protesters in Yangon and elsewhere on Saturday, three weeks after the start of daily protests and rallies against the February 1 coup.
In Monywa, a town in central Myanmar, security forces shot a woman in the chest with live ammunition. An emergency worker told local news outlet 7Day that the woman was in critical condition and has been admitted to a hospital.
No further details were available.
Photos circulating on social media showed security forces, including those in plainclothes, slapping an arrested woman, kicking a man onto a police truck, and violently arresting journalists.
According to the Monywa Gazette, at least 50 people have been arrested in the city since the crackdown began Saturday morning. At least five journalists, including a Myanmar Now multimedia reporter and the chief executive officer of the Monywa Gazette, were among several people arrested by the police during crackdowns in different cities.
The arrested journalists also include an AP videographer, a photographer from local photo news agency MPA, and a reporter from the Chin state capital Hakha.
The whereabouts of the arrested journalists remains unknown.
It was unclear how many people had been rounded up by police on Saturday, but witnesses and journalists on the ground reported dozens of arrests at various locations throughout the day. The violence came a day after Myanmar's envoy to the United Nations, Kyaw Moe Tun, made an emotional appeal at the UN calling on the international community to use “all means necessary” to end the military takeover.
Calling the military an “existential threat for Myanmar as a polity and civilized society,” he concluded his 12-minute speech by raising a three-finger salute in solidarity with the protesters.
In Yangon, police were out in force from early in the day to break up protesting crowds at key rallying points. Using stun grenades, rubber bullets and tear gas, they repeatedly forced protesters to flee into nearby residential areas.
As the police advanced, protesters scattered into side streets, sometimes running into apartment buildings or shopping centres..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2021-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Description:
"CNA filmed the build-up of Myanmar security forces in Tamwe township, Yangon and the moment they fired warning shots to disperse protesters, prompting many to flee. More on the anti-coup protests on Saturday (Feb 27): https://cna.asia/3uBQK8P..."
Source/publisher:
"CNA" ( Singapore)
Date of publication:
2021-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Ambassador breaks with convention to call for the return of state power to the people and to restore democracy
Description:
"Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations made an impassioned plea Friday for the international community to take the “strongest possible action” to end the junta’s rule in the country.
Kyaw Moe Tun’s voice cracked with emotion as he spoke out against the military regime that ousted the elected civilian government in a coup on February 1.
It is extremely rare for a representative to break with the rulers of the country they represent during an address at the UN General Assembly.
The ambassador even flashed the three-finger salute that has been used by pro-democracy protesters during street demonstrations against the junta, after concluding his speech with a message in Burmese. “We need… the strongest possible action from the international community to immediately end the military coup, to stop oppressing the innocent people, to return the state power to the people, and to restore the democracy,” he pleaded. Kyaw Moe Tun, his voice trembling, called on all member states to issue public statements strongly condemning the coup during the special meeting on Myanmar.
He appealed for countries not to recognize the military regime or cooperate with it and asked them to demand that the junta respects last year’s democratic elections.
The envoy also urged nations to “take all stronger possible measures” to stop violent acts committed by security forces against peaceful demonstrators..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
Language:
more
Description:
"State MRTV says he had 'Betrayed the country and spoken for an unofficial organisation'.
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Source/publisher:
"Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of publication:
2021-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"Riot police opened fire to disperse protesters in Myanmar's largest city Yangon. Witnesses say they used guns and stun grenades.
Protesters have been taking to the streets since the elected government was overthrown in a military coup on February 1st. The military has now officially annulled the results from last November's election. Earlier this month it replaced the election commission, which had ruled the party of Aung San Suu Kyi won a landslide victory.
The protest march was quickly gripped by panic as shots rang out in Yangon. Witnesses say police fired rubber bullets and stun grenades to disperse the crowd.
Hundreds of people had turned out once again, blocking roads in Myanmar's commercial center, their defiance openly on display.
But police soon moved in to clear them - banging a warning drum with their truncheons against their shields. And there was an even more severe crackdown in Myanmar's second-largest city, Mandalay - with several people requiring medical treatment for their injuries. There have been daily protests and strikes throughout Myanmar since the military took power on February 1st, despite the threat of a violent crackdown constantly looming.
Elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has not been seen in public since the coup. And her lawyer says he's been allowed no contact. Suu Kyi is due to appear in court on Monday, and time is running out to prepare her defense. Outside her Yangon mansion, a group of supporters gathered to offer prayers for her release..."
Source/publisher:
"DW News" (Germany)
Date of publication:
2021-02-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"Myanmar police shot dead one protester on Sunday and wounded several others as they moved to end weeks of demonstrations against the military coup, according to a local politician and news reports.
Police opened fire in the southern town of Dawei, local politician Kyaw Min Htike said. The Dawei Watch media outlet reported that one person was killed and more than a dozen were wounded.
Police and the spokesman for the ruling military council did not respond to phone calls seeking comment.
Videos posted to social media also captured escalating confrontations between protesters and security forces in the cities of Yangon and Mandalay.
In one video from the Hledan district of Yangon, shots could be heard. Local media reported that at least five people were injured in those clashes. At least five students were arrested at protests elsewhere in downtown Yangon Sunday. Shots could also be heard in a live stream posted on social media by local media from Yangon's Tamwe township, in which crowds of protesters could be seen fleeing from police.
The military intensified its crackdown on anti-coup protesters over the weekend, with hundreds of people reportedly detained.
The clashes come a day after the ruling military junta fired the country's United Nations ambassador for making an impassioned plea at the UN General Assembly for international action to help overturn the coup.
On Saturday, state television MRTV announced UN ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun's removal, saying he had "abused the power and responsibilities of a permanent ambassador" and that he "betrays the country."
Speaking to Reuters following his firing, Kyaw Moe Tun said that he "decided to fight back as long as I can."
Myanmar has seen 22 consecutive days of protests since the country's military seized power in a coup on February 1, ousting the democratically-elected government of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained alongside other government leaders including President Win Myint..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Many businesses are struggling as protests, civil disobedience campaigns and cuts to the internet hit trade
Description:
"Business operations are yet to fully resume following a coup d’etat launched by Myanmar’s powerful military three weeks ago, raising fresh concerns about an economic collapse.
Many businesses are now dealing with low sales, finding it difficult to operate and face an uncertain future as the coup staged by Myanmar’s military approached its third week.
The military regime, however, has been adamant that under its administration it will be business as usual, with Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing stating in his first televised speech on February 8 that agreements made under the previous government will be followed and adding that approaches were being made to the international community to come and invest in Myanmar.
“There will be no change in the foreign policy, government policy and economic policy of the country during the period [where] we are temporarily taking responsibility for the state. We shall continue on the same path as before,” Min Aung Hlaing said on the military-owned Myawady TV channel.
A forecast of Myanmar’s GDP growth has been lowered to 2% from 5% for the 2020/21 financial year by New York-based research group Fitch Solutions due to the coup..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-02-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Myanmar is not alone in a region where the armed forces continue to play outsized political roles
Description:
"Myanmar’s recent reversion to outright military rule has ended a brief and tentative experiment with electoral democracy and restored the country’s status quo ante as a junta-run dictatorship.
While international condemnation grows around the putsch, Myanmar is not alone in a region where the armed forces continue to play outsized political roles.
While Southeast Asia’s militaries are deeply enmeshed in politics, their political authority could soon grow as the region teeters towards a potential conflict in the South China Sea and as internal strife simmers in various locales.
Southeast Asian states spent US$34.5 billion on defense in 2019, up 4.2% from 2018, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) think tank.
A report last year by SIPRI’s Siemon T. Wezeman found that military spending by the ten ASEAN states increased by 33% between 2009 and 2018, “significantly more than the global increases [in] military spending or the growth in most other regions and subregions.” Thailand has seen two military coups in the past 15 years, in 2006 and 2014, both against the democratically elected governments of the Shinawatra siblings.
Thailand is now ruled by the military-civilian hybrid government of Prayut Chan-ocha, the junta leader who took charge in 2014. He faces mounting street-level resistance among protesters who question his democratic legitimacy..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2021-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
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Sub-title:
As the democratically elected leader of Myanmar, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is still in detention following the military takeover that triggered country-wide protests, violence and arrests, the UN envoy for the country observed on Friday, declaring that “democratic processes have been pushed aside”.
Description:
"Speaking at an informal General Assembly meeting on the Myanmar crisis, Special Envoy Christine Schraner Burgener said, “I told you in 2019 that I would sound the alarm if necessary…This is now the case”.
‘Fragile and fluid’ situation
The situation in Myanmar is “fragile and fluid”, the UN envoy said, calling it “a people’s fight without arms”.
Ms. Schraner Burgener strongly condemned the military’s “recent steps” and urged the Ambassadors to “collectively send a clear signal” supporting democracy.
She underscored the urgency in helping to lay the foundations of a “pluralistic democracy”, balanced with the complex domestic challenges of the civilian leadership.
“I have tried again and again to explain the complex situation, namely that the army holds the real power”, the UN envoy said. “Genuine democracy requires civilian control over the military”. Reject regime
Noting that “the takeover has not stabilized”, the UN official upheld that the international community must “not lend legitimacy or recognition to this regime”.
She labeled it a “coup”, calling the military takeover and declaration of the state of emergency “a clear violation of the constitution regardless of what they claim”.
Recalling that the National League for Democracy (NLD) had won the November election with 82 per cent of the vote, Ms. Schraner Burgener emphasized: “There is no justification for the military’s actions, and we must continue to call for the reversal of this impermissible situation, exhausting all collective and bilateral channels to restore Myanmar’s path on democratic reform”..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-02-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Sub-title:
Country needs strongest possible action from global community to end military coup, says Kyaw Moe Tun
Description:
"Myanmar’s UN ambassador, Kyaw Moe Tun, speaking for the country’s elected civilian government ousted in a military coup on 1 February, has appealed to the United Nations “to use any means necessary to take action against the Myanmar military” to restore democracy to the south-east Asian country.
He addressed the general assembly on Friday after secretary general António Guterres’ special envoy on Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener, warned that no country should recognise or legitimise the Myanmar junta. “We need further strongest possible action from the international community to immediately end the military coup, to stop oppressing the innocent people, to return the state power to the people and to restore the democracy,” said Kyaw Moe Tun to applause and praise from western and Islamic counterparts.
Such an address is rare. Kyaw Moe Tun appeared emotional as he read the statement on behalf of a group of elected politicians that he said represented the country’s legitimate government. He ended with a three-fingered salute used by protesters..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The UN and Burma - news and commentary
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Sub-title:
Calls are growing for sanctions on the military’s vast business empire after the February 1 coup.
Description:
"From SIM cards to beer, skydiving and jade mining, there are few areas of Myanmar’s economy that escape the long arm of its military, the Tatmadaw.
But after Senior General Min Aung Hlaing led a coup on February 1 that scuppered a 10-year experiment with democracy, campaigners have once again set their sights on the military’s sprawling, and highly lucrative, business interests. Protests in Myanmar amid flurry of Southeast Asian diplomacy
Timeline of events in Myanmar since February 1 coup
Malaysia deports 1,086 Myanmar nationals despite court order
US sanctions two more Myanmar generals after protest crackdown
“Min Aung Hlaing led a genocide against the Rohingya and the international response has been almost nothing really,” said Anna Roberts, executive director of the Burma Campaign UK. “He’s probably calculated that there will be a small response, but that it will be a price worth paying.”
Aung San Suu Kyi, and other senior members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won reelection in a landslide in November’s election, have been detained for more than three weeks with the military making unsubstantiated claims of fraud to justify its power grab.
The United States has already announced financial sanctions to prevent the military from tapping into billions of dollars deposited in the US, as well as targeted moves against individual generals including Min Aung Hlaing, adding to the measures imposed after the 2017 crackdown that prompted an exodus of more than 740,000 mostly Muslim Rohingya into neighbouring Bangladesh.
On Tuesday, after security forces used force to crack down on peaceful protesters killing two people, Washington added two more generals to its sanctions list..."
Source/publisher:
"Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of publication:
2021-02-26
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, The Tatmadaw's view of the world, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Junta banned from all Facebook and Instagram pages, including all commercial entities linked to the military
Description:
"The Myanmar military has been banned from Facebook and Instagram with immediate effect, as the first pro-military rally took place in Yangon.
In a blog post, Facebook said: “Events since the February 1 coup, including deadly violence, have precipitated a need for this ban,” adding: “We believe the risks of allowing the Tatmadaw (Myanmar army) on Facebook and Instagram are too great.”
The army seized power this month after alleging fraud in a 8 November election won by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), and detaining her and much of the party leadership. Facebook said it would also ban all “Tadmadaw-linked commercial entities” from advertising on its platforms.
It said the decision to ban the Myanmar army was due to “exceptionally severe human rights abuses and the clear risk of future military-initiated violence in Myanmar”, as well as the army’s repeated history of violating Facebook’s rules, including since the coup.On the weekend Facebook said it had deleted a page belonging to the military’s propaganda agency, Tatmadaw True News Information Team Page, under its standards prohibiting the incitement of violence.
The military government could not immediately be reached for comment.
Facebook is widely used in Myanmar and has been one of the ways the junta has communicated with people, despite an official move to ban on the platform in the early days of the coup.
In the commercial capital, Yangon, hundreds of pro-military demonstrators marched through downtown towards the central railway station, though the crowd was a fraction of the size of anti-coup protests.
Democracy supporters met them with crossed wrists and banged pots and pans..."
Source/publisher:
"The Guardian" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"Huge crowds brought Myanmar's towns and cities to a standstill Monday in a mass strike against the coup, despite a warning from the military junta that protesters will "suffer loss of life" if demonstrations confront security forces.
Activists had called for a historic strike following the most violent weekend since protests against the February 1 coup began, in which police opened fire on protesters in the second largest city, Mandalay, on Saturday, leaving at least two dead. Images from photographers in the country and on social media Monday showed tens of thousands of people packing the streets in Yangon, Mandalay, and Naypyidaw, as well as in towns and cities across the country, including in southeastern Dawei, in Shan state's Taunggyi, in Ayeyarwady's Pathein, Kachin state's Myitkyina, and in one of the country's poorest regions, Chin state.
In an ominous statement Sunday evening, the military junta said it could use lethal force against protesters.
"It is found that protesters have raised their incitement towards riot and anarchy mob on the day of 22 February. Protesters are now inciting the people, especially emotional teenagers and youths, to a confrontation path where they will suffer the loss of life," the State Administration Council -- the name for the military junta now controlling the country -- declared Sunday evening on state broadcaster MRTV. A protester waves the National League for Democracy (NLD) flag while others take part in a demonstration against the military coup in Yangon on February 22.
Video from social media Sunday night and Monday morning showed barbed wire blocking roads to some foreign embassies in the largest city, Yangon, the focus point for many recent protests. Footage also showed what appeared to be police and military vehicles rolling through the streets.
Protesters called for all offices and shops to be closed on Monday, with activists urging all citizens to join the protest, known as the "Five Twos" -- or the 22222 strike -- in reference to Monday's date.
"22.2.2021 will be a big historic day. Keep watching us and pray for us, friends," leading protest activist group, the Civil Disobedience Movement said in a tweet Sunday..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-02-21
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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Description:
"Some armed with knives and clubs, others firing slingshot and throwing stones, supporters of Myanmar's military attacked opponents of the coup in downtown Yangon on Thursday (Feb 25), while Southeast Asian governments groped for ways to end the crisis.
Myanmar has been in turmoil since the army seized power on Feb 1 and detained civilian government leader Aung San Suu Kyi and much of her party leadership after the military complained of fraud in a November election. There have been about three weeks of daily protests and strikes and students planned to come out again in the commercial hub of Yangon on Thursday.
But before many opponents of the coup gathered, about 1,000 supporters of the military turned up for a rally in central Yangon.
Some of them threatened news photographers, media workers and witnesses said, and scuffles soon escalated into more serious violence in several parts of the city centre. Some military supporters were photographed with clubs and knives. Some threw stones and fired catapults, witnesses said, and several people were beaten by groups of men.
Video footage showed several apparent supporters of the military, one wielding a knife, attacking a man outside a city-centre hotel.
Emergency workers helped the man as he lay on the pavement after his attackers moved off but his condition was not known. "Today's events show who the terrorists are. They're afraid of the people's action for democracy," activist Thin Zar Shun Lei Yi told Reuters.
"We'll continue our peaceful protests against dictatorship."
The violence will compound worries about a country largely paralysed by protests and a civil disobedience campaign of strikes against the military..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK) via "CNA" ( Singapore)
Date of publication:
2021-02-25
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Sub-title:
Weapons Transfers Fuel Junta, Abuses
Description:
"The United Nations Security Council should urgently impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar in response to the military coup and to deter the junta from committing further abuses, 137 nongovernmental groups from 31 countries said today in an open letter to council members. Governments that permit arms transfers to Myanmar – including China, India, Israel, North Korea, the Philippines, Russia, and Ukraine – should immediately stop the supply of any weapons, munitions, and related equipment. Since the February 1, 2021 coup, the Myanmar military has detained civilian leaders, nullified the November 2020 election results, and installed a junta, the State Administration Council, under a manufactured “state of emergency.” In the ensuing weeks, Myanmar security forces have used excessive and at times lethal force against demonstrators; arbitrarily detained activists, students, and civil servants; and imposed rolling internet shutdowns that put lives at risk.
“Given the mass atrocities against the Rohingya, decades of war crimes, and the overthrow of the elected government, the least the UN Security Council can do is impose a global arms embargo on Myanmar,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “Supplying any equipment to the military enables further abuses and bolsters the junta’s ability to repress Myanmar’s people.” The groups’ call reinforces UN Secretary-General António Guterres’s vow to “do everything we can to mobilize all the key actors and international community to put enough pressure on Myanmar to make sure that this coup fails.” The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar has called for a global arms embargo, while he and the deputy high commissioner for human rights have voiced support for targeted UN sanctions.
Security Council members should draft a resolution that bars the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer to the junta of all weapons, munitions, and other military-related equipment, including dual-use goods such as vehicles and communications and surveillance equipment, as well as barring the provision of training, intelligence, and other military assistance, the groups said. This should be accompanied by a robust monitoring and enforcement mechanism, including close scrutiny of sales to third parties that may be likely to resell such items to Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Human Rights Watch Reports on Burma/Myanmar
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Sub-title:
Given its own history of transition from military rule, Indonesia is probably the nation best placed to lead the bloc’s diplomacy on Myanmar.
Description:
"Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi is spearheading an effort to get the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to get more involved in resolving the political situation in Myanmar.
Retno flew to Brunei yesterday and is scheduled to visit Singapore today for talks aimed at building a consensus within ASEAN on unfolding political crisis inside the country.
Her visit comes just over two weeks after the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, seized power, arresting State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and abrogating her party’s landslide victory at national elections in November. The coup has been followed by an escalating nationwide civil disobedience campaign that has brought the country’s government to a standstill.
“Many countries, including Indonesia, have raised concerns,” Retno said in a statement from Brunei. “Raising concerns is one thing, but the question is: What can Indonesia and ASEAN do to help Myanmar get out of this delicate situation?” Her tour came after Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin agreed to instruct their foreign ministers to talk to Brunei, this year’s chair of ASEAN, about setting up a special meeting to address the political crisis in Myanmar.The coup looms as an important test for ASEAN, which claims to occupy a position of diplomatic centrality in Asian diplomacy, but has often been sluggish in its response to regional crises. This is because of ASEAN’s decision-making process, which is based on the principles of consensus – meaning that any ASEAN member state can veto a course of action – and an allergy to any hint of “intervention” in member states’ internal affairs..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2021-02-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, ASEAN-Burma relations
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Description:
"Foreign ministers of the so-called Quad grouping of countries seen as a forum to stand up to China in Asia agreed that democracy must be restored quickly in Myanmar and to strongly oppose attempts to upset the status quo by force, Japan’s foreign minister said on Thursday. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and his counterparts from India, Japan and Australia met virtually for the first time under the Biden administration and discussed Myanmar, COVID-19, climate, and Indo-Pacific territorial and navigation issues, the State Department said in a statement.
“We’ve all agreed on the need to swiftly restore the democratic system (in Myanmar),” and to strongly oppose all unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi told reporters.“I stressed that, with challenges to existing international order continuing in various fields, the role we, the countries that share basic values and are deeply committed to fortifying free and open international order based on the rule of law, play is only getting bigger,” Motegi said.
The State Department said Blinken and his counterparts discussed counterterrorism, countering disinformation, maritime security and “the urgent need to restore the democratically elected government in Burma.”
They also addressed the “the priority of strengthening democratic resilience in the broader region,” it said..."
Source/publisher:
"Reuters" (UK)
Date of publication:
2021-02-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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Sub-title:
The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has warned of the potential for a sharp uptick in violence on Wednesday, as protests continue against the 1 February military takeover of the government.
Description:
"Following reports that a “secretive trial” of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint began on Tuesday, Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews said in a statement that he is “terrified” that violence could break out, as additional soldiers have been deployed in towns and cities, including the commercial hub Yangon, where demonstrations are planned.
“In the past, such troop movements preceded killings, disappearances, and detentions on a mass scale,” he said.
“I am terrified that given the confluence of these two developments – planned mass protests and troops converging – we could be on the precipice of the military committing even greater crimes against the people of Myanmar”, he added.
Mr. Andrews issued an “urgent call” on all governments, individuals and entities that may have influence on Myanmar military authorities to use that influence “to convince the junta that rallies planned for Wednesday must be allowed to proceed without detentions or violence.” ‘Repression must end immediately’
“Continued repression of the people of Myanmar's basic liberties and human rights must end immediately”, he stressed.
In the statement, Mr. Andrews also reiterated that those in the chain of command, regardless of rank, can be held liable for any atrocities committed against the people of Myanmar, and that they “must disobey orders to attack”.
Of course, we cannot rely on the Myanmar military to avoid bloodshed out of a moral or legal obligation alone, he added, underscoring : “that is why it is so imperative that all those with influence demand that the junta restrain itself from further violence and arbitrary arrests”.
International business community urged to act
The Special Rapporteur also called on the international business community to take “immediate action”.
He urged them to call their interlocutors in State Administrative Council – the body set up to govern Myanmar following the military takeover – and to “stress to them that you [the businesses] will be forced to suspend or cease business in Myanmar if they continue down this violent path".
“Specifically stress to them that under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, businesses and investors should suspend or terminate activities with the Myanmar junta when the risk of involvement in serious human rights abuses can no longer be reasonably managed”, the rights expert said.
“I, and many others, would argue we have long passed that threshold. Please implore them to use restraint. Implore them to return power to the people of Myanmar”, Mr. Andrews added..."
Source/publisher:
UN News
Date of publication:
2021-02-17
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Sub-title:
Inspired by protesters in Hong Kong and Thailand, Myanmar’s youth aim to grab the world’s attention as they fight to remove the generals.
Description:
"In the background, mohawked and leather-jacketed punks wave red and black flags and raise three fingers, a symbol of resistance derived from popular film series, The Hunger Games, and adopted by Myanmar’s anti-coup protesters.
“We just wanted to create something that can inspire people,” Hnin told Al Jazeera about the clip. “This song is meant for this moment.”
Hnin met other members of Rebel Riot in 2015 during student strikes in Yangon. They started hanging out “and somehow I became a punk, I guess.”
Describing themselves as a community more than a band, the collective are known not only for their music but for street-level social initiatives, such as handing out food to Yangon’s homeless.
Hnin says that being a part of Rebel Riot allows her to share her voice, which she says goes against the grain of what is expected from young women in Myanmar. “One of the things is you can’t get angry. You need to be quiet, you need to be patient, you need to be polite,” she said. “But women have anger. They have things they don’t agree on. So, that’s the reason why we are doing this, why I am doing this – to show that it’s ok to be angry, it’s ok to explode and be aggressive.”
Tens of thousands have taken to the streets since the military detained civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and seized power on February 1 – the day the country’s new parliament was due to sit. The generals have declared a year-long state of emergency and promised new elections, but have given no timeframe.
The protests have not only featured mohawked punks, but also young people dressed as ghosts, superheroes and anime characters. Marginalised groups including the LGBTI community have also played a prominent role.
Source/publisher:
"Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
Date of publication:
2021-02-19
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
Language:
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Description:
"Since "day one" of the military coup, Burmese actress Paing Phyo Thu -- one of the country's highest-paid stars -- says she has been on the streets opposing the ruling junta.
One of Myamar's highest-paid actresses, she has been offering financial help to striking staff who have given up their jobs to take part in the growing civil disobedience movement, known as CDM.
But on Thursday, the Myanmar Academy Award winner and her director husband, Na Gyi, went into hiding after his name appeared on an arrest list, along with a number of other celebrities who have been accused of using their platform to oppose the coup. A police statement on Wednesday said Na Gyi, two other prominent directors, two actors and a singer, were wanted for "using their popularity and encouraging responsible civil servants to participate in CDM, encouraging civil servants to participate in protests."
The notice from the governing State Administration Council said information on the whereabouts of the actor Payeti Oo, Director Ko Pauk, actor Lu Min, director Wine, director Na Gyi and singer Anatga was needed by the Myanmar Police Force.
They are being sought under a section of the country's penal code that was amended this week by coup-leader Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, in an apparent effort to target protesters, journalists and critics of the takeover. Section 505a makes it a crime to "hinder, disturb, damage the motivation, discipline, health, conduct" of government employees and military personnel and "and cause their hatred, disobedience, or disloyalty" toward the government or military.
Paing Phyo Thu said that while "we know that it's very dangerous to speak out like this," she won't stop -- despite the arrest warrant and being forced into hiding. Paing Phyo Thu has gone into hiding with her husband Na Gyi after a warrant for his arrest was issued.
"We can talk about our opinions, we don't mind because since day one of the military coup, we've been talking about it on our social media platforms because we want the audience to know that we're with them and nobody likes this. It's such an unfair thing," she said..."
Source/publisher:
"CNN" (USA)
Date of publication:
2021-02-18
Date of entry/update:
2021-02-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Political role of the Tatmadaw, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, The 2020 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar
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