Sanctions
See also the International Labour Organisation (under Labour Rights in Human Rights) and \Debate on Investment in Burma\ under Economy > Foreign Investment
Individual Documents
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"On the eve of European Foreign Ministers’ expected annual rollover of European Union targeted sanctions on the Burmese military, we the undersigned European civil society organisations call on the European Union to expand sanctions targeting oil and gas revenue reaching the Burmese military.
The European Union (EU) must extend its sanctions framework on Burma to cover the entire oil and gas extraction supply chain, including service companies, financial intermediaries, insurers, accreditation providers and engineering contractors.
The EU has already recognised the central role of the oil and gas sector in sustaining the Burmese military. In February 2022, the Council sanctioned the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), noting that:
“MOGE is thus controlled by and generates revenue for the Tatmadaw, therefore contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma.” The EU further emphasised that MOGE acts as the operator, service provider and regulator of the oil and gas sector, overseeing exploration, production and gas transmission while collecting taxes and profits from private partners.
This reasoning clearly demonstrates that the oil and gas sector is a major source of revenue for the Burmese military and that participation by private companies enables this revenue stream. Oil and gas revenues not only bolster a ruthless dictatorship but directly fund war crimes and human rights abuses against civilians in Burma.
However, the current sanctions regime leaves significant loopholes. While MOGE itself is sanctioned, European companies may still provide technical, engineering, certification, insurance and financial services. These services allow gas projects to continue operating and generating revenue for the Burmese military.
For example, the Cyprus-registered company Energy Holdings Limited (https://www.energyholdings.cy/) illustrates the type of EU-linked corporate structures that may participate in or facilitate activities connected to Burma’s gas industry. It is currently working on the Zawtika gas field in Burma, under a contract with the Thai company, PTT Exploration and Production Public Company Limited (PTTEP). This clearly shows even where companies are not directly managing fields, or directly working with MOGE, their services support infrastructure, operations and provide investment that MOGE and the Burmese military benefit from.
The EU’s own reasoning for sanctioning MOGE should logically apply to such companies. If an entity generates or facilitates revenue for the Burmese military through the oil and gas sector, then it contributes to the regime’s ability to sustain its campaign of repression. Service companies and intermediaries are an integral part of the same value chain.
Another concern is the lack of transparency surrounding service provision in the sector. Insurance, certification, auditing and accreditation services are particularly opaque. In many cases it is unclear which firms are underwriting projects, providing risk coverage, certifying operations or supporting compliance functions. Without targeted sanctions covering these services, the EU cannot know the full extent of possible European involvement in sustaining the Burmese military’s gas revenue.
To ensure that EU sanctions achieve their intended effect, the EU must:
Expand sanctions to cover the entire Burma oil and gas extraction supply chain, including service providers and intermediaries.
Introduce restrictions on insurance, reinsurance, certification, engineering and financial services linked to the sector.
Improve transparency and due-diligence requirements to identify EU-based companies facilitating oil and gas sector operations.
Investigate EU-registered entities that may be directly or indirectly involved in supporting Burma’s oil and gas industry.
Without such measures, the sanctions on MOGE risk being undermined by the continued involvement of international service providers that prop up the oil and gas sector and bankroll the Burmese military.
The people of Burma face unrelenting human rights abuses and violations of international law committed by the Burmese military. The European Union can and must do more to cut the flow of arms and revenue to the Burmese military, and ensure no European companies are involved in the gas sector in Burma...."
Source/publisher:
European Advocacy Organisations via Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
Date of publication:
2026-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-20
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"Intensified Burma Army airstrikes on civilian targets in northern Karen State highlight urgent need for arms embargo and jet fuel sanctions
The Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN) and the Salween Peace Park Governing Committee strongly condemn the intensified Burma Army airstrikes on civilian targets in Mutraw (Papun) district of northern Karen State from April 10th to 16th 2026, which killed four civilians, injured fourteen, and destroyed dozens of civilian buildings, including clinics, schools, churches and a monastery.
On April 10th, at 10:15 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped two bombs on Paw Hta village, Bu Tho township, Mutraw district. The bombs killed a man, aged 80, injured two men and a woman, and destroyed four houses and a monastery.
On April 11th, at about 11:30 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped two bombs on Oo Mi Hta village, Bu Tho township, Mutraw district, destroying two public clinic buildings.
On April 13th, at about 9 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped a cluster bomb on Day Bu Noh, Lu Thaw township, Mutraw district. The bomb destroyed a public building.
On April 14th, at about 10 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter and a Y-12 aircraft dropped nearly a hundred bombs on Day Bu Noh village, Lu Thaw township, Mutraw district. The bombs destroyed six junior college school buildings, including two libraries, and a high school chapel hall.
On April 15th, at about 3:50 pm, two Burma Army jet fighters dropped 20 bombs and a Y-12 aircraft dropped over 50 bombs on Kheh Pa Hta (Ler Wah Kho Der) village, Lu Th aw township, Mutraw district, killing three men, aged 28, 43 and 63. The community was holding an annual religious meeting at the time.
The next day, at about 10 am, while a funeral service was being held for the airstrike victims at Kheh Pa Hta, the village was again attacked by two Burma Army jet fighters, which dropped eight bombs and fired Oerlikon cannons. This led to a total of eleven civilians being injured over the two days, as well as 28 houses, two church buildings, a middle school chapel hall, a students’ dormitory and a large amount of valuable property being completely destroyed.
After the sham election was completed by the Burma Army on January 25th 2026, Min Aung Hlaing unlawfully assumed the presidency and transferred the army leadership to Ye Win Oo. The positions may have changed but their atrocities have only worsened.
KPSN and the Salween Peace Park Governing Committee call urgently for increased international pressure on the Burma Army to stop their escalating attacks on civilian targets, and reiterate demands for an immediate arms embargo and aviation fuel sanctions on the Naypyitaw regime. We also urge international donors to prioritize cross-border aid..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Peace Support Network, Salween Peace Park
Date of publication:
2026-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-20
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"Intensified Burma Army airstrikes on civilian targets in northern Karen State highlight urgent need for arms embargo and jet fuel sanctions
The Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN) and the Salween Peace Park Governing Committee strongly condemn the intensified Burma Army airstrikes on civilian targets in Mutraw (Papun) district of northern Karen State from April 10th to 16th 2026, which killed four civilians, injured fourteen, and destroyed dozens of civilian buildings, including clinics, schools, churches and a monastery.
On April 10th, at 10:15 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped two bombs on Paw Hta village, Bu Tho township, Mutraw district. The bombs killed a man, aged 80, injured two men and a woman, and destroyed four houses and a monastery.
On April 11th, at about 11:30 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped two bombs on Oo Mi Hta village, Bu Tho township, Mutraw district, destroying two public clinic buildings.
On April 13th, at about 9 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter dropped a cluster bomb on Day Bu Noh, Lu Thaw township, Mutraw district. The bomb destroyed a public building.
On April 14th, at about 10 pm, a Burma Army jet fighter and a Y-12 aircraft dropped nearly a hundred bombs on Day Bu Noh village, Lu Thaw township, Mutraw district. The bombs destroyed six junior college school buildings, including two libraries, and a high school chapel hall.
On April 15th, at about 3:50 pm, two Burma Army jet fighters dropped 20 bombs and a Y-12 aircraft dropped over 50 bombs on Kheh Pa Hta (Ler Wah Kho Der) village, Lu Th aw township, Mutraw district, killing three men, aged 28, 43 and 63. The community was holding an annual religious meeting at the time.
The next day, at about 10 am, while a funeral service was being held for the airstrike victims at Kheh Pa Hta, the village was again attacked by two Burma Army jet fighters, which dropped eight bombs and fired Oerlikon cannons. This led to a total of eleven civilians being injured over the two days, as well as 28 houses, two church buildings, a middle school chapel hall, a students’ dormitory and a large amount of valuable property being completely destroyed.
After the sham election was completed by the Burma Army on January 25th 2026, Min Aung Hlaing unlawfully assumed the presidency and transferred the army leadership to Ye Win Oo. The positions may have changed but their atrocities have only worsened.
KPSN and the Salween Peace Park Governing Committee call urgently for increased international pressure on the Burma Army to stop their escalating attacks on civilian targets, and reiterate demands for an immediate arms embargo and aviation fuel sanctions on the Naypyitaw regime. We also urge international donors to prioritize cross-border aid..."
Source/publisher:
Karen Peace Support Network, Salween Peace Park
Date of publication:
2026-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2026-04-20
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Individual Documents
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Sanctions
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"An investigation by Justice For Myanmar and Info Birmanie has uncovered damning evidence of Aviation Industry Corporation of China's (AVIC) continued supply of aircraft and weapons to Myanmar's military junta.
The Myanmar military is using AVIC-supplied aircraft to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
The report “#Airbusted: How Airbus' close partner AVIC is supplying arms to the Myanmar military and what Airbus should do about it” details how AVIC is supplying fighter jets, combat aircraft, and military transport aircraft to the Myanmar military, which are being used in indiscriminate bombings of civilians.
The report includes new details about the recent purchase of FTC 2000G combat aircraft and various missiles.
AVIC also supports the Myanmar Air Force by continuing to provide maintenance, repair, and overhaul services for Chinese fixed-wing aircraft in use by the junta.
French aerospace giant Airbus is a major investor in AVIC's Hong Kong-listed holding company, AviChina Industry and Technology Co. Ltd., and a strategic partner of AVIC in China.
Despite AVIC's clear role in arming Myanmar's brutal junta, Airbus has not only maintained but increased its investment in and collaboration with AVIC-controlled companies. This continues even as other investors have withdrawn due to AviChina’s links to transfers of military aircraft and weapons to the Myanmar junta.
The investigation highlights a stark contradiction between the public statements and private actions of Airbus's key shareholders – the governments of Spain, Germany, and France.
While these governments have publicly condemned the Myanmar military's crimes and committed to stopping arms flows, they appear to be, at least, silent regarding Airbus's continued collaboration with AVIC behind the scenes.
Justice For Myanmar and Info Birmanie demand that Airbus immediately use its leverage to pressure AVIC to cease all collaboration with the Myanmar junta. If AVIC fails to comply, Airbus must responsibly divest from all AVIC-controlled entities.
The governments of Spain, Germany, and France must align their actions with their public commitments by ensuring Airbus acts to cut its links to war crimes in Myanmar.
The people of Myanmar deserve more than empty words. It's time for concrete action to stop the flow of arms and support to the illegal military junta.
Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar, says:
"Airbus has been turning a blind eye to AVIC's dirty deals with the brutal Myanmar military for too long.
"With ongoing credible documentation and reporting at the UN of the human rights crisis in Myanmar, Airbus must have known that its key business partner AVIC is supplying aircraft, weapons and ongoing technical maintenance services to the junta in Myanmar.
"Airbus and its states shareholders must end the flow of arms from AVIC to the genocidal Myanmar military, or ensure Airbus ends it business with AVIC for good.
"How can we take the condemnations of Spain, Germany, and France seriously, if they have investments that sustain the junta in Myanmar?"
Johanna Chardonnieras, coordinator for Info Birmanie, says:
"Multiple tools have been put in place in France, at European and international levels to guarantee corporate responsibility. Our investigation has established serious doubts about Airbus' ability to comply with these tools in the case of the Myanmar conflict.
"Airbus is not an ordinary company, both because operates in the defence sector and because of the identity of its fixed shareholders: governments. The French, Spanish and German governments have a responsibility and a duty to act when Airbus’ partner and investee is linked in war crimes.
"The French, Spanish and German governments, alongside the European Union, have condemned the atrocities committed in Myanmar. Today they have the opportunity to show their capacity for action, in line with their statements, values and sanctions."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-09-16
Date of entry/update:
2024-09-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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Description:
"New investigation exposes companies supporting the Myanmar air force as it commits war crimes and crimes against humanity with impunity
Justice For Myanmar has uncovered a global network of companies that have enabled the Myanmar military to acquire and operate at least ten French-manufactured Avions de Transport Regional (ATR) aircraft from 2013 onwards.
The military has used the aircraft to transport troops and arms used in its commission of international crimes, and for surveillance and reconnaissance.
The investigation reveals that international companies, private military arms brokers and commercial airlines have transferred ATR aircraft to the military, in some cases hiding the end user in an apparent attempt to evade sanctions.
Myanmar and international companies have also assisted the military through the procurement of parts and the provision of maintenance services.
Companies operating out of the European Union (EU) – including ATR and Sabena Technics in France, and Axis Flight Simulation Systems in Austria – enabled the continuing flight operations of the military’s ATR aircraft by ensuring repairs of core components, supplying key parts and spares, and enabling the training of Myanmar air force pilots to fly the ATR aircraft.
This business has taken place despite the EU restrictive measures on Myanmar in place during the period investigated and strengthened in 2018.
Companies in Singapore have enabled the continuing flight operations of ATR aircraft in Myanmar by supplying key parts and spares, including after the military’s coup attempt.
Air KBZ (now Mingalar Aviation), owned by the crony 24 Hour Group, has played a central role, transferring two ATR aircraft to the air force and allowing arms broker International Gateways Group to use its name to procure two more ATRs from Vietnam Airlines before the military’s coup attempt.
Air KBZ has also leased at least two ATR aircraft from the military for commercial use, providing it with a source of revenue.
The military-linked crony conglomerate KT Group has brokered the acquisition of two ATR aircraft for the military, through its British Virgin Islands subsidiary MWG Limited.
Other ATR aircraft have been provided by the crony conglomerate Htoo Group, which has additionally provided maintenance for at least six of the air force’s ATRs.
Justice For Myanmar calls on governments to urgently block the Myanmar air force and its brokers from accessing spare and replacement parts, receiving flight crew and maintenance training, and accessing instructions needed for the continuing airworthiness of its ATR aircraft.
Targeted and coordinated sanctions should be extended to all Myanmar companies supporting the military’s ATR fleet, including 24 Hour Group, KT Group, International Gateways Group and Htoo Group.
Existing measures should be enforced for past and ongoing direct and indirect breaches.
International companies should halt all business with Myanmar arms brokers and civilian airline companies that have supported the Myanmar military.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "It is unacceptable that the Myanmar military has been able to acquire ATR aircraft, spare parts and maintenance services over many years while committing genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
"The junta is now using these aircraft to transport troops and weapons for its nationwide campaign of terror, supporting indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to war crimes.
"ATR and other international companies have failed in their human rights responsibilities by not conducting adequate due diligence to prevent their products from being used by the Myanmar military.
"Governments need to take urgent action to ensure that the Myanmar air force can no longer make use of the at least ten ATR aircraft that it relies on for its brutal attacks against children, schools, clinics and whole communities.
"This must involve cutting the military’s access to spare parts, training and technical support for its ATR aircraft.
"The military's use of French aircraft for the commission of international crimes also shows the clear need for the EU to expand and better enforce its restrictive measures on Myanmar.
"Singapore also needs to do more to cut off the military’s access to dual use goods and technology, and to stop allowing Myanmar military arms brokers from operating in its territory."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-08-29
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-29
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"The Singapore based company Emerging Towns & Cities (ETC) is continuing to fund the Myanmar army as it commits war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
ETC’s latest financial disclosure, for the 6 months to June 2024, shows the payment of a land lease premium of S$900,000 for Golden City, a real estate complex in Yangon on land leased from the Myanmar army’s office of the quartermaster general.
Earlier financial reports show the payment of S$1.68 million in 2022 and S$2.99 million in 2023, bringing the total paid to the Myanmar military to S$5.57 since its illegal coup attempt. ETC did not register any payments in 2021.
The office of the quartermaster general is under the office of the commander-in-chief of the army, Soe Win, a war criminal. In its December 2021 sanctions designation, the UK government described the quartermaster general’s office as “play(ing) a crucial role in procuring equipment for the Myanmar Armed Forces, including ammunition, bombs and jet fuel. This directly enables serious human rights violations, and the repression of the civilian population including peaceful protestors and ethnic minorities”.
On the same day, the office of the quartermaster general was also sanctioned by the USA and Canada.
The latest payments to the Myanmar army come as ETC has suspended trading for more than three years and has stated that it was in the process of divesting from Myanmar.
In February 2021, Justice For Myanmar published a report into ETC’s payments to the Myanmar army and the implications for the Singapore Stock Exchange, finding that payments to the army included a US$6.8 million “land use premium” and annual payments of US$2.8 million. The deal is under a build-operate-transfer contract, where the army receives the building as an asset at the end of the maximum 70-year term. Total payments to the army over the full 70 years would amount to US$191.1 million.
In response to Justice For Myanmar’s report, Singapore Stock Exchange Regulation took regulatory actions against ETC on February 26 2021 and the company suspended trading.
To address questions from the SGX regulator, ETC commissioned independent reviews into payments to the Myanmar military and its legal compliance.
In October 2021, Justice For Myanmar and the Australian Centre for International Justice published a legal memo from international law experts Felicity Gerry KC, International Criminal Court counsel, and Daye Gang of the Victorian Bar in Australia, which found that international law and guidance places due diligence obligations on the Singapore Stock Exchange and possible associated liability in international law on the Monetary Authority of Singapore and the Singapore Government for companies doing business with the Myanmar military.
The legal memo found that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, which are applicable to business transactions with the Myanmar military and its business interests, and that legal remedies would be “easily pursued and enforced” against SGX if the Myanmar military’s financial organs are found to be in breach of international laws and/or compliance regulations, including international human rights and humanitarian law.
In July 2023, ETC announced that they had entered into a sales agreement with the Singapore company, Grand Ally Investments, and recently extended the long-stop date to December 31, 2024.
As ETC and Grand Ally are both registered in Singapore, Singapore remains exposed to Golden City’s business with the Myanmar military, which helps fund its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
We urge Singapore to impose sanctions on the junta and its business interests and to prevent continued payments to the Myanmar military from ETC and successor investors in Golden City.
If it fails to act, Singapore and its financial entities and private Singaporean financial institutions risk asset freezes as ETC’s money and assets move through US financial institutions.
Governments should impose sanctions on ETC’s Myanmar partner, Jewellery Luck Group of Companies, and their owners and directors, because of their continued business relationship with the office of the quartermaster general. Jewellery Luck Group of Companies owns 30% of Golden Land Real Estate Development. The group also finances the junta through teak purchases from the junta controlled Myanma Timber Enterprise, according to Justice For Myanmar sources.
Under the sale, ETC will discharge itself from a loan facility between Golden Land Real Estate and the international banks ICBC of China, E.SUN of Taiwan, and the Myanmar crony bank, KBZ, which will continue to be exposed to the financing of the Myanmar military through the Golden City project. Banks should end their business with the Myanmar military and its associates or risk their funds or assets being frozen in domestic and transnational money-laundering investigations and prosecutions, especially by the United States.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is unacceptable that ETC can continue operating in Singapore while financing a genocidal military that is murdering children, bombing schools and clinics, and displacing millions.
“Through this continued funding to the Myanmar army, ETC is complicit in ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“It’s time for Singapore to do more to block its companies from providing the murderous junta with funds, arms, technology and jet fuel.
“We urge governments, including Singapore, to impose sanctions on the junta and its businesses. Governments should also sanction Jewellery Luck Group, ETC’s Myanmar partner, for its continued business with the junta."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-08-19
Date of entry/update:
2024-08-19
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"TASAKI must responsibly end all business with the sanctioned entity Myanmar Pearl Enterprise.
Mekong Watch and Justice For Myanmar have sent letters dated June 11, 2024 to TASAKI and its potential investors FountainVest Partners and Unison Capital, raising concerns over TASAKI’s continuing partnership with Myanmar Pearl Enterprise (MPE), a US, UK, and Canadian sanctioned state-owned enterprise illegally controlled by the Myanmar military junta. The Myanmar military continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity, relying on revenue from MPE and other junta-controlled entities. The two organizations urged TASAKI to responsibly end all business with MPE.
The letter inquired whether TASAKI, a luxury jeweler founded in Japan, has performed human rights due diligence since the military’s coup attempt, the results of that due diligence and what measures TASAKI has taken in response. The two organizations further urged TASAKI to publicly disclose its transactions with MPE and other junta-controlled entities since February 1, 2021.
MYANMAR TASAKI Co., Ltd, a subsidiary of TASAKI & Co., Ltd, has been in a business partnership with MPE since 1997 through a production sharing contract under a license granted by the now junta-controlled Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation. MYANMAR TASAKI was the largest producer of pearls at almost eleven billion MMK (over US$8 million at the time) worth of pearls in 2017-2018, the year with the most recently published data available.
According to the TASAKI’s website, it has stores in Australia, China, France, Japan, Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, UK and USA among others.
The military junta benefits from revenues generated through the pearl industry, including through a production sharing agreement under which MPE reportedly receives 20-25% of the pearls harvested, as well as through customs duties, other taxes and the transfer of technology that can support further production.
According to Bloomberg, FountainVest Partners and Unison Capital are jointly intending to purchase TASAKI & Co., Ltd.
Since February 1, 2021 when the Myanmar military attempted a coup, it has been committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity including deliberate killings, arbitrary arrests, torture, indiscriminate airstrikes, and the destruction of civilian property, displacing more than 3 million people across the country.
Despite grave concerns that the military is committing these crimes relying on revenue from MPE and other junta-controlled entities, TASAKI did not disclose any information by the requested deadline on July 5, 2024.
Yuka Kiguchi, Director of Mekong Watch, said, “Under the OECD Guidelines and the UN Guiding Principles, TASAKI has a responsibility to respect human rights and are therefore required to exercise human rights due diligence to identify and prevent, mitigate and account for adverse human rights impacts. As a global company founded in Japan, TASAKI is failing to take up their responsibility to respect human rights and disclose important information that affects the lives of the people of Myanmar. TASAKI should end their partnership with MPE or risk complicity in the military’s international crimes.”
Yadanar Maung, Justice for Myanmar’s spokesperson, said, “By continuing its partnership with the MPE, TASAKI is providing the Myanmar military with a source of revenue that it uses to procure the weapons and jet fuel it needs to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. Potential investors should use their leverage to ensure TASAKI responsibly divest from Myanmar, or they risk contributing to the military’s international crimes. We call on TASAKI to stop selling blood pearls and finally end its business with the junta, which is a terrorist organization.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar, Mekong watch
Date of publication:
2024-07-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions
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257.09 KB 180.64 KB 170.07 KB
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Description:
"Since it launched a coup attempt on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military junta has killed over 5,000 civilians and over 3 million people have been displaced by conflict and junta human rights violations. Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner, told the Human Rights Council last month that “we are hearing stories of horrific war tactics, such as beheadings. Midnight drone attacks. The burning of homes as people sleep. People being shot at as they flee for their lives.” It comes as the junta increasingly uses air strikes to target civilians.
Since the coup attempt began, the junta has used state-owned enterprises, particularly state-owned banks and revenues from the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), to fund its atrocities, purchase weapons and aviation fuel and access international financial markets.
The EU sanctioned MOGE on 21 February 2022, cutting the junta off from at least USD 500 million without stopping gas exports to China. The U.S. has, however, only partially sanctioned MOGE and PTT Group, the Thai state-owned fossil fuel conglomerate, continues to pay tens of millions in monthly gas revenues to MOGE accounts controlled by the junta.
On 21 June 2023, the U.S. belatedly heeded calls from Myanmar civil society to sanction the state-owned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanmar Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB). While these banking sanctions were a welcome step forward, it came with warnings that the junta would switch to Myanma Economic Bank (MEB) and Myanma Agricultural Development Bank (MADB). The EU and U.K. have failed to sanction any of these banks while Canada and Australia have sanctioned only MFTB and MICB.
A report published on 26 June 2024, by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar shed further light on how weapons and military supplies continue to make it into Myanmar, including identifying the financial institutions responsible for facilitating military procurement transactions and confirming the continued outsized importance of gas revenues.
The Special Rapporteur’s report also shows two things. First, international actions can effectively disrupt the military junta’s supply chains – the report identifies a 33% drop in military procurement from the junta’s FY2022 to FY2023 and shows a major decline in the amount of military supplies sold by Singapore-registered companies and facilitated by Singaporean banks.
However, the report also shows how the junta has used gaps in sanctions and moved procurement to countries willing to leave routes open for it to get around these actions. Specifically:
As Singapore banks have cut their ties with the junta, Thai banks have stepped in to fill the gap. In particular the “Siam Commercial Bank facilitated just over US$5 million in transactions related to Myanmar military procurement in FY2022, that figure leaped to over US$100 million in FY2023.”
MEB has become a key conduit for the junta’s access to international financial services which it uses to buy weapons.
Thai companies, using Thai banks, sold USD 80 million of aviation fuel in 2023 that could be used by the junta to increase its attacks on civilians.
Gas revenues flowing PTT Group, through Thai banks to MOGE, via MEB, remain the largest single source of revenue for the junta.
In response to a previous report from the Special Rapporteur and subsequent pressure from the Singapore government, Singapore banks have largely cut ties with the junta. The UN Special Rapporteur sets out how Thai banks have stepped in to fill the gap. While ASEAN continues to rely on its failed 5-Point plan and its so-called policy of non-inference, Thailand is allowing PTT and Thai banks to fund the junta and ensuring that Thai banks and companies grant the junta access to weapons and aviation fuel. While the international community has gone some way to improve sanctions coordination, huge gaps remain.
We call on the international community to follow the recommendations of Special Rapporteur, in particular, to coordinate targeted sanctions on Myanmar’s state-owned banks, gas sector and aviation fuel. The U.S. must immediately sanction MEB and MADB and fully sanction MOGE. The U.N. Security council and individual member states, including the U.K. and EU, should sanction MFTB, MICB, MEB and MADB and follow the EU’s lead on sanctioning MOGE.
We call on ASEAN member states to address Thailand’s apparent policy of allowing PTT Group and Thai banks to back the Myanmar military junta.
We call on the Thai government to support sanctions that cut off the junta’s access to international financial services and gas revenues and follow Singapore’s lead in ensuring that its banks are not helping the junta procure weapons and aviation fuel.
We call on Thai banks to comply with their obligations under the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights cease all transactions that support Myanmar’s military junta.
We call on PTT group to end its contribution to grave human rights abuses and divert gas revenues away from their junta in line with calls from Myanmar civil society, Myanmar’s National Unity Government and Thailand’s Move Forward Party.
We call on investors in PTT Group to follow the lead of the Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund and Robeco and divest from PTT Group due to its links to human rights abuses in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
240 Myanmar and International Organizations via Burma Campaign UK
Date of publication:
2024-07-15
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Sub-title:
Withdrawals have increased as kyat loses value and economy tanks.
Description:
"Amid steep inflation and a freefalling economy, Myanmar banks have begun restricting the amounts of cash that can be withdrawn each day, according to local residents, a bank branch, and a bank officer who told Radio Free Asia it was to prevent a bank run.
“People have experienced more anxiety,” the bank officer said, referring to the country’s economic situation.
“We have restricted the amount of daily withdrawal — as any bank does not have enough cash for massive withdrawal — to prevent the collapse of banks,” he said, speaking on the condition of anonymity for security reasons.
Yangon residents who also asked to remain anonymous for security told RFA that restrictions began at the start of this week.
One resident said that while previously he was able to withdraw unlimited amounts of cash, all banks now limited customers to 1,000,000 kyat (about US$208) to 2,000,000 (US$416) per day.
“Although there is no problem with depositing, there are many difficulties in withdrawal,” he said.
The limits come amid economic hardship for many in Myanmar, where the economy has shrunk 20% since the junta came to power in a 2021 coup and prices of consumer goods in some areas have risen 200%.
The kyat, meanwhile, has lost 28% of its value against the U.S. dollar over the past year, according to the latest World Bank report. The same report noted overall inflation was 30% year on year as of September 2023.
In the hopes of stabilizing the domestic economy, the junta has repeatedly lowered the dollar exchange rate and tried to clamp down on capital flight.
A factory owner in Yangon said his own bank branch, a KBZ located on Pyay road, had even lower limits of 500,000 kyat a day, making it hard for him to make payroll.
"People are facing a hard time now,” he said. “The central bank is likely to be watching deposits and withdrawals.”
RFA contacted a branch of KBZ bank in Yangon, which confirmed they had restricted withdrawals. On Tuesday, they allowed a maximum withdrawal of 3,000,000 kyat, but on Wednesday reduced that by a third.
The bank limits come on the heels of a July 1 announcement by the junta’s Ministry of Information saying it would charge executives and issue fines to seven private banks that issued mortgages exceeding limits imposed by the Central Bank.
The banks include Yoma Bank, Myanmar Citizen Bank, AYA Bank, Small and Medium Enterprises Development Bank, UAB Bank, Myanmar Metro Bank and the Construction, Housing and Infrastructure Development Bank.
The bank officer told RFA he believed the warning of legal action had led citizens to assume that the government no longer trusted private banks, apart from KBZ, which has ties to the junta. That, in turn, had led to higher than usual withdrawals in recent days.
Calls to Aung Kyaw Than, director general of the Currency Management Department of the Central Bank went unanswered.
In June, the Central Bank announced it had taken legal actions against approximately 40 people who were involved in illegal digital currency trades and foreign money transfer businesses..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-07-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-10
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Junta airstrikes have increased five-fold this year, UN rights official said
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"Shipments of aviation fuel are reaching Myanmar despite calls to deprive its military of the resources needed to carry out unlawful air strikes against insurgents battling to end army rule, international human rights group Amnesty International said on Monday.
The London-based group announced on Jan. 30 its researchers had documented new ways that the junta was skirting sanctions with aviation fuel shipped directly from Vietnam to Myanmar at least seven times in 2023.
The group said the pattern had continued with at least two and probably three shipments of aviation fuel reaching Myanmar between January and June.
“As with the previous shipments identified by Amnesty International in January, the fuel was bought and sold multiple times before reaching the last leg of its trip in Vietnam ahead of shipment to Myanmar,” the group said in a report.
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Myanmar has been in bloody turmoil since the military ousted an elected government in early 2021, ending a decade of tentative reforms.
Democracy activists have taken up arms and linked up with autonomy-seeking ethnic minority insurgents, and together they have made significant advances against junta forces in several parts of the country this year.
But the insurgents have few effective weapons with which to defend themselves against air attacks.
The U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar said last month that military airstrikes against civilian targets had increased five-fold in the first half of this year even though the United States and Britain announced sanctions against companies that import jet fuel to the junta in August last year.
Amnesty International said that in two instances this year a Chinese-owned oil tanker transported jet fuel from Vietnam to Myanmar and fuel traders based in Singapore appeared to have played a role in the supply chain.
“Like the 2023 shipments, the 2024 shipments involved multiple purchases and resales of the same fuel, making it hard to trace the original supplier,” the rights group added.
“The Myanmar military is relying on the very same Chinese vessel and Vietnamese companies to import its aviation fuel, despite Amnesty International having already exposed that reckless supply chain,” said Agnes Callamard, secretary general of Amnesty International.
“It is a raw display of both the sheer impunity with which the Myanmar military is operating, and the utter complicity of the states responsible, including Vietnam, China and Singapore.”
Radio Free Asia was not able to contact Myanmar’s junta spokesman for comment. The junta has said it does not intentionally target civilians..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-08
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"Data reveals shipments of jet fuel still arriving in Myanmar
Investigation shows military air strike killed 12 civilians and injured 26 as historic monastery in Magway, Central Myanmar attacked
“My friends were killed right before my eyes on the street,” eyewitness tells Amnesty
Amnesty International has documented new shipments of aviation fuel to Myanmar despite global calls to deprive the country’s military of the resources it needs to carry out unlawful air strikes.
In January 2024, Amnesty International exposed the Myanmar military’s new evasive tactics for importing aviation fuel throughout 2023, following sanctions imposed on parts of its supply chain.
That pattern continues with at least two, and likely three, additional shipments of aviation fuel having entered the country between January and June this year. As with the previous shipments identified by Amnesty International in January, the fuel was bought and sold multiple times before reaching the last leg of its trip in Viet Nam ahead of shipment to Myanmar.
In two instances, the Chinese owned HUITONG78 oil tanker transported fuel from Viet Nam to Myanmar. Other companies appear to have played a role in the supply chain too, including fuel traders Singapore-based Sahara Energy International Pte. Ltd. and Chinese state-owned entity (SOE) CNOOC Trading (Singapore) Pte. Ltd. A likely third shipment, also by HUITONG78, appears to have come to Myanmar from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in May 2024.
It is unclear how the fuel was used after it arrived, but the military’s control of the port means there are significant risks it could be used for non-civilian purposes.
“The Myanmar military is relying on the very same Chinese vessel and Vietnamese companies to import its aviation fuel, despite Amnesty International having already exposed that reckless supply chain,” said Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International.
“It is a raw display of both the sheer impunity with which the Myanmar military is operating, and the utter complicity of the states responsible, including Viet Nam, China and Singapore.”
Air strikes on the rise
In June 2024 the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar reported that military air strikes against civilian targets in Myanmar have increased five-fold in the first half of this year.
Amnesty International documented one of these attacks. Witnesses told Amnesty that on the morning of 9 May, the Myanmar military launched an attack on a monastery in Saw Township’s Ah Kyi Pan Pa Lon village in central Myanmar’s Magway Region.
Following two initial air strikes, witnesses said that a fighter jet then circled back around and followed up with heavy gunfire directed at those fleeing the initial explosions.
The monastery, which is believed to be roughly 100 years old, was destroyed.
Amnesty International interviewed four survivors of the attack in Magway and one person who arrived at the scene afterwards to help the victims. Researchers also analysed 34 photos showing the corpses of victims, wounds of survivors, weapons used in the attack and the extent of the damage.
All the visual evidence of the destruction of the monastery is consistent with an air strike that caused a fire and severely burned both the structure and many of the victims. Photos of fragments of the ordnance used show the remnants of a tail kit for an aerial bomb, as well as unexploded 23mm High Explosive Incendiary (HEI) ammunition that is fired from the GSh-23 machine gun mounted as pods on fighter jets such as the Russian YAK-130.
The date on the discarded cartridges from the 23mm HEI rounds indicate the ordnance was manufactured locally in Myanmar in 2024. The wounds of other victims of the attack are consistent with fragments from aircraft bombs or direct gunfire. Satellite imagery also shows that the monastery area has been heavily burned.
‘I heard the people screaming’
Saw Township is located in a contested area of central Myanmar, where parallel administrative structures and armed groups known as People’s Defense Forces (PDF), which sprang up after the coup to resist the military alongside the civilian National Unity Government (NUG), are active.
Witnesses said that while some PDF forces known as People’s Defense Teams, or Pa Ka Pha in Burmese, were present at the monastery, the majority of people were civilians. They also said there had been no fighting in or close to the village before the air strike.
In the early morning of the attack, witnesses said they heard buzzing in the skies, which they described as sounding like a drone. Some hours later, about 50 to 60 locals had gathered on the first floor of the monastery to discuss their concerns about transport issues, including taxation and routes.
In addition, witnesses reported that at least one child and the head monk of the monastery were on the second floor of the site, a place where computer classes were sometimes held.
According to survivors, who asked to be anonymous for fear of being targeted further by the Myanmar military, the first bomb dropped at around 10:45am.
“The bomb fell a bit far behind me, right into the place where my brother, uncle and sister were sitting,” one man said. His relatives were killed instantly.
“I am sure that the fighter jet aimed at killing all of us,” he said.
Following the first bomb, he said the monastery started to collapse and people were trapped under the falling debris.
He managed to escape the site: “Within a few minutes […], I saw the jet come again to the monastery, and this time another bomb was dropped that set the main building on fire,” he said.
Another man said he escaped from the monastery unharmed following the first bomb. He was hiding across the road when the second bomb was dropped. He saw the monastery ablaze. A fighter jet then started to shoot at people running away.
“I heard the people screaming in the monastery. Some people were running on the street amid the continuous gunfire from the fighter jet,” the man said. “The fighter jet flew over the monastery and opened fire on the people running around. I witnessed my friends being killed right before my eyes on the street.”
Those killed in the air strike included a child, while the head of the monastery was among the injured, according to a list of victims given to Amnesty International by a rescue worker.
Even if members of the Pa Ka Pha were present in the monastery at the time of the attack, the pilot should have known there could be civilians as well. Thus, the shooting of civilians attempting to flee and the bombing of a site of religious, cultural and historical value suggest the attack was indiscriminate. It should be investigated as a war crime.
“This recent attack joins a rapidly growing list of violations of international humanitarian law in Myanmar including air strikes, ground raids, arbitrary detentions, torture and numerous other violations targeting civilians,” Callamard said.
How Myanmar continues to access aviation fuel
Amnesty International and others have called on companies and governments to suspend jet fuel shipments to Myanmar or risk complicity in a deadly supply chain. But as these new findings show, many are still not listening.
Vessel tracking and trade data show that the Chinese oil tanker HUITONG78 transported two shipments of aviation fuel to the former Puma Energy terminal (now controlled by the Myanmar based Shoon Energy group and the Myanmar military) in Thilawa, Yangon port, on 14 January and 29 February, respectively. In common with all shipments identified by Amnesty International in 2023, the oil tanker picked up the fuel at the Vietnamese Cai Mep Petroleum storage terminal operated by Hai Linh Co. Ltd., before departing for Myanmar.
Also like the 2023 shipments, the 2024 shipments involved multiple purchases and resales of the same fuel, making it hard to trace the original supplier. In regard to the January 2024 shipment, before its arrival in Viet Nam, the fuel can be traced to the Vopak Singapore Banyan Terminal, a storage facility controlled by Dutch storage and logistics company Royal Vopak. Royal Vopak confirmed the shipment but emphasized that “[o]ur service is the safe storage of our customers’ products while it is in our terminals in the ports” and that they “respect applicable laws, regulations and sanctions”.
The February 2024 shipment can be traced back to the BP Hua Dong terminal in Ningbo port, Hangzhou Bay, China. Amnesty International was unable to identify the company that controls the Chinese terminal.
Before the final transfer and sale of fuel to Myanmar, the January shipment was sold to a Vietnamese company by the Singapore branch of the global fuel trader Sahara Energy. The February shipment was sold by the Singapore trading branch of Chinese SOE China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC Singapore). In both cases, customs data shows that Sahara Energy and CNOOC Singapore should have been aware that the fuel was transported to Viet Nam for transit purposes only. Each of the shipments was worth approximately USD 8 million.
Suspicions raised over third shipment
Evidence also indicates there was likely a third shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar, in May 2024.
According to vessel tracking data, the HUITONG78 onloaded fuel at the Hamriyah port in Sharjah, UAE, in April, arriving at the Yangon port on or about 12 May. The vessel appears to turn off its AIS radar as it enters Thilawa port, during which satellite imagery shows what appears to be the HUITONG78 moored at the former Puma Energy terminal in Thilawa.
The vessel’s draught data (which indicates a change in overall weight of the ship) suggests that it offloaded fuel at the Thilawa terminal. Although Amnesty International was not able to confirm whether the fuel was in fact aviation fuel, it is quite likely the case given the pattern of shipments conducted by this same vessel.
The HUITONG78 vessel is registered for Protection & Indemnity (P&I) insurance with the West of England P&I Club, although in response to Amnesty International, the Club stated that “if […] this vessel was carrying jet fuel to Myanmar, then there was no cover for those trades”.
According to the P&I Club, the HUITONG78 is owned by an affiliate of the Chinese state-owned defence company China Aerospace Science and Industry Corp (CASIC). According to a media report, CASIC has been involved in transporting US sanctioned Venezuelan oil.
“While Amnesty does not know for certain how the aviation fuel shipped in this way was used once it arrived in Myanmar, the risk is high that the military – which controls the terminal where the fuel was offloaded – uses it to fuel attacks against civilians. It means shipping and fuel companies have no option but to withdraw from that supply chain completely,” Callamard said.
“That includes everyone involved, from vessel owners to insurers to fuel traders. It’s high time that companies put an end to these shipments.”
All companies named in these findings were contacted for comment. The only companies to respond were Royal Vopak and West of England P&I Club..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Sanctions urged for Chinese ship, Vietnamese storage terminal, and other entities and individuals involved in supply of jet fuel to the junta
Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry urge the United States to enforce jet fuel sanctions on Myanmar to effectively curtail the capacity of the Myanmar junta to continue its indiscriminate and deadly airstrikes. We are calling for the US to deploy the strong regulatory tools it has already put in place and to leverage the credible intelligence it is receiving from civil society.
As the junta’s brutal aerial war against the Myanmar population intensifies, Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry urge the US Department of the Treasury to finally use its jet fuel determination to sanction Chinese-flagged ship HUITONG78, Vietnamese petroleum storage terminal operator Hai Linh Co. Ltd., and all other entities and individuals involved in the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
We welcomed the adoption in August 2023 of a series of measures by the US Treasury Department targeted at the jet fuel supply to the Myanmar junta and, notably, the issuance of a determination on the jet fuel sector that “allows for sanctions to be imposed on any foreign individual or entity determined to operate in the jet fuel sector of the Burmese economy.” This determination was accompanied by guidance clarifying that the Treasury Department’s Office on Foreign Assets Control “intends to target activities for or related to military regime end users in Burma.” Yet after almost one year, no new jet fuel sanctions have been imposed.
In January 2024, Amnesty International exposed how jet fuel shipments to Myanmar had increased in volume following the adoption of US sanctions. The report notably named two key parties to transshipments aimed at circumventing sanctions: Chinese-flagged ship HUITONG78 and Vietnamese petroleum storage terminal operator Hai Linh Co. Ltd.
In a new report published today, Amnesty International further details how jet fuel shipments to the Myanmar junta continue—with the ongoing involvement of HUITONG78 and Hai Linh Co. Ltd.
Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “The US Treasury Department has put in place the regulatory arsenal to strike at those international actors involved with the supply of jet fuel to the Myanmar junta. Amnesty International has now twice provided credible intelligence on who these actors are and how they continue to send the deadly cargo to Myanmar. Treasury must act and sanction these enablers of the Myanmar junta’s air force to show that it is not bark only but that it will use its teeth. These actions can disrupt the supply chain fueling the junta’s air assets and deter international actors from participating in this murderous supply chain.”
Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar, said: “It has been more than three years since the military’s illegal coup attempt, and the junta continues to wage a campaign of terror against the Myanmar people, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity. As the junta continues to lose ground to resistance forces, it is increasingly relying on indiscriminate airstrikes, killing women and children; destroying schools, healthcare facilities and whole communities; and causing mass displacement. This is continuing amid a lack of international action to cut off the junta’s jet fuel supply chain. The US has the power to act to disrupt the junta’s access to jet fuel, and now it needs to take concrete action by sanctioning HUITONG78, Hai Linh Co. Ltd. and all other companies that are enabling the junta’s atrocities.”
For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected]
For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected]
About Justice For Myanmar
Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering. One report at a time, Justice For Myanmar is going after the military’s sources of funds and arms. As a result of its work and the work of many others across Myanmar and the world, multinational corporations have already divested hundreds of millions of dollars from business with the military, and targeted sanctions are beginning to disrupt the Myanmar military cartel's global network.
About The Sentry
(Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”)
The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-07-08
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"President Joseph R. Biden
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, D.C. 200500
Dear President Biden,
We, the undersigned 228 organizations, including the ethnic and religious minorities of Burma, are deeply concerned by the upswing in aerial attacks carried out by the Burmese junta since the start of the coup. These airstrikes target heavily populated areas, taking the lives of civilians, and completely destroying crucial public infrastructure, including hospitals and schools. We urge you to take and coordinate action immediately and implement harsher sanctions that will effectively hold the military junta accountable for this blatant violation of international law and cut off its fuel and weaponry supply.
Since the start of the coup in 2021 until now, the Burmese junta has carried out at least 1,427 airstrikes across Burma, killing over 434 civilians. Countrywide data on reported airstrikes reveal the junta’s increasing reliance on aerial strikes over time. In 2023, the International Institute for Strategic Studies found that the military conducted, on average, at least 49 airstrikes monthly. This was 25% higher than 2022 when the military conducted at least 39 average monthly aerial attacks. Airstrikes are expected to double this year, unless immediate action is taken. These aerial attacks occur in civilian spaces, even when there are no resistance groups present, nor fighting occurring.
Organizations have been sounding the alarm since 2022, when the military intentionally bombed an outdoor concert in October, killing over 80 civilians. The limited action from the U.S. and the international community has only encouraged more aggressive attacks to continue over the years, resulting in mass destruction and suffering. Around the same time in 2023, the military attacked an IDP camp, killing 28 civilians, including 11 children. This year, in February 2024, the junta went as far as to conduct airstrikes on schools, taking the lives of children and teachers.
We appreciate that after receiving a letter from organizations urging the ban on jet fuel last year, the U.S. has taken some actions in targeting the junta’s access to jet fuel, including sanctions on part of the Asia Sun Group business network that was importing fuel into Burma. However, these sanctions have been limited and more is needed. The U.S. has yet to make extensive use of the regulatory determination it used last August emphasizing that selling aviation fuel to Burma was a sanctionable offense.
Additionally, this year, the UN adopted a resolution for states to refrain from supporting aviation fuel trade and sale. As a responsible member state, the U.S. must only further demonstrate unwavering commitment and strict adherence to this resolution. This involves placing comprehensive aviation fuel sanctions, which only Canada has accomplished at the moment. The U.S. however can demonstrate its own leadership in this matter and fulfill its international obligations by participating in a complete aviation fuel embargo.
To prevent these devastating attacks, it is imperative that the United States further lead coordinated action within the international community to cut off the junta’s ability to purchase aviation fuel and supplies. A recent report from the UN Special Rapporteur showed that the junta’s imports of aviation fuel increased in 2023, including fuel imported through Asia Sun network. More must be done. Targeted sanctions must have harsher penalties and stronger enforcement. Otherwise, these international allies will continue to sell and transport aviation fuel to the junta which will be used to target and kill civilians.
We recognize and thank you for the actions you have taken thus far to support the people of Burma. However, as organizations that have connections, indirect and direct, with those on the ground in Burma, we know that the United States needs to do more. Please regard the junta’s aerial attack as a devastating warning of what is to come for the people of Burma should the military continue to have unchecked access to fuel and other supplies. The United States holds the power and influence to create change – please ensure that this power is not wasted.
We ask for the specific actions below:
Sanction international companies that sell aviation fuel supplies to the military junta. While smaller Burmese entities can be easily replaced, major international entities would face severe repercussions and serious obstacles to their ability to supply the military.
Bar any entity from providing shipping insurance, transport, storage facilities, or other shipping services to companies selling aviation fuel to the military, its allies or affiliated companies. The most effective way of disrupting the flow of aviation fuel is to prevent ships from picking up cargo or accessing ports by withholding insurance and services.
Impose full sanctions on the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), as the European Union has already done. Sanctions on MOGE itself, not just on MOGE officials, would cut off one of the junta’s largest revenue streams and have the greatest impact on stopping the junta’s campaign of lethal violence in the country.
Hold the Burmese junta accountable for their clear violations of international law and active war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity, and mass atrocities..."
Source/publisher:
228 Organizations via Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Date of publication:
2024-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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Sub-title:
UN Report Shows Foreign Banks Help Military Receive Revenue, Buy Arms
Description:
"The United States, European Union, and other governments should urgently counter illicit activities by foreign banks that are assisting the Myanmar military in evading sanctions imposed after its 2021 coup, Human Rights Watch said today. A United Nations report released on June 26, 2024, reveals that since 2022 the military junta has switched the banks it uses to receive foreign revenue and make payments for weapons and other military needs, after the US, EU, and other governments imposed sanctions on military-controlled entities and banks.
The report, by the UN special rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, focuses on the military’s use of banks in third countries to engage in sanctioned transactions. The special rapporteur found that from 2022 to the present, most of the junta’s foreign revenue that previously was sent to foreign accounts at the sanctioned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank has instead been sent to accounts at the non-sanctioned but also junta-controlled Myanmar Economic Bank. The report also shows that after authorities in Singapore began restricting the military’s use of banks to make arms purchases in 2022-2023, the junta dramatically ramped up the use of its other accounts at banks in Thailand, mostly at Siam Commercial Bank.
“Sanctions on Myanmar’s military have reduced its capacity to receive revenue and purchase arms, but funds are still getting to the junta and vigilant enforcement is essential,” said John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “Authorities in Thailand, Singapore, and other countries need to put banks on notice that they should not provide services that facilitate further junta atrocities.”
The UN report provides figures showing that the largest source of the junta’s outside income still comes from Thailand: at least US$660 million in payments for natural gas sent to Thailand by pipeline. The payments, made to the military-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), come from Thailand’s government-owned energy company PTT. The US and EU have sanctioned MOGE, and banks in numerous other jurisdictions have enforced some US and EU sanctions, including in Singapore and China, since many of these banks operate internationally and have close ties with the US and EU financial systems.
PTT and all Thai banks named in the UN report should stop payments to MOGE and divert future payments to escrow accounts, Human Rights Watch said. Governments should call on Thailand to instruct Thai companies to end transactions involving MOGE.
The UN report shows that sanctions are impeding the junta’s capacity to make military purchases. The military’s use of the international banking system to procure weapons and military supplies declined by 33 percent between March 2022 and March 2023, from $377 million to $253 million. The use of military procurement agents and banks in Singapore, Malaysia, and Russia all declined markedly from 2022 to 2024.
During the same period, however, the use of Thai banks and Thailand-registered military suppliers doubled, from approximately $60 million to almost $130 million. Most of these payments, over $100 million, were handled by Siam Commercial Bank.
For years, the Myanmar military has engaged in war crimes and other atrocities in the context of armed conflict with ethnic armed groups and grave human rights violations against the civilian population. It carried out atrocities and ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State, including crimes against humanity and acts of genocide in 2017. Since the 2021 coup, the military has been engaged in a broad crackdown on civilians who oppose its rule and committed numerous war crimes in fighting with armed opposition groups. Despite the abuses over many years, however, international efforts in response have been meager, Human Rights Watch said.
Amid economic and infrastructure collapse in Myanmar, the number of people requiring humanitarian assistance has grown to 18.6 million. The UN estimates that 10,000 children under age 5 died in 2023 due to lack of treatment for malnutrition. Over 2.7 million people have been internally displaced or have become refugees. But the junta has ramped up its deadly blocking of humanitarian aid as a form of collective punishment of the population. These blockages sustain the military’s longstanding “four cuts” strategy, designed to maintain control of an area by isolating and terrorizing civilians.
Cutting funds to Myanmar’s military and impeding its capacity to make military purchases is essential to limiting abuses, Human Rights Watch said. The US, EU, and other concerned governments should quickly sanction the Myanmar Economic Bank, which is now handling most junta banking transactions on the international level, as well as the Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank and the Myanmar Investment and Commercial Bank. The US, Canada, and Australia have already sanctioned some of these banks, while the EU and UK have not sanctioned any of them.
All governments should also sanction the networks that provide aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, including insurance and trading companies, owners of storage facilities and transport vessels, and Myanmar-based agents and buyers. Governments should also establish cooperative agreements on sanctions and coordinate their implementation and enforcement.
“All of Myanmar’s state-owned and military-controlled financial institutions and companies should be sanctioned,” Sifton said. “Depriving the junta of revenue and banking services impairs the military’s capacities to brutalize the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-06-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Human Rights and international relations, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"
Thai banks and registered companies are taking on an expanding and leading role securing weapons to Myanmar’s military regime even as it grows increasingly isolated amid a brutal civil war claiming thousands of lives, a United Nations report released Wednesday says.
The report, Banking on the Death Trade: How Banks and Governments Enable the Military Junta in Myanmar, says international sanctions have helped to slash the regime’s purchase of weapons through the global financial system by a third from the 2022 to 2023 fiscal year, which runs April to March, to some $253 million.
“That is a very significant step in the right direction and shows the impact that international action can take,” said the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, the report’s author.
Andrews attributed much of the drop in trade to Singapore, which investigated its own banks and companies in the wake of a report he wrote last year that named the city-state among Myanmar’s main pipelines for arms since the military’s 2021 coup.
The new report says Myanmar’s military purchases through the global financial system from companies registered in Singapore crashed between 2022 and 2023 some 90% as a result, from $110 million to just $10 million last year.
“The bad news is that we’ve seen the opposite happen in Thailand, where there has been a significant increase in both the facilitation of weapons procurement transactions by Thai banks and the export of weapons materials from Thai companies into Myanmar,” Andrews told VOA.
According to his report, Myanmar’s military purchases from companies registered in Thailand over the same period doubled to $120 million, topping all other countries, including China and Russia.
China and Russia saw their companies’ arms trade with Myanmar through the global financial system fall in 2023, to $80 million and $10 million respectively. India’s trade stayed steady at $15 million.
Myanmar’s recent military purchases via Thailand, the report says, included items ranging from chemicals to machine tools and radios to spare parts for fighter jets and helicopters, which the junta is widely accused of using to deadly effect on civilian targets.
Myanmar’s military regime has denied targeting civilians and claims it is taking proportionate action against “terrorists.”
Andrews’ report does not claim that the Thai government was directly involved in the arms trades, or that all the military material and goods were made or assembled in, or exported from, Thailand. It also does not capture any arms trade outside of the global financial system, including any deals that may have been settled with hard cash or by barter.
Previous research by Andrews and others showed most weapons shipments to Myanmar since the coup starting out from China and Russia.
Even so, this week’s report highlights the major role international commercial banks continue to play in arming Myanmar’s military despite the mounting allegations of the junta’s war crimes. It names 16 banks in Thailand and six other countries across Asia handling $630 million worth of military-related purchases for the junta over the past two years.
Despite the impact sanctions have had in stemming that trade, Andrews told VOA countries keen on thwarting Myanmar’s junta can do much more to enforce, coordinate and add to the sanctions, to leave fewer gaps for the junta to exploit.
Countries that have placed sanctions on Myanmar have not all sanctioned the same companies, and some companies vital to the junta’s arms trade still have not been sanctioned at all.
Andrews said the junta has reacted to sanctions on two of its key banks for military trades, for example, by redirecting most of that business through another bank still free of sanctions. The junta has also gotten better at disguising its arms purchases.
“What is critical now is that the response of the international community, specifically with respect to sanctions, be coordinated, be strategic and be focused, and that the international community work together to enforce these sanctions and eliminate these loopholes,” he said.
“The reason that is so important is because, given the fact that the junta is on its heels … their response is to escalate attacks on civilians,” he said.
Citing research by Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a U.S.-based research group, he said the junta has picked up air strikes fivefold in the past six months alone. The junta has lost significant territory to armed resistance groups across the country over the same period and is now believed to be in control of less than half of Myanmar.
Andrews said the junta’s weapons supplies would also be hit hard if Thailand were to follow Singapore’s lead and crack down on its own companies doing business with Myanmar’s military and known suppliers.
Unlike Singapore, though, Thailand’s government has not explicitly come out against trading arms with Myanmar.
Asked for comment, Thailand’s Foreign Affairs Ministry spokesperson Nikorndej Balankura said the government was looking into the report.
“Our banking and financial institutions follow banking protocols as any major financial hub. So we will have to first establish the facts before considering any further steps,” he said in a statement shared with VOA.
“This is a matter of policy which has to be carefully considered, particularly the impact of sanctions on the wider population,” he said. “Thailand has always taken the position not to support any action that impacts the wider population.”
In a separate statement, a group of past and present lawmakers from across Southeast Asia said it was “alarmed” by Myanmar’s shift from Singapore to Thailand to source weapons and urged all 10 governments of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to learn from Singapore.
The bloc agreed to a five-point peace plan for Myanmar in April 2021 but has failed to make any headway besides providing some humanitarian aid.
In the statement, Philippines lawmaker Raoul Manuel said the role of Southeast Asian companies in helping to arm the junta only undermines the bloc’s peace efforts.
“ASEAN’s efforts to resolve the conflict in Myanmar cannot be taken seriously if ASEAN member states are helping to arm and fund the murderous Myanmar junta, which has already killed thousands of its own people and continues to indiscriminately attack the civilian population,” he said..."
Source/publisher:
"Voice of America" (Washington, D.C)
Date of publication:
2024-06-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
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Description:
"Toshikazu Tajima
Board Director and CEO
TASAKI & Co., Ltd.
7-3-1, Minatojima Nakamachi, Chuo-ku, Kobe, Hyogo 650-0046, Japan
Re: Inquiry regarding TASAKI’s business partnership with sanctioned entity Myanmar Pearl Enterprise.
We are civil society organizations from Japan and Myanmar that make policy proposals urging Japanese companies to consider the environment, society, and human rights in their overseas business operations.
We are writing to you to express our concern regarding your company’s continued partnership with Myanmar Pearl Enterprise (MPE), a US, UK, and Canadian[i] sanctioned state-owned enterprise under the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation that is illegally controlled by the Myanmar military junta.
Since February 1, 2021 when the Myanmar military attempted a coup, it has been committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity as it tries to take control of Myanmar. These grave international crimes include deliberate killings, arbitrary arrests, torture, indiscriminate airstrikes, and destruction of civilian property, which have led to the displacement of more than 3 million people across the country.[ii] There are grave concerns that the military is committing these crimes relying on revenue from MPE and other junta-controlled entities.
We are aware that MYANMAR TASAKI Co., Ltd, a subsidiary of TASAKI & Co., Ltd, has been in a business partnership with MPE since 1997 under a production sharing contract under a license granted by the now junta-controlled Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC). The military junta benefits from revenues generated through the pearl industry, including through a production sharing agreement under which MPE reportedly receives 20-25% of the pearls harvested.[iii] The junta also benefits from customs duties, other taxes and the transfer of technology that can support further production.
Of the companies that have been granted permission for pearl farming, MYANMAR TASAKI was the largest producer at over ten billion MMK (over US$8 million at the time) worth of pearls in 2017-2018, the year with the most recently published data available.[iv] We understand that your company has sold Myanmar pearls around the world, with TASAKI’s website listing stores in Australia, China, France, Japan, Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, UK and USA among others and that the junta has continued to earn revenue from pearls. According to a Myanmar junta run newspaper, 400 pearl lots were up for sale this year during the 59th Myanmar Gems Emporium, which was attended by the junta leader and commander-in-chief of the Myanmar military, Min Aung Hlaing.[v]
In April 2021, over three years ago, TASAKI’s business partner MPE was sanctioned by the US. In adding MPE on the Specially Designated Nationals list, the US stated that “pearl industries are key economic resources for the Burmese military regime that is violently repressing pro-democracy protests in the country and that is responsible for the ongoing violent and lethal attacks against the people of Burma, including the killing of children.[vi]” The UK also sanctioned MPE and a state-owned timber enterprise to “target the junta’s ability to profit from pearl and timber, 2 high-value natural commodities that generate millions in revenue for the military regime.[vii]”
While TASAKI’s website states that pearls produced by the company’s own pearl farms “are ethically and sustainably sourced”, we are concerned that TASAKI’s continuing partnership with MPE contravenes human rights responsibilities under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (OECD Guidelines) and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.[viii] Under the OECD Guidelines and the UN Guiding Principles, all businesses have a responsibility to respect human rights and are therefore required to exercise human rights due diligence to identify and prevent, mitigate and account for adverse human rights impacts.
We would like to reiterate our concern that by continuing its partnership with MPE, TASAKI is providing the junta with a source of revenue that it can use to procure the very weapons and jet fuel that it needs to continue to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. We also believe that TASAKI’s continued business with MPE undermines the effects of the sanctions imposed by the US, UK and Canada against MPE, which are intended to block the junta’s access to revenue from the pearl sector. Justice For Myanmar, together with another Japanese organization, Human Rights Now, has previously issued a press release expressing concerns regarding TASAKI’s continuing business with MPE.[ix]
While we understand that an objective of TASAKI’s philosophy on sustainability is “harmonious co-existence with local communities'' inspired by a “spirit of sustainability,[x]” we are further concerned by several Myanmar civil society reports on the situation of the indigenous Moken people of Myanmar, which were submitted to the UN in 2020.[xi]According to these reports,[xii] TASAKI’s pearl farms in Myanmar, which are located in the Tanintharyi Region of southern Myanmar, could lead to further forced displacement of Moken people from their ancestral lands due to loss of water and land access.
In light of these concerns, we would like to know what human rights due diligence has been performed since the military’s coup attempt, the results of that due diligence and what measures TASAKI has taken in response.
We believe that by remaining in business with MPE, TASAKI may be in contravention of human rights responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles and the OECD Guidelines and risks complicity in the military junta’s international crimes. Therefore, we call on you to responsibly end all business with the military junta controlled MPE and fulfill your responsibilities to respect human rights. In addition, TASAKI should publicly disclose its transactions with MPE and other junta-controlled entities since February 1, 2021.
We would appreciate your timely reply to the contact address listed below by July 5, 2024 to share the requested data and to outline your course of action for addressing the issues raised. Furthermore, your response will be published on our organization's website among other platforms (including the fact of no response at the time of deadline). We look forward to receiving your response.
Sincerely,
Yuka Kiguchi
Executive Director, Mekong Watch
Yadanar Maung
Spokesperson, Justice For Myanmar
Contact address:
Mekong Watch
3F Aoki Bldg., Taito 1-12-11,
Taito-ku, Tokyo 110-0016,
Japan
TEL: +81-3-3832-5034
EMAIL: [email protected]
[i] Office of Foreign Assets Control, “Burma-related Designations; Kingpin Act Designations Removals”, April 21, 2021https://ofac.treasury.gov/recent-actions/20210421; Government of Canada, “Regulations Amending the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations: SOR/2021-106”, May 14, 2021 https://gazette.gc.ca/rp-pr/p2/2021/2021-05-26/html/sor-dors106-eng.html; Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation, “Consolidated List of Financial Sanctions Targets in the UK”, June 2, 2021https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/65bb618927fccf000d4bd1b3/Myanmar.pdf.
[ii] UN Resident Humanitarian Coordinator a.i. for Myanmar, “Statement by the Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i. for Myanmar”, May 3, 2024 https://myanmar.un.org/en/267754-statement-resident-and-humanitarian-coordinator-ai-myanmar.
[iii] Frontier Myanmar, “Moken Fear a Sea Grab in the Myeik Archipelago”, December 29, 2019 https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/moken-fear-a-sea-grab-in-the-myeik-archipelago/.
[iv] Myanmar Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, “Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative Myanmar, EITI Report 2017-2018”, January 2019 https://eiti.org/sites/default/files/attachments/meiti_reconciliation_report_2017-2018_final_signed_31st_march_2020.pdf.
[v] The Global New Light of Myanmar, “400 Pearl, 160 Gem, and 4,550 Jade Lots Up for Sale”, May 2, 2024 https://cdn.myanmarseo.com/file/client-cdn/gnlm/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/4-5-2024.pdf.
[vi] U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Treasury Sanctions Key Timber and Pearl Enterprises in Burma”, April 21, 2021 https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0138.
[vii] Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office and The Rt Hon Dominic Raab MP, “Foreign Secretary Announces Further Sanctions on Companies Linked to Myanmar’s Military Regime”, June 21, 2021 https://www.gov.uk/government/news/foreign-secretary-announces-further-sanctions-on-companies-linked-to-myanmars-military-regime.
[viii] Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), “OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct”, June 8, 2023 https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/finance-and-investment/oecd-guidelines-for-multinational-enterprises-on-responsible-business-conduct_81f92357-en; United nations Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights : Implementing the United Nations ‘Protect, Respect and Remedy’ Framework”, January 1, 2012https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/publications/guidingprinciplesbusinesshr_en.pdf.
[ix] Human Rights Now and Justice For Myanmar “Human Rights Now and Justice For Myanmar call on TASAKI to end business with the Myanmar military junta, following US designation of Myanmar Pearl Enterprise for sanctions”, April 21, 2021 https://www.justiceformyanmar.org/press-releases/human-rights-now-and-justice-for-myanmar-call-on-tasaki-to-end-business-with-the-myanmar-military-junta-following-us-designation-of-myanmar-pearl-enterprise-for-sanctions.
[x] TASAKI Website, “Our Sustainability”, accessed June 10, 2024. https://www.tasaki-global.com/corporate/sustainability/about/.
[xi] Burma Human Rights Network, “The Coming Extinction: The Moken People of Burma’s Mergui Archipelago”, December 12, 2020https://www.bhrn.org.uk/en/component/edocman/bhrn-report/the-coming-extinction-the-moken-people-of-burma-s-mergui-archipelago.html; FIDH – International Federation for Human Rights and Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability, “Universal Periodic Review (UPR) 37thSession Myanmar: Joint Submission by FIDH and MATA”, July 2020, https://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/fidh-mata_joint_upr_submission_july_2020.pdf; Coalition of Indigenous Peoples in Burma/Myanmar, “Joint submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review of Myanmar July 2020: 37th Session of the UPR Working Group of the human Rights Council January/February 2021”, https://uprdoc.ohchr.org/uprweb/downloadfile.aspx?filename=8278&file=EnglishTranslation.
[xii] United Nations Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, “Summary of Stakeholders’ submissions on Myanmar: Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights”, 12 November 2020, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/3893981?ln=en&v=pdf. ..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-06-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-06-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
221.59 KB 291.63 KB
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Description:
"The Myanmar junta-allied Karen Border Guard Force (BGF), rebranded as the Karen National Army (KNA), has built a transnational network of businesses that enriches the militia’s ruling family and their associates, and causes widespread suffering.
A Justice For Myanmar investigation into the Karen BGF/KNA corporate structure and regional network provides new details into the militia’s involvement in illegal and abusive businesses with companies and individuals from Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Cambodia, China and Hong Kong.
These include cyber scam parks, illegal casinos and illegal online gambling as the junta and its allied Karen BGF/KNA continue to commit international crimes with total impunity.
Malaysians play a prominent role in the Yatai New City and Dongmei Park projects, which involve a vast range of criminal activities and human rights violations.
Yatai New City is a mega development with illegal casinos, cyber scam and illegal online gambling operations and is a joint venture between the Karen BGF/KNA and Yatai International Holding Group. In 2022, Yatai’s chairperson, She Zhijiang, was arrested in Thailand on an international warrant and is awaiting extradition to China to answer charges of running illegal gambling operations. The two remaining members of Yatai Group in the company’s Myanmar joint venture were Malaysian citizens.
Dongmei Park is a cyber scam park established by former 14K Triad boss Wan Kuok-koi (also known as Broken Tooth) with Malaysian associates that include former deputy minister to the prime minister Dato Dr Mashitah Ibrahim and her husband, Datuk Abdul Shakor bin Abu Bakar, a former diplomat. The couple traveled to Karen State in 2020 with a contingent of prominent Malaysians and Wan Kuok-koi to launch the project. Datuk Abdul Shakor bin Abu Bakar continues to serve as a director and shareholder of Dongmei Group’s US-sanctioned Hong Kong company.
The investigation also exposes new connections between Thai companies and individuals and Karen BGF/KNA businesses, including a trip to Shwe Kokko by representatives of the Thai state-owned EXIM Bank, Bangkok Bank, Kasikorn Bank and Krungthai Bank via an unofficial Karen BGF border crossing to discuss financial support.
The investigation details the central role San Myint (who goes by the pseudonym Saw Chit Thu) and his children play in Karen BGF/KNA companies. By distributing shares between family members, San Myint’s family controls six Karen BGF/KNA business and has a minority stake in two notorious cyber scam parks: Apollo Park and Yulong Bay Park. In both of these businesses, San Myint’s son, Saw Htoo Eh Moo, a Karen BGF/KNA major, is a director and shareholder.
Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against the Karen BGF/KNA, its businesses and key individuals, including San Myint and his family.
Justice For Myanmar calls for Malaysia and Thailand in particular, as well as other authorities in the region, to investigate and hold their citizens and residents accountable for their involvement in transnational crimes and human rights violations in Myanmar.
Thailand must block the Karen BGF/KNA and its business associates from operating in its territory.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The Karen BGF/KNA is responsible for war crimes and transnational crimes, which it commits with total impunity.
“The illegal junta not only protects these criminal activities but also profits from them as it continues to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“The Karen BGF/KNA and junta’s international and transnational crimes have continued amid insufficient international action to resolve the crisis in Myanmar and to hold perpetrators accountable.
“Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against the Karen BGF/KNA and its businesses.
“Authorities in the region must do far more to investigate the involvement of their citizens, residents and companies in the transnational and international crimes committed in Myanmar.
“In 2025, Malaysia will become chair of ASEAN and needs to step up and stamp out the involvement of its citizens in criminal activities in Myanmar. Malaysia cannot credibly respond to the crisis in Myanmar if its own citizens can do business with war criminals and cause harm to the people of Myanmar and the region with impunity.
“Thailand remains complicit in the commission of international crimes in Myanmar through its business with the illegal junta, and it has failed to take sufficient action against its citizens and companies enabling and profiting from the Karen BGF/KNA.
“Thailand and Malaysia need to change course now to help resolve the Myanmar crisis, rather than allowing their companies and citizens to cause more harm to the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-05-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-05-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, Karen (Kayin) State
Language:
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
166.91 KB 219.2 KB
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Sub-title:
Tokyo Should Suspend Payments, Impose Targeted Sanctions
Description:
"Despite Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s pledge last February to “appropriately handle” the flow of government aid to Myanmar’s abusive military, a Japanese Foreign Ministry official told the Diet this week that Japan’s construction giant, Yokogawa Bridge Corp., will make further payments to the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) for an aid project.
In March 2021, Myanmar Now reported that a steel mill owned by the MEC was supplying steel for Japan’s Bago River Bridge Construction Project and “profiting enormously.” Financial transactions analyzed by Human Rights Watch show that from July 2022 to January 2023, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. transferred around US$2 million to MEC for the project, with United States government approval.
During a House of Councilors session, Foreign Minister Yoko Kamikawa said that the MEC’s participation ended in December and that Yokogawa Bridge Corp.’s “progress payments” to the MEC had finished. However, Hideki Kusakabe of the Foreign Ministry’s International Cooperation Bureau responded to a question by opposition lawmaker Michihiro Ishibashi by saying that Yokogawa Bridge Corp. still had certain payments to make for the project. Kusakabe did not disclose a sum or a timeline.
The MEC generates vast revenue through businesses in sectors including manufacturing, mining, and telecommunications, according to a 2019 report by the United Nations-backed Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The US, United Kingdom, European Union, Canada, and Australia have sanctioned the MEC and Myanmar’s other military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, for their role in generating significant revenues that help fund military abuses.
Since the February 2021 military coup, Myanmar’s military has been responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s security forces committed crimes against humanity and acts of genocide against the Rohingya in Rakhine State, forcing hundreds of thousands to flee to Bangladesh in 2017. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, where in recent months they have been caught in fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army armed group and subjected to forced recruitment by the junta.
Prime Minister Kishida needs to take responsibility for his pledge to “appropriately handle” the issue and should suspend further payments to the MEC, stop all non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar’s junta, and impose targeted sanctions on its military leaders and military-owned conglomerates..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-05-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-05-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Sub-title:
Battlefield losses mount as the military junta has dragged the country back into poverty.
Description:
"While the Myanmar military regime’s battlefield losses throughout the country are grabbing headlines, the country’s dire economic crisis is further undercutting the junta’s capacity to wage war.
Myanmar’s military has suffered significant battlefield losses throughout the country since an ethnic rebel army alliance launched Operation 1027 nearly six months ago, raising questions whether the military is able to retake lost territories.
Fighting across eight distinct battle scapes, the military is unable to divide and conquer, and even its emphasis on first retaking the heartland of the ethnic majority Bamars, has faltered. In Sagaing, the junta has suffered significant setbacks and only recaptured one town. in southern Myanmar, two Mon resistance organizations agreed to work together as they prepare to go on the attack against the regime.
The junta offensive to recapture Myawaddy, the largest border crossing with Thailand is another case in point. Despite the city’s strategic importance, the military’s counter-offensive has stalled, with their force being reportedly ambushed and harassed.
While manpower issues have led to forced conscription, no less important is whether the regime is able to financially sustain its military operations.
Myanmar is broke, because the junta has broken the economy since its February 2021 coup.
The junta has eviscerated over a decade’s worth of economic growth. Between 2011 and 2019, Myanmar’s economy grew by an average 6% a year, making it one of the fastest growing economies in the region. Its poverty rate fell from 49% in 2005 to 25% in 2017.
While the economy has recovered from its 2021 nadir, when GDP contracted by 18%, it’s still down 12% since the coup. The World Bank’s cautious scenario for 1% growth in 2024 seems beyond reach.
Back into poverty
The military has dragged the country back into poverty through their own incompetence. Today, over 50 percent of the population of 55 million people has fallen back into poverty.
A recent United Nations Development Program report was more dire, citing field interviews that found 49.7% of respondents living on less than 76 U.S. cents a day. That number has doubled since 2017. The UNDP noted that the urban middle class has collapsed by 50% since the coup.
Inflation remains extremely high, at over 18 percent; though it reached 29% in mid-2023, according to the World Bank. Food prices have gone up threefold since the coup, with rice up from 60,000 kyat per kilogram to 180,000.
Firms, according to a World Bank survey, were operating at 56% capacity in 2023, down by 16% from 2022. That has diminished tax receipts.
Indeed, all sources of revenue, except natural gas rents, are down since the coup, according to the regime’s own data. This has been in part due to the economic conditions as well as the NUG’s active campaign of product boycotts, the establishment of alternate lotteries, and a drive to have corporations put their taxes into escrow.
Once cash cows, the two military-owned conglomerates Myanma Economic Holdings Ltd. and Myanma Economic Corporation are hemorrhaging funds. The former has since the coup failed to pay dividends to service members who are forced to invest a portion of their monthly salary.
Foreign investment, other than that from opportunistic Chinese and Thai businesses, is fleeing the country.
The once-thriving digital payments market is under intense military scrutiny, as they seek to control the flow of funds to the opposition.
Border crossings lost
The regime’s shortage of dollars has led to arbitrary currency controls, impacting importers and exporters. The kyat lost 16% of its value in the first quarter of 2024 alone, while the price of gold increased 22%.
The war has hurt the economy in another way. Myanmar-Now reports that the State Administrative Council (SAC), as the junta is formally known, only controls 11 border crossings, which has led to a sharp loss of customs duties.
The Kachin Independence Army has captured the Lweje crossing in Kachin State, leaving only the modest town of Kanpaiktee under junta control.
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army holds Chinshwehaw in Shan State, where the Chinese brokered an 80-20 revenue sharing agreement between them and the junta.
Although the SAC still holds Muse, the main border crossing with China, the Three Brotherhood Alliance has surrounded the town and controls the roads to Lashio and has begun collecting taxes.
The junta still controls Tachileik in southern Shan State, as well as a number of smaller crossings in Mon and Tanintharyi States.
In western Myanmar, the Arakan Army’s consolidation of power in northern Rakhine and opposition advances in Chin state mean that the junta has lost control of several of the border crossings to India and Bangladesh.
The loss of the Myawaddy, which has a population of 200,000, is an acute financial blow to the regime. With two bridges into Thailand’s Mae Sot, it was the largest border crossing in the country, accounting for $4.4 billion in trade since the February 2021 coup d’etat, roughly 23% of the country’s total trade.
Reuters noted a sharp decline in trade, especially exports, from April 2023 to March 2024. Bilateral trade fell by over 40 percent to $1.15 billion.
Hyperinflation threat
While junta officials are still manning the border gates, the Karen National Union and local border guards forces are in control of much of the city, and have pledged to “implement our plan to establish our administration one step at a time,” including customs.
The loss of border trade is so deleterious to the regime as their shortage of dollars – exacerbated by the U.S.-imposed sanctions on the Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and the Myanma Investment and Commerce Bank, which handled Myanmar’s dollar transactions – has forced them to prioritize trade in local currencies.
The SAC has desperately stepped up economic cooperation with any willing partners. On April 9, the government met with a Russian-led trading bloc to discuss economic cooperation, including trade, investment, direct payments and the opening of direct flights between Moscow and Yangon. Turning to the Eurasian Economic Commission is a sign of how few choices the regime has.
What is not certain right now is the degree to which the illicit economy from areas controlled by pro-junta border guards forces is ebbing. Seeking to distance himself from Naypyitaw, Col. Saw Chit Thu recently rebranded his border forces as the Karen National Army.
There is intense fighting now outside of Shwe Kokko, one of the major scam centers along the Thai border, though opposition forces have not taken the enclave.
While the MNDAA has largely cooperated with the Chinese and helped return hundreds of Chinese fugitives, many of the scam centers along the Thai border – including KK Park I and II, as well as Family Park, Gate 25, Huanya, Xingua and Dongmei – remain open.
The regime has scapegoated a number of senior-level economic officials, including its seventh-highest official, Lt. Gen. Moe Myint Tun, and his aide. But that’s all they were, scapegoats, no different than the other corrupt and incompetent generals who remain.
Thus far, and defying predictions, the junta has not resorted to turning on the printing press at their banknote facility in Wazi. But as they become more cash strapped, they are likely to do just that.
On top of all the human death and misery the generals have caused in the conduct of a war that has largely targeted civilians, the threat of hyperinflation looms..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-04-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, Border Trade - general
Language:
more
Description:
"Info Birmanie and Justice For Myanmar urge the French government to swiftly investigate and freeze any assets of Theint Win Htet in France and revoke her visa.
On April 3, 2024, the French lawyers William Bourdon and Lily Ravon, acting as counsel for Justice For Myanmar, reported Theint Win Htet to French authorities requesting that they freeze any of her assets in French territory and consider her removal from France. They also wrote to HEC Paris urging the school to notify French authorities of Theint Win Htet’s sources of funds and to consider revoking her admission.
HEC benefits from its status as a Consular Higher Education Institution (Etablissement d'Enseignement Supérieur Consulaire-EESC), and as such the CCI Paris Ile-de-France is one of its main shareholders. On April 5, 2024, Info Birmanie and Justice For Myanmar wrote to CCI Paris Ile-de-France to raise concerns about Theint Win Htet’s access to the HEC, HEC Investment Club and International Consulting Club, the implicit support that her admission may imply from the many business leaders and their institutions who sit on the board of directors, and risks related to the use of the knowledge and network in the Myanmar context.
Theint Win Htet is a member of the founding family of Shwe Byain Phyu Group of Companies, a Myanmar military linked crony conglomerate and, according to her LinkedIn profile, has been admitted to HEC Paris, an elite French business school.
Shwe Byain Phyu Group is a major crony conglomerate with significant links to the Myanmar military, including a partnership to import petroleum with EU-sanctioned Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and interests in the mining and timber industries, which are now dominated by EU-sanctioned state-owned enterprises that are under junta control.
As a result of the family’s business with the Myanmar military junta and its conglomerates, the USA sanctioned Theint Win Htet, her brother Win Paing Kyaw, her parents Thein Win Zaw and Tin Latt Min, and Shwe Byain Phyu Group of Companies on January 31, 2024. In its sanctions announcement, the USA noted the role of Theint Win Htet, her brother and mother in “various companies that are closely related to the regime.”
In 2022, Shwe Byain Phyu Group took control of Telenor Myanmar, renamed ATOM Myanmar, putting the personal data of millions of users at risk amid the junta’s attempts to ramp up surveillance as part of its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, Theint Win Htet has acted as a shareholder and director of One Telecom Company Limited, a company established during Shwe Byain Phyu’s acquisition of Telenor Myanmar. In 2023, Theint Win Htet did an internship at ATOM Myanmar as a financial analyst.
Theint Win Htet has also held shares in Min Shwe Myine Enterprise Limited, a Myanmar petroleum company that formed a consortium in 2022 to “to find reliable suppliers from Russia to tighten Myanmar Russia partnership.”
Theint Win Htet’s expenses are supported by her family, according to Justice For Myanmar sources.
Info Birmanie and Justice For Myanmar call on the EU to urgently impose sanctions on Shwe Byain Phyu Group and its owners and directors, including Theint Win Htet, and to increase its targeted sanctions to block the junta’s access to funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel, in coordination with its allies.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says:
“The fact that Theint Win Htet is able to study in France is a further sign of the serious lack of coordination in sanctions imposed after the military’s illegal attempted coup.”
“Theint Win Htet’s presence in France undermines EU sanctions on Shwe Byain Phyu Group’s business partners and undermines US sanctions on Theint Win Htet and her family members.
“France should swiftly investigate and freeze any assets in France belonging to Theint Win Htet or her family members and bar her from France.”
“For more than three years, the people of Myanmar have courageously resisted the military’s failing attempted coup. France should stand on the side of the people and send a clear message that Myanmar cronies are not welcome in its territory.”
Info Birmanie coordinator Johanna Chardonnieras says:
"The integration of a student at HEC under American sanctions for her links with the Myanmar military junta, which is responsible for serious human rights violations, shows the laissez-faire approach to Myanmar.”
"By sharing its knowledge and network with Theint Win Htet, HEC, its management, board of directors and shareholders are showing, at best, a flagrant lack of diligence in the admissions process, and at worst, a disregard for the Myanmar people's struggle for freedom.
"It is from France that Theint Win Htet continues to exercise her ownership in the Shwe Byain Phyu Group - generating revenue for the junta and contributing to the bloody repression of her fellow citizens. It is therefore up to the French government to take appropriate measures, as a corollary of its repeated condemnations of the military junta’s international crimes and exactions, and its repeated expressions of support towards the people of Myanmar.".....Info Birmanie et Justice For Myanmar demandent urgemment au gouvernement français d’enquêter sans délai sur les avoirs de Theint Win Htet en France, de les geler et d’évaluer s’il y a lieu de remettre en question son droit de séjour en France.
Le 3 avril 2024, les avocats français William Bourdon et Lily Ravon, agissant en tant que conseils pour Justice For Myanmar, ont signalé Theint Win Htet aux autorités françaises en leur demandant de geler tous ses avoirs sur le territoire français et d’envisager le retrait de son droit de séjour en France. Ils ont également écrit à HEC Paris pour demander à l’école d’informer les autorités françaises sur les sources de financement de Theint Win Htet et d’envisager de révoquer son admission.
HEC bénéficie du statut d’Etablissement d’Enseignement Supérieur Consulaire (EESC) et, à ce titre, la CCI Paris Ile-de-France est l’un de ses principaux actionnaires. Le 5 avril 2024, Info Birmanie et Justice For Myanmar ont écrit à la CCI Paris Ile-de-France pour faire part de leurs préoccupations concernant la présence de Theint Win Htet à HEC, HEC Investment Club et International Consulting Club, du soutien implicite des nombreux chefs d’entreprise et institutions qui siègent au conseil d’administration que cette admission à HEC pourrait impliquer, et des risques liés à l’utilisation des connaissances et du réseau mis à disposition de Theint Win Htet dans le contexte birman.
Theint Win Htet est membre de la famille fondatrice du Shwe Byain Phyu Group of Companies, un conglomérat en relation avec l’armée birmane. D’après son profil LinkedIn, elle a été admise à HEC Paris, une école de commerce française réputée.
Le groupe Shwe Byain Phyu est un important conglomérat qui entretient des liens étroits avec l’armée birmane, notamment un partenariat pour l’importation de pétrole avec Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), une société sanctionnée par l’Union Européenne (UE), et des intérêts dans les secteurs de l’exploitation minière et du bois, qui sont désormais dominés par des entreprises d’État sous le contrôle de la junte, sanctionnées également par l’UE.
En raison des affaires de sa famille avec la junte militaire birmane et de ces consortiums, les États-Unis ont sanctionné le 31 janvier 2024 Theint Win Htet, son frère Win Paing Kyaw, ses parents Thein Win Zaw et Tin Latt Min, ainsi que le Shwe Byain Phyu Group of Companies. Dans l’annonce de ces sanctions, les États-Unis ont noté le rôle de Theint Win Htet, de son frère et de sa mère dans « diverses entreprises étroitement liées au régime ».
En 2022, le groupe Shwe Byain Phyu a pris le contrôle de Telenor Myanmar, rebaptisé ATOM Myanmar, mettant en péril les données personnelles de millions d’utilisateurs, alors que la junte tente de renforcer la surveillance dans le cadre de sa campagne de terreur contre le peuple de Birmanie.
Depuis le coup d’État de l’armée, Theint Win Htet est actionnaire et gérante de One Telecom Company Limited, une société créée lors de l’acquisition de Telenor Myanmar par Shwe Byain Phyu. En 2023, Theint Win Htet a effectué un stage chez ATOM Myanmar en tant qu’analyste financière.
Theint Win Htet a également détenu des parts dans Min Shwe Myine Enterprise Limited, une société pétrolière du Myanmar qui a formé un consortium en 2022 pour « trouver des fournisseurs fiables en Russie afin de renforcer le partenariat Myanmar-Russie ».
Selon les sources de Justice For Myanmar, les dépenses de Theint Win Htet pour financer son mode de vie et ses études en France sont prises en charge par sa famille.
Info Birmanie et Justice For Myanmar appellent l’UE à imposer d’urgence des sanctions au groupe Shwe Byain Phyu et à ses propriétaires et directeurs, dont Theint Win Htet, et à renforcer ses sanctions ciblées pour bloquer l’accès de la junte aux fonds, aux armes, aux équipements et au carburant d’aviation, en coordination avec ses alliés.
Yadanar Maung, porte-parole de Justice For Myanmar, déclare :
« Le fait que Theint Win Htet puisse étudier en France est un nouveau signe du grave manque de coordination des sanctions imposées après la tentative illégale de coup d’État de l’armée. »
« La présence de Theint Win Htet en France compromet les sanctions de l’UE à l’encontre des partenaires commerciaux du groupe Shwe Byain Phyu et les sanctions des États-Unis à l’encontre de Theint Win Htet et des membres de sa famille. »
« La France devrait rapidement enquêter et geler tous les avoirs en France appartenant à Theint Win Htet ou aux membres de sa famille et lui interdire l’accès au territoire français. »
« Depuis plus de trois ans, le peuple du Myanmar résiste courageusement à la tentative de coup d’État manqué de l’armée. La France devrait se ranger du côté du peuple et envoyer un message clair selon lequel les complices de la junte birmane ne sont pas les bienvenus sur son territoire. »
Johanna Chardonnieras, coordinatrice d’Info Birmanie, déclare :
« L’intégration à HEC d’une étudiante sous sanctions américaines pour ses liens avec la junte militaire birmane, responsable de graves violations des droits humains, est symptomatique du laisser-faire en place sur le dossier birman. »
« En partageant ses connaissances et son réseau avec Theint Win Htet, HEC, sa direction, son conseil d’administration et ses actionnaires font preuve, au mieux, d’un manque flagrant de diligence dans la procédure d’admission, au pire, d’un mépris pour la lutte du peuple birman pour la liberté. »
« C’est depuis la France que Theint Win Htet continue d’exercer son actionnariat dans le groupe Shwe Byain Phyu, générant des revenus pour la junte et contribuant à la répression sanglante de ses concitoyens. Il appartient donc au gouvernement français de prendre les mesures qui s’imposent, en corollaire de ses condamnations répétées des crimes et exactions commis par la junte militaire et ses déclarations répétées de soutien au peuple birman....."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Business and the Military, Sanctions
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"The American fossil fuel company Chevron has exited from the controversial Yadana gas project in Myanmar after more than 30 years, during which it financed a brutal military dictatorship, an ongoing military coup attempt that began in 2021, and serious human rights abuses against the Myanmar people.
Kirk Herbertson, Senior Policy Advisor at EarthRights, released the following statement:
“Throughout the coup, Chevron has remained in business with the Myanmar military through its partnership with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which remains under the control of the illegal junta. Even now, Chevron appears to have exited Myanmar in an irresponsible manner, ensuring that the junta will continue misappropriating tens of millions of dollars in gas revenues each month.
“The chief executive officer of the Thai state-owned fossil fuel company PTT Exploration and Production Company (PTTEP), announced Chevron’s exit in a letter to the Thai stock exchange. Justice for Myanmar, an investigative research group, reported on Facebook that ‘Chevron’s interest in the Yadana gas project has been redistributed to the remaining shareholders: Thailand’s PTTEP and MOGE, a government department within the Ministry of Electricity and Energy and a revenue-collecting office for the Government of Myanmar. MOGE’s accounts were unlawfully seized by the junta during its 2021 attempted coup.’
“Since the coup began, the military’s junta has misappropriated billions of dollars in MOGE revenues that are owed to the legitimate Government of Myanmar. United Nations experts have determined that the junta is not the country’s legitimate government, meaning that it is not allowed to stand in for the government in commercial contracts. Nevertheless, the Yadana project shareholders, including Chevron, decided to treat the military junta as their counterpart and have facilitated payments to the junta throughout the coup.
“Chevron announced its intention to exit the project two years ago. The company’s initial plan was to sell its interest to MTI Energy, prompting civil society organizations to file a complaint with the OECD National Contact Point against the Canadian company. Ultimately, Chevron decided to transfer its ownership to the remaining partners in the joint venture.
“Since the military coup began in February 2021, civil society has repeatedly asked Chevron to stop allowing the junta to misappropriate gas revenues before exiting the project, in line with international human rights standards for responsible disengagement. All evidence suggests, however, that Chevron’s exit arrangements will ensure that revenues continue to reach the junta.
“Chevron has a responsibility to disclose what, if any, safeguards it put in place to prevent the military junta from continuing to misappropriate revenues from the Yadana gas project after its exit. So far, all signs suggest that they did not put any safeguards in place.
“Chevron’s responsibilities do not end even though it has exited from the Yadana partnership. According to international human rights standards, the company still has a responsibility to take steps to remediate human rights harms associated with its investment. Where a company has contributed to adverse impacts, disengagement does not absolve it from its responsibility to provide for or cooperate in remediation of such adverse impacts.
“According to international human rights standards, responsible disengagement involves meaningful consultation with stakeholders, including civil society and the National Unity Government. Responsible disengagement also involves transparency – companies are expected to disclose the details of their human rights due diligence process and their plans for remediation. EarthRights has found no evidence that Chevron conducted any meaningful consultation with stakeholders from Myanmar during the disengagement process or shared details of any human rights due diligence or planned remediation.
“In October 2023, the United States announced partial sanctions on MOGE, prohibiting certain types of transactions with the entity but falling short of cutting it off from the U.S. financial system, as the EU had done with the euro in early 2022. However, the Yadana shareholders – in a decision that required approval from Chevron – agreed to redirect payments to new bank accounts and approved a currency change from U.S. dollars to Thai baht, allowing the continued flow of revenues to MOGE despite these sanctions.
“Now that Chevron has exited, we call on the U.S. Government to immediately place full sanctions on MOGE. The United States has the ability to cut off the military junta’s access to lucrative gas revenues, but has delayed action for years in part due to Chevron’s lobbying and misinformation campaigns.”
“Each month that the United States delays further action, the military junta is able to access significant amounts of revenue that can be used to purchase the weapons, aviation fuel, and other resources it needs to continue committing atrocities against the Myanmar people.
“Chevron has been involved in the Yadana project since the 1990s. Since its earliest days, the project has been mired in controversy, as the pipeline’s construction became linked to serious human rights abuses for which they settled lawsuits brought against them by ethnic Karen villagers from the pipeline area. Almost three decades later, the project is nearing the end of its life and about to wind down, but even now continues to bankroll the military’s violence against the Myanmar people.”..."
Source/publisher:
EarthRights International
Date of publication:
2024-04-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"On March 4, 2024, the French lawyers William Bourdon and Lily Ravon reported Htoo Htwe Tay Za, also known as Rachel Tayza, to Italian authorities on behalf of Justice For Myanmar, requesting that they investigate her involvement as a shareholder and director of companies that are part of the EU-sanctioned Htoo Group of Companies, and where appropriate, to freeze her assets and to remove her from Italy.
Rachel Tayza has continued to reside in Italy and conduct business for the EU-sanctioned Htoo Group of Companies, a crony conglomerate that is owned by her family.
Htoo Group is a key node in the Myanmar military’s international network of businesses that provides it with funds, arms and equipment, which aids and abets genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. It does this though its network of more than 60 businesses in Myanmar and Singapore in sectors throughout the economy, including extractive industries.
Htoo Group is also sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada.
In its reasons for sanctions, the EU noted, “Htoo Group of Companies has acted as an intermediary for the provision of military equipment which was used against civilian populations protesting against the 1 February coup, all across the country and in particular in areas with ethnic minorities.”
William Bourdon and Lily Ravon also submitted a dossier to Rachel Tayza’s bank, Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, which is owned by BNP Paribas, urging that they take action under EU sanctions.
Rachel Tayza has been residing in Milan, where she recently completed her studies at a fashion school, supported by proceeds from Htoo Group of Companies, according to a Justice For Myanmar investigation.
While in Italy, Rachel has continued to hold shares and act as director of at least seven Htoo Group companies, including ones newly formed after the military’s coup attempt, and those in direct business with the Myanmar army.
This includes Ayeyarwaddy Resorts and Lodges Company Limited, which has build-operate-transfer contracts with the Myanmar army’s EU-sanctioned Office of the Quarter Master General. One of their projects is for a commercial project on 22 acres of land in Yangon, which provides the military with approximately USD$1.65 million annually under a 50-year contract, according to Myanmar Investment Commission data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets.
Other companies Rachel holds shares in and serves as a director from Italy are Pegu Wood Company Limited, a subsidiary of Htoo Capital Company Limited, and One Fibre Company Limited, a subsidiary of Htoo Tech Company Limited, both established after the military’s illegal coup attempt.
Rachel was previously a director and shareholder in the now dissolved Myanmar Avia Export Company Limited, a Myanmar military arms broker that supplied Russian military aircraft and spare parts.
Rachel was sanctioned by the USA on January 31, 2023 for her active role in Htoo Group of Companies and for being the adult daughter of the Htoo Group Chairperson, Tay Za. Tay Za is sanctioned by the EU, USA, UK and Canada. Rachel’s brothers, Pye Phyo Tay Za and Htoo Htet Tay Za, are sanctioned by the USA, UK and Canada.
In addition to providing arms, Htoo Group donated funds to the Myanmar military in 2017 in support of their campaign of genocide against the Rohingya, a fact noted in the EU’s sanctions designation against the conglomerate.
Justice For Myanmar urges the EU to impose sanctions on the whole Htoo Group network of companies and individuals, including Rachel Tayza, as well as all other Myanmar junta cronies and arms brokers.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Weak sanctions enforcement by Italian authorities has allowed Rachel Tayza to do business in Italy that funds an illegal and illegitimate military junta.
“Rachel Tayza and her family have long aided and abetted the Myanmar military’s endless war crimes and crimes against humanity through Htoo Group of Companies and profited from the bloodshed of Myanmar people.
“Rachel Tayza should be held accountable under EU sanctions and Italy needs to ensure that she and no other Myanmar cronies can do their bloodstained business on Italian soil.
“The EU and other governments need to do far more to block the junta’s access to funds and arms through more concerted, strategic and coordinated sanctions that cover whole networks of companies, and through far stronger enforcement.
“For three years, the people of Myanmar have courageously resisted the military’s failing attempted coup.
“Italy and the EU must stand with the people of Myanmar in the struggle to build a new and inclusive Myanmar that respects human rights and guarantees justice and accountability.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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122.34 KB 133 KB
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Sub-title:
Press ASEAN Members to Adopt Similar Measures
Description:
"Australia was among a host of countries that imposed fresh sanctions on Myanmar on February 1, the third anniversary of the military coup. The government added five businesses to its list of 16 individuals sanctioned since 2021.
Australia has targeted two banks that help fund Myanmar’s junta and its arms purchases, the Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank. The sanctions also target three other entities, Asia Sun Group, Asia Sun Trading Co Ltd, and Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Co Ltd, for their role in supplying jet fuel to the security forces: the same fuel that the military has used to carry out unlawfully indiscriminate airstrikes against civilians.
Other governments had already taken action to limit the junta’s access to funding and jet fuel for the military. In June 2023, the United States sanctioned the two banks that Australia is now targeting. Canada has imposed comprehensive sanctions on jet fuel, while the European Union, United Kingdom and United States took steps to target Myanmar entities helping to purchase and supply jet fuel.
Until now, Australia has hesitated to impose more sanctions out of concern for its relations with member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). No ASEAN countries have unilaterally sanctioned the junta, and Australia joined with other governments to back the bloc’s ineffectual efforts to get the military to end its abuses.
Although Australia may have been slow to realize that targeted sanctions are crucial and need not compromise relations with ASEAN, they can still be effective.
The US action against Myanmar’s banks prompted Singapore to cut ties between its Singapore-based United Overseas Bank and corresponding banks in Myanmar. In December, the Myanmar central bank announced it would stop setting foreign exchange rates, suggesting the junta’s inability to access outside currencies. The sanctions are having an impact.
When it hosts a special summit with ASEAN members in Melbourne in March, Australia should press bloc members to enforce these sanctions in their own jurisdictions.
Stronger measures are still possible: Australia should consider imposing sanctions against companies and individuals in the extractives industries. The Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and other military-owned mining entities still collect the lion’s share of revenue for the junta.
By taking a necessary step to help stop Myanmar military abuses, Australia shouldn’t stop now..."
Source/publisher:
"Human Rights Watch" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-02-05
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-05
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest sanctions on the illegal Myanmar junta and its business associates, three years after the military launched a coup attempt that has failed because of the courageous mass resistance of Myanmar people.
Since the attempted coup, the junta has committed widespread atrocity crimes and grave human rights violations with total impunity, enabled by a network of domestic and international companies.
New sanctions targeted the military’s sources of funds and jet fuel.
Australia’s second round of sanctions since February 1, 2021 designated Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB), state banks illegally seized by the junta. The banks are key nodes in the military cartel’s economic networks, supporting the junta’s campaign of terror.
Australia also targeted three companies that are part of Shoon group (formerly Asia Sun), which is the junta’s main partner in the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel. The Shoon companies designated were Asia Sun Trading Company Limited, Cargo Link Petroleum Company Limited and Asia Sun Group Company Limited.
The US sanctioned Shwe Byain Phyu Group of Companies, a crony conglomerate founded by Thein Win Zaw, who is the group’s chairperson. Following the military’s coup attempt, Shwe Byain Phyu bought Telenor Myanmar, renamed ATOM Myanmar, providing the junta with enhanced surveillance capabilities and access to personal data. Justice For Myanmar exposed the business interests of Shwe Byain Phyu Group in 2022.
The US also sanctioned Thein Win Zaw, his wife Tin Latt Min, and their adult children, Win Paing Kyaw and Theint Win Htet.
In addition, the US sanctioned Myanma Five Star Line Company Limited, a shipping subsidiary of the US-sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited.
The UK sanctioned No. 1 Mining Enterprise (ME1) and No. 2 Mining Enterprise (ME2), state-owned enterprises illegally seized by the junta that play a central role in Myanmar’s mining sector. The two mining enterprises illegally channel funds and resources to the junta through production sharing contracts with local and foreign companies. Last year, JFM exposed Greenway Mining Group, a Chinese company that is using British Overseas Territories for its continued business in Myanmar with ME1.
The UK also sanctioned Light Infantry Division 77 and Light Infantry Division 101, which are directly responsible for perpetrating international crimes.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “New Australian, UK and US sanctions are necessary to block the junta’s access to funds and jet fuel and come after sustained pressure from civil society. However, far more needs to be done to cut the junta’s access to funds, arms, equipment, technology and jet fuel.
“Sanctions continue to be too slow, lack coordination and are not covering whole networks of companies and individuals, leaving too many openings for the junta and its associates to bypass measures.
“The slow pace of Australian sanctions in particular is clearly inadequate. Australia should start imposing regular rounds of sanctions, including against the mining sector, in which Australians continue to have a significant presence.
“UK, US, EU, Canada and Australia should extend sanctions to the whole network of entities and key individuals in the junta’s natural resources ministry, join the EU in fully sanctioning MOGE, and join Canada in banning the export, sale, supply and shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar.
“The people of Myanmar have struggled against a terrorist junta for three years and successfully blocked it from taking control of Myanmar. The fight continues and should be supported by the international community through targeted sanctions, a global arms embargo and a UN Security Council referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.
“The Myanmar military cartel must be dismantled.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-02-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-02-02
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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112.69 KB 142.56 KB
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"Shipping data suggests attempt to evade sanctions in aviation fuel supply chain
Direct sales of fuel diminish; instead intermediaries appear to aid purchase of fuel to Myanmar
At least seven shipments of aviation fuel to Myanmar in 2023, with direct links to storage unit in Viet Nam
2023 the worst year for air strikes in Myanmar since coup three years ago
New evidence suggests Myanmar’s military is using new tactics to import aviation fuel after sanctions were imposed in response to air strikes that have unlawfully killed and injured civilians, Amnesty International said today ahead of the third anniversary of the 2021 coup.
Shipping, satellite, trade and customs data analysis by Amnesty shows significant changes to how aviation fuel entered Myanmar over the past year, with the military appearing to use new routes and rely on storage units to obfuscate the origin of the fuel.
“After the international community took action on this deadly supply chain, the Myanmar military is ripping a page out of the sanctions evasion playbook to continue importing jet fuel,” said Montse Ferrer, Deputy Regional Director for Research.
“Air strikes have killed or injured hundreds of civilians across Myanmar in 2023, and left many feeling nowhere is safe. The best way to stop the Myanmar military from carrying out lethal air strikes is to stop all jet fuel imports into the country.”
Multiple buyers and storage units that conceal origin
The supply chain of aviation fuel to Myanmar appears to have shifted considerably since sanctions were passed by the UK, the USA, the EU and others last year. Buyers in Myanmar are no longer purchasing fuel directly but apparently relying on multiple purchases and sales of the same fuel to distance themselves from the original supplier of the aviation fuel.
Amnesty’s new research uncovers this apparent ruse.
The findings show that in 2023, as pressure built on companies and states to suspend shipments of jet fuel to Myanmar in the wake of an Amnesty International investigation into the supply chain, there was a lull in imports between January and March.
In April that year, they picked up again, and vessel tracking data, satellite imagery and customs and trade data show that at least six shipments entered the country between April and August in 2023. Then, in August, the US passed its latest round of sanctions on jet fuel, which appears to have led to another lull in imports from September to November, after which Amnesty identified one final jet fuel shipment in December 2023. The seven shipments, adding up to at least 67 kilotonnes of aviation fuel, represent an increase in shipments compared to 2021-2022, year on year.
While in 2021-2022 the majority of aviation fuel entered Myanmar as direct sales of fuel shipments – making it much easier to trace the supplier – in 2023, the fuel appears to have been bought and sold more than once, before arriving to Myanmar.
Further, the vessels identified by Amnesty picked up the aviation fuel at a storage unit in Viet Nam immediately prior to traveling to Myanmar.
“This is significant because storage units make fuel notoriously hard to trace,” explains Ferrer. “A lot can happen at a storage unit – fuel can be blended to mask its origin; sellers can lose track of buyers as fuel changes hands; storage unit owners or managers can claim ignorance once the fuel arrives at rented-out tanks. In addition, the larger a storage unit, the more ships arrive with different types of cargo, making the tracing of goods by external actors virtually impossible.
“This could be a way to evade sanctions. Fuel is no longer sold by the supplier directly to a Myanmar – possibly sanctioned – entity, but through one or more intermediaries, while also ensuring that the vessel’s last stop before arrival in Myanmar is a storage unit which cannot be easily linked to the actual fuel supplier.”
Viet Nam connection
The seven shipments in 2023 loaded aviation fuel at a small storage terminal called Cai Mep Petroleum terminal close to Ho Chi Minh City, Viet Nam, which is operated by local company Hai Linh Co. Ltd. Shipments occurred in April, May, June, July, August and December.
Vessel tracking and customs data has made it possible to identify what likely occurred during these shipments. First, the original supplier sold the jet fuel to a trader. That trader would have then off-sold it, once or multiple times, but in all cases, the second-to-last sale of the jet fuel before transfer to Myanmar was from a trader to a Vietnamese company. This Vietnamese company then received the fuel at a storage terminal in Cai Mep managed by Hai Linh. After storing the fuel for anywhere between a few hours to days, that fuel was sold to Myanmar and transported by vessel.
Amnesty has identified three shipments to Viet Nam that were immediately preceded by deliveries from recognizable locations. In one case, a shipment of jet fuel in August originated (although having been transported by a different vessel) from the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) terminal in Huizhou, the third-largest national oil company in China. According to vessel tracking data and satellite imagery, two other shipments in April and May onloaded the jet fuel at the Pengerang Independent Terminals, a storage terminal in Malaysia partly owned by Vopak, before arriving in Viet Nam and subsequently travelling to Myanmar (also by a different vessel).
Vietnamese customs data has also made it possible to identify the fuel traders that made the second-to-last purchase of jet fuel that transited through Viet Nam. The most prominent of these is BB Energy (Asia) Pte. Ltd., the Singapore branch of privately owned BB Energy, based in Dubai and described as “among the world’s leading independent energy trading companies”, with 30 offices around the world, including one in London. At least three of the seven shipments that transited through Viet Nam before arriving in Myanmar involved BB Energy (Asia).
It is unclear whether the trading companies knew the fuel they were selling to Vietnamese companies would soon thereafter end up in Myanmar, or whether their actions could run afoul of existing sanctions.
These traders sold the fuel to a Vietnamese company, which then appears to have sold the jet fuel to a Myanmar purchaser. Customs data indicates one of these companies to be Hai Linh Ltd., the company that owns and operates the storage terminal at Cai Mep.
Jet fuel offloaded in sanctioned-linked Yangon terminal
All seven aviation fuel shipments were offloaded at the former Puma Energy terminal in Thilawa area port, Yangon, Myanmar.
Following Puma Energy’s departure from Myanmar in December 2022, it sold its assets and transferred the management of the Thilawa terminal to a joint venture between Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal Co. Ltd. (formerly Asia Sun Aviation) and a state-owned and military controlled entity, MPE. Several Shoon Energy companies – although not the company managing the terminal – have been sanctioned by the UK, the USA, the EU and others for their role in the import and distribution of aviation fuel.
“The fact that these shipments are arriving at the same terminal with direct links to sanctioned companies and individuals and to the Myanmar military raises real questions about sanction effectiveness and compliance for those involved in the supply chain,” Ferrer said.
Six of the seven Vietnamese shipments were transported by the Chinese-flagged oil tanker HUITONG 78 (IMO 9646479); the remaining shipment was done by Liberian-flagged oil tanker YIDA 8 (IMO 9936941). Amnesty was unable to confirm the current owners of these vessels.
Companies’ responsibility and countries’ obligations across entire value chain
As outlined in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, companies have a responsibility to seek to prevent or mitigate adverse human rights impacts by conducting human rights due diligence. In conducting such due diligence, international standards establish that companies should assess the entire value chain for human rights risks and harm. In fact, companies can become directly linked to the harm – and in certain cases, liable under sanctions regimes – as a result of the irresponsible usage of the products or services they supply or manage. This includes jet fuel suppliers, fuel traders and storage terminal managers such as BB Energy, CNOOC, Hai Linh, Vopak and others.
“We have been told time and time again by companies that they are not responsible for what happens to the products after they sell them; or that they cannot control what happens at the storage terminals they themselves own and operate. However, the reality is that companies *can *know and should know what happens to their entire value chain if they are at all serious about human rights due diligence,” Ferrer said.
Under international law, all states have a duty to protect against human rights abuses by all actors, including companies. This means that states must protect individuals and communities from the harmful activities of corporate actors through effective policies, legislation, regulation and adjudication.
“The role played here by Viet Nam is particularly problematic. The Cai Mep port is essential for this new supply chain to work – and so the Vietnamese government has an obligation to make sure its ports are not being used for activities linked to human rights violations,” Ferrer said.
2023 worst year for air strikes
Myanmar military air strikes continued over the same period, with the UN reporting in September 2023 a significant increase compared to the first year after the coup.
In December 2023, Amnesty International documented, among other potential war crimes, the military’s indiscriminate air and ground attacks on Pauktaw town in Rakhine State, as well as its likely use of banned cluster munitions in northern Shan State.
Amnesty International also documented how, on 9 October, an air strike followed by mortar fire on a camp for internally displaced persons in Mung Lai Hkye village, Kachin State killed at least 28 civilians including children, and injured at least 57 others.
According to media reports, air strikes resulting in civilian deaths also took place in Bago and Sagaing Regions and in Chin, Kayah, Kayin and Mon states.
For example on 27 June, air strikes near a monastery in Nyaung Kone village in Sagaing Region killed a monk and at least nine other civilians.
On 11 April, in the single deadliest aerial attack since the coup, military aircraft bombed a gathering of people who were inaugurating a new local administrative office in the village of Pa Zyi Gyi, also in Sagaing Region. At least 100 civilians were killed, including 35 children, as well as 18 people aligned with armed opposition groups.
The military admitted the attack but claimed that explosives stored at the site where the gathering was taking place were responsible for the scale of the fatalities.
“There’s an epidemic of deadly, unlawful air strikes in Myanmar, but the cure is clear. We have to stop jet fuel imports from ending up in the hands of the Myanmar military,” Ferrer said.
Background
Since the 1 February 2021 coup, air strikes have killed, maimed and displaced civilians across the country, targeting schools, IDP camps and other civilian infrastructure.
In response, Amnesty International published Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmarin November 2022, which it published in collaboration with Justice for Myanmar.
The report revealed how aviation fuel reached the country, how it ended up with the Myanmar military and how it reached bases from which air attacks that constituted war crimes were conducted. In March 2023, Amnesty published updated findings on new shipments.
Following evidence linking foreign and domestic companies to the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, the UK, the USA, Canada, the EU and Switzerland imposed sanctions on companies and individuals in Myanmar and Singapore involved in the procurement and distribution of aviation fuel into Myanmar.
In August, the USA extended the reach of potential sanctions, stating that anyone involved in this industry was at risk.
All companies named in this press release were contacted for comment with the exception of Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal Co. Ltd, who were contacted by Amnesty International at the time the findings against them were originally published. The only company to respond to Amnesty International for this press release is Royal Vopak who emphasised their respect for human rights and claimed to have no record of a vessel birthing at Pengerang storage terminal on or about the dates we identified. This conflicts with Amnesty’s own evidence..."
Source/publisher:
Amnesty International
Date of publication:
2024-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-31
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Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
UN Security Council Should Impose Global Arms Embargo, Jet Fuel Sanctions
Description:
"UN Security Council Should Impose Global Arms Embargo, Jet Fuel Sanctions
(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta has increasingly carried out unlawful airstrikes harming civilians in its military operations against a coalition of opposition and ethnic armed groups, Human Rights Watch said today. Governments that provide transfers or assistance of arms or materiel to the junta forces risk being complicit in war crimes.
Three years since the February 1, 2021, coup in Myanmar, the junta’s widespread and systematic abuses against the population – including arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians – amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. In 2023, Human Rights Watch investigations found that the military’s unlawful airstrikes in Sagaing Region and Kachin State were apparent war crimes.
“Concerned governments should be doing more to curb the junta’s capacity to commit appalling laws-of-war violations,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “United Nations member countries should urge the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar, including sanctions on jet fuel that facilitates unlawful air attacks on civilians.”
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk said in a statement on January 30 that Myanmar’s deteriorating human rights situation was now in “free fall.”
“The people of Myanmar have been suffering for too long,” Türk said. “Since the end of October last year, their situation has deteriorated even further as a result of the long-established tactics of the military to target them.”
On October 27, 2023, the Three Brotherhood Alliance – an anti-junta coalition of the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army – began Operation 1027, an offensive that seized Myanmar military outposts in northern Shan State. The offensive also triggered opposition attacks on Myanmar security forces elsewhere in the country.
The junta responded to the attacks with military operations that have involved serious violations of the laws of war.
Amnesty International determined that junta forces most likely used cluster munitions during attacks on the town of Namkham in Shan State in early December. The use of cluster munitions, large weapons that include dozens of smaller weapons known as submunitions, is inherently indiscriminate and constitutes a war crime.
The renewed fighting within weeks displaced about 600,000 people across Myanmar. Humanitarian agencies and local organizations have struggled to respond to the surge in displacement.
An unknown number of civilians have been killed and injured in recent airstrikes. An aid worker in Muse township near the China border told Human Rights Watch that his friend fled from Namhkam after his wife was killed in a junta airstrike on December 1, an incident reported by the Shan Human Rights Foundation.
“He managed to hide their two children in the bunker when they first heard the sounds of a jet,” the aid worker said. “But his wife was showering as it was morning. … She didn’t make it to the bunker and died right there when the junta dropped the bomb. He was injured too, and luckily the children are safe but now they don’t have a mother.”
A spokeswoman from a local ethnic and women’s rights group, the Ta’ang Women’s Organization, said she fled Namhkam township on December 2 after repeated junta airstrikes in her village. “At first, I hid with my family in a dirt bunker we had dug near our home,” she said. “There were so many explosions … it was hard to tell whether it was all the same attack or many planes dropping bombs. The planes came day and night, and they also circled around us repeatedly even if they weren’t dropping bombs.”
The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, which reports data on the Myanmar military’s air and drone strikes, found strikes to have substantially increased since early 2022. This data is compiled from media reports and may significantly undercount the military’s total air and drone strikes.
Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States have imposed and expanded sanctions since the coup, but sanctions on jet fuel have been inconsistent.
Canada is the only country to have imposed comprehensive sanctions on the export, sale, supply or shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar. In 2023, the EU, UK, and US also introduced some sanctions that targeted private actors supplying fuel, arms and funds to Myanmar. However, five British companies are still providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Myanmar.
Governments in the region have not sent a clear message to Myanmar’s junta concerning ongoing rights violations, Human Rights Watch said. Laos, as the 2024 chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), should work with other ASEAN member countries to take a more robust approach that pressures the junta to end its abuses and remove restrictions on humanitarian assistance.
The European Union, whose foreign ministers will meet with ASEAN foreign ministers on February 2, should urge ASEAN members, in particular Thailand and Singapore, to cooperate in enforcing sanctions in their jurisdictions.
The UN Security Council should meaningfully follow up on its December 2022 resolution on Myanmar by imposing an arms embargo, including jet fuel, and refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court. Russia and China, which both abstained from the 2022 resolution, should not block stronger measures by the council.
Russia and China have continued to sell weapons to Myanmar’s junta since the 2021 coup, according to the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
“Myanmar’s people have been suffering for years under a junta that shows them no regard,” Pearson said. “A stronger international response is still needed to press for an end to the military’s abuses.”..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-01-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-30
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Description:
"Australian companies, executives and investors are continuing to operate in Myanmar’s junta-dominated mining sector three years after the military launched a brutal and illegal attempted coup.
A new Justice For Myanmar report, Mines Against Humanity, reveals the Australian owned and led companies that are engaged in extraction, exploration and services that provide the junta with revenue, or support the maintenance of a sector that bankrolls junta atrocities.
Companies are wrongly treating the illegal junta as if it were the government of Myanmar. The junta is not the legitimate government of Myanmar and has failed to take effective control of Myanmar’s territory because of the sustained and courageous mass resistance of the Myanmar people.
The junta has responded with a war of terror through indiscriminate air strikes and shelling, the killing of more than 4,400 people, rape, torture, the arbitrary arrest of more than 25,800, the destruction of whole communities and the displacement of more than 2.3 million.
The continued Australian presence in Myanmar’s mining sector is a result of Australia’s failure to impose sanctions on the junta’s sources of funds, and a lack of guidance on Australia’s expectations for responsible business in Myanmar.
This report documents 10 company networks that have remained active in Myanmar following the coup attempt and highlights six company networks that are not currently active in the mining sector but remain registered in Myanmar and require monitoring should they resume operations under the junta. These include:
Valentis, a sprawling network of companies backed by Australian investors set up by brothers closely connected to the military. Among Valentis’s activities, Justice For Myanmar’s investigation uncovered an apparent visit to a MEC coal project since the coup attempt, the provision of services to a Myanmar arms broker and business links to a militia under junta control.
Cornerstone Resources – a company thought to be owned by prominent Australian prospector Mark Creasy, and that has an Australian address, has continued to mine and refine zinc in Shan state following the military’s coup attempt. Justice For Myanmar uncovered transactions with military conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which may breach UK sanctions given its previous registration in the British Virgin Islands at the time of the transactions.
The Australian branch of the global consulting firm Knight Piésold is providing environmental services to the China owned Wanbao Mining for copper mines that operate in partnership with military conglomerate Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). Services were provided as recently as 2023 and it is uncertain whether Knight Piésold is interpreting their contractual obligations consistently with the due diligence exception in the Australian Autonomous Sanctions Act 2011 to avoid breaching the sanctions against MEHL.
The Australia-based miner PanAust has maintained its large-scale exploration licences in Sagaing, a region ravaged in the junta’s campaign of terror. By paying fees to the junta, it helps fund its atrocities.
Asia Pacific Mining Limited, a company with Australian executives, has been communicating with senior members of the junta to continue and expand its exploration activities under cover of the military’s coup attempt.
Even after the coup attempt and amid local opposition, Australian-led company Access Resources Asia has been pushing ahead with gold exploration in eastern Shan state.
Australian Laboratory Services (ALS), listed on the Australian Stock Exchange, has maintained its business in Myanmar following the military’s coup attempt and has done mineral testing for Access Resources Asia and junta-controlled universities.
Justice For Myanmar calls on Australia to immediately impose sanctions on mining enterprises controlled by the junta; to widen sanctions against the junta’s sources of funds, arms and jet fuel, in coordination with its allies; and to investigate sanctions-busting activity and penalise or prosecute companies and individuals as appropriate.
Justice For Myanmar calls on companies operating in Myanmar to follow the laws, policies and guidance of the legitimate federal bodies, including the National Unity Government (NUG), National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), applicable state councils, and relevant Ethnic Resistance Organisations, and to fulfil their responsibilities under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Business Conduct, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
Under the NUG’s Three-Pillar Framework Guiding Responsible Investment and Continued Operations, companies should avoid all business with the junta and fulfil contractual obligations to the state by paying funds into an escrow account for the lawful and legitimate government of Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is unacceptable that three years after the military’s illegal coup attempt, Australia is still failing to take necessary action to block the junta’s sources of funds from mining and other lucrative sectors.
“The Myanmar military operates as a cartel that is stealing the wealth of the people of Myanmar on a massive scale to fund its war of terror and enrich war criminals.
“Yet, there are Australian companies, executives and investors in the mining sector that are continuing business as usual, financing the illegitimate junta and helping to keep a corrupt and destructive mining sector open for business.
“Australia needs to act now to impose sanctions on the junta, its businesses, and cronies, and stop Australians from directly and indirectly providing funds and other forms of support to the junta.
“Australian owned and led businesses in Myanmar should follow the laws, policies and guidance of the legitimate federal bodies, including the NUG, NUCC, applicable state councils, and relevant EROs, and fulfil their international human rights responsibilities.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-01-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
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"The United States announced updates to the first business advisory for Myanmar. The supplemental advisory, jointly issued by the Departments of State, Treasury, Commerce, Labor, and Homeland Security, and the Office of the US Trade Representative, includes the identification of additional sectors and activities of concern, notably mining, timber and jet fuel. Businesses, including financial institutions and individuals, are advised to adopt heightened compliance and due diligence measures to reduce risks of exposure to the junta and its enablers.
Denisse Rudich, Senior Policy Advisor at The Sentry, said: “Following the publication of the supplemental business advisory by the US Government, banks in the US and abroad, particularly in countries such as in Singapore, Thailand, and the UAE should monitor transactions to stop the flow of funds suspected of being linked to the military junta and carry out enhanced due diligence. They should engage with their correspondent banking networks, taking measures to prevent de-risking and ensure that humanitarian aid organizations, civilians, and essential sectors of the economy maintain unhindered access to the international financial system.”
Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “We welcome the supplemental advisory on Burma by the US Government. It complements the continued targeted sanctions policy adopted by the US to constrain and contain the Myanmar junta by restricting access to funds that finance its brutal war on the people of Myanmar. Targeted sanctions will not solve the crisis in the country on their own, but as essential financial tools of pressure, they must be wielded by the US and its like-minded partners in a coordinated manner and against networks of enablers to enhance their effectiveness. In addition to sanctions, the advisory identifies high-risk business sectors that companies will want to stay clear of to prevent their potential complicity in the atrocities of the Myanmar junta. It nevertheless encourages legitimate and responsible trade and investment flows that benefit the Myanmar population.”
Yadanar Maung, Justice For Myanmar spokesperson, said: “It is positive that the US is continuing to advise companies in Myanmar to act responsibly and avoid key sectors that provide the junta with funds and resources that it needs to commit atrocities. However, this advice needs to be urgently backed up with more targeted sanctions by the US in coordination with its allies, including Australia, which remains exposed to Myanmar’s mining sector. There still are too many gaps in the sanctions that have been imposed and a large number of businesses and individuals that remain unsanctioned, despite evidence of complicity in the junta’s international crimes.”
The first US business advisory on Myanmar, published in January 2022, was issued “to inform individuals, businesses, financial institutions, and other persons — including investors, consultants, and research service providers — of the heightened risks associated with doing business in Burma, and particularly business activity that could benefit the Burmese military regime.”
For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected]
For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected]
About Justice For Myanmar
Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering.
About The Sentry
(Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”)
The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts. For more information: www.TheSentry.org..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-01-29
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Title: The Myanmar military’s air superiority is slipping away amid sanctions and opposition attacks
Sub-title:
Like everything else in the nearly three years since the coup, the junta’s air superiority is fading.
Description:
"One of the most important setbacks for Myanmar’s military since an opposition alliance launched Operation 1027 last October has been the loss of three different aircraft: two jet trainers and an Mi-17 heavy-lift helicopter. An Mi-35 attack helicopter was also lost in 2023.
The Myanmar military should have total air superiority.
For the first two years of the conflict, the opposition National Unity Government’s (NUG) best air defense was doxing Air Force pilots – publishing their addresses, as part of an assassination campaign.
Gradually, the NUG’s People’s Defense Force militias began to erode the junta’s air superiority by effectively deploying armed drones.
Significantly, we’re now seeing Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) begin to deploy air defenses, at a time when the junta has become even more dependent on air attacks. That increased tempo of operations requires more maintenance on overworked airframes.
These military junta losses matter for three reasons.
First, while not small by regional standards, the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) certainly does not have excess capacity. At the top end, it has some 31 SU-29s and four recently delivered SU-30s from Russia.
The recently delivered seven JF-17s multi-role fighters, jointly produced by China and Pakistan, are reportedly already grounded due to cracks in their airframes and other maintenance issues.
Airworthiness questions
On paper, Myanmar has approximately 40 other jet fighters, but these are old, Chinese-produced knock-off Russian jets from the 1990s. They are well beyond their service life.
The MAF is thought to have 20 Nanchang Q-5s, the Chinese version of the MiG-19, down from the 36 it imported from 1994-2001. It also has some 21 Chengdu J-7s, a Chinese produced MiG-21. That’s down from some 60 that it had purchased from 1990-1999.
It’s unclear how many of these fighters are still airworthy.
Myanmar’s military has relied on its 18 Russian-built Yak-130 trainers for much of its combat operations. Since the February 2021 coup, Myanmar has taken delivery of some six Guizhou JL-9 jet trainers, referred to as FTC-2000G, which have a spotty performance and safety record.
The MAF also flies an unknown number of Chinese K-8 trainers that can be used for ground support.
Second, we should also assume that given sanctions on the Singapore-based companies that have been the key importers of spare parts, the overall lack of foreign exchange available to the junta, and other supply chain issues, including those caused by Russia’s war in Ukraine, that around 20% of the aircraft are probably not operational.
In December 2023, the sanctioned director of Sky Aviator and two others were caught trying to smuggle 508,925 Singapore dollars (US $382,380) in cash out of that city-state. Sky Aviator, which has an office in Singapore, had a large contract to purchase spare parts for the air force. Another sanctioned firm, Sky Royal Hero Company Limited, has the contract for the maintenance and spare parts for servicing the Russian jet fighters.
For nearly three years, the MAF has been flying at increased tempos without the scheduled maintenance they require.
Airstrikes ramping up
The military’s promised counter offensive has not materialized. Over 4,000 troops have surrendered since Operation 1027 began, and well-documented recruitment issues mean the military does not have a sufficient number of troops to launch ground offensives across the multiple battle zones, which has forced them to rely on long range artillery and air strikes.
An independent research firm documented 336 airstrikes in December 2023, alone, with nearly half against the Three Brotherhood Alliance, the group of ethnic armies behind Operation 1027..
The loss of one of their 12 already over-taxed heavy lift helicopters is another important setback for the military’s counter-offensive. One of their tactical advantages has been air mobility and resupply, especially given their loss of key roads.
Although the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) claims to have shot down the Guizhou JL-9/FTC-2000G on Jan. 17, there is little evidence to support this, Video footage that shows the plane falling from the sky, without smoke or any other sign of hostile fire, indicates likely engine failure.
That leads to the third implication: The MAF is losing aircraft to hostile fire.
While the military claims that it was a technical malfunction that brought down a K-8 trainer, Karenni forces claim to have shot it down.
The KIA claims to have shot down an Mi-17 transport helicopter, killing all six crew members on Jan. 3.
Both helicopters and the trainers, especially when they are being used for ground attacks, are vulnerable to small arms fire.
Eyes on Beijing
But these developments also beg the question: What weapons are being used to down the aircraft?
The only ethnic armed group that is known to have shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles (known as MANPADs) is the United Wa State Army (UWSA).
Until very recently, the UWSA has sat out the conflict, neither supporting the junta nor joining the NUG. It recently declared its neutrality in the Three Brotherhood Alliance’s Operation 1027, though it did receive two townships from them.
Though the UWSA has quietly sold weapons to other ethnic armies and the NUG, it has, to date, refrained from selling MANPADs.
Has that changed? And if so, why now? It was long believed that they would not sell the weapons for fear of angering China. So did China approve the transfer, or are the groups now willing to incur Beijing’s wrath?
The KIA claims that they shot down the Mi-17 helicopter with a Chinese made FN-6 MANPAD. The transfer of these weapons to the KIA has never been acknowledged, and may indicate a substantial shift in Chinese policy.
Even if the Jan. 17 crash was caused by a mechanical failure, the KIA is smart to claim credit for downing the aircraft – if for no other reason than to sow fear amongst the pilots.
But what is clear, is that at the same time Myanmar’s military has become even more dependent on air strikes, it’s confronted by international sanctions and cash shortages that have hurt the servicing of their planes. At the same time, opposition forces are now fielding a limited number of surface-to-air missiles.
Like everything else in the nearly three years since the coup, the junta’s air superiority is slipping away..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-01-20
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
UN Security Council Should Impose Sanctions on Military Junta
Description:
"(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta in 2023 increasingly carried out unlawful airstrikes against villages with ethnic minorities and anti-coup residents, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2024. The security forces committed mass killings, enforced disappearances, torture, rape and other sexual violence, and arbitrary arrests and detention.
“The junta’s increased unlawful airstrikes exemplify the deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar since the 2021 coup,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Governments should tighten sanctions on the military, and urge the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation to the International Criminal Court.”
In the 740-page World Report 2024, its 34th edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in more than 100 countries. In her introductory essay, Executive Director Tirana Hassan says that 2023 was a consequential year not only for human rights suppression and wartime atrocities but also for selective government outrage and transactional diplomacy that carried profound costs for the rights of those not in on the deal. But she says there were also signs of hope, showing the possibility of a different path, and calls on governments to consistently uphold their human rights obligations.
In April, Myanmar’s military used a thermobaric weapon – a fuel-air explosive – in Sagaing Region that killed more than 160 civilians. In October, the military attacked a village hosting hundreds of displaced civilians in Kachin State, killing 28 civilians, including 11 children. And since the February 2021 coup, the military has used domestically produced cluster munitions, which are inherently indiscriminate, in populated areas.
The junta blocked desperately needed aid from reaching millions of people in conflict areas, in violation of international humanitarian law. More than two million people have been internally displaced, with many fleeing air and ground attacks multiple times. In October, tens of thousands of people fled clashes between the military and an alliance of ethnic armed groups and anti-junta People’s Defense Forces in northern Shan State.
In May, Cyclone Mocha, one of two strongest tropical cyclones ever recorded in the North Indian Ocean, left a trail of destruction affecting nearly eight million people across Chin, Kachin, and Rakhine States, and Sagaing and Magway Regions. Junta authorities refused to authorize travel and visas for aid workers, release urgent supplies from customs and warehouses, or relax onerous and unnecessary restrictions on lifesaving assistance.
UN Security Council measures against Myanmar authorities have long been stymied by Russia and China, both of which have veto power. Other governments should find ways to expand their own national sanctions to press the junta to change course, Human Rights Watch said. UN member countries should comply with a UN General Assembly 2021 resolution, which urged governments “to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar.”
Key governments such as the United States expanded sanctions, including on two Myanmar banks used by the junta to purchase weapons and military equipment. In August, the US issued a directive prohibiting financial transactions involving the military-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). But the European Union, US, Canada, and the United Kingdom should better coordinate and enforce their actions while seeking compliance by Singapore, Thailand and other neighbors of Myanmar.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) currently has an investigation into crimes related to the 2017 ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya, but it is limited in scope. An ICC referral remains critical to address the full range of atrocity crimes in Myanmar. Separately, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar continued gathering evidence for future prosecutions.
The International Court of Justice is hearing the case on Myanmar’s alleged state responsibility under the Genocide Convention. On November 15, six countries joined the case initiated by Gambia in 2019..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-01-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-01-11
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Individual Documents
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Description:
"
Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest sanctions on the Myanmar military junta and its associates, as it intensifies its war of terror against the people, and calls on governments to urgently step up and better coordinate sanctions.
The latest sanctions come as the junta continues to lose territory and control, almost three years after launching an illegal coup attempt.
On December 11, the EU sanctioned the entities Star Sapphire Group of Companies and Royal Shune Lei Company Limited, which are both suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, aiding and abetting its international crimes.
Star Sapphire Group of Companies is a crony conglomerate closely associated with the family of Min Aung Hlaing, whose children’s assets were caught in a Thai drug raid against Star Sapphire Group’s founder, Tun Min Latt. Tun Min Latt is currently in custody in Thailand on drug trafficking and money laundering charges.
Royal Shune Lei Company Limited is an arms broker for the Myanmar military that has been sanctioned for the first time. Justice For Myanmar previously highlighted its links to the sale of arms and dual use goods from Russia and Serbia. The company may have also brokered the sale of arms from North Korea to the Myanmar military in 2022, according to reports.
The EU also sanctioned members of the junta’s State Administration Council, Nyo Saw, Wunna Maung Lwin and Hmu Htan, as well as the commander of the military’s Eastern Command, Hla Moe.
Nyo Saw is a major player in the junta’s cartel, having been chairperson of Myanmar Economic Corporation and a member of the junta’s Foreign Exchange Supervision Committee.
On December 8, the UK sanctioned Colonel Chit Thu, whose legal name is San Myint, and his associates Saw Min Min Oo and She Zhijiang (also written as She Zhi Jiang). San Myint leads the Karen Border Guard Force, a militia under Myanmar military command in Karen State. Min Min Oo is a colonel in the same militia and plays a key role in the militia’s corrupt business dealings, which include illegal casinos and cyber slavery compounds. She Zhijiang, a Chinese fugitive who obtained Cambodian citizenship, is their business associate and led the Yatai project in Shwe Kokko with the Karen Border Guard Force up until his arrest in Thailand in 2022 after an extradition request by Chinese authorities. All three have been sanctioned for the first time.
Also on December 8, Canada for the second time sanctioned the war criminal, Min Aung Hlaing, who is responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, and is leading the military’s coup attempt. He was designated under the country’s Magnitsky Law, the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act. Canada also sanctioned Min Aung Hlaing on February 18, 2021 under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “These latest sanctions are welcome as a further step in blocking the Myanmar military junta’s sources of funds and arms, which it needs to continue its war of terror against the people.
“It is also welcome that the UK has sanctioned key individuals in the Karen Border Guard Force network, who, under Myanmar military command, are responsible for grave human rights violations and crimes that include human trafficking, the enslavement of victims in cyber scam compounds, the operation of illegal casinos and money laundering.
“The Myanmar military junta is at the apex of these criminal networks, and the threat they pose to the ASEAN region and beyond cannot be eradicated until the Myanmar military cartel is dismantled and there is federal democracy.
“However, the pace of sanctions has so far been too slow compared to the unprecedented crisis on the ground. Far more needs to be done urgently to cut the junta’s sources of arms and funds. We call on governments to step up and better coordinate for further sanctions and for justice and accountability.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-12-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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113.2 KB 121.71 KB
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Description:
"Greenway Mining Group Limited, a mining company based in Kunming, China and operating through British Overseas Territories, is expanding its business in Myanmar following the military’s illegal coup attempt, providing revenue to the junta as it widens its campaign of terror.
The revelations published by Justice For Myanmar based on the company’s disclosures to the Hong Kong Stock Exchange before its recent delisting, come as the UK lags behind its allies in sanctioning No. 1 Mining Enterprise (ME 1) and No. 1 Mining Enterprise (ME 2), which are under illegal control of the junta.
ME 1 and ME 2 have already been sanctioned by the US, EU and Canada.
The junta’s minister for natural resources and environmental conservation, Colonel Khin Maung Yi, has also been sanctioned by the US, EU and Canada, while he has yet to be designated in the UK.
Greenway Mining Group operates two mines in Shan State, Myanmar. Since the coup attempt, it has been seeking approval from the junta to expand one of its mines and has organised the shipment of minerals to China, in partnership with ME 1.
The company, which is incorporated in the Cayman Islands and also operates in the British Virgin Islands, has earned millions of dollars in revenue during the past decade from its lead and silver mines in Myanmar, according to its financial statements.
Justice For Myanmar calls on UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron to immediately sanction all key junta entities and individuals in the mining sector, including ME 1, ME 2 and Khin Maung Yi.
Justice For Myanmar calls on Greenway to immediately end all business with the junta, in line with its human rights responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on business and human rights.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Greenway Mining is using British Overseas Territories for its business with the illegal Myanmar military junta, supporting ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity committed with total impunity.
“Greenway’s business with the junta, conducted via the Cayman Islands and British Virgin Islands, has been enabled by the UK’s slow pace of sanctions on the mining sector, which is a key source of funds for the junta.
“As the junta continues to lose ground, it is increasingly relying on indiscriminate air strikes and is desperate for revenue to sustain its war of terror.
“The UK and its allies must urgently coordinate to block all of the junta’s sources of arms and revenue, including from the mining sector, and support the people of Myanmar’s struggle for federal democracy.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-12-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-11
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"Myanmar Campaign Network (MCN), Justice For Myanmar (JFM), the Australian Coalition for Democracy in Burma (ACDB), and Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (GMSR) commend the decision by the Australian Government to deny visas to the Myanmar football club Shan United. The decision comes after a strong push from the organisations, which cited grave concerns over the club’s associations with individuals and entities connected to the Myanmar military and human rights violations.
This action prompted Australia to bar Shan United's entry for their Asian Football Confederation (AFC) Cup match against Sydney team the Macarthur Bulls, initially slated for November 30 in Australia, leading to the match's relocation to a venue in Bangkok.
MCN, JFM, ACDB, and GMSR urged Australian ministers to deny visas to Shan United players and officials, raising concerns about the club's owner, Wa Minn Group of Companies, and its sponsor, Kanbawza Group of Companies (KBZ Group).
Myanmar Investment Commission data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets shows Wa Minn Group of Companies and its owner, Kun Naung Myint Wai, hold permits for two property development projects in partnership with the Myanmar military: one with Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), a military conglomerate sanctioned by Australia, and one with the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Myanmar Army, which has been sanctioned by the US, UK, EU, and Canada.
KBZ Group is a crony conglomerate that donated a total of US$4.7 million to the Myanmar military and the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development in Rakhine State (UEHRD) during the Rohingya genocide, according to the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The Fact-Finding Mission recommended a criminal investigation against officials of KBZ Group as a result of the donations, stating that they made ‘a substantial and direct contribution to the commission of the crime against humanity of “other inhumane acts”’.
MCN and JFM have pressed for sanctions against these companies and related individuals.
Myanmar Campaign Network Campaign Manager Tasneem Roc, said, “Australia's denial of visas sends a powerful message that those implicated in human rights violations will not be granted a platform or support. Further sanctions action is needed to show support for the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar.”
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung said, “Australia’s denial of visas to Shan United is welcome but more needs to be done. Australia should urgently impose more targeted sanctions against the illegal junta’s sources of funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel, and catch up with the sanctions already imposed by its allies.”
Australian Coalition for Democracy in Burma spokesperson Peter Murphy said, “While we welcome Australia’s decision to ban visas for Shan United players and officials, Football Australia and ultimately FIFA bear a crucial responsibility to uphold human rights within international football. States, entities or individuals found guilty of human rights abuses should be banned.”
Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Spokesperson Mon Zin said, “This visa ban marks progress towards justice, but it stirs mixed emotions for us, the youth. We long for a Myanmar free from the junta's oppression, with opportunities for all. We imagined celebrating our soccer stars in Sydney, a moment of pride. However until the world opposes the junta's cruelty, our hopes remain unfulfilled. Let this ban resound as a call for justice, fuelling our unwavering struggle for a liberated Myanmar!”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-12-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-12-01
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"29 November 2023: The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) congratulates the Australian Government for its decision to deny entry visas to the players and officials of Shan United football team, owned by Kun Naung Myint Wai – a crony with deep ties to the illegal Myanmar military junta.
Kun Naung Myint Wai is also the chairman of Wa Minn Corporation, which has business links with the Myanmar military’s “ministry of defence.” Kun Naung Myint Wai has alleged connections with Myanmar military-controlled conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which generates vast revenues for the Myanmar military that it uses to fund grave human rights violations against civilians. In February, Australia imposed financial sanctions on MEC.
The decision to bar entry to Shan United football club, which came ahead of its scheduled football match against Sydney-based Macarthur FC in Australia, is a modest but welcome step by the Australian Government to hold accountable those who benefit from their association with Myanmar’s criminal military.
SAC-M urges the Australian Government to build on this positive step by taking more meaningful action to hold the Myanmar military accountable. Australia must now follow like-minded democracies, including the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and the European Union, by imposing further targeted financial sanctions on the Myanmar military, its generals, affiliated entities and cronies..."
Source/publisher:
Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-29
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
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"REDRESS, Justice For Myanmar and the Australian Centre for International Justice have submitted a dossier of evidence to the Governor of the British Virgin Islands and the UK’s Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation, requesting that they open investigations into the formerly British Virgin Islands-incorporated entity Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar) Limited alleged violations of UK sanctions.
The dossier contains research and evidence from Justice For Myanmar into Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar) Limited’s business, including leaked financial statements that show transactions with the military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).
The transactions, which consist of the sale of zinc to MEC and the purchase of coal from MEC, total 1,971,236,483 Myanmar kyat (more than £770,000 or AU$1.33m) between October 2021 and August 2022, and follow the UK’s sanctioning of MEC on April 1, 2021, under the UK’s Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulations 2020, which are in force in the British Virgin Islands.
The dossier urges that, should penalties be imposed through enforcement action, the funds are re-directed to victims as reparations for the abuses they suffered from the Myanmar military. Such financial compensation could serve to provide interim relief to victims, allowing them to rebuild their lives and gain access to healthcare and other social services.
Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar) Limited’s main business is zinc mining and processing in Myanmar’s Shan State. It began operating in Myanmar in 1999, under the previous military junta, and has a production sharing contract with Mining Enterprise No. 1 (ME 1), a state-owned enterprise that is illegally under junta control.
ME 1 has not been sanctioned by the UK or Australia, despite calls in Australia and the UK for sanctions.
The company’s Myanmar business was owned by its British Virgin Islands’ parent company until it was struck off its Register of Companies in November 2022. Due to restrictions on accessing information on this and Myanmar corporate registries, it has not been possible to confirm the identity of the current directors and shareholders of Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar). The company has had an Australian director, Australian shareholders and used an Australian address for its business.
Rupert Skilbeck, Director of REDRESS, said: "The UK’s enforcement agencies can impose significant financial penalties for violations of UK sanctions, which could be used to provide reparations to victims of the crimes sanctions seek to prevent. Yet, to date, the UK has been extremely slow at enforcing sanctions and any fines imposed have been directed to the Treasury for other uses.
“It is crucial that the UK government rigorously enforces its sanctions, both in the UK and in its overseas territories, to ensure they effectively deter serious human rights violations, and are used to make funds available to victims."
Yadanar Maung, Justice for Myanmar’s spokesperson, said: “Cornerstone Resources’ substantial business with Myanmar Economic Corporation, in apparent breach of UK sanctions, supports a corrupt conglomerate that enriches a murderous military and its war criminal leadership. Cornerstone’s ongoing business in Myanmar have been enabled by Australia’s failure to sanction mining enterprises that are illegally controlled by the junta, and which help finance its ongoing atrocities against the people. Australia needs to stop making excuses and sanction the junta’s sources of funds and arms, including state-owned enterprises.
“The UK should urgently sanction junta-controlled mining enterprises to prevent companies registered in the UK and its overseas territories from financing the junta’s international crimes.”
Melissa Chen, Senior Lawyer, Australian Centre for International Justice, said: "The imposition of sanctions against individuals and entities who support Myanmar’s illegal military junta is only one step towards accountability.
“To have real impact, these sanctions must be effectively enforced in order to cut off the junta’s financing and deter those responsible for the devastating human rights violations and atrocity crimes that continue to be perpetrated in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-11-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-20
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"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of targeted sanctions imposed against the illegal Myanmar military junta, its cronies and arms brokers, coordinated between Canada, the UK and USA.
The sanctions, announced on October 31, 2023, were significant in targeting the junta’s sources of funds, arms, equipment, and jet fuel, but more sanctions and better coordination are needed to disrupt the junta’s ability to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
Priorities include full sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), sanctions on junta-controlled mining enterprises, a ban on the sale of jet fuel to Myanmar, action against banks that the junta uses to channel funds and purchase arms, and coordinated sanctions against whole networks of junta cronies and arms dealers. Details of sanctions targets are on the Justice For Myanmar website.
We remain dismayed at the lack of action by Australia, Japan, New Zealand, Singapore and South Korea to impose sanctions in response to the military’s coup attempt and ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity, and urge these countries to act now. Many of the latest sanctions targets maintain business links to Singapore. We call on the Singaporean government to do more to block the junta’s access to funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel.
Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, more than 4,100 people have been killed by the junta and over 25,000 arrested. In the face of mass, nationwide resistance to its coup attempt by the people of Myanmar, the junta has intensified indiscriminate aerial attacks, shelling, mass arbitrary arrests, torture, rape, the destruction of whole communities and forced displacement.
International action needs to be ramped up urgently to stop the junta’s atrocities and support the Myanmar people’s struggle for federal democracy.
Sanctions imposed this week that target the junta’s sources of funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel, along with previous designations that remain in force, include:
Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE): A state-owned enterprise illegally controlled by the junta and targeted by the USA for the first time with a directive against the direct and indirect provision of financial services, which will go into force on December 15. This follows a sustained campaign by Myanmar people, civil society and allies.
The financial services directive is an important step to disrupt the flow of funds to the junta but falls short of full sanctions that would freeze MOGE’s assets and block all trade with the junta-controlled state-owned enterprise.
MOGE was previously sanctioned by the EU.
Mining Enterprise No. 1 (ME1) and Mining Enterprise No. 2 (ME2): State-owned enterprises illegally controlled by the junta and sanctioned by Canada. ME1 and ME2 monopolise the mining sector, receive a share of revenue from private mining companies, and funnel large amounts of revenue to the junta.
ME1 and ME2 were previously sanctioned by the USA and EU.
International Group of Entrepreneur Services Company Limited (IGE): A crony company sanctioned by the UK for its business with the Myanmar military, which is a subsidiary of International Group of Entrepreneur Company Limited. IGE Group is a crony conglomerate led by Ne Aung, the son of former junta minister Aung Thaung and brother of junta navy chief Moe Aung. IGE has deep business links with the military, including through the Lotte Hotel, developed on land leased from the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Myanmar Army, as reported by Justice For Myanmar.
IGE Group has at least three companies that remain registered in Singapore: IGE Pte Ltd, UNOG Pte Ltd and IPL Pte Ltd.
International Group of Entrepreneur Company Limited was previously sanctioned by the EU.
Shwe Byain Phyu Group and Thein Win Zaw: Shwe Byain Phyu Group is a crony conglomerate founded by Thein Win Zaw, who is the group’s chairperson. Both were sanctioned by Canada. Shwe Byain Phyu bought Telenor Myanmar, renamed ATOM Myanmar, providing the junta with enhanced surveillance capabilities and access to personal data. Justice For Myanmar has exposed the business interests of Shwe Byain Phyu Group and Thein Win Zaw.
Shwe Byain Phyu has a company in Singapore, Investcom Pte Ltd, which remains registered.
Shwe Byain Phyu Group and Thein Win Zaw have been sanctioned for the first time.
Star Sapphire Group of Companies, Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, Tun Min Latt and Win Min Soe: All sanctioned by Canada, the group has multiple businesses that generate funds for the Myanmar military, including a casino, a hotel and mining. Star Sapphire Group of Companies and its subsidiary, Star Sapphire Trading, has been a key supplier of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military from Israel and China in particular. The group is owned by Tun Min Latt and Win Min Soe, who are a married couple and are close associates of junta head Min Aung Hlaing and his children. Tun Min Latt is in custody in Thailand on drug trafficking and money laundering charges. Star Sapphire Group’s business with the Myanmar military and links with Min Aung Hlaing’s family have been exposed by Justice For Myanmar.
Star Sapphire group has a company in Singapore, Star Sapphire Group Pte Ltd, which remains registered.
Star Sapphire Group of Companies and Tun Min Latt were previously sanctioned by the UK and USA. The USA also previously sanctioned Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited and Win Min Soe.
Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Company Limited and Khin Phyu Win: Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics (formerly Cargo Link Pongrawe Logistics Company Limited), sanctioned by Canada, is part of the Shoon group of companies (formerly Asia Sun). Shoon group is the junta’s main partner in the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel. The group is led by Khin Phyu Win, also sanctioned by Canada. Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics is the junta’s main transporter of jet fuel to military bases and airports across Myanmar. The role of Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics and Khin Phyu Win in supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military has been exposed by Amnesty International and Justice For Myanmar.
Shoon group has three companies that remain registered in Singapore: Shoon Energy Pte Ltd, P.E.I. Energy Pte Ltd and PEIA Pte Ltd.
Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics was previously sanctioned by the US, and its parent company, Cargo Link Company Limited, was previously sanctioned by the UK. Khin Phyu Win was previously sanctioned by the USA and UK.
Canada continues to lead in measures to stop the junta’s access to jet fuel, which it needs to continue to carry out indiscriminate airstrikes. On October 31, Canada expanded its ban on the sale of jet fuel to include a prohibition on shipping insurance for the transport of jet fuel to Myanmar.
Sky Aviator Company Limited, Heli Eagle Company Limited, Sky Royal Hero Limited, Kyaw Min Oo and Myo Min Oo: Major suppliers of aviation equipment to the Myanmar military and all sanctioned by Canada, Sky Aviator is owned by Kyaw Min Oo and the linked company, Heli Eagle, is owned by Myo Min Oo, who is his brother, according to Justice For Myanmar sources. Kyaw Min Oo was also sanctioned by the UK. Since the illegal coup attempt, Sky Aviator has procured equipment from Russia and Ukraine, including YAK-130 support equipment, engines and parts. The Yak-130 is increasingly deployed by the military within populated areas, including in the catastrophic indiscriminate bombing of Pazigyi village, Kantabulu township, Sagaing Region, killing at least 168 people, including children, in the deadliest airstrike since the military’s attempted coup. Sky Aviator’s business with the Myanmar military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.
Heli Eagle and Sky Royal Hero have supplied equipment to the Myanmar military following the coup attempt, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Sky Aviator and Heli Eagle are both registered suppliers of the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Procurement and share phone numbers and an email address. According to the UN Special Rapporteur, Sky Royal Hero has a trading relationship with Sky Aviator.
Sky Aviator was previously sanctioned by the EU, UK and USA. Kyaw Min Oo was previously sanctioned by the USA and EU. Heli Eagle, Sky Royal Hero and Myo Min Oo have been sanctioned for the first time.
Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited and Naing Htut Aung: Myanmar New Era Trading is a significant supplier of aircraft parts for the Myanmar military from Russia that was sanctioned by Canada. Import data confirms the company’s procurement for the military of parts for Mi-17 (Mi-8M) helicopters from Russia between 2017 and 2020. The Mi- 17 helicopter is frequently used by the junta in its commission of war crimes, including in the 16 September 2022 attack on Let Yet Kone village when the junta indiscriminately bombed a school and a monastery. Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited is part of the network of International Gateways Group, a major arms broker led by Naing Htut Aung, who was also sanctioned by Canada. Myanmar New Era Trading and the International Gateways Group network has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar.
There are at least two companies in Naing Htut Aung’s network that remain registered in Singapore: Global Polytech Resources Pte Ltd and Xinshidai Company Pte. Ltd.
Myanmar New Era Trading was previously sanctioned by the UK. Naing Htut Aung was previously sanctioned by the USA and EU.
Miya Win International: A private arms broker and sanctioned by Canada, Miya Win International has procured unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and parts from Austria’s Schiebel Corporation, including after the military’s coup attempt. In addition, Miya Win International has played a key role in the military’s deal with the Austrian company Diamond Aircraft Industries, a Chinese-owned company with a facility in Canada, to set up local assembly and production of DART-450 aerial reconnaissance aircraft in Myanmar. Evidence of Miya Win International’s business with Schiebel Corporation and Diamond Aircraft Industries has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar.
Miya Win International was previously sanctioned by the UK.
Creative Exploration Limited: An arms broker sanctioned by Canada that has imported fuses from India to the Myanmar military, including since the attempted coup, which has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Creative Exploration was formerly known as My Space or mySpace. The company has also imported digital forensics technology from the USA.
Creative Exploration Limited has been sanctioned for the first time.
Life and Challenge Company Limited: A supplier of technology, equipment and training to the Myanmar military and its police that was sanctioned by Canada. In 2018, Life and Challenge was awarded a contract to design and deliver a radar capability development program for the Myanmar military. Life and Challenge’s business with the military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar.
Life and Challenge has a company in Singapore, LANC Pte Ltd, which remains registered.
Life and Challenge has been sanctioned for the first time.
Synpex Shwe Company Limited: An arms broker sanctioned by Canada, the company has procured material from Russia for the Myanmar Air Force following the military’s coup attempt, and is also a supplier of raw materials for the military’s domestic arms manufacturing industry. Synpex Shwe’s involvement in the supply of arms to the Myanmar military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar.
Synpex Shwe has a company in Singapore, Synergy Tripexin Pte Lte, which remains registered.
Synpex Shwe was previously sanctioned by the UK.
Suntac Group of Companies, Suntac Technologies Company Limited, Suntac International Trading Company Limited and Sit Taing Aung: Suntac Group of Companies was sanctioned by Canada, while Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limited were sanctioned by the USA for supplying equipment to the Myanmar military. Suntac Group of Companies is owned by Sit Taing Aung, who was also sanctioned by the UK. Sit Taing Aung is Mexico’s Honorary Consul to Myanmar. Sit Taing Aung and Suntac’s involvement in the procurement of aircraft parts has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, and Suntac’s involvement in the military’s arms manufacturing industry has been exposed by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar.
Sit Taing Aung was previously sanctioned by the USA, Canada and EU.
Mottama Holdings Limited and Min Dhama Steel Structures Limited: Mottama Holdings is a crony conglomerate and, together with its subsidiary, Min Dhama Steel Structures, was sanctioned by Canada. The companies supply the Myanmar military’s domestic arms industry with raw materials and machinery, as exposed by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Evidence received by Justice For Myanmar reveals the involvement of Min Dhama Steel Structures in importing steel for the construction of the so-called Honorary Hall of the Residence of the State Administration Council.
Mottama Holdings and Min Dhama Steel Structures have been sanctioned for the first time.
Bhone Min Myat Company Limited and Ever Meter Company Limited: The two companies sanctioned by Canada are used by the military conglomerate Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) to evade international sanctions, according to reporting by Myanmar Now. Bhone Min Myat was established after the military’s coup attempt, reportedly as a front for the MEHL subsidiary, Myawaddy Trading, and has been used to import fuel and palm oil. Ever Meter Company Limited, part of Same Sky Group of Companies, is an MEHL partner that it has used as a front for payments, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Ever Meter has been a long-time supplier of electricity meters for MEHL.
Bhone Min Myat and Ever Meter have been sanctioned for the first time.
Pye Phyo Tay Za and Htoo Htet Tay Za: The two sons of Tay Za were sanctioned by the UK for their involvement in Htoo Group of Companies, which has multiple businesses with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates. Htoo Htet Tay Za was also sanctioned by Canada, which had previously sanctioned Pye Phyo Tay Za. Htoo Group’s business with the Myanmar military and the role of Pye Phyo Tay Za and Htoo Htet Tay Za have been detailed by Justice For Myanmar.
The two brothers were also previously sanctioned by the USA.
Myo Thitsar: A director of the Myanmar military arms broker, Dynasty International Company Limited, who has been sanctioned by the UK. Dynasty International is a major arms broker of the Myanmar military from Belarus in particular. Among other dirty deals, the company has imported spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters. The company is led by Aung Moe Myint, who is the Honorary Consul of Belarus to Myanmar. Dynasty International’s business with the Myanmar military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar.
Dynasty International has a company in Singapore, Dynasty Excellency Pte Ltd, which remains registered.
Myo Thitsar was previously sanctioned by the USA and Canada..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-11-03
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-03
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Stronger Enforcement Needed to Stem Funding of Abusive Military
Description:
"The United States government has imposed a ban on financial transactions involving the Myanmar state-owned oil company, the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), in a long overdue move aimed at stanching the junta’s atrocities.
MOGE’s natural gas projects generate over US$1 billion annually for the Myanmar junta, its single largest source of foreign revenue. Since the February 2021 coup, that flow of funding has underwritten crimes against humanity and war crimes carried out by the junta across the country.
Unlike other junta-controlled entities that the US has sanctioned since the coup, MOGE wasn’t added to the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list, which blocks trade, assets, and access to the US banking system. Instead, the US Treasury Department issued a directive prohibiting persons and companies under the jurisdiction of the US from directly or indirectly providing financial services to MOGE, including deposits, transfers, loans, insurance, investments, foreign exchange, and other services. The ban goes into effect on December 15.
“Through the issuance of a financial services directive against MOGE, the United States seeks to disrupt the regime’s access to the US financial system and curtail its ability to perpetrate atrocities,” Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in an October 31 statement.
This sanctions action belatedly follows the European Union’s sanctioning of MOGE in February 2022, which led the Bank of China to advise operators of the Shwe gas field in the Bay of Bengal that it would no longer handle payments in euros to MOGE, reportedly moving the funds to escrow accounts.
Chevron, MOGE’s only US partner, announced in February it was selling its 41.1 percent stake in the country’s Yadana gas project to the Canadian firm MTI Energy.
Lax enforcement of the existing sanctions regime has sustained the junta’s flow of weapons and funds, enabling its escalating brutality against Myanmar’s civilian population. Airstrikes in some regions have increased more than 300 percent in the past year.
The US also announced additional sanctions on five individuals and three entities involved in the junta’s abuses, in coordination with Canada and the United Kingdom, a positive step. Broad coordination and rigorous enforcement of sanctions are crucial for raising economic costs that the junta can’t ignore..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-01
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"In a coordinated action yesterday, the United States, UK, and Canada each announced an array of new Myanmar sanctions. The sanctions include restrictions by the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) on transactions with the state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), as well as designations on entities and individuals connected to Myanmar’s military junta.
Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “We welcome the adoption by the US Treasury Department of additional sanctions that restrict the Myanmar military's access to funds and equipment it uses to conduct a brutal war against its people. The MOGE Financial Services Directive is especially significant as it will hinder substantial flows of foreign exchange earnings from reaching the military's coffers. Coordinated sanctions on networks of arms dealers that enable the military's war effort are also a positive development. We call on the US to continue its efforts in coordination with like-minded partners to use financial tools of pressure to weaken the military and ensure that the Myanmar people prevail."
Yadanar Maung, Justice For Myanmar spokesperson, said: "The US Financial Services directive against MOGE is a welcome step to disrupt the single biggest source of foreign revenue to the junta. This comes after a sustained campaign from Myanmar people and allies for action against MOGE. The US should continue to target the junta’s sources of funds through full sanctions on MOGE that would freeze its assets and block all trade with it, including from the international oilfield service companies that are supporting the maintenance and expansion of gas fields which finance atrocities. Moreover, it is positive to see increased coordination between Canada, the UK and US targeting the junta, its cronies and arms brokers. As the junta continues to wage a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, it is crucial that governments ratchet up sanctions to block the junta’s access to funds, arms, and jet fuel.”
For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected]
For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected]
About Justice For Myanmar
Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering. One report at a time, Justice For Myanmar is going after the military’s sources of funds and arms. As a result of its work and the work of many others across Myanmar and the world, multinational corporations have already divested hundreds of millions of dollars from business with the military, and targeted sanctions are beginning to disrupt the Myanmar military cartel’s global network.
About The Sentry
(Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”)
The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-11-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Oil and gas
Language:
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110.9 KB
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"News release
October 31, 2023 - Ottawa, Canada - Global Affairs Canada
The Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced that Canada, in coordination with the United Kingdom and the United States, is imposing sanctions against 39 individuals and 22 entities under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations in response to the February 1, 2021, military coup d’état that saw Myanmar’s democratically elected government overthrown by a military regime.
These additional measures come as part of a broader strategy seeking to exert coordinated, sequenced and targeted pressure on the Myanmar military regime while mitigating adverse impacts on civilians. Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States unequivocally condemn the military coup d’état against the democratically elected government of Myanmar and support the aspirations of the Myanmar people to a peaceful, inclusive and democratic future.
Today’s announcement builds on previous sanctions and diplomatic efforts to end the sale and transfer of arms to the military regime. It comes in response to the regime’s ongoing and worsening aerial attacks, including against civilians and civilian infrastructure, as well as mass arson, the razing of villages, arbitrary detentions, executions, torture, mutilations, and mass killings of civilians, all of which have deepened the interlinked humanitarian, political and economic crises in Myanmar. The collective actions taken by Canada and its allies aim to maximize concerted pressure on the regime to reverse course and limit its access to key resources and revenue to fuel its violence. The sanctioned individuals and entities have been identified as performing key functions on behalf of the military regime, supplying weapons, resources and revenue, and those that are responsible for democratic reversals. Canada is also expanding its prohibition on the sale of aviation fuel to include a ban on the provision of shipping insurance for the transportation of aviation fuel to Myanmar.
Canada remains committed to ending impunity and to holding the Myanmar regime accountable for serious violations of international law, including against the Rohingya people.
Canada reiterates its support for the people of Myanmar and their aspirations to an inclusive and democratic society and continues to call for the immediate end of violence, the release of detainees and immediate and unrestricted humanitarian access to the region. Collectively, the international community must continue to employ all diplomatic tools at its disposal to address the worsening situation in Myanmar, as well as its regional implications..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"U.S. Takes Coordinated Action with Canada and the United Kingdom
WASHINGTON – Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) published a new directive that prohibits certain financial services by U.S. persons to or for the benefit of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). This sanctions action against MOGE seeks to degrade the regime’s ability to purchase weapons to carry out atrocities against the people of Burma. Additionally, OFAC designated three entities and five individuals connected to Burma’s military regime pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014. These actions are occurring in alignment with designations by both the United Kingdom and Canada.
Since the military coup in 2021, Burma’s military regime has repeatedly harmed civilians in air strikes, suppressed pro-democracy movements, destroyed homes and infrastructure, and displaced millions of people, among other appalling acts. The sanctions announced today target companies and individuals, including government officials and military cronies, who perpetuate or facilitate the brutal violence in Burma. The military regime officials and supporters that Treasury is designating today have also been, designated by at least the United Kingdom, Canada, or the European Union. These actions are a part of the ongoing, unified strategy of the United States and our partners to combat the Burma military regime’s atrocities.
“Today’s action, taken in coordination with Canada and the United Kingdom, maintains our collective pressure on Burma’s military and denies the regime access to arms and supplies necessary to commit its violent acts,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “Collectively, we remain committed to degrading the regime’s evasion tactics and continuing to hold the regime accountable for its violence.”
FINANCIAL SERVICES DIRECTIVE
Today, OFAC is issuing Directive 1 under E.O. 14014, “Prohibitions Related to Financial Services to or for the Benefit of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise” (the “MOGE Financial Services Directive”), which prohibits U.S. persons from the provision, exportation, or re-exportation, directly or indirectly, of financial services to or for the benefit of MOGE or its property or interests in property. These prohibitions will take effect on December 15, 2023.
MOGE is a Burmese state-owned enterprise involved in the extraction, production, and distribution of oil and gas in Burma and administers large offshore oil and gas fields through lucrative joint ventures with foreign entities. MOGE was previously designated by the European Union on February 21, 2022, and remains the largest single source of foreign revenue for Burma’s military regime, providing hundreds of millions of dollars each year. OFAC’s action today builds on previous designation actions against MOGE leadership and seeks to further restrict the regime’s access to U.S. dollars, which it uses to procure weapons and other equipment from abroad. This action will limit the regime’s ability to carry out violent attacks against its own citizens.
For more information about the MOGE Financial Services Directive, click here.
SUPPORTERS OF BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME
Today’s action targets three entities who have assisted the military regime in its continued importation of arms, dual-use goods, and other materials, including from sanctioned entities in Russia and other countries. Since the coup, the total value of imports by the Burmese military is estimated to exceed $1 billion. These imports have facilitated the military regime’s ongoing brutality against on the people of Burma. OFAC’s actions today further align our measures with partners and allies to disrupt the regime’s military supply chain, complicate its ability to maintain and repair its weapons, and reduce the regime’s access to imported arms and materiel.
Sky Royal Hero Company Limited is a Burmese entity which contracted repair work from sanctioned Russian entities and has a known relationship with the Burmese defense procurement company, Sky Aviator Company Limited. Sky Aviator Company Limited was designated by OFAC on November 8, 2022 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy.
Sky Royal Hero Company Limited is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy.
Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limited are both part of Sit Taing Aung’s Suntac Group of Companies. Sit Taing Aung, who has close ties to the Burmese military, uses his companies to supply equipment and material to the army, and was designated by OFAC on March 25, 2022, for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy.
Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limitedare being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being owned or controlled by, or acting for or purporting to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, Sit Taing Aung.
Sky Royal Hero Company Limited, Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limited are also concurrently being designated by Canada today.
BURMA REGIME OFFICIALS
Following the February 2021 coup, the Burma military regime appointed new officials and officers throughout the government. In their roles, these individuals and others constitute part of the military regime that seized power and overthrew democratically elected leaders in Burma. Today’s action targets five such military regime appointed officials and officers.
Charlie Than was appointed as the Union Minister of the Ministry of Industry in May 2021. Kan Zaw has been the Union Minister of the Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations since August 2022. Swe Swe Aung was appointed as the Director General of the Prosecution of Department, Ministry of Legal affairs on March 31, 2022. Zaw Min was appointed as the Director General of the Prison Department, Ministry of Home affairs on February 4, 2021. Under his leadership, detainees in Burma’s prisons have been subject to torture, beating, and other inhumane treatment. All four of these individuals were appointed directly by Min Aung Hlaing’s State Administration Council and have been sanctioned by the European Union.
Charlie Than, Kan Zaw, Swe Swe Aung, and Zaw Min are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021.
Additionally, Maung Maung Aye has been the Chief of General Staff for the Burmese Army, Navy, and Air Force since February 2021. In this role, he holds the third most senior position in the Burmese military. Maung Maung Aye is being sanctioned by Canada today and has been sanctioned by the European Union.
Maung Maung Aye is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a leader or official of the military or security forces of Burma, or successor entity to any of the foregoing.
SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS
As a result of today’s designations pursuant to E.O. 14014, all property and interests in property of the three entities and five individuals named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked.
Separately, on or after December 15, U.S. persons are prohibited from providing, exporting, or reexporting, directly or indirectly, financial services to or for the benefit of MOGE or its property or interests in property.
Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person.
The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons (SDN) List but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law. The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish but to bring about a positive change in behavior..."
Source/publisher:
U.S. Department of the Treasury
Date of publication:
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-31
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Sub-title:
The UK, US and Canada have coordinated new sanctions on Myanmar military financiers and arms dealers.
Description:
"UK, US and Canada announce further round of sanctions to maximise pressure on the Myanmar military regime
sanctions target arms dealers responsible for the supply of restricted goods to the security forces, as well as financiers of the military
UK reiterates calls for accountability and a return to democracy and freedom in Myanmar
The UK, US and Canada are today (31 October) announcing further sanctions on arms dealers and financiers of the Myanmar military responsible for the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar. The latest round of UK sanctions are against 5 individuals and one entity involved either in providing financial services to the regime or the supply of restricted goods including aircraft parts.
Today’s sanctions package comes as part of the UK’s concerted efforts with international partners to restrict the sale and transfer of arms and finance in response to ongoing and worsening aerial attacks, including against civilians in Myanmar. In 2022, alone there were over 600 reported airstrikes perpetrated by the Myanmar military.
Since the coup in February 2021, at least 3,857 have been killed by the military, and at least 1.2 million have had to flee their homes due to violence, according to the United Nations Human Rights Office.
The announcement follows a report from UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews, which called for further coordinated sanctions to prevent arms dealers bypassing restrictions.
Minister for the Indo-Pacific, Anne-Marie Trevelyan, said:
The UK unequivocally condemns the regime’s brutal campaign against the Myanmar people.
Together with our international partners, we are closing the net on Myanmar arms dealers and the Myanmar military’s financiers with new sanctions that will aim to limit their access to key resources and revenue to prevent further such attacks.
The UK will continue to call for accountability, justice and an end to the violence. We remain steadfast in our support for the Myanmar people and their aspirations for a peaceful and democratic future.
On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military overthrew the democratically elected government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and installed a military regime. Since then, they have used violence and atrocities to maintain power and suppress any opposition voices.
The UK, US and Canada have taken coordinated and targeted action to hold the military regime to account for their brutal suppression of opposition voices. The sanctions designations announced today will maximise concerted pressure on the Myanmar military regime to engage with calls for a return to democracy and aim to limit regime access to key resources while minimising consequences for the civilian population.
Since the coup, the UK has designated 25 individuals and 29 entities under the Myanmar Sanctions Regime and designated the military’s 2 key conglomerates and their 111 subsidiaries under the Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime. The UK continues to lead international efforts to undermine the regime’s credibility and constrain their access to revenue and arms.
Background
Those sanctioned today are:
Myo Thitsar: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods. Namely, through her role as having been Head of Department, Procurement & Supply of Dynasty International
Htoo Htet Tay Za: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology, and through making available funds or economic resources to the Myanmar security forces. Namely, through his role as having been a director of Htoo Group of Companies
Pye Phyo Tay Za: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology, and through making available funds or other economic resources to the Myanmar security forces. Namely, through his role in Myanmar Avia Services, Yangon Aircraft Engineering Company Limited and Htoo Group of Companies
Kyaw Min Oo: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology. Namely, through his role as director of Sky Aviator Company Limited
Sit Taing Aung: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology. Namely, through his role as having been director of Yatanarpon Aviation Services and work with Mottama Holdings
International Group of Entrepreneur Services Company Limited (IGE): has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through making available funds or other economic resources to the Myanmar security forces
Asset freeze
An asset freeze prevents any UK citizen, or any business in the UK, from dealing with any funds or economic resources which are owned, held or controlled by the designated person. It also prevents funds or economic resources being provided to or for the benefit of the designated person. UK financial sanctions apply to all persons within the territory and territorial sea of the UK and to all UK persons, wherever they are in the world.
Travel ban
A travel ban means that the designated person must be refused leave to enter or to remain in the United Kingdom, providing the individual is an excluded person under section 8B of the Immigration Act 1971..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
With sanctions on the rise, Myanmar’s military is increasingly under pressure and is turning to its few partners for additional support
Description:
"Myanmar’s military may finally be starting to feel the strain of international sanctions, with foreign banks freezing the accounts of Myanmar’s state-owned banks, limiting the junta’s ability to access critical foreign currency reserves. More than two and a half years on from the 2021 coup, the junta continues to rely on the political, military, and diplomatic support of authoritarian partners in Beijing and Moscow who have remained loyal to the generals despite ongoing international outcry and recent gains by Myanmar’s resistance. However, their patronage may not be sufficient for the generals to hold onto power as momentum on the battlefield shifts and overseas banks restrict the regime’s access to critical funds.
Sanctions Start to Bite
At a press conference in late August, the Myanmar military junta’s deputy finance minister Maung Maung Win blamed recent financial instability on U.S. sanctions, which he said were “hurting our government’s programs such as education, health, and infrastructure building…importers and exporters, any person or organizations using foreign banking services.”
The sanctions, announced by the U.S. in June, targeted Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB), state-owned entities which essentially “function as foreign currency exchanges” for the military junta, allowing it to import arms and other military equipment. Analysts say that the sanctions are aimed at blocking the junta’s ability to conduct purchases in foreign currencies as well as receive incoming foreign currency transactions.
Two recent developments signal that the sanctions are beginning to have their desired effect of constraining the junta’s ability to generate and use cash. Firstly, Myanmar military-linked cronies are blatantly creating new entities to get around existing sanctions. A recently leaked letter from Myanmar’s energy ministry instructed the Central Bank of Myanmar to open new accounts to handle foreign currencies in place of Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which is under European sanctions and whose top leaders are sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department. On August 10, Shwe Byain Phyu Oil and Gas Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of Shwe Byain Phyu (SBP) conglomerate and a top supplier of fuel to Myanmar’s military, dissolved, presumably to evade sanctions. Its owner Thein Win Zaw holds shares in a number of companies already impacted by targeted sanctions imposed by the European Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom.
Secondly, foreign banks have begun to cut Myanmar state-owned banks’ access, depriving the junta of much-needed foreign currency reserves. In early August, Singapore’s United Overseas Bank (UOB) notified Myanmar banks that it would limit their access to funds and would only allow transactions between UOB accounts. The following week, a state-owned bank in Bangladesh announced it was freezing MFTB and MICB accounts comprising more than US $1 billion in assets. These moves have triggered further financial instability in Myanmar as the kyat continues to depreciate, with the Central Bank of Myanmar trading it well below the market value. Restricting the generals’ ability to use reserves in foreign bank accounts to acquire weapons will hurt their capacity to wage endless war and could give resistance forces the upper hand.
The Junta’s Strategy
The junta, or State Administration Council (SAC), has failed to restore investor confidence, and has been unable to quell resistance to its rule. It is now spread thin on the battlefield, and anecdotal evidence suggests that the junta is heavily reliant on aging Russian fighter jets to sustain its asymmetric advantage over resistance forces to mask its lack of control over territory on the ground.
Recent moves by Singapore and Bangladesh to cut the junta’s access to reserves may test its ability to outlast the nationwide grassroots uprising which seeks to oust the generals once and for all. Forced onto the defensive, the junta now relies on a limited network of supporters, most notably China, Russia, and India (as well as several authoritarian Southeast Asian states such as Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam), to prevent international consensus from forming which could threaten its hold on power.
This overarching strategy, born of a pragmatic acceptance of isolation, was captured in Deputy Senior General Soe Win’s response to a warning from UN Special Envoy Christine Schraner Burgener the month after the coup: “We have to learn to walk with only a few friends.”
The sit-tat, as Myanmar’s military is known, likes to signal its cool-headed preparedness and project its confidence to weather international condemnation and relative isolation. This strategy helps sustain the pretense in international diplomatic circles that the military will win in the long run and foreign governments will have to re-engage eventually. It simultaneously erodes resistance morale and undercuts the likelihood of further defections.
However, the regime’s confidence is in part based on a bluff which downplays the reality of its vulnerability. Concerted efforts by the international community to deprive the junta of access to financial assets have alarmed the military and underscore the extent to which it depends on a few authoritarian friends to avert regime collapse.
China’s Central Role in the Conflict
Beijing appears to have come around to fully backing Myanmar’s armed forces in the civil war, unable to envision a future scenario without them. China continues to provide the junta with the arms it requires to prolong the war. Despite a non-binding UN Resolution prohibiting the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military, a recent UN report found that Beijing in fact sold US $267 million worth of military equipment to Myanmar’s armed forces in 2022–2023.
China remains the country’s largest trading partner and second largest source of foreign investment after Singapore. Bilateral trade exceeded US $2 billion between April 2022 and January 2023. More than half of China’s investments in Myanmar are in the power sector, while it also has major interests in oil and gas (18 percent of China’s overall investment in Myanmar) as well as the mining sector (17 percent).
Beijing’s political support is also essential to deflect pressure at the United Nations. While China abstained from a UN resolution in December 2022 that expressed “deep concern” with the situation in Myanmar and called for an “immediate end to” violence, Chinese diplomats have stepped up public engagement with the junta since the end of last year.
Beginning with special envoy Deng Xijun’s meeting with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw in December 2022, there have been monthly high-level meetings between the two sides. Deng also hosted a delegation of ethnic armed groups in Yunnan in December. Beijing has applied pressure on several armed groups with whom it has influence not to support the National Unity Government (NUG), thus prolonging the junta’s ability to wage war on armed groups in other parts of the country. In May 2023, then Foreign Minister Qin Gang met Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw, becoming the most senior Chinese official to meet the junta leader since the coup. During the visit, the two sides pledged to “further promote comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries.”
How Russia Helps the Junta to Hedge Against China
As part of its strategy of pragmatic isolation, Min Aung Hlaing’s regime has also relied on Russia as an important partner. In particular, the junta leader looks to Moscow as a trusted friend and important source of leverage to offset overreliance on Beijing. Deepening the Russia-Myanmar partnership is part of Min Aung Hlaing’s hedging policy to avoid falling too much into China’s orbit. The Myanmar military has traditionally feared and distrusted China’s intentions dating back to many of the senior generals’ experience as young combatants fighting against ethnic armed groups with ties to the Communist Party of Burma in the country’s north who had Beijing’s support during the Cold War.
Therefore, Min Aung Hlaing has gone to great personal lengths to cultivate the relationship with Moscow, visiting nine times since becoming commander-in-chief in 2011. He has met Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu roughly half a dozen times, and in September 2022, Min Aung Hlaing met with Putin for the first time at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok. During a visit by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Naypyidaw in February 2023, the two sides signed an agreement on nuclear energy cooperation involving Russia’s State Atomic Energy Corporation ROSATOM.
Russia has also been a major source of defense technology for Myanmar, providing more arms than China from 2018–2022 (42 percent of total imports compared to 29 percent from China). According to the UN report mentioned above, Russia sold US $406 million worth of military equipment to the Myanmar military in 2022–2023.
Other players: Thailand and India
Unlike Russia and China, whose direct military assistance sustains the junta’s grip on power, Thailand and India play more indirect roles in propping up the SAC. Bangkok’s recent Track 1.5 diplomacy has threatened to overtake Indonesia’s “quiet diplomacy” via ASEAN. In March, Thailand hosted talks with the junta and several autocratic regional partners, including Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, as well as China, India, Bangladesh, and Japan. The following month, India hosted a second Track 1.5 dialogue that included Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and China.
Thailand and India’s rogue initiatives threaten to derail progress under Indonesia’s chairmanship of ASEAN by normalizing SAC participation in international diplomacy. Jakarta has been holding regular closed-door talks with all stakeholders (including representatives of the junta as well as the NUG) in hopes of bringing about inclusive diplomatic negotiations between the military and ousted civilian leaders.
India has also maintained high-level engagement with the Myanmar military since the coup and continues to cooperate in joint counterinsurgency operations along its shared border. Furthermore, the two sides recently heralded the opening of the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project, a decades-long shipping route to increase commerce between the two neighboring countries. Beyond shared border concerns and interest in eradicating ethnic armed insurgents, Indian policymakers also fear that Myanmar is gravitating deeper into China’s orbit. Therefore, New Delhi has refrained from condemning the military’s brutal crackdown on civilians, instead limiting itself to expressions of concern about the spiraling conflict. Given close security cooperation and senior-level military engagement, India offers the SAC another pole in its hedging strategy vis-à-vis China.
However, there are important developments in Myanmar’s regional environs. Recent elections in Thailand and Cambodia have significant implications for the junta’s foreign relations. While carefully managed elections in both authoritarian countries are unlikely to bring about significant change to either’s foreign policy, the junta will no doubt be anxious to shore up its standing with new leaders in both Bangkok and Phnom Penh lest they adopt a new approach to Myanmar’s conflict.
In Thailand, the recent brokered election of Pheu Thai candidate Srettha Thavisin as Prime Minister could introduce modest change to Thai foreign policy, though the Thai military still retains control through the 2017 constitution. The outcome represented a compromise between the military-dominated senate and a coalition of opposition parties, including Pheu Thai and the Move Forward Party, the latter of which won the majority of the vote but whose candidate for Prime Minister, Pita Limjaroenrat, was prevented from forming a government. Therefore, Srettha’s leadership is unlikely to radically alter Thailand’s generally supportive relations with the Myanmar military junta.
Nevertheless, Bangkok’s delicate balancing act as a U.S. ally and friend of the junta suggest that the SAC will want to retain channels of communication with the new government to avoid becoming a pawn in larger powers’ diplomatic games. The junta relies on lucrative cashflows from Thailand’s gas imports (US $2.4 billion in 2022, roughly 20 percent of Myanmar’s exports), giving Bangkok—and U.S. sanctions—inordinate leverage over the military regime’s economic survival.
Cambodia’s August elections, which paved the way for Hun Sen to transfer political power to his son Hun Manet, also added to the mix of uncertainty within ASEAN. The 45-year-old leader is a relatively unknown entity for the region and external powers. While he was recently invited to meet top leaders in Tokyo, there are few clues as to whether his leadership might bring about real change in Phnom Penh’s foreign policy. As he received his education in the United States at West Point and New York University and holds a PhD in economics from Bristol University in the United Kingdom, there are some hopes that the young Hun may be more progressive than his authoritarian father and even introduce a diplomatic realignment away from Beijing’s orbit.
Looking Ahead
Regardless of how these regional chess pieces move on the board, the junta has made clear it will not be deterred by international condemnation and that its foreign policy remains an afterthought to its core mission: regime survival. Therefore, internal battlefield dynamics are the most likely variables to determine the senior generals’ calculations of whether and when to seek off-ramps. The regime is prepared to weather international isolation. Yet as long as the international community remains divided, the junta’s few close friends ensure it is not totally alone.
Cutting off the junta’s economic lifelines and its ability to access reserves held in overseas banks will be vital to restricting its ability to wage endless war against the people of Myanmar. There are finally indications that the military may be beginning to feel the pinch of targeted sanctions making life more difficult, but there is still a long way to go in terms of bringing the junta down or forcing it to negotiate with the resistance. For now, the NUG and People’s Defense Forces are settling into a protracted, years-long conflict to wipe out the military once and for all. If that eventuality materializes, the junta’s external patrons—namely China, Russia, and India—might come to regret their no-strings-attached support for the ruthless dictatorship..."
Source/publisher:
Stimson Center
Date of publication:
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2023-10-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome the recent adoption of sanctions by the United States on two Myanmar state-owned banks, the issuance of a determination on the jet fuel sector, and sanctions targeting a supplier of jet fuel to the Myanmar military. These measures are designed to further weaken the Myanmar junta's ability to access the weapons that it uses in the brutal war it is waging against the country’s population, including through indiscriminate airstrikes.
As global leaders are about to meet in Myanmar’s region, first for meetings with ASEAN in Indonesia from September 2-7 and then for the G20 summit in India from September 9-10, The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar reiterate their call for the US and likeminded partners to take the gloves off and adopt much stronger sanctions on the Myanmar junta and its enablers. The US’s show of resolve would be significantly strengthened by joining the European Union in sanctioning the Myanma Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE), the junta’s single largest source of foreign currency earnings.
The US and its partners have already improved coordination to more effectively target military-owned businesses, state-owned enterprises, and networks of individuals and corporate entities that enable the junta’s access to international trade and finance. However, this coordination is far from comprehensive, creating loopholes for the junta and its networks of enablers.
For instance, while the US has sanctioned the Star Sapphire Group of Companies’ co-owners, Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe, for their firms’ involvement with the import of military equipment, the United Kingdom has not sanctioned Win Min Soe to date, and other US partners including the EU, Canada, and Australia have yet to adopt sanctions on the Star Sapphire companies and their co-owners. At the time of his arrest by the Thai police in Bangkok in September 2022 on charges of drug trafficking and money laundering, Tun Min Latt held assets in the names of the two adult children of Min Aung Hlaing, the head of the Myanmar junta, according to Justice For Myanmar and Reuters. These assets included the property deed for a luxury condominium and bankbooks for Thai bank accounts.
The US should urge the newly elected leader of its longtime ally Thailand to effectively enforce sanctions targeting the junta’s sources of funds, equipment, and jet fuel, and to more broadly ramp up the fight against illicit financial flows, as the crisis in Myanmar and other regional trends lead to the rise of transnational crime in the Mekong region. Enhanced collaboration between regulatory authorities, law enforcement agencies, and banks—the latter acting as gatekeepers to the international financial system—is essential in that regard.
Singaporean banks have reportedly strengthened their compliance and risk management measures toward Myanmar since the coup. It was stated during parliamentary questions in July 2023 that, “as Myanmar is on the blacklist of the Financial Action Task Force [FATF], financial institutions in Singapore have also been applying enhanced due diligence for Myanmar-linked customers and transactions that present higher risks.” A media report in August 2023 revealed that United Overseas Bank (UOB), a key offshore bank for “Myanmar’s generals, big corporations and wealthy individuals,” would be restricting transactions and correspondent banking relationships, partly to avoid falling foul of mounting US sanctions on the country. Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome these positive steps, and the US should continue to support Singapore, which currently chairs the FATF, in its efforts to prevent illicit financial flows, including as related to Myanmar. Other Singaporean banks, while avoiding de-risking that could potentially impact on humanitarian aid as well as on trade and business activities that do not benefit the junta, should follow UOB in restricting transactions and correspondent banking relationships, and Singapore authorities should adopt further restrictive measures to prevent the junta’s access to funds and equipment.
Finally, the US needs to encourage its partners in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue to step up their responses to the crisis in Myanmar. Quad member Australia has only targeted a small number of entities and individuals in February 2023; in coordination with the US and other partners, it should do more to catch up. The US should encourage Japan, which chairs the G7 in 2023, to coordinate with ASEAN to ensure that no junta representatives are invited to the December 2023 summit in Tokyo that celebrates the 50-year anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and the regional organization. As for India, the US must call for the sale of military equipment to the Myanmar junta to be fully suspended, as research by Justice For Myanmar has found that several Indian firms, including ones controlled by New Delhi, have supplied the junta after the coup. The Quad can and must do more to tackle the crisis in Myanmar.
Yadanar Maung, spokesperson, stated for Justice For Myanmar: “The international community is failing the people of Myanmar. Statements of concern and condemnation have had no impact on the illegitimate junta and the daily atrocities it is committing against the people of Myanmar. Instead, governments and international organizations need to take concrete steps to block the junta’s access to the resources it needs to continue its campaign of terror and ensure that there is international accountability for the military’s genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.”
Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “The recent adoption of sanctions by the United States on two Myanmar state-owned banks, the issuance of a determination on the jet fuel sector, and sanctions targeting a supplier of jet fuel supplier to the Myanmar military are positive steps forward, but more must be done. As global leaders meet in Myanmar’s region for meetings with ASEAN and then for the G20 summit, The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar reiterate their call for the US and likeminded partner to take the gloves off and adopt much stronger sanctions targeted at the Myanmar junta and its enablers.”
For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected]
For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected]
About Justice For Myanmar
Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering. One report at a time, Justice For Myanmar is going after the military’s sources of funds and arms. As a result of its work and the work of many others across Myanmar and the world, multinational corporations have already divested hundreds of millions of dollars from business with the military, and targeted sanctions are beginning to disrupt the Myanmar military cartel's global network.
About The Sentry
(Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”)
The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and "other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-09-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-09-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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more
Description:
"Myanmar’s civilian National Unity Government (NUG) aims to bankrupt the junta through tougher sanctions and diplomatic pressure, foreign minister Daw Zin Mar Aung told the media on Tuesday.
“We aim to increase our efforts to lobby the international community to impose more economic sanctions and more diplomatic pressure upon the military council, which is oppressing the people and committing violence,” said Daw Zin Mar Aung.
She said the NUG will engage with any country that supports efforts to end military rule in Myanmar.
The US expanded its sanctions on August 23 to aviation fuel, adding two Burmese business owners and three companies that supply jet fuel to the regime to its Specially Designated Nationals List.
The US was the first country to impose sanctions after the February 1, 2021, coup with measures taken against Myanmar’s top 10 generals by February 11.
The UK and Canada also imposed sanctions on the generals by February 18.
Further sanctions against the regime’s leaders, advisers, the children of junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and military-owned conglomerates followed from the US, UK and European Union in March and April.
In May 2021, the US issued further sanctions on more junta members and its ruling body.
The EU sanctioned junta cabinet ministers and the attorney general in June 2021 and in July the US sanctioned more junta members, their relatives and Chinese firms.
In September 2021 the UK sanctioned Tay Za, a notorious junta crony, and his businesses for providing financial support and arms to the military.
To mark a year since the coup, the US, UK and Canada sanctioned three junta appointees while Washington also targeted four businessmen who were supporting the regime and two organizations providing arms and equipment.
The EU sanctioned more companies, including the junta-controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise.
In June 2022 the UK sanctioned three firms from Russia and three from Myanmar for supplying aircraft parts to the junta. The UK expanded these measures a month later to other junta-linked companies.
In October the US placed arms dealers in Myanmar on its sanctions blacklist and in November the US and EU extended sanctions, targeting the Sky Aviator aviation company and its owner and 19 other individuals, including a minister and the chief justice.
To mark two years since the coup, the EU imposed further sanctions on junta members, its arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers.
In June this year, the US sanctioned the junta’s defense ministry and the regime-run Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank, which handle the junta’s foreign currency exchanges. Last month the EU sanctioned six more junta members.
The NUG’s foreign ministry thanked the countries imposing sanctions upon junta assets, individuals and allied businesses.
Daw Zin Mar Aung said the NUG is also working with regional neighbors, although only East Timor has officially recognized the civilian government.
“No neighboring countries have officially recognized us yet but they are communicating with us. We need to maintain these relations through engagement, proceeding silently,” she said.
Daw Zin Mar Aung praised Indonesia, the current Association of Southeast Asian Nations chair, for its active role in Myanmar’s crisis. She called for the progress to be continued next year when Laos is chair.
“The military council has not respected ASEAN’s five-point consensus and it does not listen to anyone or anybody,” she said. “We urge ASEAN to keep up its progress and maintain institutional relations with the NUG as well.”..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-08-30
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-30
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Human Rights and international relations
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the US determination authorising sanctions against any company or individual that operates in the jet fuel sector of the Myanmar economy, including through “activities related to the importation, exportation, reexportation, sale, supply, or transport, directly or indirectly, of jet fuel”. This follows the US determination ordering sanctions against companies and individuals operating in the defence sector of the Myanmar economy under Executive Order 14014 on February 10, 2021.
The new determination is an important step to dismantle the junta’s access to jet fuel, and sends a clear message that companies involved in all stages of the junta’s jet fuel supply chain can face US sanctions.
This comes after a campaign from Myanmar and international civil society calling for countries to block the junta’s access to jet fuel, and is a response to the junta’s reliance on air strikes to wage its campaign of terror against the people.
We urge the US to follow up its determination with sanctions against companies enabling the junta’s access to jet fuel, including those in the shipping and insurance industries.
We further welcome sanctions against Khin Phyu Win, Zaw Min Tun, and three Singapore companies: Shoon Energy Pte Ltd and two of its subsidiaries: PEIA Pte Ltd (formerly Puma Energy Irrawaddy Aviation) and P.E.I Energy Pte Ltd (formerly Puma Energy Irrawaddy).
Shoon group of companies, formerly Asia Sun, is a key local partner of the Myanmar military junta and is involved in importing, storing, selling and delivering jet fuel to the military.
Asia Sun’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research contributed by Justice For Myanmar.
We note that the Big Four accounting firm Ernst & Young LLP is currently the listed auditor of two of the newly sanctioned Singapore businesses: PEIA Pte Ltd and P.E.I Energy Pte Ltd. We call on Ernst & Young to immediately cut ties with these businesses and any other companies involved in the supply of jet fuel to Myanmar.
The sanctioning of more companies in Singapore highlights the failure of the Singapore government to block the use of its territory to support the Myanmar military junta. This week, 200 civil society organisations including Justice For Myanmar sent an open letter to Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Singapore’s Foreign Minister, urging him to introduce sanctions to prevent the direct and indirect transfer of arms, dual-use goods and technology to the Myanmar military, and to block the junta’s access to Singapore’s financial system through targeted sanctions, which it has imposed on Russia following its invasion of Ukraine.
Singapore should listen to the voices of Myanmar civil society and the recent recommendations of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar by taking concrete action to help end the crisis in Myanmar.
We reiterate our call for coordinated sanctions on the junta controlled Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE) and the complete Shoon network. MPE controls the jet fuel supply chain, operates the Mann Refinery which produces jet fuel, and jointly owns National Energy Puma Aviation Services (NEPAS) with Shoon. NEPAS imports, stores and distributes jet fuel. Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal Company Limited (formerly Puma Energy Asia Sun) operates a major fuel terminal and storage tanks. MPE, NEPAS and Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal have not yet been sanctioned in any jurisdiction.
The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. In the first two months of 2023 alone, Chin Human Rights Organization documented one airstrike per day in Chin State townships under martial law. A recent New York Times investigation details how the junta’s use of airstrikes against the people of Myanmar is worsening. The junta’s ability to carry out its indiscriminate airstrikes depends on its access to jet fuel.
By supporting the supply of jet fuel to the Myanmar military, businesses are complicit in the junta’s airstrikes, which amount to atrocity crimes, and all those responsible should be held accountable under international law.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest significant steps the US has taken in issuing a sanctions determination against the jet fuel sector and in sanctioning key companies and individuals that supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military, and are complicit in its indiscriminate airstrikes.
“We urge the US to swiftly follow the determination by sanctioning international businesses in the junta’s jet fuel supply chain to help stop its ongoing airstrikes against the people of Myanmar.
“We urge the US, UK, EU, Canada and Australia to coordinate sanctions against companies and individuals in the junta’s jet fuel supply chain, along with arms brokers and entities that provide the junta with sources of revenue, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
“It is concerning that Shoon group has continued to operate in Singapore, along with many other companiessupporting the junta’s international crimes.
“Recent US and UK sanctions against Singapore companies should be a wake-up call to the Singaporen government to act in accordance with its international responsibilities and stop allowing Singaporean companies to provide the junta with access to arms, equipment, technology, jet fuel and funds.
“We note Singapore Foreign Minister Dr Vivian Balakrishnan's recent statement committing to a prohibition on the transfer of arms and dual use goods to Myanmar, but comprehensive action needs to be seen.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-08-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sanctions this year cover 10 people and 15 entities, all tied to the forces that seized power from the elected government of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021.
Description:
"WASHINGTON (CN) — The Biden administration expanded its sanctions Wednesday on Myanmar's military junta to include foreign companies or people helping the regime acquire jet fuel used in airstrikes on its own people.
Among those newly designated by the State and Treasury departments are two people and three entities accused of supplying the military.
“The United States will continue to seek to deprive the military regime of the resources that enable its oppression of the people of Burma,” State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement, adhering to a U.S. policy by which the country is still called by the name that it shed over 30 years ago after the ruling junta brutally suppressed a pro-democracy uprising.
War crimes from on the ground in Myanmar are recounted in the statement, which highlights in particular fighter jet and helicopter attacks that killed up to 90 civilians in April and June.
“The United States remains committed to supporting the people of Burma in their pursuit of freedom and democracy,” Brian Nelson, under secretary of Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, said in the press release.
Myanmar's military, called the Tatmadaw, has been in power since 1962. Though the country started a transition to democracy in 2011, military leaders tightened their grip in response to recent elections that brought overwhelming victories for the opposition party, National League for Democracy.
The influence of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi brought improved relations with Washington. The Obama administration lifted longstanding sanctions in 2016, but Myanmar's worsening treatment of Rohingya Muslims led the Trump administration to reimpose sanctions a year later.
After the NLD made more gains in the November 2020 elections, the military disputed the results. It seized control of the government in February 2021, arresting Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and chief regional political leaders.
The coup kicked off a civil war, with opposition leaders who weren’t arrested forming a National Unity Government in exile and launching an armed resistance against the Tatmadaw.
Myanmar's military has claimed it will hold elections again in 2023, but the State Department is skeptical that any vote under the existing political landscape would hold legitimacy. The regime has also not set a firm date, originally floating August, but now saying it could be sometime in November.
The Biden administration appears to be ramping up sanctions, with 10 people and 15 entities designated so far this year, compared with 16 people and nine entities in all of 2022.
In the civil war that has broken out in response to Myanmar's 2021 coup, an estimated 6,000 civilians have been killed, with tens of thousands detained and more than 1.5 million displaced. Meanwhile, widespread food and fuel shortages have occurred as part of an economic collapse.
The White House has responded with sanctions on 85 people and 55 business entities tied to the military regime..."
Source/publisher:
"Courthouse News Service" (California)
Date of publication:
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Sub-title:
The sanctions are in response to the military regime’s “violent airstrikes” against civilians.
Description:
"The U.S. Treasury Department has expanded sanctions aimed at Myanmar’s military junta so that any “foreign individual or entity” linked to procuring jet fuel for the military government can be targeted.
More than 3,900 civilians have been killed by the regime since it seized power in February 2021, the Treasury Department said, with the junta increasingly reliant on “violent airstrikes” against civilians, including “women and schoolchildren,” to maintain its hold on power.
A press release from the Treasury Department singled out two recent air strikes on civilians in the Sagaing region – one in April and one in June – as the impetus for the expansion of the sanctions.
The announcement Wednesday was accompanied by the designation of two Burmese individuals – Khin Phyu Win and Zaw Min Tun – and a company – Shoon Energy Pte. Ltd – that the Treasury Department said were involved in procuring jet fuel for use by Myanmar’s military.
The sanctions mean that American citizens and firms, including banks, cannot have any business relationship with those sanctioned.
“By expanding the use of our sanctions authority to target an additional sector critical to the military regime, we are able to further deprive the regime of the resources that enable it to oppress its citizens,” Brian Nelson, under secretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, was quoted as saying in Wednesday’s statement.
U.S. State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said in a statement that the sanctions were intended to put pressure on the junta.
"The United States will continue to seek to deprive the military regime of the resources that enable its oppression of the people of Burma," he said.
Sagaing has been a hotbed of clashes between the military junta and the People’s Defense Forces since the February 2021 coup. Almost 800,000 residents of the region have been forced to flee due to the conflict since the junta seized power, the United Nations says..."
Source/publisher:
"Radio Free Asia" (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"To: H.E. Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister of Foreign Affairs Singapore
Open letter regarding Singapore’s response to business linked to Myanmar junta
Your Excellency,
We, the undersigned organizations, urge you to take meaningful and concrete action to block the Myanmar military junta’s access to arms, dual-use goods, technology and funds, which are used in its ongoing campaign of terror against the people.
We specifically ask you:
to expedite and make public investigations into Singapore-based companies involved in and enabling the transfer of arms and dual-use goods and technology transferred, transited, shipped or brokered through Singapore to the Myanmar military;
introduce sanctions to prevent the direct and indirect transfer of arms, dual-use goods and technology to the Myanmar military;
block the Myanmar junta’s access to Singapore’s financial system through targeted sanctions.
Since its attempted coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has killed more than 3,800 people, detained more than 23,000 and displaced more than 1.6 million. The Myanmar military has scorched at least 70,000 homes and razed villages to the ground. They have weaponized and blocked humanitarian aid, depriving the people of food, water and basic needs. They have even attacked schools and hospitals. Compared to last year, there is a 33 percent increase in indiscriminate airstrikes in the first half of 2023, according to the UN. The Myanmar military can continue to commit these atrocities because countries including Singapore continue to allow—or fail to prevent—the transfer of arms, dual-use goods and technology to the military junta and continued access to their banking systems.
In our view, the best way to hinder the Myanmar junta from continued access to funds, arms, dual-use goods and technology is through an autonomous sanctions regime on Myanmar by Singapore that goes beyond a principled oral expression of commitment in response to investigations by the UN and human rights organizations.
As Your Excellency is aware, in 2023, several reports have raised concerns over the fact that Singapore is a major jurisdiction for the transfer of various items—in particular dual-use goods and technology—intended for use by the Myanmar armed forces. A May 2023 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar identified at least 138 Singapore-based firms that had acted as intermediaries for the Myanmar military, and highlighted how these firms had shipped arms and related goods worth $254 million USD to Myanmar between February 2021 and December 2022. This follows a report by the activist group Justice For Myanmar which named 38 Singapore companies and their directors and shareholders that have brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military and a report by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), that highlighted how Singapore continues to function as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items—including certain raw materials—that feed the Myanmar military’s weapons production industry.
We understand that since the release of these reports, investigations into the conduct of the companies have been initiated by your Government. We welcome these investigations and ask you to expedite them and make public the results.
The May 2023 report by the UN Special Rapporteur also noted that arms dealers move hundreds of millions of dollars through Singaporean banks to supply the Myanmar military. Many Myanmar companies—including companies directly associated with the junta—have offices in Singapore. It is routine practice for companies with direct ties to the Myanmar military to place funds in Singaporean banks. Despite some Western sanctions imposed, most of these companies continue to operate freely, providing a conduit of weapons, munitions and spare parts as well as dual-use items and technology to the junta and through the banking system. We note, in particular, the serious allegations that substantial foreign reserves of Myanmar are suspected to be held in Singapore, providing a financial lifeline for the junta.
The long-standing and well-documented reliance by military-linked companies on the Singaporean banking sector gives Singapore more influence on Myanmar than most other ASEAN member states. It is our view that the degree of cooperation from Singaporean banks will have a major impact on the effectiveness of sanctions on the Myanmar junta.
A legal memorandum from international barristers Felicity Gerry KC and Daye Gang, published by Justice For Myanmar, also concluded that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, which are applicable to business transactions with the Myanmar military and its business interests. While we appreciate the circular reportedly issued by the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) calling for enhanced due diligence measures to detect and mitigate the risks associated with higher-risk customers and transactions related to Myanmar, and the June 2023 statement by MAS noting that financial institutions should continue to be alert to the heightened risks arising from the situation in Myanmar, much more needs to be done. This includes targeted sanctions against military businesses and an autonomous sanction regime that will stop Singapore-registered companies directly and indirectly procuring arms and dual-use goods and technology for the Myanmar military.
On 14 February 2023, during a parliamentary hearing addressing the report by SAC-M, your Excellency confirmed Singapore’s commitment to not authorize the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar where there is a serious risk that they may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians, and that the government of Singapore would not hesitate to take action against those who contravene relevant laws, including Singapore’s Strategic Goods (Control) Act. This commitment is significant as Singapore is the third largest source of arms and dual-use goods for the Myanmar military after Russia and China. However, it is concerning that half a year later, your Excellency’s expressed commitment has only been communicated orally, and we have not yet seen a policy commitment that includes consequences for non-compliance.
During the parliamentary hearing, you noted that specifically on military sales, there had been no transfers of arms to Myanmar in recent years. While this is welcome, the problem, as we see it, is not a question of transfers of conventional arms to Myanmar, but the numerous times that dual-use goods and technology that originates from or transits Singapore—whether transferred directly or indirectly to the junta—has ended up in the hands of the Myanmar military.
Your Excellency, we therefore ask Singapore to adopt and implement export restrictions on Myanmar. This would follow the recent precedent of restrictive measures applied by your government to Russia, pursuant to which applications to export military items, controlled electronics, controlled computers, and certain telecommunications and encryption items to Myanmar would be rejected. In addition, financial measures targeted at designated military-controlled banks, entities and activities should be put in place to restrict the military’s ability to finance its acts of terror against the people. Recent sanctions imposed by the US on Myanmar’s main portals of foreign currency payments, the state-owned Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB) should set the example in this regard. A failure by Singapore to act would sustain the current crisis whereby MFTB and MICB facilitate foreign-currency exchange within Myanmar and enable transactions between the military junta and foreign markets to buy arms, dual-use goods, technology and jet fuel, and to undermine the effectiveness of the US sanctions on these entities.
While Singapore continues to call for immediate cessation of violence under ASEAN, Singapore-based businesses and the financial system’s involvement in the transfer of weapons and dual-use goods to the Myanmar military directly undermines ASEAN’s credibility. We the undersigned CSOs strongly urge Your Excellency to set a precedent for the region by taking robust and tangible actions to stop Singapore businesses and financial institutions from enabling and being complicit in the Myanmar junta’s ongoing atrocities. As ASEAN is conducting a review of implementation of the failed Five-Point Consensus, these meaningful steps of Singapore will assist ASEAN in reforming the current ineffective approach and replacing the Consensus with concrete actions to address the crisis effectively.
Sincerely,
A total of 200 organizations, including 4 groups that can't be named because of security reasons, have signed this letter.
1 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
2 ၈၈ငြိမ်ချမ်းရေးနှင့်ပွင့်လင်းလူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းထားဝယ်ခရိုင်
3 Ah Nah Podcast - conversations with Myanmar
4 All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
5 Anti-Junta Mass Movement - AJMM
6 Associations of United Nationalities in Japan
7 Auckland Kachin Community NZ
8 Auckland Zomi Community
9 Aung San Suu Kyi Park Norway
10 Basic Education Students & Youths Association (BESYA)
11 Boycott Military's Pocket
12 Burma Campaign UK
13 Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
14 Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
15 Burmese American Community Institute 9BACI)
16 Burmese Canadian Network
17 Campaign for a New Myanmar
18 CDM Support Team Mandalay (CSTM)
19 Chin Community of Auckland
20 Chin Community in Norway
21 Citizen of Burma Award - New Zealand
22 Citizens of Burma Award(Buffalo Chapter)
23 COBA UAE
24 CRPH and NUG Supporters Ireland
25 CRPH Funding Ireland
26 CRPH Support Group, Norway
27 CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations endorses
28 Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
29 Democratic Youth Council ( ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်လူငယ်ကောင်စီ )
30 Doh Atu - Ensemble pour le Myanmar
31 Dream Hope Goals Media Group
32 Dunedin Myanmar Community New Zealand
33 Enemy Air Route Channel
34 Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
35 Federal School
36 Federation of Workers’ Union of the Burmese Citizen in Japan ( FWUBC )
37 Free Rohingya Coalition
38 General Strike Committee of Nationalities (GSCN)
39 General Strike Coordination Body - GSCB
40 Global Myanmar Spring Revolution ( GMSR )
41 Hero Behind Bars
42 HTY Scout Channel
43 Human Right Defenders and Promoters(Palaw)
44 Information & Scout News (Hlaing)
45 Insein Scout Channel
46 Integria, z.s.
47 International Association, Myanmar-Switzerland (IAMS)
48 International Campaign for the Rohingya
49 Japan Myanmar Help Network - JMHN (comprising of over 40 youth groups in Japan)
50 Justice For Myanmar
51 K'cho Ethnic Association
52 Kachin Association Norway
53 Kachin State Civilian Movement- KSCM
54 Kamayut Scout Channel
55 Kanbauk Defense Force (KBDF)
56 Karenni Society New Zealand
57 Karenni Association - Norway
58 Karenni Wellington Community
59 Kyauktada Strike Committee
60 Kyimyindaing Scout Channel
61 La Communauté Birmane de France
62 LA2M
63 Lanmadaw,Latha & Pabedan Scout Channel
64 League for Democracy in Burma( Japan )
65 Legal Aid for Human Rights (Southern Shan State)
66 LGBTIQ (လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုကွဲပြားသူများ) သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
67 Mayangone News
68 MIIT ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
69 Minority Affairs Institute (MAI Myanmar)
70 Muslim Youth Network
71 Myanmar Community Christchurch New Zealand
72 Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
73 Myanmar Action Group Denmark
74 Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
75 Myanmar community in Italy
76 Myanmar Community in Norway
77 Myanmar Democratic Force in Denmark
78 Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
79 Myanmar Global Support Foundation ( MGSF )
80 Myanmar Hindu Community - Norway
81 Myanmar Muslim Revolution Force
82 Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
83 Nelson Myanmar Community New Zealand
84 New Zealand Doctors for NUG
85 New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
86 New Zealand Karen Association
87 NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway
88 No Business With Genocide
89 NOK Information & Scout Echo
90 North Dagon & East Dagon News
91 Norway Falam Community
92 Norway Matu Community
93 Norway Rvwang Community
94 Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
95 PDF Support ( Vancouver - Canada )
96 Peace for Burma ( Vancouver ) Canada
97 Progressive Muslim Youth Association-PMYA
98 Progressive Voice
99 Rangoon Scout Network
100 Rohingya Community in Norway
101 Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
102 Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
103 Save Myanmar Israel
104 Shan Community (New Zealand)
105 Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
106 South Dagon Scouting Infos (SDG)
107 Southern Dragon Myanmar
108 Support group for Democracy in Myanmar ( the Netherland )
109 Tamwe Nway Oo Channel
110 Tenasserim Students Unions Network - TSUN
111 Thaketa & Dawbon Scout Channel
112 Tourism Committee
113 U.S. Campaign for Burma
114 Unitarian Universalist Service Committee
115 United States Chin Coalition (USCC)
116 Universities Kachin Literature and Culture Association- Yangon (Yangon JLH)
117 Volunteers in Myanmar
118 We support NUG-NB
119 Wellington Chin Community ( New Zealand )
120 Wellington Myanmar community
121 Yangon Revolution Force - YRF (Soft Strike Community)
122 Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
123 Youth Scout For Democracy (YSD)
124 YWTC(yangon)
125 Z Fighter News
126 Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
127 Zomi Community Norway
128 ကျန်းမာရေးမိသားစု - မန္တလေး (Medical Family – Mandalay)
129 ကွန်ပျူတာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
130 ချမ်းမြသာစည်မြို့နယ် လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
131 စိန်ပန်း သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
132 ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
133 ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာနည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများ သမဂ္ဂ
134 ဆေးဝါးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
135 တမ္ပဝတီ လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
136 တိုက်ကွမ်ဒို အားကစားအသင်း
137 တိုင်းရင်းဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
138 တိုင်းရင်းသားလူငယ်များ အထွေထွေသပိတ်ကော်မတီ
139 တောင်သာလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ
140 ဒေါင်းစစ်သည်
141 နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
142 နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(ရတနာပုံဆိုင်ဘာစီးတီး)ကျောင်းသားများ သမဂ္ဂ
143 နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက်
144 နားထောင်ရင်းလှူပေးပါ။
145 ပညာရေးမိသားစု (စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပညာရေးစစ်ကြောင်းများ ချိတ်ဆက်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ)
146 ပြည်ကြီးတံခွန်သပိတ်
147 ပုဂ္ဂလိက မူကြိုဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများအဖွဲ့
148 ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
149 ဘုရားကြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
150 မကွေးလူထုတိုက်ပွဲကော်မတီ / Magway People's Revolution Committee
151 မန္တလာတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
152 မန္တလာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
153 မန္တလေး ကဗျာဆရာများသမဂ္ဂ (Mandalay Poets’ Union)
154 မန္တလေး ကုန်စည်ဒိုင်သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
155 မန္တလေး၊ တက္ကသိုလ် ဒီဂရီ၊ ကောလိပ် ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
156 မန္တလေးကွန်ပျူတာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
157 မန္တလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသား ကျောင်းသူဟောင်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
158 မန္တလေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw)
159 မန္တလေးနည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
160 မန္တလေးနိုင်ငံခြားဘာသာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
161 မန္တလေးပုဂ္ဂလိကတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (MPUSU)
162 မန္တလေးမြို့အခြေစိုက် လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
163 မန္တလေးမဟာမိတ် သပိတ်တပ်ပေါင်းစုစစ်ကြောင်း
164 မန္တလေးလူငယ် သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
165 မန္တလေးသပိတ်အင်အားစု
166 မန္တလေးအင်ဂျင်နီယာ တပ်ပေါင်းစု
167 မန္တလေးအင်ဂျင်နီယာများအဖွဲ့ (Mandalay Engineer Group)
168 မန္တလေးအရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ
169 မြင်းခြံလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ
170 မြတောင် သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
171 မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဘဏ်အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (Bank Trade Unions Federation of Myanmar – BTUFM)
172 မြန်မာ့မီးရထား တိုင်းအမှတ် (၃) CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
173 မြန်မာသတင်းအချက်အလက်နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး) ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
174 မွတ်စ်လင်မ်လူငယ်များအဖွဲ့
175 မဟာအောင်မြေမြို့နယ် စုပေါင်းလူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
176 မေမြို့ ပင်မအထွေထွေသပိတ်အင်အားစု
177 ရတနာပုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (ရ.တ.က.သ)
178 ရန်ကုန်အခြေစိုက်တက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများ (တကသများ-ရန်ကုန်) | Alliance of Students’ Unions Yangon (ASU-Yangon)
179 ရေဘဝဲ (ပြည်သူ့အကျိုးပြု လူငယ်အဖွဲ့အစည်း)
180 လူငယ်ကဗျာဆရာများသမဂ္ဂ
181 သံဃသမဂ္ဂ (မန္တလေး)
182 သပြေညို သတင်းလွှာ
183 သမဝါယမတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
184 သရက်ချောင်းမြို့နယ် ပြည်သူကာကွယ်ရေးပြောက်ကျားတပ်ဖွဲ့
185 သွားဘက်ဆိုင်ရာဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများ သမဂ္ဂ
186 သားဖွားသင်တန်းကျောင်း(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
187 သူနာပြုတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
188 သူနာပြုသင်တန်းကျောင်း(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
189 အ.ထ.က (၇) ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားဟောင်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
190 အ.လ.က (၁၂) ထခွဲ၊ အခြေခံပညာကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (အ.က.သ)
191 အဖမ်းဆီးခံပြည်သူများ ကိုယ်စားပြုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
192 အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မန္တလေးတိုင်း)
193 အမျိုးသားယဉ်ကျေးမှုနှင့် အနုပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ
194 အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ်
195 အောင်ပင်လယ် ပင်မသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း
196 အောင်မြေသာစံ ပညာရေးကျောင်းပေါင်းစုံ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း..."
Source/publisher:
200 civil society organizations via Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-08-22
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-22
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"On June 21, 2023, the United States designated two of Burma’s military regime-controlled banks, Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB). MFTB and MICB have been instrumental in facilitating the regime’s use of foreign currency to procure arms and jet fuel abroad and to access international markets using offshore accounts.
Through these offshore accounts, MFTB and MICB have facilitated the regime’s profiteering from Burma’s extractive industries, including oil and gas, teak, gemstones, and other natural resources. The designations of MFTB and MICB impose a significant impact on the regime’s ability to fund the violence it inflicts on the people of Burma.
At the time of the designation of these two banks, the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control issued General License 5 (GL 5) to allow entities engaging in transactions with MFTB and MICB to wind these down in an orderly fashion. Following the expiration of GL 5 on August 5 at 12:01 a.m. (EST), the United States will continue to carefully monitor compliance and scrutinize transactions with an MFTB or MICB nexus to counter evasion or other behavior that contravenes the intent of these designations and U.S. policy. We will pursue enforcement actions as appropriate.
The United States will not waver in its support for the people of Burma as they seek peace, justice, and an inclusive, democratic future for their country. We will continue to engage with our partners and allies in the broader international community to constrain the regime’s ability to exploit the international financial system..."
Source/publisher:
U.S. Department of State
Date of publication:
2023-08-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Description:
"Myanmar’s military, which seized power in a coup in February 2021, has made repeated promises about a return to civilian rule and limited democracy — so far unkept. The former leader, 78-year-old Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, could spend the rest of her life in jail, despite a partial pardon in August. The military, known as the Tatmadaw, has used increasingly brutal tactics to subdue its enemies, including the first executions in three decades. By its own admission, nearly half the country is facing instability due to armed conflict. Prospects for economic growth are “severely weakened,” according to the World Bank. The US and its allies this year imposed new sanctions aimed at military officials and “affiliated cronies.” But the junta retains control of vast interests, including lucrative natural gas exports, and has found backers outside the West.
1. What’s happened with Aung San Suu Kyi?
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She and Win Myint, who served as president in the last civilian government, were found guilty soon after the coup of inciting dissent against the military and flouting Covid restrictions while campaigning for the November 2020 elections. Since then she’s been convicted in a series of trials on charges including corruptions and violating the colonial-era Official Secrets Act, and sentenced to a total of 33 years in prison. Her legal defense team described all the allegations against her as groundless and politically motivated. On Aug. 1, the junta pardoned both on some charges, including breaking pandemic-era rules, illegal possession of walkie-talkies and incitement. But they remained in prison.
2. Why was there a coup?
Aung San Suu Kyi’s pro-democracy party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) won 83% of the parliamentary seats at stake in the 2020 vote — an even better performance than its 2015 landslide. The election commission and international observers called the election fair. But the military alleged that there had been voter fraud. On the day of the coup, the military said it was necessary to act before the new parliament session began later that week. More broadly, the military operates almost as a state within a state in Myanmar, and its allies still control vast swaths of the economy. The scale of Suu Kyi’s victory may have prompted fears among the generals of new efforts to chip away at their privileges, especially after the exceptionally poor electoral performance of a military-backed party.
3. Are new elections planned?
Yes, but the NLD said in March it would boycott. The military government then dissolved the party after it failed to register in time under a new law. Back in 2021, the military set an August 2023 deadline for elections and said army chief Min Aung Hlaing would head a caretaker government in the meantime. That deadline was extended on July 31 for another six months, until Jan. 31, 2024, as fighting intensified with ethnic armed groups and supporters of Suu Kyi. The planned election has been dismissed as a “sham” by the United Nations and the US.
4. What is the fighting in Myanmar about?
Violence flared after the coup as Aung San Suu Kyi’s supporters demanded her release and the restoration of the elected government. Junta forces have killed 3,857 people as of July 31 and detained many more, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a human rights group. According to the UN’s Human Rights Council, ill-treatment and torture have resulted in deaths in detention. Some Aung San Suu Kyi supporters have formed what they call the National Unity Government, with armed units known as the People’s Defence Force. They’ve allied with ethnic insurgent groups that have long battled the military over the right to manage their territories and resources. In extending the state of emergency, the junta leader said 40% of townships are facing instability, an admission of the intensity of the conflict. International experts have said the military has effective control over far less territory than it claims to.
5. What’s the fallout been?
The UN Security Council passed a resolution in December demanding an end to violence in Myanmar and the release of political prisoners. Its passage was a milestone, but China, Russia and India abstained, limiting the impact. The US, the UK, Canada and Australia reimposed economic sanctions in 2021, just five years after many had been lifted, although it’s unclear how much impact they will have. The US has since extended its sanctions, including in January. But China, Myanmar’s most important trading partner, has rejected calls at the UN for an arms embargo and has affirmed support for the regime. Japan and India worry that tough measures against the junta only risk increasing China’s influence there. The junta has drawn closer to Russia despite the war in Ukraine — Min Aung Hlaing has praised Russian President Vladimir Putin “as a leader of the world.” Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong of Singapore, Myanmar’s biggest foreign investor, has said sanctions would only hurt Myanmar’s people. The World Bank this year said Myanmar’s potential for inclusive growth has been “severely weakened” and “there is little appetite to invest.”
6. What’s the history?
After World War II, Burma, as it was then known, emerged from British colonial rule and plunged directly into civil conflict. Ethnic minorities make up a third of the population of 55 million and occupy half the land, including areas where valuable resources such as jade, gold and teak are found. A deal providing them with greater autonomy fell apart after Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, Aung San, who was slated to become the country’s first leader, was gunned down in 1947. A coup led by army chief Ne Win in 1962 started a half-century of military rule, during which the country descended into desperate poverty. Troops viciously suppressed pro-democracy protests in 1988. Two years later the army annulled an election that Aung San Suu Kyi’s party had won by a landslide. Under house arrest for much of the next 20 years, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.
7. How did she get into government?
The junta began a transition to civilian rule with a new constitution in 2008 that reserved 25% of parliamentary seats for the military — enough to block any amendments to it. Still, Aung San Suu Kyi’s party took part in by-elections in 2012 after the government at the time agreed to the release of political prisoners, the freedom to assemble and an opening to foreign investors. Her party then swept to victory in the first full elections in 2015, defeating the ruling party by a margin of nearly 10-to-1. The constitution bars Aung San Suu Kyi from serving as president because her children are UK citizens. Thus, in 2016 she became state counselor, a newly created role akin to prime minister, as well as foreign minister.
8. How did she do?
Her administration liberalized banking, insurance and education and curbed inflation. But about a third of the population was living in poverty and businesses remained mired in red tape. The military continued to control the defense, home affairs and border affairs ministries. Its forces have been accused by UN investigators of practicing “ethnic cleansing” and “crimes against humanity” with “genocidal intent” in driving more than 700,000 Rohingya people over the border to Bangladesh since 2017. (Among Myanmar’s Buddhist majority, prejudice against the Rohingya — Muslims castigated as illegal immigrants and stripped of citizenship — remains fierce and widespread.) Amid the opprobrium, foreign direct investment fell to $2.3 billion in 2019 from $4.7 billion in 2017. The military turned on Aung San Suu Kyi even though she defended them in 2019 at the International Court of Justice against the genocide allegations — increasing her popularity at home at the expense of her international reputation.
Source/publisher:
"Bloomberg News" (New York) via "The Washington Post"
Date of publication:
2023-08-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-08-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Mr. HAYASHI Nobumitsu, Governor of Japan Bank for International Cooperation
Mr. TAKESADA Tatsuhiko, President & CEO of Japan Overseas Infrastructure Investment Corporation for Transport and Urban Development
CC:
Mr. SUZUKI Shunichi, Minister of Finance
Mr. SAITO Tetsuo, Minister of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism
Sent by:
Justice For Myanmar
Mekong Watch
FoE Japan
Human Rights Now
Human Rights Watch
Japan International Volunteer Center
On June 21, 2023, the US government announced that it was imposing financial sanctions on the Myanmar junta's Ministry of Defence as a “Specially Designated National,” noting that the Ministry was “responsible for the command and control of the armed forces, which has conducted decades of repressive military rule that was violently resumed following the coup in 2021.”[1] With this designation, the connection between the Redevelopment of the Defense Services Museum Project (commonly known as the “Y Complex Project”), one of the projects being implemented using Japanese public funds, and the ongoing abuses by the Myanmar military junta, has been made even more obvious.
Y Complex involves building and operating a large-scale real estate complex at the site of the former military museum in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. The project receives public and private funds from Japan through Japan Overseas Infrastructure Investment Corporation for Transport and Urban Development (JOIN), a government-funded infrastructure investment corporation under the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, and Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) which is Japan’s public export credit agency. JOIN and JBIC invests or lends to the Y Complex project in which the Myanmar military-controlled Ministry of Defence participates,[2] and they have continued their involvement even after the attempted coup by the Myanmar military on February 1, 2021.
Tokyo Tatemono, Fujita Corporation (a subsidiary of Daiwa House Industry), and JOIN set up a Joint Special Purpose Company (J-SPC) in Singapore. JBIC along with Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation and Mizuho Bank co-financed a loan to this J-SPC, and the J-SPC in turn is co-investing in Y Complex Company Ltd., a Myanmar corporation set up jointly by the J-SPC and Yangon Technical and Trading Company Limited (YTT), a Myanmar military crony-owned company.
The land lease agreement is between YTT and "Colonel Aung Min Thein (Officer No. Army 17642), Vice Quarter Master General, Office of the Quarter Master General, Commander-in-Chief (Army).” Land lease payments are to be made to "Defence Account no. MD 010424,” an account likely to be under control of the Office of the Quartermaster General[3]. On December 10, 2021, the US, UK and Canada imposed sanctions on the Office of the Quartermaster General.[4] The UK government has pointed out that the Office of the Quartermaster General "plays a crucial role in procuring equipment for the Myanmar Armed Forces, including ammunition, bombs and jet fuel.”[5]More recently, the EU imposed sanctions on Kyaw Swar Lin, the Quartermaster General, on July 20, 2023, noting that he is a “person whose policies and activities undermine democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma, and who provides support for actions that threaten the peace, security and stability of Myanmar/Burma.”[6]
We understand that making land lease payments in the Y Complex project is equivalent to providing funds to the Myanmar military through the Office of the Quartermaster General, and have alluded to this problem since before the attempted coup.[7]
So far, JOIN and JBIC have explained that because the Office of the Quartermaster General is within the Ministry of Defence and therefore a part of the government of Myanmar, land lease payments would not benefit the Myanmar military (see below).
Response by Tatsuhiko Takesada, President & CEO of JOIN at the meeting of the Committee on Financial Affairs of the House of Representatives, April 20, 2021: "Regarding the contract for the project site, J-SPC is not directly involved, but under the contract, the local Myanmar company signed a land lease agreement with the Ministry of Defence which is a part of the government to obtain land use rights, and the said local [Myanmar] company subleases the land to the local project company. We have confirmed the current situation, but regarding the land lease payments, we understand that they were appropriately managed within the government."[8]
Statement by JBIC official in charge of the Y Complex Project at the "Ministry of Finance - NGO Regular Dialogue," March 5, 2021: “JBIC recognizes that in this project the rent is paid to the Office of the Quartermaster General in the Ministry of Defence. We understand that the rent payments are included as revenue in the general budget of the Myanmar government…. In Myanmar, based on a law called the Budget Law, so-called general accounts budget is publicly disclosed, and the Ministry of Defence is included as part of that."[9]
These statements show that both JOIN and JBIC recognized that the rent payments should not be benefiting the military and that they were attempting to maintain an appearance that the rent payments were not going to the military by publicly presenting their view that the ultimate destination of the rent payments was the Ministry of Defence and not the military. The recent imposition of sanctions by the US on the Ministry of Defence, has made these excuses even more untenable.[10]
Regardless of whether the ultimate destination of the land lease payments for the Y Complex Project is the Office of the Quartermaster General or the linked Ministry of Defence, these payments enable the Myanmar military to continue to commit atrocity crimes across the country. According to the UN, there are currently 1.9 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar. [11] The Japanese government and Japanese companies should fulfill their responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises by immediately stopping their involvement in the Y Complex Project. To do so, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism should withdraw the investment made by JOIN, and the Ministry of Finance should cancel the loan made by JBIC to stop the injection of public funds into the project and publicly announce that they have made the decision to do so..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-07-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new EU sanctions on No2 Mining Enterprise and 6 individuals announced yesterday, but criticised the incredibly slow pace of the introduction of new sanctions.
The EU has the right policy of sanctioning on an ongoing basis sources of revenue and arms and individuals linked to human rights violations, but EU member states are not prioritising the implementation of their own policy.
“At this pace, it will be decades before the EU gets round to sanctioning those committing human rights violations and most sources of revenue and arms to the military,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Why has it taken two and a half years to sanction such an obvious source of revenue like a mining enterprise which receives revenue from rare earths?”
There is no ‘silver bullet’ sanction which will by itself have a major impact on reducing revenue to the Burmese military. It is, therefore, essential that the EU, UK USA, Canada and others maximise the breadth of targeted sanctions to chip away at sources of revenue and arms. It is the cumulative impact of such sanctions which will maximise their effectiveness.
“If you set out to try to minimise the impact of sanctions, this is the way you would do it, uncoordinated sanctions implemented at an incredibly slow speed with gaps of months in between, giving the military time to try to find workarounds before the next random sanction,” said Anna Roberts. “Since the USA organised a sanctions coordination meeting there has been less coordination and the UK is missing in action.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-07-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-21
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"Today, the Council imposed a seventh round of restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma against six individuals and one entity in response to the continuing escalation of violence, grave human rights violations and threats to the peace, security and stability in Myanmar/Burma.
The listings include three Union Ministers for immigration and population, labour and health and sports, two members of the State Administration Council (SAC), the Quartermaster General, as well as No. 2 Mining Enterprise (ME 2), a state-owned enterprise that is controlled by and generates revenue for the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw).
Restrictive measures currently apply to a total of 99 individuals and 19 entities. Those designated are subject to an asset freeze and a travel ban, which prevents them from entering or transiting through EU territory. In addition, EU persons and entities are prohibited to make funds available to those listed.
Other EU restrictive measure remain in place: the embargo on arms and equipment and export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications which might be used for internal repression, the export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, and the prohibition of military training and cooperation with the Tatmadaw.
The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta.
The EU remains deeply concerned by the continuing escalation of violence and the evolution towards a protracted conflict with regional implications. The Union condemns the continuing grave human rights violations including torture, sexual and gender-based violence, the persecution of civil society, human rights defenders and journalists, indiscriminate attacks on the civilian population, including a deadly airstrike killing at least 171 persons on 10 April 2023, by the Myanmar armed forces. The dissolution of 40 political parties on 28 March 2023 was another demonstration of the blatant disrespect by the military regime for democracy and the rights and wishes of the Myanmar population.
All hostilities must stop immediately. The military authorities must fully respect international humanitarian law and put an end to the indiscriminate use of force.
The relevant legal acts have been published in the Official Journal of the European Union.
Background
In February 2021, the Council adopted conclusions condemning in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar/Burma.
On 31 January 2023, the High Representative issued a declaration on behalf of the EU on the 2nd anniversary of the military take-over stating that, in the absence of any swift progress on the situation in Myanmar, the EU stood ready to adopt further restrictive measures against those directly responsible for and those abetting the undermining of democracy and the serious human rights violations in the country.
The Council has imposed restrictive measures against those responsible for the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators on 22 March, 19 April and 21 June 2021, 21 February and 8 November 2022, and 20 February 2023..."
Source/publisher:
Council of the European Union
Date of publication:
2023-07-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, European Union-Burma relations -- official links and documents
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Description:
"British aid to Burma has been cut by 51% this financial year, and by 70% since the financial year 2020-2021, according to newly published Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office accounts.
This comes during a time when Burma is suffering its worst human rights and humanitarian crisis ever, after the attempted military coup on 1 February 2021.
“Foreign Secretary James Cleverly is cutting aid to Burma at a time when more people than ever are in desperate need of assistance,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director at Burma Campaign UK. “Aid to Burma should be increased, not cut, and more aid needs to go to local civil society so British aid reaches people in areas not under Burmese military control.”
British aid to Burma has been cut from £61.9 million last year, to £30.1 million in this financial year. Previous government records show that the aid to Burma in 2020 was just over £103 million. This means that aid has been cut by 70% from 2020 to 2023-2024.
These cuts in aid to Burma come after the government’s 82% cuts in aid to Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, who fled genocide in Burma.
The British government has previously tried to disguise the overall cuts in aid to Burma by highlighting statistics for humanitarian aid, rather than overall aid to Burma. Funding for any development aid programmes discontinued after the attempted coup began should have been reallocated towards the dramatic increase in humanitarian needs but was not. Even before the coup Burma Campaign UK had been campaigning for a higher proportion of UK aid to be spent on the humanitarian emergencies in the country. In 2018 DFID was spending three times as much on economic development and governance as on humanitarian aid.
The humanitarian crisis in Burma has been created as the Burmese military desperately tries to consolidate an attempted coup in February 2021. It has met unprecedented resistance and is losing control of parts of the country. In response, it has launched indiscriminate attacks using airstrikes and long-range artillery.
The British government has so far failed to sanction supplies of aviation fuel to Burma, despite five British companies, UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard and Shipowners’ Club, being involved in the supply chain of aviation fuel deliveries. Without aviation fuel, the jets can’t fly and if they can’t fly, they can’t bomb.
The British government had previously led the implementation of sanctions on sources of revenue and arms but there have been no new sanctions in almost four months and major sources of revenue, such as gas, state-owned banks and rare earth minerals have yet to be sanctioned. The slow plodding pace of sanctions has meant the military has been able to generate revenue to fund arms purchases. The EU has sanctioned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and the US has sanctioned state-owned banks.
It is not just the cuts in aid to Burma which are alarming, but also the way in which aid is given. Most of the people forced to flee attacks by the Burmese military are in areas not under the control of the military and where UN and other agencies don’t operate. For most, the only way to reach them is through local civil society organisations, but the British government and other donors provide relatively little aid to them, and apply so many conditions and so much bureaucracy and red tape that local organisations can’t access funds.
“James Cleverly is moving too slowly to cut off sources of revenue and weapons to the Burmese military and is now cutting aid to the people attacked by those weapons,” said Anna Roberts. “Arguing that the British government has also cut life-saving aid to other countries is not a defence justifying these cuts, it’s a disgrace.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-07-19
Date of entry/update:
2023-07-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of US sanctions targeting Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB), Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB) and the junta’s Ministry of Defence.
MFTB and MICB are state-owned banks that the Myanmar military illegally seized through its coup attempt.
The banks are key nodes in the military cartel’s economic networks, supporting the junta’s campaign of terror.
The junta’s Ministry of Defence plays a financial role for the Myanmar military as a whole and its procurement of arms and related materiel that are needed for the junta’s ongoing commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
While these sanctions are positive, Justice For Myanmar urges the US and its allies to urgently impose sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which is responsible for the junta’s largest source of foreign revenue, and to coordinate sanctions that target whole networks of crony companies and arms brokers, so as to systematically cut the junta’s access to funds and arms.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of US sanctions targeting junta-controlled banks that help sustain the junta’s campaign of terror.
“However, for sanctions to be effective, far more needs to be done to systematically target the junta’s financial and arms procurement networks by the US and its allies.
“Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which continues to bankroll the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity, as well as the junta’s network of cronies and arms brokers.
“These sanctions are a result of the courageous resistance of the people of Myanmar to the military’s failing coup attempt, and the efforts of activists around the world supporting the Myanmar people’s struggle for democracy.
“The international community needs to hear to the voices of Myanmar and take decisive action to further cut the junta’s access to funds and arms. The cartel must be dismantled.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-21
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Individual Documents
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123.24 KB 111.8 KB
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar calls on India’s Quad partners and other allies to use their leverage to pressure India to stop the supply of arms and dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar military junta.
A Justice For Myanmar investigation of Indian export records has revealed over US$5 million in new exports to the Myanmar military and its arms brokers from Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) in the six months from November 2022 to April 2023.
The shipments consisted of military end-use goods, technology and technical documents to be used by the Myanmar military.
Items included metallic sonar domes, transducers and gaskets for the domes to be used on frigates, warships or submarines; directing gear systems; various items for radio transmission or radar equipment; and manpack radios for battlefield communications.
BEL, which maintains a branch office in Myanmar, transferred the equipment knowing that the Myanmar military is the end user, and that it is committing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity.
Through its campaign of terror against the people, the Myanmar military junta has so far murdered over 3,600, arbitrarily arrested 23,300 more, committed indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, torture, sexual violence and displaced at least 1.5 million.
The shipments may aid and abet the junta’s international crimes and are a continuation of India’s flagrant disregard for its obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law and its commitments under the Wassenaar Arrangement.
India and the Myanmar military have long-standing ties. In his speech on 25 December 2022, war criminal and junta head Min Aung Hlaing stated a need for large warships with high combat capabilities and the training of navy officers to operate them, noting that naval officers had been sent to other countries, including India, to enhance their individual capabilities.
The USA and France, which are honouring Prime Minister Narendra Modi in state visits this year, have a particular responsibility to address India’s support for the junta, and to push for India to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar.
BEL’s exports to Myanmar during the six-month period were spread across seven shipments, with three being sent to the Myanmar military directly, three sent to the arms brokers Mega Hill General Trading, and one sent to Alliance Engineering Services.
Alliance Engineering Services is connected to the family of the junta’s former air force chief Maung Maung Kyaw.
Mega Hill General Trading is a private Myanmar military contractor that has a history of procuring technology and providing services to the army’s Directorate of Procurement, including a remote-controlled weapon station supplied by BEL in 2021 and exposed by Justice For Myanmar.
Justice For Myanmar also exposed BEL’s supply of a coastal surveillance system to the Myanmar military before and after its illegal coup attempt.
Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent targeted sanctions against Mega Hill General Trading, Alliance Engineering Services, their associated business, directors and shareholders.
BEL is 51.14% owned by the Indian government and is publicly listed. Other shareholders include Nippon Life India Asset Management, Goldman Sachs, Vanguard, BlackRock, Fidelity, Canada Pension Plan, California Public Employees' Retirement System, California State Teachers Retirement System, Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec and the Swedish pension funds, AP-fonden (AP1), Andra AP-fonden (AP2) and Sjunde AP-fonden (AP7).
BEL’s institutional shareholders should divest from the company because of its continued supply of dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar military, in line with their international human rights responsibilities.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The Indian government and its state-owned arms companies are continuing business as usual in Myanmar, equipping and profiting from the junta as it commits acts of terror against the people.
“These new and significant exports to Myanmar from Bharat Electronics Limited make India further complicit in the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“By selling arms and equipment to the junta, India is choosing to ignore the voices of the Myanmar people, the legitimate National Unity Government, civil society, UN resolutions and its responsibilities under international law.
“It is crucial that India’s Quad partners and other allies step up and start using their leverage to stop India’s abhorrent support for the junta.
“The Biden administration is this week honouring Prime Minister Narendra Modi with a state visit to the White House.
“We urge President Biden and his government to push Prime Minister Modi to immediately stop all shipments of arms and dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar junta.
“The US should impose conditions on military aid to India to help end Indian support for the junta.
“President Macron should raise India’s complicity in the junta’s international crimes when Modi makes a state visit to Paris in July, and push India to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-06-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
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Format :
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148.05 KB 133.63 KB
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Description:
"According to leaked documents and public sources, the Tokyo-based ASEAN-Japan Centre on Trade, Investment and Tourism provided a grant to the junta’s investment and foreign economic relations ministry for a capacity building program on reforms required to implement international investment agreements.
The grant was awarded for the 2022-23 fiscal year, and financed at least one event held in March 2023, opened by EU-sanctioned junta minister Kan Zaw.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has refused to disclose to Justice For Myanmar the amount of funds provided to the junta, stating that the information is only available to board members.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is an intergovernmental organisation made up of the Japanese government and the governments of each ASEAN member state, including Myanmar.
The Centre is governed by a council, which consists of 11 representatives appointed by each member country.
Myanmar is wrongly represented on the council by Soe Han, the junta’s ambassador to Japan, and this legitimises the junta and facilitates continued support, emboldening the junta’s terror campaign.
Japan is represented on the council by Yutaka Arima, an assistant minister of foreign affairs.
The capacity building grant is one of several ASEAN-Japan Centre initiatives with junta ministries, legitimising the junta, encouraging business engagement and building the capacity of junta staff.
The centre has an active partnership with the junta’s hotels and tourism ministry, supporting the junta’s attempts to promote tourism, which provides it with legitimacy and a source of foreign revenue.
Since late 2021, as the junta’s violent attacks against the people intensified, the junta tourism ministry organised regular trainings and seminars supported by the ASEAN-Japan Centre. These involved the participation of junta minister Htay Aung and Japanese ASEAN-Japan Centre senior members, aimed at promoting Japanese tourism in Myanmar.
In January 2022, the ASEAN-Japan Centre supported the junta to run a Japanese culinary skills training, opened by Htay Aung and ASEAN-Japan Centre Secretary General Kunihiko Hirabayashi.
In late 2022 and early 2023, Htay Aung opened seminars for service providers of Japanese tourists in Bagan and Kalaw with ASEAN-Japan Centre officials, which were featured in junta propaganda.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre has also supported the junta to provide Japanese language training for tour guides.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre is now promoting tourism to Myanmar as part of the fiftieth anniversary or ASEAN-Japan “friendship and cooperation”, and has launched a website in Japanese. In consultation with the junta, the site includes five ideas for Japanese tourists to visit Myanmar, misleading the Japanese public that it is a safe and ethical destination for a holiday.
That comes despite the clear call from the legitimate National Unity Government (NUG) against tourism to Myanmar. In November 2021, Minister of Planning, Finance and Investment Tin Tun Naing told the Straits Times, “The people of Myanmar are being killed, raped, detained and their houses and possessions seized or destroyed. This is not a time for sightseeing”.
A third junta ministry the ASEAN-Japan Centre works with is commerce, supporting it to promote market access in Japan. Under that program, a workshop was held in January in Naypyidaw and again touted in junta propaganda. The workshop was opened by the permanent secretary of the junta’s commerce ministry, Min Min, and Yuka Kubota, an ASEAN-Japan Centre senior executive.
The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s actions to include the junta on its council representing Myanmar, to fund junta ministries, to provide capacity building and to promote business links embolden the junta to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar with total impunity.
Justice For Myanmar urges the ASEAN-Japan Centre and all other organisations to immediately remove the junta from its council and end all support. As the number of people killed by the junta rises daily, lives literally depend on the international community urgently taking action. Japan has a particular responsibility to end the junta’s killings as a democracy and Asian neighbour with a long historical relationship with the Myanmar military.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN and Japan are now celebrating 50 years of friendship and cooperation.
“Yet this anniversary has so far shown that ASEAN and Japan’s friendship in Myanmar is with the illegitimate military junta, not the people who are being slaughtered in the junta’s relentless attacks.
“The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s activities with the military junta support its illegal and failed attempt to gain control of Myanmar and embolden its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Without an immediate end to ASEAN and Japan’s support for the junta, the fiftieth anniversary of ASEAN-Japan relations will be forever tarnished with the blood of Myanmar people.
“It’s time ASEAN and Japan end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Human Rights and international relations
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Format :
pdf
Size:
138.38 KB
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Sub-title:
UK Sanctions Coordinator met with US, EU and Canadian counterparts to discuss continued cooperation on Myanmar sanctions efforts.
Description:
"On 24 May, the Sanctions Coordinators for the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, and the services in charge of sanctions policy and implementation of the European Commission and the European External Action Service met to continue to assess and align ongoing efforts related to sanctions on Myanmar.
The partners discussed the significant scope of actions taken since the military coup in February 2021, ongoing coordination efforts, and the importance of continued information and target sharing to support sanctions packages. The UK announced further sanctions on 31 January and 27 March 2023, targeting suppliers to the Myanmar regime of military equipment and other material being used to attack its civilians. The partners identified the continued need for sustained direct cooperation in order to restrict the regime’s ability to carry out atrocities against the people of Myanmar and pressure the regime to change course to restore the country’s path toward genuine and inclusive democracy..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2023-05-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
Language:
more
Description:
"The Myanmar military junta has imported at least US$1 billion worth of weapons and related materials from Russia, China and other countries in less than two years, according to a new UN report.
“Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Tom Andrews, the UN independent investigator on human rights in Myanmar, said in a press release.
Launched on Wednesday, the report, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: The International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar”, documented over 12,500 purchases that were shipped directly to the Myanmar military or known Myanmar arms dealers working for the military from Feb. 1, 2021 to December 2022.
The report identified $406 million worth of arms-related trade from entities in Russia including state-owned entities, $267 million from China including state-owned entities, $254 million from entities operating in Singapore, $51 million from entities in India including state-owned entities and $28 million from entities operating in Thailand.
Andrews said at a press conference that the diversity and volume of goods provided to the Myanmar military since the coup is staggering.
He identified transfers of fighter jets, attack helicopters, reconnaissance and attack drones, advanced missile systems, tank upgrades, radio and communication equipment, radar complexes, and components for naval ships in the report.
The deadly items were used by the junta to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar, the UN Special Rapporteur said.
He gave examples of the junta’s air attack on Pazi Gyi Village in Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, in which the junta used a Russian Yak-130 fighter jet followed by an attack by Russian Mi-35 helicopters. At least 160 people including 40 children were killed in the attack.
And the junta’s Directorate of Defense Industries domestically manufactured bombs and machine guns, relying in part on raw materials supplied by private entities from Singapore, China and Thailand, the report stated.
Since the coup, 28 Russian entities, including state-owned entities, have transferred fighter jets, advanced missile systems, reconnaissance and attack drones, and spare parts for fighter jets, attack helicopters, and other systems, it said.
Additionally, 41 private and state-owned companies registered in China and Hong
Kong continued to supply the Myanmar military with an extensive array of arms, equipment, and raw materials between October 2021 and December 2022 including advanced trainer jets/light attack aircraft, upgrades to tanks, and overhaul and
repair work for the older Chinese fighter jets that make up the Myanmar Air Force fleet.
Chinese firms also provided essential raw materials directly to the Myanmar military for domestic weapons manufacturing, including aluminum, copper, steel, rubber, and lubricants, it said.
The report also stated that Singapore has become a major source for spare parts, raw materials, and manufacturing equipment especially for the continued operation of Myanmar’s KaPaSa weapons factories.
At least 138 Singapore-based firms have served as intermediaries for the Myanmar military since the coup.
Andrews requested the government of Singapore use the information in the report and enforce its own policies to the maximum extent possible.
The government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorize the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
Unlike Russia, China, and—to a much lesser extent—India, Andrews said he has received no information indicating that the governments of Singapore or Thailand have approved or transferred arms to the Myanmar military.
Rather, arms dealing organizations appear to be using the jurisdictions of Thailand and Singapore, and specifically the banking and shipping sectors there, to facilitate arms transfers, he said.
The report suggest arm dealers may be seeking to use Thailand as an alternative route. It said 12 Thai companies exporting arms and related materials to the Myanmar military were established following the coup, and many were established by sanctioned arms networks already operating in Singapore.
Andrews said that the Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system because sanctions are not being adequately enforced.
“Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement.”
The UN Special Rapporteur urged a complete ban on the sale and transfer of weapons to the military, and urged governments to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member states now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-18
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
Language:
more
Description:
"NEW YORK / GENEVA (17 May 2023) – The Myanmar military has imported at least $1 billion USD in arms and raw materials to manufacture weapons since the coup in February 2021, according to a new report today by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews.
UN Member States are enabling this trade either through outright complicity, lax enforcement of existing bans, and easily circumvented sanctions, according to the report.
“Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Andrews said. “Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement.
“The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member States now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said.
While calling for a complete ban on the sale or transfer of weapons to the Myanmar military, Andrews pleaded for Member States to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources.
The Special Rapporteur’s paper, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar” is the most detailed study on post-coup arms transfers to the military to date. Accompanied by a detailed infographic, it identifies the major networks and companies involved in these transactions, known values of the transfers, and jurisdictions in which the networks operate, namely Russia, China, Singapore, Thailand, and India.
“Russia and China continue to be the main suppliers of advanced weapons systems to the Myanmar military, accounting for over $400 million and $260 million respectively since the coup, with much of the trade originating from state-owned entities. However, arms dealers operating out of Singapore are critical to the continued operation of the Myanmar military’s deadly weapons factories (commonly referred to as KaPaSa),” Andrews said.
The report reveals that $254 million USD of supplies have been shipped from dozens of entities in Singapore to the Myanmar military from February 2021 to December 2022. Singaporean banks have been used extensively by arms dealers.
Andrews recalled that the Government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorise the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.”
“I implore leaders of Singapore to seize the information within this report and enforce its policies to the maximum extent possible,” the Special Rapporteur said.
“If the Singapore Government were to stop all shipments and facilitation of arms and associated materials to the Myanmar military from its jurisdiction, the impact on the junta’s ability to commit war crimes would be significantly disrupted,” he said.
The report also documents $28 million USD in arms transfers from Thai-based entities to the Myanmar military since the coup. India-based entities have supplied $51 million worth of arms and related materials to the military since February 2021.
The report examines why international sanctions on arms dealing networks have failed to stop or slow the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military.
“The Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system. That’s because sanctions are not being adequately enforced and because arms dealers linked to the junta have been able to create shell companies to avoid them.
The expert said the ad hoc, uncoordinated nature of current sanctions were allowing payments to be made in other currencies and jurisdictions.
“By expanding and retooling sanctions and eliminating loopholes, governments can disrupt junta-linked weapons dealers,” Andrews said.
The report also focuses on the main sources of foreign currency that have enabled the Myanmar junta to purchase over $1 billion in arms since the coup. “Member States have not adequately targeted key sources of foreign currency that the junta relies on to purchase arms, including most significantly Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise,” Andrews said.
Andrews highlighted that no Member State has imposed sanctions on Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) since the coup. “My findings demonstrate that MFTB is not only important for receiving foreign currency but is also being used extensively by the junta to purchase arms. It should be a prime target for international sanctions,” the expert said.
ENDS
Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2023-05-17
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-17
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Arms (Military Expenditure, Arms Transfers, Arms Production Etc)
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the passing of a European Parliament Resolution on Thursday, which called on the European Union to impose sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. The calls were made in a new Resolution condemning the back-door ban on 40 political parties in Burma.
The Resolution is available here.
Almost daily airstrikes by the Burmese military over the past two years have killed and injured thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands of people, creating a humanitarian crisis. As Burmese military jets use commercial aviation fuel and have taken fuel intended for civilian use, only a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma will help reduce airstrikes.
Reports by Amnesty International and Global Witness have exposed the role of European companies in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma.
The European Parliament Resolution also calls for targeted sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military, including No2 Mining Enterprise and the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank.
Other demands include supporting a referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court, and for the EU and member states to increase funding for Rohingya refugees.
The European Parliament also condemns Russia and China “for their political, economic and military backing of Myanmar’s junta”.
The European Parliament Resolution is not binding but increases pressure on the European Union to impose sanctions on the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma, and to speed up the slow pace of the implementation of sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military.
“The European Parliament has called on the European Union to do more to stop the flow of aviation fuel and revenue to the Burmese military, and the European Union must now listen and act”, said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There is much more the European Union can do to reduce the capacity of the Burmese military to keep bombing and killing the people of Burma.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-05-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-05-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, Oil and gas, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today called on five British insurance companies to stop providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Burma.
The five companies are: UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard, Shipowners Club.
They are mutual insurance clubs which have provided insurance cover (protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance) to vessels which have delivered aviation fuel to Burma. Their role in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma was exposed in the Amnesty International Report, Deadly Cargo. The report is available here.
“Any company involved in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma is potentially complicit in airstrikes against civilians, and should stop immediately,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Without insurance, vessels cannot deliver aviation fuel.”
Since the Burmese military began its attempted coup on 1st February 2021, it has increasingly used airstrikes to try to gain control over the country.
The Burmese military use airstrikes indiscriminately and deliberately against civilian targets, including health clinics, schools, homes, religious buildings and camps for people who had fled previous Burma military attacks.
On 11th April, a Burmese military airstrike in the Sagaing Region in the north of Burma killed around 170 people, including around 40 children.
In February 2022, the British government issued guidance to British companies regarding aviation fuel to Burma. It stated:
“The Myanmar military regularly uses air strikes against civilian targets. If dealing with any entity linked to Myanmar’s aviation sector, businesses should conduct thorough supply chain diligence to ensure that commodities such as jet-fuel do not reach the military.”
The guidance is available here.
In their report, Deadly Cargo, Amnesty International exposed how aviation fuel intended for civilian use was taken by the Burmese military. This means it is impossible to be involved in supplying aviation fuel to Burma and ensure that fuel does not reach the Burmese military. Companies insuring vessels delivering aviation fuel to Burma are not following British government guidance.
Despite its own guidance being broken, the British government has failed to impose sanctions preventing British companies being involved in supplying aviation fuel to Burma. Canada has imposed such sanctions. So far, the British government has only sanctioned Burmese companies and individuals which have sold aviation fuel to the Burmese military.
“Insurers largely operate behind the scenes but play a vital role in the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma,” said Mark Farmaner. “These companies must now publicly commit that they will no longer provide insurance cover for vessels delivering aviation fuel to Burma.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-04-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and the Military, Sanctions, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by the UK and US on subsidiaries and one individual from Asia Sun Group of Companies, to coincide with the illegal Myanmar junta’s “Armed Forces Day”.
Asia Sun Group of Companies is a key local partner of the Myanmar military junta and is involved in importing, storing and delivering jet fuel to the military.
Asia Sun’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research contributed by Justice For Myanmar.
On March 24, 2023, the US sanctioned three Myanmar-registered companies in the Asia Sun network: Asia Sun Group Company Limited, Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Company Limited.
On March 27, 2023, the UK sanctioned the Singapore-registered Shoon Energy Pte Ltd, which was formerly named Asia Sun Aviation, along with its director and sole owner, Khin Phyu Win.
Amnesty International has revealed that in December 2022, the Swiss and Singapore based Puma Energy transferred its share of National Energy Puma Asia Sun (NEPAS) to Shoon Energy. NEPAS is a joint venture with the junta controlled Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE) and is responsible for the import, storage and sale of jet fuel.
Shoon Energy is the second Singapore registered company to be sanctioned following the Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt, and further highlights the role Singapore continues to play as a base for businesses providing funds, arms and jet fuel to the Myanmar military.
The first Singapore business sanctioned since the coup attempt was Star Sapphire Group Pte Ltd, designated by the US on Friday.
In January, the UK sanctioned Asia Sun Trading, its sole director and shareholder Zaw Min Tun, former director and shareholder Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung, and Cargo Link Company Limited.
However, more action is urgently needed to stop the supply of jet fuel to the Myanmar junta, including through a total ban on jet fuel sales to Myanmar, sanctions on MPE and the extension of sanctions to all Asia Sun companies, directors and shareholders, including the key individuals May Thwe Aung and Moe Myint Aung, who remain unsanctioned.
Justice For Myanmar has documented at least 8 subsidiaries of Asia Sun Group of Companies that are directly involved in the jet fuel supply chain, and only four of these companies have been sanctioned in one or more jurisdictions. Asia Sun Group of Companies has at least 40 subsidiaries and 13 associated companies in total.
The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. In the first two months of 2023, Chin Human Rights Foundation documented one airstrike per day in Chin State townships under martial law. In late February, a campaign of indiscriminate airstrikes in Karenni State killed civilians and displaced thousands.
By supplying jet fuel to the Myanmar military, Asia Sun Group of Companies is complicit in the junta’s airstrikes, which amount to atrocity crimes, and all those responsible should be held accountable under international law.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from the US and UK targeting the junta’s jet fuel supply chain.
“However more urgently needs to be done to stop the junta from accessing jet fuel, which enables its ongoing air attacks against the people of Myanmar.
“The US, UK, EU and Australia should follow the lead of Canada by imposing a ban on the sale of jet fuel to Myanmar.
“The US, UK, EU, Canada and Australia need to coordinate to sanction MPE and the whole Asia Sun network of companies and individuals, as well all other companies and individuals that continue to supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military.
“The junta’s procurement of arms and jet fuel is enabled by its access to funds. Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) remains the biggest source of revenue for the junta and must be targeted to disrupt the junta’s ability to maintain its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“We urge the US, UK, Canada and Australia to follow the EU and sanction MOGE immediately, as has been repeatedly demanded by civil society and the National Unity Government.
“It is concerning that Asia Sun has continued to operate in Singapore, along with many other companies supporting the junta’s international crimes.
“Recent US and UK sanctions against Singapore companies should be a wake-up call to the Singapore government to act in accordance with its international responsibilities and stop allowing Singaporean companies to support the junta.
“We note Singapore Foreign Minister Dr Vivian Balakrishnan's recent statement committing to a prohibition on the transfer of arms and dual use goods to Myanmar, but comprehensive action needs to be seen.”
More information:
See our data on Asia Sun Group of Companies subsidiaries and directors here, and read Amnesty International’s Deadly Cargo report, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar
Read our joint press release with The Sentry welcoming US sanctions against Star Sapphire Group of Companies, subsidiaries and individuals here
Justice For Myanmar, a group of covert activists campaigning for justice and accountability for the people of Myanmar, is calling for an end to military business and for federal democracy and a sustainable peace..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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"The sole legitimate Government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government (NUG) welcomes the announcement by the UK government of further targeted sanctions against those enabling the brutal Burmese military's assault on the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar.
The announcement comes on the annual Armed Forces Day in Myanmar. Today, the brutal Burmese military leaders celebrate their crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar by throwing massive military parades. Yesterday, the Government of the United States of America (USA) imposed fresh sanctions against the brutal Burmese military for inflicting terrible pain and unspeakable suffering of the people of Myanmar.
The sanctions will restrict the genocidal Burmese military's access to fuel and military equipment by targeting individuals and entities involved in the supply of military equipment and aviation fuel to the military regime. The entities and individuals sanctioned are:
Shoon Energy Pte Ltd. - a company supplying aviation fuel to the Myanmar Air Force,
Khin Phyu Win - Director and shareholder of Shoon Energy Pte Ltd.,
Tun Min Latt - Director of Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, a company that supplies restricted goods or technology through its business.
We hope and pray that all the International Communities will join the UK government by taking coordinated, targeted and tougher actions against the brutal Burmese Military. We hope and pray that all International actors will join the UK Government in condemning the inhuman Burmese military's brutal campaign against the people of Myanmar, which has resulted in violence and atrocities against civilians. In the last 24 months alone, the brutal Burmese Military's atrocities have totalled more than 9,000 attacks on civilians, resulting in the deaths of over 3,000 innocent individuals and the inhuman and illegal detention of over 20,000 civilians including President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and spiritual leader Rev. Dr. Hkalam Samson. These brutal evils forces of Burmese Military have destroyed over 60,000 homes, schools, churches, and monasteries, displacing more than 1.6 million civilians and causing over 17 million people to face hunger and starvation.
These genocidal attacks by the brutal Burmese military junta have been made possible by the massive supplies of fuel and finances provided to the fascist military. The individuals, groups, organizations, businesses, companies, and countries enabling these atrocities and crimes against humanity must be held accountable. These targeted sanctions are an important step towards holding those responsible for these crimes accountable, and we urge the international partners to maintain pressure on the brutal Burmese Military and support the people of Myanmar in their fight for rule of law, freedom, federal democracy and human rights.
We call on all countries to end the sale and transfer of arms and equipment that facilitate the brutal Burmese military's atrocities and to take similar targeted measures to hold accountable those profiting from, or supporting, the genocidal Burmese Military (Tatmadaw). It is time for the international community to stand with the people of Myanmar and demand an end to the genocidal Burmese Military's brutal campaign against them..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-28
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military
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pdf
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"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new UK sanctions targeting companies supplying aviation fuel, arms and aircraft parts to the Burmese military. The sanctions follow similar sanctions targeting aviation fuel announced by the USA on 24th March.
The new sanctions target the following:
Shoon Energy, linked to the already sanctioned Asia Sun company, which supplies aviation fuel to the military.
Khin Phyu Win, Director of Shoon Energy.
Tun Min Latt, Director of the Star Sapphire group of companies. He is a Burmese business crony close to the head of the military, Min Aung Hlaing, and also an arms broker and linked to the illegal drug trade.
The updated sanctions list is available here.
It follows Asia Sun Trading and two executives being sanctioned by the UK in February for supplying aviation fuel to the Burmese military.
Since the attempted military coup began on 1st February 2021, the Burmese military have increasingly used airstrikes against civilians and those resisting military rule. More than 1.5 million people have been forced to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian crisis.
These almost daily airstrikes are a violation of international law, with homes, schools, hospitals and medical centres being targeted, as well as churches and other religious buildings.
Stopping the supply of aviation fuel is one of the single most effective things the international community can do to address the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma.
“These sanctions are well targeted, prioritising suppliers of aviation fuel and arms brokers, but a complete ban on British companies supplying aviation fuel to Burma is the only way to ensure no British companies are complicit in airstrikes against civilians,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government has the right policy in seeking to cut off sources of revenue, arms and aviation fuel but they are implementing the policy far too slowly.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar warmly welcomes the United States Department of the Treasury’s announcement of further sanctions against individuals and entities connected to the illegal military junta.
Announced on 24 March 2023, the new measures target two individuals and six entities tied to the junta and its deliberate, widespread and systematic atrocities against civilians.
Significantly, they also take aim at the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel to the junta. Frustrated by the scale and resilience of the Myanmar people’s rights-based revolution and by its own failure to seize power, the junta is escalating its airstrikes against villages, schools and hospitals. According to the UN’s Human Rights Office, the junta has increased its aerial attacks against civilian locations by 141 percent over the past year.
In recent weeks, senior UN officials have condemned the junta at the Human Rights Council, the UN’s premier human rights forum.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, told the Council that “[t]he disregard and contempt for human life and human rights that are continuously demonstrated by the military constitute an outrage to the conscience of humanity.”
The UN’s Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, urged the Council to take action, pressing that the junta “does not offer any viable path to stability or an end to the human rights crisis in Myanmar because it is the very cause of this crisis”, and that the junta “lacks even a shred of constitutional or democratic legitimacy”.
The latest tranche of United States sanctions joins a growing movement of measures against the junta. In February, the European Union imposed a sixth round of sanctions that targeted the junta’s oil and gas revenues, building on earlier measures aimed at stripping the junta of access to arms, munitions and dual-use items.
The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the United States for its sustained commitment to the Myanmar people and calls on other members of the international community to take equal action..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2023-03-26
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, Human Rights and international relations
Language:
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pdf
Size:
40.63 KB
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"Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome the adoption of sanctions today by the United States on Star Sapphire Group of Companies, Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, Star Sapphire Group Pte. Ltd., and two of their owners, Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe.
Star Sapphire Group of Companies is a Myanmar conglomerate with diversified interests in trading, power, hospitality, and mining. As revealed by Justice For Myanmar in an April 2022 report, Star Sapphire Group of Companies has substantial business links with theMyanmar military. The United Kingdom sanctioned Star Sapphire Group of Companies in August 2022.
According to the Department of the Treasury’s press release, Tun Min Latt has used his companies “to import military arms and equipment, including drones and aircraft parts” and has acted as Myanmar’s agent with the US-sanctioned Chinese arms manufacturer NORINCO.Alongside institutional links between Star Sapphire Group of Companies and the Myanmar military, significant ties exist between Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe and the family of junta leader and commander-in-chief of the Myanmar military Min Aung Hlaing. Research by Justice For Myanmar and Reuters published in January 2023 revealed that Tun Min Latt held assets in the names of Min Aung Hlaing’s adult children at the time of Tun Min Latt’s arrest by the Thai police in Bangkok in September 2022.
The arrest was carried out after Tun Min Latt and his associates were charged with drug trafficking and money laundering; he remains incustody in Thailand where his trial is ongoing. Thai police found at the time of his arrest that Tun Min Latt was in possession of the property deed for a luxury Bangkok condominium in the name of Aung Pyae Sone and a checkbook for a Thai bank account in the name of Khin Thiri Thet Mon.
Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon are the adult son and daughter, respectively, of Min Aung Hlaing; both children were sanctioned by the US in March 2021 for having “directly benefitted from their father’s position and malign influence.”
The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar welcome the decision by the US to sanction these military cronies and call for likeminded jurisdictions,including the European Union, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, to coordinate efforts to ensure that all of the Star Sapphire entities and owners are sanctioned by each jurisdiction.
Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar, stated: “We welcome the latest round of US sanctions against StarSapphire entities and two of their owners, who have aided and abetted the Myanmar military’s genocide, war crimes, and crimesagainst humanity through financial support and the brokering of arms. These sanctions are also significant for targeting aSingaporean entity for the first time and help send a message that Singapore is no longer safe for Myanmar cronies. Tun Min Lattalso has deep personal ties with the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing and his family, helping them profit from the military’s illegal coup attempt and hide assets offshore. We urge the US and its allies to extend sanctions to the whole Star Sapphire network, including Htet Aung, Khine Wint Mon, Sithu Maung, and Thant Lwin Moe, as well as all other enablers of the illegitimate Myanmar military junta.”
Justyna Gudzowska, director of illicit finance policy at The Sentry, said: “Tun Min Latt, Win Min Soe, and the Star Sapphireentities epitomize the enablers that facilitate business transactions with the Myanmar military in ways that benefit both the genocidal institution and its leadership. These welcome designations act as a warning and deterrent to businesspersons, corporate entities, and financial institutions from Myanmar and beyond that engaging in transactions with the Myanmar military will incur legal and reputational consequences.”
For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected]
For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected]
About Justice For Myanmar
Justice For Myanmar is a collective of covert activists working to create a just, peaceful, and federal democratic Myanmar. The collective uses painstaking research, data visualization, and hard-hitting reporting to expose multinational corporations with business ties to the Myanmar military—money that funds inequality, corruption, violence, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Their work has helped pressure multinational corporations to divest hundreds of millions of dollars from the Myanmar military, led to targeted sanctions, and raised international awareness of the situation in Myanmar.
About The Sentry
(Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”)
The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
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130.69 KB 141.93 KB
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Description:
"Representatives of the illegal Myanmar military junta have been invited to attend the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) Workshop on Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism this week, according to a Justice For Myanmar source.
The workshop is set to take place in Bali, Indonesia from March 8 to 10, 2023 and will be co-chaired by the European Union, Indonesia and Laos, with apparent financial support from the German development agency, GIZ. As part of the workshop, the EU is hosting a welcome dinner on March 8.
The ASEAN Regional Forum’s secretariat invited representatives of the Myanmar junta via its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which then invited the junta’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Central Bank of Myanmar. The Ministry of Home Affairs houses the junta’s police force and prisons department and is directly responsible for ongoing crimes against humanity.
The EU has sanctioned the junta’s home affairs minister and deputy home affairs minister, as well as the junta’s State Administration Council.
The workshop aims to build knowledge and capacity to address the security risks of money laundering and terrorist financing, focussing on the prevention of the financing of terrorism by non-profit organisations related to the intergovernmental Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Recommendation 8.
FATF blacklisted Myanmar in October 2022 over serious deficiencies in countering money laundering, urging countries to conduct enhanced due diligence against the risks emanating from Myanmar.
A group of former United Nations experts, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, have established that the Myanmar military junta is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law, and it should be treated as such by the international community.
In 2021, the junta illegally declared the National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, as a terrorist group. It also designated the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) as terrorist organisations.
Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, the junta has created a state of terror, committing deliberate killings, arbitrary arrests, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, rape and torture, using counter-terrorism as a pretext. The junta has killed more than 3,100 people, and arbitrarily arrested over 20,000.
As part of its attempt to gain control, the junta illegally introduced an organisation registration law in October 2022 to force non-profits to register with the junta, and disclose funding sources and details about their operations, under threat of imprisonment.
Analysis by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) found that the junta’s organisation registration law is “wholly incompliant” with international law and standards, violating the right to freedom of association, assembly, opinion, expression, and political participation.
The junta has also increased surveillance of the financial sector. An August 2022 directive by the junta’s Central Bank of Myanmar to mobile money businesses requires users to register a photo of their face, their ID card and phone number, increasing the grave risks of retaliation by the junta to those making payments to the NUG, CRPH, PDFs, civil society and other forces successfully resisting the military’s attempted coup and providing humanitarian aid and basic services to the people.
Justice For Myanmar wrote to the co-chairs of the ARF workshop to express dismay at the invitation of illegal military junta members, to urge that they are disinvited and that an invite is instead extended to the National Unity Government, and to seek clarification on funding arrangements.
A representative of the EU denied responsibility for the Myanmar junta’s participation, saying that invitations for ARF activities are distributed through the ARF Secretariat, and clarified that the EU is not funding the participation of representatives from Myanmar. GIZ responded that they are not financially supporting participants to attend the workshop.
Meanwhile, no response was received from Indonesia or Laos.
Justice For Myanmar requests the co-chairs of the workshop to immediately disinvite the Myanmar military junta and to ban the junta from this and all future ASEAN Regional Forum workshops and events.
Instead, these invitations should be extended to the National Unity Government.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is nonsensical for ARF to invite representatives of the Myanmar junta, a terrorist organisation, to a workshop on countering the financing of terrorism. The invite not only legitimises the junta but also provides it with an opportunity to improve their understanding of measures to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing, which may help them to better circumvent these measures as part of their organised, criminal activities.
“By providing the junta with capacity to regulate the transactions of non-profit organisations, ARF is in effect supporting the junta’s crackdown on freedom of association, assembly, opinion, expression, and political participation, which violates international law.
“The invite also undermines the integrity of ARF’s important work to address the security and economic risks linked to money laundering and terrorist financing activities.
“The Myanmar junta is systemically corrupt and uses a vast network of business to fund its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people. ARF should treat the junta as a threat to regional economies and security, rather than as a partner.
“JFM calls on ARF to immediately revoke the invite to the military junta, and instead extend an invite to the National Unity Government.
“The EU should use its leverage as a co-host to urge the exclusion of the junta in the upcoming workshop, the EU hosted welcome dinner and all other international meetings and events the EU is part of. Instead, the EU should support and recognise the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"State-owned arms company Yantra India Limited has shipped multiple 122mm barrels to the Myanmar military in October 2022 in likely breach of international law, a Justice For Myanmar investigation has found.
The 122mm barrels appear to be for howitzers that are produced in Myanmar by the Office of the Chief of Defence Industries (OCDI), also known as the Directorate of Defence Industries, a unit of the military that is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada.
The barrels were sent to a company owned by the Myanmar military arms broker, Kyaw Kyaw Htun, who Justice For Myanmar previously exposed for importing fuzes from the Indian company Sandeep Metalcraft to be used by the Myanmar military for the detonation of munitions. Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his network not yet been sanctioned.
Yantra India Limited is an official public sector undertaking operating under the Department of Defence Production of the Indian Ministry of Defence. Yantra’s exports of 122mm barrels to Myanmar follows several other known exports of weapons and weapon components from Indian companies after the Myanmar military’s attempted coup, including a remote controlled weapon station from the majority state-owned company, Bharat Electronics Limited.
Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, the junta has murdered protesters, shelled villages and conducted indiscriminate airstrikes, killing more than 3,000 people and displacing over 1.2 million. The latest shipment comes as the military junta continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity, including with howitzers.
The Myanmar army has recently been recorded firing 122mm howitzer rounds into civilian areas. For example, on 6 December 2022, the military fired rounds from a 122mm howitzer to the outskirts of Namsai Hkahku in Hpakant Township, Kachin State. On 13 December 2022, 122mm howitzer rounds were fired in Bhamo Township, Kachin State.
The fact that Yantra India Ltd is a fully state-owned company, coupled with the fact that Indian arms manufacturing companies have continued to supply weapons after the attempted coup, show India’s serious disregard for international humanitarian law and norms of conduct contained in the Wassenaar Arrangement.
Justice For Myanmar calls on India to immediately impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military junta, which is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law, and cease all training and other military support.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "India is directly supporting the junta’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians by allowing the export of barrels that that the junta will use in its continued gross violations of international law.
“As a democracy and a neighbour of Myanmar, we appeal to the Indian government to stand with the people of Myanmar, not war criminals and their illegitimate junta.
“India must immediately stop arming the Myanmar military junta and uphold its obligations under international humanitarian law.
“We urge fellow members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), Australia, Japan and the USA, to use their influence to stop the flow of arms from India to the Myanmar military.
“It is disappointing that Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his network has not been sanctioned, despite clear evidence of their complicity in the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity through the brokering of arms and surveillance equipment.
“We call for urgent sanctions against Kyaw Kyaw Htun, his businesses and associates, along with all other enablers of the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-03-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
113.84 KB
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Description:
"As evidence grows of British companies’ involvement in Burma’s gas industry, Burma Campaign UK is calling on the British government to sanction the military-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise.
The British government must take action to prevent British companies being involved in Burma’s gas industry, which earns the Burmese military more than $2bn a year. They must also work with allies to prevent gas revenue reaching the Burmese military.
British involvement in Burma’s gas industry includes:
InterMoor, a subsidiary of British company Acteon Group, has been working on the Shwe gas project in Burma.
A holding company in Bermuda, a British overseas territory, is being used by Canadian company MTI Energy to purchase a 41% stake in the Yadana gas project.
Burma Campaign UK is working to confirm information about British insurance companies insuring vessels and infrastructure for gas projects in Burma.
“British companies involved in the gas industry in Burma are facilitating an industry which enables the Burmese military to receive billions of dollars,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Gas sales provide revenue which the Burmese military can use for the purchase of arms and equipment, including the jets used for airstrikes against civilians.”
The British government has a policy of systematically identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military. However, the policy is being implemented too slowly.
Burma Campaign UK is calling on Foreign Secretary James Cleverly MP to speed up the implementation of sanctions against other sources of revenue and arms.
The British government should seek to find creative ways of preventing gas revenue reaching the Burmese military, such as the creation of escrow accounts and sanctioning international bank accounts of MOGE.
Burma Campaign UK is asking supporters to write to the Foreign Secretary calling on him to sanction MOGE..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, Oil and gas, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Western sanctions should be welcomed but the country’s opposition must do more.
Description:
"Ever since the West turned on the military taps and flooded Ukraine with weapons capable of stopping the Russian advance, the backers of Myanmar’s ousted government have asked: “what about us?” It’s an understandable question.
The National Unity Government (NUG) and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force (PDF), are in dire need of weaponry as they push the civil war from the jungles into junta-held provincial zones where the military responds with Russian-made fighter jets and artillery.
But the Western response has been limited to sanctions.
The latest sanctions just announced by the European Union include travel bans on 16 individuals and entities, including the junta’s energy minister, high-ranking officers, the ministry of defense and private companies thought to be supplying fuel, arms, and funds to the military.
A number of sources who have advised the PDF on strategy, the NUG on policies and sought military help from the West, including Washington D.C., say perennial issues remain.
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“I have spoken with Congressmen who want to provide military aid but they don’t know who to deal with. The NUG and PDF have no public face. There is no leader that people can rally around, there’s no central point,” said one ASEAN politician who recently returned from the United States.
Unlike Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, few would recognize the leader and acting president of the NUG, Duwa Lashi La, and that’s more than two years after the Myanmar military – also known as the Tatmadaw – ousted an elected government headed by Aung San Suu Kyi.
Observers close to Lashi La, who does not speak English, say he lacks charisma and is reluctant to fill the shoes of Aung San Suu Kyi, who is languishing behind bars, because of old loyalties and his sense of hierarchy.
Aung San Suu Kyi is deservedly recognized by the United Nations as the legitimate leader of Myanmar, despite her fall from grace over her backing of the military during the slaughter of the Rohingya in 2017.
Her ability to carry an audience was formidable and her cult of personality well documented, but her days as Myanmar’s savior are over. There’s just not that much she can do.
Meanwhile, those around Duwa Lashi La have proved barely competent when dealing with journalists outside their comfort zone. Disunity remains a persistent issue among the official 135 major ethnic groups and seven ethnic minority states that contribute to opposition forces.
Latest estimates say the PDF has more than 65,000 troops serving in more than 250 units but there is no single command structure and it would be impossible for each ethnic group to negotiate military aid with countries like the U.S. on their own.
According to the Human Rights Foundation of Monland, a local NGO, much of the latest fighting has taken place in Karen and Mon state and in Tanintharyi Region, which border Thailand. It says the people in Karen State have been harshly impacted, which along with Mon State and the Tanintharyi Region, are being relentlessly and indiscriminately attacked by the junta.
“Destruction of property, including the burning of villages, is ongoing,” it said.
“Thousands more are being forced to flee their homes daily as military impunity and a lack of international action only encourage the junta to commit more atrocity crimes.”
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Thus the NUG leadership desperately needs to step up or move on, more so with Indonesia taking the helm of ASEAN for 2023. It has opened up the prospect of direct negotiations with the NUG, and hopefully, put an end to the dithering and silly political theatrics of the last two years.
The shift in direction matters with the military looking to shore up its legitimacy through rigged, stage-managed elections, which the U.N. special rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, has already described as fake because “these are not the conditions for a free and fair election.”
“These are conditions for a fraud that is going to be attempted to be perpetrated against the people of Myanmar,” he quite rightly said. Hence, the NUG needs to get its political act together..."
Source/publisher:
"The Diplomat" (Japan)
Date of publication:
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, National Unity Government (NUG), Sanctions, Business and the Military
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Prime Minister Should Fulfill Pledge by Stopping Payments, Imposing Sanctions
Description:
"During a televised parliamentary budget session on Wednesday, February 22, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida said his government will “appropriately handle” a development aid project in Myanmar that is benefiting the country’s abusive military. Yoshimasa Hayashi, the Japanese foreign minister, echoed the prime minister’s public pledge to take appropriate action.
The leaders’ comments came in response to questions from an opposition politician about Japan’s Bago River Bridge Construction Project, being built partly by Japanese construction giant Yokogawa Bridge Corp. In March 2021, Myanmar Now reported that a steel mill owned by the military-owned conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) was supplying steel for the project and “profiting enormously.” Financial transactions analyzed by Human Rights Watch show that from July 2022 to January 2023, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. transferred around US$2 million to MEC for the project, with United States government approval.
MEC generates vast revenue through businesses in sectors including manufacturing, mining, and telecommunications, according to a 2019 report by the United Nations-backed Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The US, United Kingdom, European Union, Canada, and Australia have sanctioned MEC and Myanmar’s other military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, for their role in generating significant revenues that help fund military abuses.
Since the February 2021 military coup, Myanmar’s military has been responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s security forces committed crimes against humanity and genocidal acts against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State, forcing thousands to flee to Bangladesh, where about 900,000 Rohingya are currently living in overcrowded camps. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, where they are subject to persecution and violence, confined to camps and villages without freedom of movement, and cut off from access to adequate food, health care, education, and livelihoods.
If Japan’s prime minister and foreign minister are serious about “swiftly restor[ing] Myanmar’s democratic political system,” they should fulfill their own pledge and take concrete action. This means stopping payments to MEC, suspending all non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar, and imposing targeted economic sanctions on military leaders and military-owned conglomerates..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"The #NUG welcomes the 6th round of #EU sanctions against 9 individuals and 7 entities in response to escalation of violence, human rights violations and crimes against humanity.
The 9 individuals include the Minister of Energy and high-ranking officers from the military, home affairs, police force, members of SAC and arms brokers. The 7 entities include Military arms procurement bodies and private companies supplying fuel and arms to the military.
These new sanctions are significant measures to tackle a worsening conflict and in particular ongoing air strikes against civilians amid a range of other barbaric attacks by the military. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes. Coordinated and targeted sanctions such as these are necessary to lessen human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the military regime.
We are grateful for the work of the EU government in placing these important sanctions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit. We once again request that all governments and the international community immediately place aggressive, targeted sanctions on the military regime and those who support and supply them.
Myanmar Spring Revolution will prevail!..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-21
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions
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"Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by the EU on members of the terrorist Myanmar military junta, its arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers, more than two years after the military’s illegal coup attempt.
Arms brokers targeted in the latest round of sanctions include Aung Hlaing Oo, Sit Taing Aung and Kyaw Min Oo, along with the companies Dynasty International, International Gateways Group and Sky Aviator Company Limited.
Aung Hlaing Oo and Dynasty International have both had business with EU companies, and future activities will be prevented through these sanctions.
Aung Hlaing Oo has been a longstanding business partner of the Finnish energy corporation, Wärtsilä, and won two junta power plant tenders in 2022 in a consortium with Dongfeng Electric International Corporation. Wärtsila have told Justice For Myanmar they ended business with MCM after US sanctions, but refused to disclose details.
Dynasty International brokered the supply and maintenance of G120TP aircraft from the German corporation, Grob Aircraft SE. In response to recent questions in parliament from Die Linke, the German government stated they are not aware of the sale of Grob G120TP aircraft to the Myanmar Air Force.
The EU has also importantly designated Asia Sun Group, which brokers the supply of jet fuel to the junta and stands complicit in its international crimes. This will help disrupt the supply of jet fuel to the junta, which it needs for its continued indiscriminate airstrikes.
The new designations fill major gaps in the EU’s sanctions regime, targeting key arms brokers and military institutions.
These include the Myanmar military’s Office of the Quarter Master General, Directorate of Procurement and Directorate of Defence Industries, which were sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada in December 2021 and January 2022.
The new EU sanctions come as the people of Myanmar continue to courageously resist the junta in the face of its nationwide campaign of terror, ensuring its attempted coup fails.
The junta’s response to mass resistance has been the continued commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity, murdering over 3,000 people, arbitrarily arresting over 19,000 more, displacing 1.1 million people and carrying out indiscriminate attacks across Myanmar, enabled by the supply of funds, arms and jet fuel.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from the EU, targeting junta members and agencies, along with their arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers, which are complicit in ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“The people of Myanmar have sustained mass resistance to the military’s brutal and illegal coup attempt and its campaign of terror, ensuring that the coup and the junta’s sham so-called ‘elections’ will not succeed.
“While these latest sanctions are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources, far more needs to be done to coordinate sanctions that systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms and jet fuel.
“In particular, we call on the US to follow the EU, UK and Canada in targeting the military’s jet fuel supply chain, and we call on the US, UK and Canada to follow the EU and swiftly sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is the junta’s biggest source of foreign revenue.
“The EU needs to urgently expand its sanctions to target more individuals and businesses that enable the junta's access to funds and arms, in coordination with its allies.
“Democracies in the region, including Japan, South Korea and India, must also step up, end business with the junta, and impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its conglomerates.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"Two years after the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1st February 2021, the Council adopted today restrictive measures against 9 persons and 7 entities in view of the continuing escalation of violence, grave human rights violations and threats to the peace, security and stability in Myanmar/Burma.
The sanctioned individuals include the Minister for Energy, prominent businessmen who have supported the regime’s repression with arms and dual use goods, and high-ranking officers in the Myanmar armed forces that are closely associated with the regime. Also listed are politicians and administrators from the Yangon Region involved in the process of death sentences and execution of four democracy activists in July 2022, and in Kachin State, where they oversaw air strikes, massacres, raids, arson and the use of human shields committed by the military.
The listed entities include departments of the Ministry of Defence and a state-owned enterprise under its jurisdiction, as well as private companies supplying fuel, arms and funds to the military.
Restrictive measures currently apply to a total of 93 individuals and 18 entities. Those designated are subject to an asset freeze and a travel ban, which prevents them from entering or transiting through EU territory. In addition, EU persons and entities are prohibited to make funds available to those listed.
Other EU restrictive measure will remain in place: the embargo on arms and equipment and export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications which might be used for internal repression, the export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, and the prohibition of military training and cooperation with the Tatmadaw.
The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta.
The EU condemns in the strongest possible terms the grave human rights violations, including sexual and gender-based violence, the persecution of civil society, human rights defenders and journalists, attacks on the civilian population, targeting also children and persons belonging to ethnic and religious minorities across the country, and recent deadly air strikes on civilian targets, including on schools and hospitals, by the Myanmar armed forces. Those responsible for the coup, as well as the perpetrators of violence and gross human rights violations, should be held accountable. The EU reiterates its call for increased international preventive action, including an arms embargo in order to cease the sale and transfer of arms and equipment, as they facilitate the military’s atrocities.
All hostilities must stop immediately. The military authorities must fully respect international humanitarian law, and put an end to the indiscriminate use of force.
The European Union supports ASEAN’s and the UN´s efforts to help Myanmar to find a peaceful solution to the crisis and welcomes the UN Security Council’s adoption of Resolution 2669 on Myanmar. Myanmar should swiftly and faithfully implement ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus, as reiterated at the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in November 2022, and at the EU-ASEAN Commemorative Summit in December 2022.
The relevant legal acts have been published in the Official Journal of the European Union.
Background
In February 2021, the Council adopted conclusions condemning in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar/Burma.
On 31 January 2023, the High Representative issued a declaration on behalf of the EU on the 2nd anniversary of the military take-over stating that, in the absence of any swift progress on the situation in Myanmar, the EU stood ready to adopt further restrictive measures against those directly responsible for and those abetting the undermining of democracy and the serious human rights violations in the country.
The Council has imposed restrictive measures against those responsible for the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators on 22 March, 19 April and 21 June 2021, and 21 February and 8 November 2022..."
Source/publisher:
Council of the European Union
Date of publication:
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new European Union sanctions targeting the Burmese military and associates facilitating their crimes.
Nine people and seven companies/entities have been added to the list of those sanctioned.
This round of sanctions is well targeted, focusing on suppliers of aviation fuel, arms brokers, military procurement entities and members of the Burmese military and associated bodies.
The new sanctions apply to:
Aviation fuel supplier
Asia Sun Group
9 Individuals
Hlaing Oo, Chair of Myanmar Chemical and Machinery (MCM), who has brokered arms and equipment to the Burmese military.
Sit Taing Aung, who has brokered arms and equipment to the Burmese military.
Kyaw Min Oo, Director of Sky Aviator, who has brokered arms and equipment to the Burmese military.
Moe Aung, Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy.
Maung Maung Aye, Chief of General Staff for the Myanmar army, navy, and air force.
Myo Myint Aung, Yangon Region economic Minister of the State Administration Council (SAC).
Zin Min Htet, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs and Chief of the Myanmar Police Force.
Ko Ko Maung, Regional Military Commander in Kachin State.
Myo Myint Oo, Union Minister for Energy.
3 Military arms procurement bodies
Myanmar Office of the Quarter Master General, Myanmar Directorate of Defense Industries, Myanmar Directorate of Defense Procurement.
3 Arms Brokers
Dynasty Group of Companies, International Gateways Group of Company Limited (IGG), and Sky Aviator Company Limited.
The new sanctions legislation is available here.
“These new EU sanctions are right on target, aimed at limiting airstrikes and supplies of arms and equipment, as well as targeting individuals responsible for serious human rights violations,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The EU has the right approach, but they are moving too slowly to implement these sanctions. The delay in cutting off sources of revenue, arms, and equipment is costing lives.”
There were only two rounds of EU Burma sanctions in 2022, despite the increased use of airstrikes against civilian targets, the first executions of political prisoners in decades, and the number of political prisoners reaching an all-time record high of more than 13,000.
Last week, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma reported that the number of those killed since the attempted coup began has reached 3,000. This figure is an underestimate because of the challenges of documentation in many parts of the country.
“Two years on from the coup, there are hundreds of companies and individuals which should be sanctioned, but have not been,” said Anna Roberts. “The people of Burma are doing everything they can to resist military rule and defend human rights, but the same can’t be said for the EU, UK or USA. The EU is implementing the right policy, but far too slowly.”..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Buddhist Economics, Sanctions, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) welcomes the new sanctions imposed by the governments of Australia, Canada, UK and USA on members of the illegal Myanmar military junta, its businesses, and jet fuel suppliers to mark the second anniversary of the military’s attempted coup.
“Governments worldwide should urgently deny the illegal junta weapons, funds, and legitimacy. For two years, the junta has continued to commit genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity with complete impunity,” said Kyaw Win Executive Director of BHRN. “The international community must act immediately to cut all resources to this terrorist regime and hold them accountable for their crimes.”
Over the last two years, the people of Burma have bravely resisted the junta’s violent attempt to take total control of the country. In the face of mass, unwavering public resistance, the junta continues to increase its campaign of brutality and savagery as it carries out killings, torture, forced disappearances, sexual violence, and daily airstrikes against the civilian population throughout the country. The junta’s continued commission of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, has been enabled by the supply of funds, arms, and jet fuel.
The steps taken by the Australia, Canada, UK and USA shows solidarity with the people of Burma in their fight to topple the dictatorship. The sanctions announced by Canada on January 31 prohibit the export, sale, supply, or shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar, making Canada the first jurisdiction in the world to ban the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
Meanwhile, the measures taken by the UK targeted two Myanmar companies and two individuals who have played an essential role in importing, handling, and transporting aviation fuel to the junta’s air force. Complementing these efforts, the US imposed new sanctions targeting the senior leadership of Myanmar’s ministry of energy, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), its air force, as well as an arms dealer and a family member of a previously designated business associates of the military. The US also sanctioned the Union Election Commission. Australia, which has been slow to impose sanctions on the junta has finally announced measures against 16 people, including the head of the junta, senior general Min Aung Hlaing as well as the military owned Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd.
Together, these new measures are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources and deterrent to their ongoing crimes. However, immediate and coordinated action is still needed from the international community to systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms, and jet fuel.
BHRN calls on:
Governments worldwide to urgently sanction the junta, its businesses, and arms brokers and impose a coordinated global arms embargo.
The US, UK, EU, and Australia to follow Canada’s lead in imposing a complete ban on the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
The US, UK, Canada, and Australia to follow in the EU’s footsteps and sanction MOGE, which finances the junta.
Organisation’s Background
BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Human Rights Network
Date of publication:
2023-02-04
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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192.52 KB
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Description:
"A Justice For Myanmar investigation using open source and leaked documents has identified 22 international oilfield services companies active in Myanmar since the military’s illegal attempted coup.
The oil and gas sector in Myanmar is illegally controlled by the junta and is its biggest source of foreign revenue, bankrolling the military’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
These oilfield services companies provide critical support and equipment to the sector, from drilling to maintenance to supply. By doing so, they help to keep the gas revenues flowing to the junta, making them complicit in its international crimes.
8 of the companies identified are either fully or partially based in the USA, including the biggest companies in the sector: Halliburton, Schlumberger and Baker Hughes, which have branch offices in Myanmar that remain active.
Tax filings for the first year of the military’s coup attempt, provided by Distributed Denial of Secrets, show earnings in the millions of US dollars.
The activities of US oilfield services companies have been encouraged by the failure of the US government to sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), an agency illegally controlled by the junta.
MOGE regulates the sector and acts as both a state revenue collector and commercial partner in oil and gas projects, ensuring the junta gets lucrative tax and royalty payments, as well as a vast share of profits.
Concerningly, the continued presence of US companies has been encouraged by the US Department of Commerce’s International Trade Administration, which lists the oil and gas industry in Myanmar as a “best prospect industry” and encourages US companies to seek opportunities, including applying for junta tenders.
With the National Defense Authorization Act signed into law in December, the US must act now and impose sanction on MOGE, in coordination with its allies the UK, Canada and Australia.
Oilfield services companies outside the EU, where sanctions on MOGE are already in place, must uphold their international law and due diligence responsibilities and stop their activities in Myanmar unless the projects they are working on suspend payments to the junta, and withhold them in protected accounts.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Oilfield services companies in Myanmar have blood on their hands for operating in an industry that bankrolls the illegal Myanmar military junta, as it wages a campaign of terror against the people.
“It is deplorable that giants such as Halliburton, Diamond Offshore Drilling and Schlumberger that are listed on US stock exchanges have maintained operations in Myanmar, helping to keep oil and gas revenue flowing to the junta. Their business has helped the junta purchase the bullets, bombs and jet fuel that it needs for its indiscriminate attacks.
“These companies have breached their international legal responsibilities and are complicit in the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity by knowingly servicing oil and gas projects that fund the junta’s atrocities.
“We call on all oilfield services companies to suspend operations on projects that are funding the junta.
“The activities of US oilfield services companies following the military’s coup attempt demonstrates a failure of the US Government to take decisive action against the junta and its terror campaign by sanctioning MOGE.
“The Biden Administration’s contradictory approach to Myanmar has allowed US oil and gas corporations to continue business as usual in Myanmar, enabling the junta’s international crimes.
“While the Department of State has warned that dealing with MOGE risks money laundering, furthering corruption and contributing to serious human rights violations, the US Department of Commerce is advising US companies to seek profits in the oil and gas sectors in Myanmar and to compete for MOGE tenders.
“We call on the US and its allies Australia, Canada and the UK to stand with the people of Myanmar by imposing sanctions on MOGE and helping to cut the flow of funds to the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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Format :
pdf
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111.78 KB
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"On the anniversary of the Myanmar military’s brutal coup on 1 February 2021 and two years of violence inflicted on the people of Myanmar, Myanmar Campaign Network welcomes the announcement by the Australian government to introduce sanctions against 16 senior military and political leaders, and against two military owned entities.
Australia now joins our democratic allies in sanctioning military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings LTD (MEHL). We must join the international community in sanctioning the extractive and natural resource sectors by targeting Myanmar Mining Enterprises No.1 and No.2, Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, Myanma Gems Enterprise (MGE), Myanma Timber Enterprise (MTE), and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise (MPE) among others.
The UK, US, EU and Canada have issued 543 sanctions on 185 individuals and 180 entities in response to the atrocity crimes against the Rohingya in Rakhine state and since the coup. Sanctions announced today by the US, UK and Canada target human rights abusers, state-owned enterprises, aviation fuel suppliers and the military-appointed Union Election Commission.
Australian sanctions constitute only 4% of the international sanctions response on human rights abuses in Myanmar. The Myanmar Campaign Network encourages the Australian government to continue urgent consideration of further sanctions in line with its international allies.
Daw Zin Mar Aung, Foreign Minister, National Unity Government of Myanmar, said, “As the military has been using its resources to perpetuate the dictatorship, especially killing and suppressing the people, it is necessary for us to cut off the military council’s every way of making money.”
Charles Santiago, Chairperson, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights said, “Many of us have been highly frustrated with the passivity shown by Australia in dealing with the Myanmar crisis over the last two years, but this new round of sanctions is a step in the right direction and, hopefully, it heralds a new approach by the Albanese administration. The sanctions on the military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) are particularly welcome, as they could serve to obstruct the money flows for the junta.
Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States have also imposed new rounds of sanctions on the Myanmar junta coinciding with the second anniversary of the attempted coup staged by Min Aung Hlaing and his men. But much more needs to be done and now these countries should improve their coordination in putting pressure on the junta, beginning with sanctioning the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). Only the European Union has done so at the moment, and Australia, Canada, the UK, and the US should follow suit.
Yet isolating the junta is not enough. Australia and like-minded democratic countries should also recognize the National Unity Government (NUG), as the legitimate authority in Myanmar, and provide all their support they can, including funding and capacity building initiatives; increase their humanitarian assistance to Myanmar, and open its doors to refugees fleeing the country.”
Clancy Moore, CEO of Transparency International Australia said, “The sanctions on with military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings LTD (MEHL) are good first step as they provide large sources of revenue to the military. Other countries have also sanctioned state-owned enterprises in the lucrative resources sector, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) which lines the pockets of the military generals to the tune of more than 1 billion US dollars every year.”
Tasneem Roc, Campaign Manager, Myanmar Campaign Network said, “The junta forcibly prevented the democratically elected government from fulfilling its mandate, and looks for international legitimacy by holding sham elections later this year. Australia must further show its support for the democratic process and the will of the people by continuing to assess and introduce further sanctions.
Since the coup the death toll of those murdered by the military has risen to over 2,940 people and over 17,572 people have been unlawfully arrested. Over 38,000 civilian properties including places of worship have been destroyed by attacks by the Myanmar military. There are 128 cases of rape and gang rape by military personnel since the coup being investigated by the National Unity Government Ministry of Women Youths and Childrens Affairs..."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Campaign Network
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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241.57 KB
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"US oil major Chevon is selling its 41.1% stake in the Yadana Gas Project to a subsidiary of the Canadian oil company MTI Energy. Chevron first disclosed the deal to the Guardian.
Yadana is the biggest gas project in Myanmar, within an industry that is the largest source of foreign revenue for the illegal military junta. Gas revenue bankrolls the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The Yadana project was formerly operated by TotalEnergies, which withdrew in 2022, increasing Chevron’s stake to 41.1%, the largest in the consortium. Other stakeholders in the project are PTTEP, the current operator, and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state agency illegally controlled by the junta.
Through the sale, MTI Energy and Chevron will ensure funds continue to flow to the junta, making them complicit in the junta’s international crimes.
Who is MTI Energy?
MTI Energy Inc, based in Edmonton, Alberta, is an offshoot of oilfield equipment manufacturer Mitey Titan Industries and located at the same address. MTI Energy CEO Mehtab (Tab) Khehra has been described as heading “a whole galaxy of service companies active in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and especially Nigeria.”
An Alberta registry search shows that the company has four directors, including Toronto corporate lawyer, Ralph Lean, and Adewale Olorunsola (AKA Wale Sola), who heads the Nigerian-Canadian merchant bank, Rein Capital. Rein Capital subsidiary, Rein Energy, is a shareholder in MTI subsidiaries Shibah Energy and Caxes Energy, according to data from the Dutch corporate registry.
In 2021, Shibah Energy and Caxes Energy took over Chevron’s stake in Brazil’s Papa-Terra field. MTI Energy also secured four blocks in 2021 in Angola.
MTI Energy is registered as having no shareholders and it is unclear who the company’s profits are distributed to.
MTI Energy is purchasing Chevron’s stake through its Bermuda subsidiary, Et Martem Holdings. Bermuda is a tax haven and secrecy jurisdiction.
As a UK overseas territory, Bermuda has implemented UK sanctions on Myanmar under the territory’s International Sanctions Regulations 2013.
However, with MOGE unsanctioned in either jurisdiction, Canadian and UK sanctions appear insufficient in preventing the transaction.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Chevron’s irresponsible sale of its stake in the Yadana Project to MTI Energy will ensure that gas funds keep flowing to the illegal Myanmar junta, bankrolling their campaign of terror in response to two years of mass resistance that has prevented the junta from gaining control of Myanmar.
“MTI Energy’s investment will make the company complicit in the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“We condemn MTI Energy’s total disregard for the lives and democratic will of the people of Myanmar, and its blatant breach of the company’s obligations under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
“This sale is the result of failures of the Canadian and UK governments to sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
“Is the Canadian government willing to stand by while a Canadian company takes over the largest stake in such a significant gas project that enriches the murderous, illegal junta?
“We call on the Canadian and UK governments to immediately sanction MOGE and prevent companies in their territories from financing the junta’s international crimes."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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pdf
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118.16 KB
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"The NUG welcomes the long-awaited sanctions imposed by the Australian government targeting 16 military individuals including Min Aung Hlaing himself and his deputy Soe Win and 2 entities (Myanmar Economic Cooperation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd) on the second anniversary of the Coup.
The NUG also appreciates another wave of sanctions released by the US, UK and Canadian governments. The US has sanctioned six individuals: 3 from MOGE, 2 former and current military officials, 1 individual, daughter of Tay Za, as financial support to military regime and three entities: the Union Election Commission (UEC), and Mining Enterprises No 1 and 2. The new sanctions by the UK government target two individuals and two companies that play an important role in aviation fuel supply to the junta. The Canadian government targets 6 individuals and imposes a prohibition related to the export, sales and supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar military - the first such embargo in the world, and one we hope other nations will follow as a necessary step to limiting the junta's ability to bombard civilians from the air.
These new sanctions are significant measures to tackle a worsening conflict and in particular ongoing air strikes against civilians amid a range of other barbaric attacks by the military. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes. Coordinated and targeted sanctions such as these are necessary to lessen human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the military regime.
We are grateful for the work of the Australian, US, UK and Canadian governments in placing these important sanctions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit.
We once again request that all governments and the international community immediately place aggressive, targeted sanctions on the military regime and those who support and supply them, in particular restricting the supply of munitions, weapons, and jet fuel..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update:
2023-02-01
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
30.2 KB
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Title: JFM welcomes targeted sanctions imposed on Myanmar junta two years after illegal coup attempt
Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by Australia, Canada, the UK and USA on members of the terrorist Myanmar military junta, its businesses and jet fuel suppliers to mark the second anniversary of the military’s illegal coup attempt.
The new sanctions come as the people of Myanmar continue to courageously resist the junta in the face of its nationwide campaign of terror, ensuring its attempted coup is failing.
The junta’s response to mass resistance has been the continued commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity, murdering over 2,900 people, arbitrarily arresting over 17,000 more, displacing 1.1 million people and carrying out indiscriminate air strikes across Myanmar, enabled by the supply of funds, arms and jet fuel.
Canada and the UK have both responded to a grassroots and international campaign to stop jet fuel sales to the military.
Canada is the first jurisdiction in the world to ban the supply of jet fuel to the junta, while the UK has sanctioned crony companies Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Company Limited, both part of Asia Sun Group, which broker the supply of jet fuel to the junta and stand complicit in its international crimes.
In November, Amnesty International released Deadly Cargo, a report into the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain with research supported by Justice For Myanmar. The report named Asia Sun Trading and Cargo Link.
At the time, Justice For Myanmar also published a list of Asia Sun Group companies, directors and shareholder for targeted sanctions.
The US has sanctioned the illegal junta’s energy minister and the managing director and deputy managing director of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), responsible for the junta’s biggest source of foreign revenue. But the US has disappointingly failed to sanction MOGE.
The US has also sanctioned Mining Enterprise No. 1 and Mining Enterprise No. 2, lucrative state agencies illegally controlled by the junta.
Australia has sanctioned military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and 16 junta members, including war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win, after refusing to sanction them in response to their role in the military’s genocide against the Rohingya.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from Australia, Canada, the UK and USA, which target military conglomerates, state-owned enterprises illegally controlled by the junta, and the military’s jet fuel supply chain.
“The people of Myanmar have sustained mass resistance to the military’s brutal and illegal coup attempt and its campaign of terror, ensuring that the coup and the junta’s sham so-called ‘elections’ will not succeed.
“The military junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity are enabled by the flow of funds, arms and jet fuel.
“While these latest sanctions are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources, far more needs to be done to coordinate sanctions that systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms and jet fuel.
“So far, only the EU has sanctioned MOGE, which bankrolls the junta. We call on the US, UK, Canada and Australia to follow the EU and also sanction MOGE.
“We call on the US, UK, EU and Australia to follow Canada in imposing a complete ban on the supply of jet fuel to the junta.
“Democracies in the region, including Japan, South Korea and India, must also urgently step up and sanction the junta, its businesses and arms brokers.
“The international community must take concerted action against the junta, a terrorist organisation, hold perpetrators of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity to account, and stand with the people of Myanmar.
“The Spring Revolution will prevail.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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pdf
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"January 31, 2023 – Ottawa, Ontario - Global Affairs Canada
On the eve of the second anniversary of the coup d’état by the Myanmar military, the Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced additional sanctions under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations against six individuals and a new prohibition on the export, sale, supply or shipment of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military regime.
Within two years, the regime has completely reversed a decade of democratic progress, plunging the country into political, economic and humanitarian crises, killing thousands of men, women, and children, detaining many thousands more, and forcing the displacement of over one million. The worsening crises in Myanmar continue to undermine peace, prosperity, and stability for the country’s neighbours and the broader region.
The sanctions announced today, in coordination with our international partners, including the United Kingdom and the United States, respond to the ongoing repression of the people of Myanmar by the military. Canada’s measures are in direct response to worsening armed conflict, in particular the increased use of aerial attacks against civilians, in contravention of international humanitarian law. They also respond to deeply concerning reports of serious violations of international human rights law by the military regime.
These latest measures are complementary to broader ASEAN efforts and its Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar. These sanctions are in line with Canada’s commitments under its Indo-Pacific Strategy, including promoting peace, resilience and security, and upholding democracy and human rights.
On the second anniversary of the Myanmar coup, Canada reiterates continued support for the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for an inclusive and democratic society, and for the range of pro-democracy actors advancing a peaceful return to a democratic, peaceful and inclusive Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new UK sanctions targeting suppliers of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. Limiting the ability of the Burmese military to carry out airstrikes is one of the single most effective steps the international community can do to address the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma.
The British government today announced sanctions on:
Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Company Limited both part of what is known as the Asia Sun group which dominates the aviation fuel sector in Myanmar and are involved in the transfer of aviation fuel to the Myanmar Air Force.
Zaw Min Tun: Director and sole shareholder of Asia Sun Trading.
Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung: former Director and shareholder of Asia Sun Trading.
The British government statement is here.
“The British government is spot on, targeting suppliers of aviation fuel to the military, but they need to go further and faster to cut supplies to Burma, as the military seize civilian supplies of aviation fuel,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK.
However, Burma Campaign UK is extremely disappointed by the incredibly slow pace of the implementation of sanctions.
“Two years on from the attempted coup starting there are still numerous sources of revenue and arms which have yet to be sanctioned,” said Anna Roberts. “The snail’s pace of sanctions implementation allows the military to access more revenue and arms. Foreign Office ministers need to devote more resources to the speedy implementation of sanctions.”
As the military fails to consolidate its coup in the face of growing resistance, it is using increasingly desperate tactics, including daily airstrikes and artillery strikes against civilians, displacing more than a million people.
Last year Amnesty International published a report exposing aviation fuel suppliers to Burma: The report is available here...https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2022/11/myanmar-the-supply-chain-fueling-war-crimes/..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"Action Taken in Coordination with the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada
WASHINGTON – Today, on the day before the two-year anniversary of the brutal military coup d’état that deposed Burma’s democratically elected government, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is designating six individuals and three entities connected to Burma’s military regime pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014. This action will occur in conjunction with actions taken by both the United Kingdom and Canada.
On February 1, 2021, Burma’s military overthrew the democratically elected government and removed the civilian government leaders from power, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. Over the past two years, the military has continued to use violence and oppression to deny the people of Burma the ability to choose their own leaders. Burma’s military regime has used its military aircraft to conduct aerial bombings and other attacks against pro-democracy forces, killing and displacing countless civilians.
“Two years after Burma’s military forcibly overthrew the democratically elected government of Burma, the United States, along with partner nations like the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, continue to stand with the people of Burma as they seek freedom and democracy,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “The United States will continue to promote accountability for those who provide financial and material support to, and directly enable, the violent suppression of democracy in Burma.”
BURMESE GOVERNMENT ENTITIES
Following the 2021 coup, Burma’s military regime appointed new members to the UNION ELECTION COMMISSION (UEC) — including Thein Soe, who was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on April 21, 2021 — to oversee a post-coup do-over vote after rejecting the results of the November 2020 democratic election. The UEC is the constitutionally mandated body that is responsible for election-related procedures and activities, including organizing, verifying, and announcing election results.
Additionally, the regime has continued to control and benefit from the extraction and export of natural resources of Burma and has utilized various state-owned entities (SOEs) that are fully owned by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC) to act as joint venture partners, as well as regulators and policymakers. MINING ENTERPRISE NO 1, which was previously designated by the European Union on February 21, 2022, and MINING ENTERPRISE NO 2 are two such SOEs that play a dominant role in Burma’s mineral sector.
The UEC, Mining Enterprise No 1, and Mining Enterprise No 2 are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a political subdivision, agency, or instrumentality of the Government of Burma.
BURMESE ENERGY OFFICIALS
Since the 2021 coup, Burma’s military regime has continued to benefit from the substantial revenue provided by the production and export of oil and gas, which generates over $1 billion in revenue annually and is the single largest source of foreign currency revenue for the regime. Burma’s Ministry of Energy is controlled by the State Administration Council, which was designated on April 21, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014; manages the energy sector; and controls the SOEs involved in the production of oil and gas, including the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE).
Myo Myint Oo is the Union Minister of Energy. The Union Minister of Energy represents the Government of Burma in international and domestic energy sector engagements, while also managing the state-owned entities involved in the production and export of oil and gas.
Aung Min is the Managing Director and Than Min is the Deputy Managing Director of MOGE. As managing director and deputy managing director, both individuals are directly involved in the day-to-day operations and management of the regime’s single largest revenue generating SOE.
Myo Myint Oo, Aung Min, and Than Min are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being or having been leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021.
FORMER AND CURRENT BURMESE MILITARY OFFICIALS
Additionally, despite the international condemnation of the collateral damage caused by aerial attacks, Burma’s Air Force has continued to launch airstrikes against pro-democracy forces that have killed civilians and caused the displacement of tens of thousands of people. General Maung Maung Kyaw, who was previously the head of Burma’s Air Force and was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on February 22, 2021, was replaced by Htun Aung, who was previously the Air Force’s Chief of Staff, on January 12, 2022.
Htun Aung is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being or having been a leader or official of the military or security forces of Burma.
Hla Swe is an ex-military official and a former lawmaker under the military-associated Union Solidarity and Development Party who has admitted to helping to provide training and secure arms for pro-regime militias. Hla Swe is considered the man behind a pro-regime publication that regularly publishes death threats against members of minority groups.
Hla Swe is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being responsible for or complicit in, or having directly or indirectly engaged or attempted to engage in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of Burma.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME
Htoo Htwe Tay Za is the adult daughter of Tay Za, who was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on January 31, 2022. The Tay Za family, including Htoo Htwe Tay Za, are directors and shareholders of numerous subsidiaries and associated companies of Htoo Group of Companies, which was designated pursuant to E.O 14014 on March 25, 2022, including at least one subsidiary developing properties on land leased from the Burmese military.
Htoo Htwe Tay Za is being designated for being an adult child of Tay Za, a person whose property and interest in property are blocked pursuant to E.O. 14014.
On January 26, 2022, the U.S. government issued a business advisory to inform the public of the heightened risks associated with doing business in Burma, “Risks and Considerations for Businesses and Individuals with Exposure to Entities Responsible for Undermining Democratic Processes, Facilitating Corruption, and Committing Human Rights Abuses in Burma (Myanmar).”
SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS
As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the persons named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked.
Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person.
The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List (SDN List), but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law. The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish but to bring about a positive change in behavior. For information concerning the process for seeking removal from an OFAC list, including the SDN List, please refer to OFAC’s Frequently Asked Question 897. For detailed information on the process to submit a request for removal from an OFAC sanctions list, please refer to OFAC’s website..."
Source/publisher:
United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
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Sub-title:
The UK announced sanctions to increase pressure on the Myanmar military junta, coinciding with the 2-year anniversary of the coup that ousted an elected government.
Description:
"UK announces further round of sanctions to ratchet up pressure on Myanmar military junta
announced ahead of 2-year anniversary of 1 February coup
sanctions target enablers of air force bombing campaign and repression of the civilian population
Companies supplying the Myanmar Air Force with the aviation fuel to carry out its relentless bombing campaign against innocent people have been targeted by the UK in the latest round of sanctions, announced to coincide with the second anniversary of the brutal coup that ousted Myanmar’s elected government.
Two companies and 2 individuals, all associated with what is known as the Asia Sun group, and integral to the aviation fuel industry in Myanmar, have been sanctioned. The group supplies fuel to the Myanmar Air Force enabling its barbaric air raiding campaign in an attempt to maintain power, killing thousands and displacing hundreds of thousands of Myanmar’s people in the process.
The first of February 2023 marks 2 years since the Myanmar military overthrew the democratically-elected government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and installed a military regime. Since then, they have used violence and atrocities to maintain power and supress any opposition voices.
Foreign Secretary James Cleverly said:
Our sanctions are meticulously targeted to deliver maximum impact, reducing the military’s access to finance, fuel, arms and equipment.
The junta must be held to account for their brutal crackdown on opposition voices, terrorising air raids and brazen human rights violations.
The UK has led a strong, coordinated international response to support the people of Myanmar, their democratic demands and right to fundamental freedoms.
The UK has worked with partners including Canada, the United States and the European Union since the coup to impose coordinated and targeted sanctions against the military regime, its business interests and those who facilitate and profit from its brutal campaign.
Since the coup, the UK has now sanctioned 18 individuals and 30 entities, targeting those responsible for the coup, the subsequent violence, and those facilitating it. These sanctions raise the cost for those aligned with and supporting the regime’s campaign of terror. The UK will continue to use economic statecraft to restrict the military’s access to finance and arms and increase the pressure on them to engage with calls for a return to democracy.
As part of its commitment to a free and open Indo Pacific, the UK has led the international community’s work to support a peaceful resolution in Myanmar and a return to democracy; and pushing for progress towards accountability and justice. It has also played a key role in calling on countries around the world to end the sale and transfer of arms and equipment which facilitate the military’s atrocities.
At the United Nations, the UK successfully passed a Security Council Resolution on the crisis, the first of its kind, to apply further pressure on the military junta to end its violence. It also strongly supports ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, which demands the military immediately ceases its violence and engages in constructive dialogue with all parties..."
Source/publisher:
Govt. UK (London)
Date of publication:
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-31
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
Language:
more
Description:
"Since the Myanmar military’s attempted coup in February 2021, over 60 foreign governments and international organisations (including United Nations entities) have provided support for the illegal military junta, directly and indirectly supporting its campaign of terror.
The report, titled Developing a Dictatorship: How governments and international organisations are supporting the illegal Myanmar military junta - and what must be done to stop this, provides details of the organisations and the forms of support they have provided.
Key findings include:
22 foreign governments;
26 intergovernmental organisations (including 14 United Nations entities);
8 foreign financial institutions; and
8 other international organisations are implicated.
The report covers four main types of support for the military junta:
political support through diplomatic relations and actions that legitimise and enable the junta to take decisions on behalf of Myanmar in international forums;
technical cooperation that enables the transfer of knowledge and skills to the junta and those who serve their interests;
financial support that may flow through development initiatives, loan disbursements, direct purchases from, or indirect business dealings with, companies and other entities controlled by the junta, as well as the development of infrastructure that may serve the junta financially and strategically; and
renting property such as hotel rooms, office spaces and residences from military-linked businesses.
The report includes 18 detailed case studies and provides clear recommendations for what must be done to prevent the illegal military junta from gaining further funds, resources and power.
It also provides an analysis of the legal considerations and consequences for international organisations found to be supporting the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It has been two years since the Myanmar military’s attempted coup. Over 2,700 people have been killed and more than 13,600 people are still detained.
“The junta is waging a scorched earth campaign against the people of Myanmar, carrying out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, and has caused a humanitarian catastrophe with more than 1.1 million displaced.
“So far, the international community has taken insufficient action to end the flow of funds and resources that enables the military junta’s campaign of terror.
“It’s clear that some foreign governments and international organisations are not only neglecting to help the people of Myanmar, but they are also actively supporting the military junta that is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people.
“All forms of support for the military junta are unacceptable – from inviting the military junta to represent Myanmar at international meetings to providing training to junta members and spending millions of dollars at military-linked hotels.
“The National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar needs to be invited to international meetings on behalf of Myanmar.
“All financial ties to the Myanmar military must be cut, and targeted sanctions must be imposed.
“We call on foreign governments and international organisations to take immediate action to end all forms of support for the military junta.”
Among the organisations named in the report, 13 have recently taken action towards ending their support for the military junta..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-25
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Business and the Military, Sanctions, Human Rights and international relations
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"An application for a criminal investigation into the activities of the NASDAQ-listed Israeli surveillance firm Cognyte Software Ltd and officials from the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been filed with Israel’s Attorney General, over the suspected aiding and abetting of crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
The application concerns Cognyte winning a tender from the state-owned Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) for a fixed data lawful interception gateway in 2020, with knowledge that it would provide the Myanmar military with capabilities to tap the calls of activists, journalists and politicians, thereby supporting the military’s international crimes. At the time, no safeguards were in place to protect the people of Myanmar from military surveillance.
The application:
argues that Cognyte and officials in Israel’s Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs aided and abetted crimes against humanity by supplying the Myanmar military with access to surveillance equipment knowing that the military was committing atrocity crimes;
calls for concerned individuals to be prosecuted under Israel’s Penal Code;
calls on Israeli authorities to immediately seize relevant documents from the offices of Cognyte, the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to avoid the concealment of evidence and potential disruption to the investigation.
The application was filed with Israel’s Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara on January 2 by the advocate Eitay Mack on behalf of more than 60 Israeli citizens, among them the former speaker of the Knesset Avraham ("Avrum") Burg, prominent academics Prof. Eva Illouz, and Prof. Ruth HaCohen Pinczower, and human rights activists.
JFM calls on Israel’s Attorney General to take urgent action in response to the application.
Cognyte’s Myanmar tender was revealed in leaked documents published by Justice For Myanmar.
Since the illegal coup attempt, the junta has built up a digital arsenal that supports its crimes against humanity, which have included the murder of more than 2,700 people and the arbitrarily arrest of more than 17,200, who face widespread torture.
In its 2021 country report on human rights in Myanmar, the US State Department found that “the regime regularly monitored private electronic communications through online surveillance; there were numerous reports that the regime monitored prodemocracy supporters” and that the military bought surveillance technology before its coup attempt.
MPT is controlled by the junta, and is jointly operated by the Japanese multinationals KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation.
In addition to the complaint for a criminal investigation, a letter has been sent to Israel’s Defense Exports Controls Agency (DECA) of the Ministry of Defense demanding it immediately cancel export and marketing licences granted to Cognyte for interception equipment to Myanmar.
Cognyte, formerly Verint Systems, has a history of selling surveillance technology to notorious regimes, including South Sudan, and it has been banned from Facebook. Last month, Norway’s sovereign wealth fund decided to exclude Cognyte over human rights concerns.
Cognyte has partnered with Khine Thitsar Company Limited, a Myanmar company whose owner Justice For Myanmar recently identified as brokering the supply of arms through an associated company, Bamar Pte Ltd. Khine Thitsar updated its website in the past weeks to list Cognyte as a partner and vendor.
According to a Justice For Myanmar source, Khine Thitsar received a payment from Cognyte in October 2021, more than eight months after the military launched its coup attempt.
The application for a criminal investigation follows a similar 2018 submission by Eitay Mack into the aiding and abetting of atrocity crimes by Israelis who exported arms to Myanmar; and a 2022 application requesting a criminal investigation into corruption over Israeli arms companies’ dealings with the Myanmar broker Dr Tun Min Latt and his conglomerate, Star Sapphire Group.
Justice For Myanmar is concerned that the 2018 complaint has not yet led to a criminal investigation and calls for it to be expedited.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The complaint filed against Cognyte and Israeli officials raise urgent questions over Israeli support for the Myanmar military’s surveillance capabilities, which it uses to commit crimes against humanity.
“Cognyte’s contract with MPT comes in the aftermath of the Myanmar military’s crime of genocide against the Rohingya, and in a context where there were no safeguards to protect the people of Myanmar from military surveillance.
“It is inexcusable that Israeli officials approved Cognyte’s business in Myanmar, which has continued following the military’s coup attempt.
“Israeli officials and those in Cognyte who have enabled the supply of arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military, aiding and abetting international crimes, must be held accountable.
“Cognyte’s business with MPT also raises serious questions for its joint operators, KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation, who have failed to fulfil their international human rights responsibilities.
“We call on KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation to immediately end all technical and financial support to the Myanmar junta, or responsibly divest.
“Investors in Cognyte, KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation should use their leverage to pressure these companies to end support for the junta immediately, or divest.
“Governments must urgently do more to cut the junta’s access to surveillance equipment, arms and funds, including through sanctions on Khine Thitsar Company Limited, the individuals involved and all other military brokers.”
Eitay Mack, Advocate, says: “The state of Israel has played a very important role in the establishment and organisation of the Myanmar military through its military aid, which has included weapons, training and military knowledge. The Myanmar military has used these with the intention to attack the people of Myanmar in an attempt to illegally seize power.
“Until now it was known that due to a petition to the High Court of Justice and huge public and media outrage in Israel, at the beginning of 2018 Israel’s Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to stop all Israeli military exports to Myanmar and all Israeli defense companies stopped their activities there. This is what was said repeatedly to journalists, Knesset members and other individuals who contacted the MOD and the MFA.
“Now, JFM managed to prove that Israel’s MOD and MFA have lied, and again prioritised their interests with the Myanmar military over international law and any sense of morality.
“The danger is not theoretical. Cognyte's interception system could help the military’s manhunting of democracy activists and journalists. The fate of anyone in Myanmar located and arrested with the help of Cognyte's interception system would be to suffer the worst horrors.
“Cognyte didn't operate in Myanmar on its own. In order to transfer the company's system to Myanmar, it needed an export license, and even the participation of Cognyte in the tender in Myanmar required a marketing license, both from Israel’s MOD and MFA.
“This is why Cognyte and all the Israeli officials who allowed its operation in Myanmar must be brought to justice.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2023-01-15
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
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Size:
207.85 KB 149.8 KB 1.54 MB 1.6 MB
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Sub-title:
ASEAN Countries Should Adopt Tough Sanctions against Junta
Description:
"(Jakarta) – Myanmar’s junta has been responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity since the military coup in February 2021, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2023. The security forces have been implicated in mass killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, sexual violence, and attacks on civilians in conflict areas. Amid a post-coup economic crisis, the junta has severely hindered the delivery of humanitarian aid to communities most at risk.
Member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which Indonesia will chair in 2023, should coordinate to support targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military’s major revenue streams.
“Ending the Myanmar junta’s widespread abuses needs a global commitment to impose pressure through targeted sanctions and accountability for atrocities,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Indonesia as ASEAN chair should take the lead in imposing concrete measures that will curtail the junta’s ability to violate the rights of its citizens.”
In the 712-page World Report 2023, its 33rd edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in close to 100 countries. In her introductory essay, acting Executive Director Tirana Hassan says that in a world in which power has shifted, it is no longer possible to rely on a small group of mostly Global North governments to defend human rights. The world’s mobilization around Russia’s war in Ukraine reminds us of the extraordinary potential when governments realize their human rights obligations on a global scale. The responsibility is on individual countries, big and small, to apply a human rights framework to their policies, and then work together to protect and promote human rights.
Since the coup, Myanmar’s security forces have arbitrarily arrested more than 16,000 pro-democracy activists and supporters and killed at least 2,300, according to the nongovernmental Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. In July, the military executed four political prisoners in Myanmar’s first use of the death penalty in over three decades. The National League for Democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is serving a 33-year sentence after closed military trials for corruption, incitement, breaching the Official Secrets Act, and other politically motivated charges.
The Myanmar military has carried out indiscriminate ground and air attacks that have resulted in numerous civilian deaths. Fighting since the coup has displaced over one million people internally, with another 70,000 refugees fleeing into neighboring countries.
The junta has blocked desperately needed humanitarian aid from reaching millions of displaced people and others at risk, in violation of international humanitarian law. Across the country, security forces imposed new travel restrictions and attacked aid workers, blocked access to roads and aid convoys, destroyed non-military supplies, and shut down telecommunications services.
In Rakhine State, new restrictions on movement and aid affecting ethnic Rohingya camps and villages exacerbated water scarcity and food shortages, increasing cases of preventable diseases and severe malnutrition. Escalating hostilities between the Arakan Army armed group and the Myanmar military resulted in Rohingya and Rakhine civilian deaths, arbitrary arrests, and displacement.
Key international actors such as the European Union, United States, United Kingdom, and Canada have imposed targeted sanctions on senior military and junta officials and some junta entities. However, countries in the Asia-Pacific region, notably ASEAN member countries, Australia, and Japan have not taken meaningful actions against the junta, undermining efforts by other governments, Human Rights Watch said..."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2023-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group is divesting from Yoma Bank, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed through a source with knowledge of the transaction.
IFC owns 4.5% of Yoma Bank and is selling all its shares to First Myanmar Investment (FMI) for US$5 million, which equals the value IFC used to convert its 2014 loan to equity, which it completed in 2019.
IFC signed a share sales agreement with FMI and Yoma Bank on December 12, 2022.
The IFC’s divestment comes amid the Spring Revolution, with mass pressure from the people of Myanmar for companies to cut ties with the junta and its conglomerates. Yoma Bank has a record of doing business with the military and its conglomerates, which stand accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In 2020, Yoma Bank gave a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a Myanmar company owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported the company to build towers for the military-owned mobile operator, Mytel.
Last month, Justice For Myanmar disclosed that as of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for Telecom International Myanmar, the owner of Mytel.
Also in November, a release of records from the military owned Innwa Bank by Distributed Denial of Secrets exposed over 200 transactions with Yoma Bank. Innwa Bank’s parent company, Myanmar Economic Corporation, is sanctioned by the US, EU, UK and Canada.
Last month, the Australian bank ANZ announced it is exiting Myanmar after its transactions with Innwa Bank were exposed.
Yoma Bank is controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors.
Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, owns 10.6%.
FMI is buying out IFC’s shares through a transaction with Pun Holdings (HK) Limited, a holding company in Hong Kong.
Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank’s remaining international investors, Norfund and GIC, to use their leverage to stop the bank’s business with the military junta, its conglomerates and partners or responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights obligations.
IFC did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding responsible disengagement from Yoma Bank.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "IFC’s divestment from Yoma Bank is a positive step if it cannot prevent the bank from doing business with the Myanmar military, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“We urge IFC to responsibly disengage from Yoma Bank, in consultation with the National Unity Government, which is the legitimate government of Myanmar.
“IFC should be transparent over their divestment plans, human rights due diligence and any attempts they made to prevent Yoma Bank’s business with the junta and its conglomerates.
“IFC acquired equity in Yoma Bank following the Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of genocide against the Rohingya, and should have done its due diligence at the time on the bank’s support for the Myanmar military, its businesses and associates.
“The fact that IFC failed to prevent Yoma Bank’s support for military businesses and Min Aung Hlaing’s own family suggests serious human rights failings that requires investigation and rectification if IFC plans to continue operating in Myanmar.
“IFC also must also stop renting an office in Sule Square, a development on land leased from the US sanctioned Quarter Master General Office, and end any remaining business with the junta, its conglomerates and partners.
“We call on Yoma Bank’s remaining international investors, Norfund and GIC, to ensure Yoma Bank cuts all ties with the Myanmar junta, its businesses and partners or responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-20
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-20
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Sub-title:
The BURMA Act allows the US to engage with the National Unity Government and mandates a plan for sanctions.
Description:
"The U.S. government will be able to engage directly with Myanmar’s government-in-exile and must develop a program of sanctions against the military junta that seized power in last year’s coup, according to a new law passed by Congress as part of a military spending bill.
The Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2022 – or BURMA Act – was passed by the Senate as part of the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act on Thursday night, after the House passed the gargantuan annual spending package a week prior.
The act enables the United States to engage directly with groups opposing the junta, including the National Unity Government, National Unity Consultative Council, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, and to provide non-lethal support to the People’s Defense Forces and Ethnic Armed Organizations in Myanmar.
It also forces the Biden administration to introduce a program of sanctions against the junta and its supporters, as well as anyone who has helped to undermine the country’s democratic institutions.
Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), the outgoing chair of the House Foreign Relations Committee, on Dec. 8 said the BURMA Act was “a major victory for the people of Burma who are fighting for democracy” and “a critical step in holding the murderous Burmese military accountable.”
The law would add “targeted sanctions on those responsible for the coup, those responsible for committing human rights abuses, and the state-owned companies bankrolling the junta,” Meeks said.
Government-in-exile
The act was welcomed by Myanmar’s government-in-exile.
"The National Unity Government (NUG) and the pro-democracy forces of Myanmar applaud passage today by the US Congress of the Burma Act,” NUG Acting President Duwa Lashi La said in a statement on Friday, praising the mandate for more sanctions against the junta.
“This important law clearly sets out United States policy to support the people of Myanmar … and our allied organizations in our struggle against the junta for democracy, human rights, and justice,” he said.
Nicole Cochran, the Burma program officer at the United States Institute for Peace, told Radio Free Asia that one of the biggest impacts of the law would be in allowing U.S. authorities to engage with the anti-junta organizations hoping to restore civilian government.
“Historically, the U.S. has been precluded from engaging with these actors. The authorization is important because they will be a critical part of the solution to the current crisis,” Cochran said, adding the bill would also force “stability and coherence” to American sanctions.
“Without this legislation, the State Department’s Office of Sanctions Coordination could have created a comprehensive policy on Burma-related sanctions,” she said. “With this legislation, they will have to.”
Zachary Abuza, a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, said the BURMA Act represented “Congress's way of forcing the administration's hand,” which he said had been resisting introducing some sanctions “largely due to Thai pressure.”
In particular, he noted Thai opposition to sanctions on the junta’s Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise company, which the new law explicitly targets for sanctions by the administration in one section.
“In the 2022 NDAA, [Congress] pushed the administration to increase its contacts with the NUG, which it did,” Abuza said. “This act paves the way for more aid and assistance to the NUG, PDFs, and EAOs, but it's really not clear how the administration will implement it.”
Abuza added it was not clear the bill would make a big difference in returning Myanmar to democracy, explaining that the U.S. government was “still not doing enough to cripple the regime economically”
“The sanctions have been inconsistent and insufficient,” he said. “The longer this conflict drags out, the more it favors the junta.”..."
Source/publisher:
"RFA" (USA)
Date of publication:
2022-12-16
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-16
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Individual Documents
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Description:
"Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of Canadian sanctions in response to the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, to mark Human Rights Day.
Canada is the first jurisdiction to impose sanctions on Myanmar military jet fuel suppliers, designating Asia Sun Group, a Myanmar conglomerate.
Asia Sun Group is a local partner of the Myanmar military and is involved in procuring, storing and distributing jet fuel. Asia Sun has been found to import aviation fuel and directly deliver it to the Myanmar military.
Asia Sun Group’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar.
The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. Recent indiscriminate air strikes have included an attack on a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 80 people and an attack on a school in Sagaing, killing at least 12 people.
Canada also sanctioned key Myanmar military arms brokers, Dynasty International Company Limited and International Gateways Group.
Dynasty International Company Limited has brokered the purchase of arms and related equipment for the Myanmar military from Belarus, Russia and Germany.
International Gateways Group is a key broker of arms for the Myanmar military from China.
Dynasty International and International Gateways Group have also been sanctioned by the US and UK.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Canada’s latest round of sanctions, the first in the world to target the Myanmar military’s aviation fuel supply chain, as the junta carries out repeated aerial attacks that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“This is a win for the Spring Revolution, in which the people of Myanmar have categorically rejected and resisted the terrorist military junta, effectively preventing them from taking control of Myanmar, and for civil society that has campaigned for sanctions on jet fuel.
“However, far more needs to be done to cut the military’s supply of jet fuel and arms.
“We call on the US, UK, EU, Australia, Japan and South Korea to urgently follow Canada and coordinate sanctions against Asia Sun Group and all individuals involved.
“Governments should also immediately sanction Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE), ban the export of aviation fuel to Myanmar and sanction all arms brokers to stop the junta’s ability to carry out its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-10
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Individual Documents
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"Backgrounder
Effective immediately, Canada is imposing sanctions against the following individuals and entities in relation to the coup perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces on February 1, 2021.
Canadian measures
The Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations impose on listed persons a prohibition on any transaction (effectively, an asset freeze) by prohibiting persons in Canada and Canadians outside Canada from engaging in any activity related to any property of these listed persons or providing financial or related services to them.
The specific prohibitions are set out in the regulations.
The names of the individuals and entities added to the schedule of these regulations are the following:
Individuals
(1) Zaw Min Tun; (2) Maung Maung Ohn; (3) Tun Tun Naung; (4) Khin Maung Yi; (5) Myo Myint Oo; (6) Thaung Han; (7) Win Shein; (8) Ko Ko Lwin; (9) Aung Soe; (10) Zin Min Htet; (11) Hlaing Moe Myint; and (12) Myo Thitsar.
Entities
(1) Dynasty International Company Limited; (2) International Gateways Group; and (3) Asia Sun Group..."
Source/publisher:
Government of Canada
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new sanctions announced by the British government, this time focused on perpetrators of sexual violence.
The British government has announced the following sanctions:
The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs
The 33rd Light Infantry Division (33 LID) of the Myanmar Army
The 99 Light Infantry Division (99 LID) of the Myanmar Army
The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs has been sanctioned because of its responsibility for the use of torture, including sexual violence, against human rights and democracy activists who are illegally detained in Burma.
Light Infantry Divisions 99 and 33 have belatedly been sanctioned for their use of sexual violence during the military offensives against the Rohingya more than six years ago.
“These new sanctions are welcome, but the pace of implementation of sanctions is far too slow,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There were reports of sexual violence against arrested protesters in March 2021, and the mass rape of Rohingya women took place in 2016 and 2017. Why is there such a big time-lag between these crimes and the sanctions? Ministers must allocate more resources to swiftly implementing targeted sanctions. There are numerous companies funding the Burmese military which haven’t been sanctioned yet. British companies are still involved in the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar, despite airstrikes against civilians causing a human rights and humanitarian crisis.”
Burma Campaign UK has praised the British government for leading international efforts to cut off supplies of arms and money to the Burmese military, which launched an attempted coup in February 2021. However, successive Foreign Office ministers have failed to allocate enough resources into swiftly doing everything they can to cut off supplies of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military.
Today 516 civil society organisations wrote to British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly calling on him to swiftly implement sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma..."
Source/publisher:
"Burma Campaign UK" (London)
Date of publication:
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Description:
"A legal compliance review of Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore (ETC) released on Friday outlines steps for the company to evade sanctions and continue its business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office.
ETC commissioned Kelvin Chia Partnership (KCP) for the review in response to regulatory actions taken by Singapore Exchange regulators in February 2021.
Regulatory actions followed Justice For Myanmar’s publication of an investigation into ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office for the Golden City real estate development.
Justice For Myanmar’s investigation found that ETC’s payments to the Quartermaster General Office, which purchases weapons, finances the military’s international crimes.
The ETC legal review’s executive summary outlines steps for the company to avoid being caught by unilateral sanctions, advising the company to ensure that its businesses, shareholders, management and staff, are not US or UK persons; that those persons do not own any property or have financial interests in the US, UK or EU; and that the company does not do any sales or other business activities in the US, UK or EU.
The legal review also advises ETC to use third-party independent contractors to keep an arms length if the company or its customers need to import and install any equipment or machinery from the US, UK or EU for use in Golden City.
The review states that conclusions regarding potential sanctions enforcement are contingent on payments to the Myanmar army being made in kyat, although the lease agreement with the army and the land lease account is in US dollars.
This advice may encourage ETC to increase measures to evade sanctions, continue its business with the Myanmar army and attempt to resume trading in Singapore, while financing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
ETC, its directors, shareholders and subsidiaries have continued links to jurisdictions that have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military in response to its coup attempt.
The subsidiary ETC uses to channel investment into Myanmar, Uni Global Power, has four shareholders that are entities registered in the British Virgin Islands, a UK overseas territory with sanctions in place on the Myanmar military. These entities include Asiabiz Services Limited, whose sole shareholder is ETC director Zhu Xiaolin, D3 Capital Limited, whose sole shareholders are immediate family members of ETC director Teo Cheng Kwee, and Consortium Investments Limited, fully owned by ETC’s Senior Vice President and Regional General Manager for Myanmar, Lai Xuejun.
While the legal review’s executive summary does not directly address Uni Global Power’s shareholders in relation to their legal status in the British Virgin Islands, it notes that “there is a continuing risk that the activities of Minority Shareholders may be imputed to the Company or GL, first, upon the broad exercise by relevant authorities of their broad discretion to enforce relevant sanctions regulations and second, by virtue of the minority rights in favour of the Minority Shareholders, and UGP’s minority shareholders indirect rights to block shareholders’ resolutions”.
ETC’s legal review warns the company that “particular care should be exercised by the Company and GL in its financial dealings, specifically with banks and financial institutions” and notes continued legal risks from its relationships with banks that have transacted the company’s funds with US banks.
ETC’s creditors include E.SUN Commercial Bank of Taiwan, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and the Myanmar crony owned Kanbawza Bank, which are named in the legal review’s executive summary.
The company also remains in a “strategic collaboration” with Yoma Bank to finance Myanmar buyers of apartments in Golden City. Yoma Bank’s shareholders include the Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group, based in jurisdictions with sanctions against the Myanmar military. Yoma Bank and Golden City were jointly advertising discounted financing for local buyers as recently as November 2022.
The review warns against the use of goods, services and technology of US, UK or EU origin – presumably to avoid sanctions – in the maintenance and upkeep of machinery and equipment used in the Golden City complex. This suggests that the company’s business with Jardine Schindler, a joint venture of Schindler Group of Switzerland, may also be implicated in sanctions breaches. As of 2015, there were 27 Schindler elevators installed in Golden City, yet Switzerland has sanctions in place against the Myanmar military.
Exclusion of international law from review
Concerningly, ETC knowingly excluded the serious international legal implications of ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office in its legal review. These implications were the subject of a legal memo written by Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang and published by Justice For Myanmar in October 2021.
The legal memo found that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, such as transactions from ETC to the Myanmar army, and raised the possibility of reputational and sanctions risks for the SGX, its regulator the Monetary Authority of Singapore, and by extension, the Government of Singapore, should it not prevent continued payments from ETC to the Myanmar army.
The legal memo warned of ETC and SGX’s responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, and liability under international human rights and humanitarian law.
The legal memo also warned that the legal review then underway did not appear to consider international laws within its scope, inconsistent with the expectations of SGX in its own guidance to listed companies and their sponsors.
According to ETC announcements, the company received comments from SGX RegCo in October 2021 and undertook a follow-on engagement with KCP to address issues raised in the legal memo within the then ongoing legal review.
However, KCP states that they “have not considered as part of the Report the risk of liability under international law, including particularly international human rights law”, noting the exposure of ETC and its shareholders, directors and employees to the company’s business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office.
In circumstances where SGX RegCo has told them specifically to respond to the legal memo authored by the barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang, it appears evasive that ETC has excluded international law from KCP’s review.
Review legitimises junta
The Myanmar military junta was formed illegally in an attempted coup, and is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law. The National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, based on a popular mandate from the people of Myanmar through the 2020 election, designated the Myanmar military as a terrorist organisation under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law on June 7, 2021.
However, ETC’s legal review states that the Myanmar military has not been designated a terrorist organisation under Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law and, therefore concludes that lease payments to the Quarter Master General Office do not amount to terrorist financing. The review could only adopt this conclusion if the laws accepted to be the laws of Myanmar are those of the junta rather than those of the NUG. The people of Myanmar exercised their right to choose their own government, a right protected under international law, and the legal review has chosen to recognise the laws of an illegally installed occupier.
Justice For Myanmar asked ETC why its liability under international law was excluded from the review, why the review advised on sanctions evasion and why the review chooses to adopt junta law over NUG law, thereby recognising the illegal junta as the government of Myanmar. ETC did not respond.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "ETC’s legal review is a bad faith attempt to resume business as usual with the Myanmar army, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar.
“ETC’s review encourages the evasion of sanctions on the Quarter Master General Office, while continuing its payments that help finance the bombs and jet fuel the military needs for its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“Shockingly, ETC has omitted discussion of its liability under international criminal law, presumably because it knows the result will further outline the company’s complicity with the Myanmar military’s international crimes. This is unacceptable.
“As Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang have demonstrated, SGX and the Singaporean government may be liable under international law for ETC’s continued business with the Myanmar army.
“We urge SGX RegCo and the Government of Singapore to delist ETC unless the company ends all direct and indirect business links with the Myanmar military junta, and prevent its payments to the Myanmar army.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-12-06
Date of entry/update:
2022-12-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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pdf
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187.38 KB
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Description:
"Yoma Bank is providing banking services to Telecom International Myanmar Company Limited, the operator of the Myanmar military’s Mytel mobile network.
As of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for the company, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed.
Yoma is a Myanmar bank controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors.
Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution Norfund owns 10.6%. The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group owns 4.5%.
Telecom International Myanmar is a joint venture of the miliary conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada. Other Mytel shareholders are Viettel Global Investment of Vietnam’s Ministry of National Defence, and Myanmar National Telecom Holdings, an investment vehicle for Myanmar cronies.
Mytel is incredibly lucrative. Myanmar’s generals benefit through access to Vietnamese investment and technology, and future profits. Justice For Myanmar estimates that Mytel’s Myanmar military owners are projected to earn more than US$700 million in a decade from Mytel’s fifth year of operation.
Mytel also provides the Myanmar military leadership with capabilities for surveillance of troops and the public.
The Myanmar army’s signals directorate is operationally linked to Mytel and the mobile network uses and maintains the military’s network of fibre optic cables. Mytel operates towers on military bases, which are likely used to supplement military communications.
Transaction records from the MEC-owned Innwa Bank, recently released by Distributed Denial of Secrets, revealedmore than 200 transactions with Yoma Bank, including transactions with MEC.
In 2020, Yoma Bank issued a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a tower company co-owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported Pinnacle Asia to build towers for Mytel.
After Justice For Myanmar exposed the Yoma Bank loan to Pinnacle Asia, Norfund spokesperson Ylva Lindberg told Bistandsaktuelt that Yoma Bank will now use the UN Fact-Finding Mission as part of its standard background checks. However, she went on to say that “the military in Myanmar has a very extensive role in society and business, which makes it a demanding exercise to set a limit for indirect connections to the military… It is difficult to draw a clear line for how far the responsibility extends.”
Telecom International Myanmar was identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission as a military business, yet it has remained a Yoma Bank customer.
After the latest revelations, Norfund told Bistandsaktuelt that, according to Yoma Bank, it cannot block transactions between its customers and Innwa Bank unless those accounts are blacklisted by the junta’s central bank, and that Yoma Bank cannot deny accounts to companies.
As the Myanmar junta’s war of terror intensifies, Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank and its investors to immediately end its business with Telecom International Myanmar and all other companies owned by the Myanmar military, which stands accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "Mytel is a strategic resource of the illegal Myanmar military junta and the company aids and abets the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.
“By providing banking services to Mytel, Yoma Bank is supporting its international law violations.
“Norfund, IFC and GIC have been warned about Yoma Bank's business with the Myanmar military and its associates, yet Yoma Bank’s business with the Myanmar military is continuing.
“If Norfund, IFC and GIC cannot stop their investee, Yoma Bank, from providing services to Mytel and transacting with Innwa Bank, then they should responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities."..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions, The Burmese military's role in the economy
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pdf
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151.22 KB
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"The German Federal Foreign Office is funding the training of Myanmar military junta personnel through a Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law project for the promotion of maritime peace and security in Southeast Asia, in potential violation of EU sanctions.
As part of the program, the Max Planck Foundation has invited the junta to nominate three representatives for a workshop to be held in Singapore from November 28 to December 2, 2022 on maritime security and the law of the sea, confirmed by a Justice For Myanmar source.
Topics to be covered in the workshop include military operations at sea, maritime terrorism, and ways to respond to unilateral sanctions.
The German government is paying the travel and accommodation costs for senior and mid-level junta personnel, including from the junta’s defence ministry. The Myanmar participants are under the control of and serve the State Administration Council (SAC), which is the illegal junta’s executive body.
Earlier this month, the EU sanctioned SAC, and it has previously sanctioned the junta’s leader, Min Aung Hlaing, the junta’s defence minister, Mya Tun Oo, and other junta ministers.
The EU’s recent designation states that “SAC is engaged in actions that threaten the peace, security and stability of Myanmar/Burma”.
Similarly, the war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Mya Tun Oo have both been sanctioned for “[having] been directly involved in and responsible for decision-making concerning state functions and [are] therefore responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma”, and for “[being] directly responsible for [SAC’s] repressive decisions and for serious human rights violations”.
The Max Planck Foundation project supports SAC and at least two EU-sanctioned individuals through the financing of international travel that rewards loyal personnel under their control and equips them with knowledge and skills that assists the junta’s illegal coup attempt.
The benefits of the junta’s participation in the Max Planck Foundation project is all the more strategically important to the sanctioned entity and individuals as the junta only has stable control of 17 per cent of Myanmar territory, meaning capacity-building is of assistance in increasing its control, as the junta intensifies its war of terror against the people. The Max Planck Foundation project provides specific skills to assist the junta’s illegal attempt to take control of Myanmar’s coastline and maritime borders.
Participation in the Max Planck Foundation project also legitimises the junta as the government of Myanmar, an outcome the people of Myanmar have been courageously rejecting for the past 22 months, effectively preventing the junta’s illegal power grab.
By the enablement of such benefits to a sanctioned entity and sanctioned individuals through the provision of funds, the German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Plank Foundation may be in breach of Article 4a(2) of EU sanctions.
The upcoming Singapore workshop is the fifth in a series of six planned activities. Two in-person workshops have been held since the military’s illegal coup attempt, one in Vietnam in September 2022 and one in the Philippines in July 2022.
Junta representatives were funded by the German government to attend the workshop in Vietnam, according to a post by the Max Planck Foundation, which stated that “all ASEAN Member States nominated their representatives, with 26 engaged participants from all 10 ASEAN Member States being able to participate.”
Representatives from nine ASEAN states attended the Philippines workshop and Justice For Myanmar cannot confirm if junta representatives were included.
The Max Planck Foundation maritime peace and security project started in October 2020, before the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, with the objective “to strengthen preventive diplomacy and regional cooperation in SEA to improve maritime peace and security”.
Max Planck Foundation continues to list the program on its website under “current projects in Myanmar”.
Germany has repeatedly spoken out for human rights and democracy in Myanmar through UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions.
German support for the Myanmar military junta through the Max Planck Foundation is inconsistent with its public positions on the crisis in Myanmar and its international human rights obligations.
The German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law did not reply to Justice For Myanmar’s requests for a response.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “By providing support and legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta, the German government and the Max Planck Foundation are emboldening the its atrocity crimes, undermining democracy and potentially breaching EU sanctions.
“The junta is the cause of war and human insecurity in Myanmar. It is deplorable that the German government sees it as appropriate to use public funds to financially support the junta’s participation in a program that purportedly aims to promote peace and security.
“The provision of these funds enable a sanctioned entity and persons and personnel under their control to reward loyalty, gain legitimacy and acquire skills and knowledge that supports the junta’s illegal attempted coup.
“In launching its coup attempt, the junta has killed more than 2,500 and arrested over 16,000 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
“The Myanmar military uses its navy to commit atrocity crimes and other human rights abuses, including the regular interception and arbitrary arrest of Rohingya trying to flee the junta’s ongoing campaign of genocide.
“It is junta officials involved in abuses at sea or people under junta control that are being rewarded with all expenses paid international travel.
“We call on the German government and the Max Planck Foundation to immediately exclude the junta from remaining activities in the “Promoting Maritime Peace and Security in Southeast Asia” program and all other programs, meetings and events.
“We call on the German parliament to urgently investigate why taxpayer money has been used to support members of the Myanmar military junta, and whether such acts constitute breaches of EU sanctions.
“We call on the European Union to further impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its businesses, including a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-24
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
Format :
pdf
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123.64 KB
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"Justice For Myanmar cautiously welcomes ANZ’s announcement that they will exit Myanmar by early 2023.
ANZ will be the first international bank to leave Myanmar and its decision follows the blacklisting of Myanmar by the FATF.
Earlier this month, Justice For Myanmar exposed ANZ transactions with Innwa Bank, a subsidiary of the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), found in data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets.
MEC and Innwa Bank are sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada.
ANZ has also facilitated payments from its customers to the military junta.
Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We cautiously welcome ANZ’s decision to leave Myanmar and call on them to responsibly exit.
“This must involve mitigating and remedying the impact on their staff and ensuring that they repatriate all funds so they do not leave a windfall for the terrorist military junta.
“Since the military’s illegal attempted coup, ANZ has transacted with the US, UK and EU sanctioned Innwa Bank and facilitated customer payments to the military junta, enabled by the refusal of the Australian government to sanction the junta and its businesses.
"The Australian government's appalling inaction in response to the crisis in Myanmar undermines its democratic values and international obligations.
“We call on the Australian government to support the people of Myanmar and take a clear stand for democracy and human rights by sanctioning the illegal junta and its businesses.
“ANZ is the first international bank to leave Myanmar and their planned exit is another sign of the destruction the junta is causing to Myanmar’s economy through the military’s coup attempt, war of terror and proliferation of illicit business activities under control of or profiting the military and its associates.”..."
Source/publisher:
Justice For Myanmar
Date of publication:
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Sanctions, Business and the Military, The Burmese military's role in the economy, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
106.97 KB
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Description:
"အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ တွင် တရားမဝင် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ၎င်းတို့နှင့်ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့် ခရိုနီများကို စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှု အသစ်များ ထပ်မံ တိုးမြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ လှိုက်လှဲစွာကြိုဆိုပါသည်။
ယခုအချိန်သည် နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၀ နေ့က ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် အများစုက လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည့် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် အထွေထွေ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ၏ ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခု ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်သည့် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ် ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပေါ် ထောက်ခံအားပေးကြောင်း သတင်းစကားပါး လိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအားလည်း သတိပေးလိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။
ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်လိုက်သည့် စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုများသည် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ၁၉ ဦးနှင့် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတခုကို အရေးယူလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယခုအကြိမ်သည် ၅ ကြိမ်မြောက် ထပ်လောင်း အရေးယူခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ယခုအကြိမ် အရေးယူမှုသည် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ စစ်လေယာဥ်နှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစိတ်အပိုင်းများ ဝယ်ယူထောက်ပံ့နေ သူများကို ဦးတည်အရေးယူခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါအရေးယူမှုသည် အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၃ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်က အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုက ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ဖျော်ဖြေရေးအခမ်းအနားတခုကို လေကြောင်းမှ တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း တရာခန့် ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသော အကြမ်းဖက်ဖြစ်စဥ် နောက်ပိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အရေးအတွက် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ ဦးစီး ဦးဆောင်ပြု၍ ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများကိုလည်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Business and the Military, Sanctions
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
351.92 KB
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Description:
"The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
strongly welcomes the new swathe of European Union (EU) and United States
sanctions against the illegal military junta and its cronies announced on 8 November
2022.
Timed to mark the second anniversary of the general elections held on 8
November 2020, which were independently determined to have been free and fair,
the new measures are a strong message of support to the people of Myanmar and to
the National Unity Government as their legitimate representative. Importantly, they
also send a sharp signal to the illegal junta that its appalling atrocities will be met
with escalating action.
The EU’s new sanctions, which target 19 individuals and one entity associated
with the junta, comprise its fifth round of restrictive measures. While the United
States’ new designation, which targets a key supplier of military aircraft parts to the
junta, follows the junta’s egregious 23 October 2022 aerial attacks on an ethnic
community festival in Kachin State, which killed as many as 100 concertgoers.
The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the EU and to the
United States for their international leadership and for their sustained commitment to
the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
Date of publication:
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update:
2022-11-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
National Unity Government (NUG), 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, Sanctions, Business and the Military
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
23.46 KB
more