- Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

In Burma the SPDC maintains an extensive network of MIS, police and government officials ready to detain anyone suspected of holding or expressing anti-government opinions. The military in Burma has established and enforced laws curtailing civil and political freedoms and utilized laws that allow it to crush any political opposition. The SPDC’s laws and regulations criminalize freedom of thought, the dissemination of information and the right of association and assembly. The most commonly employed laws banning the demonstration of civil and political rights have been the 1923 Government’s Official Secrets Act, the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, the 1957 Unlawful Associations Act, the 1962 Printers’ and Publishers’ Registration Law, the 1975 State Protection Law, and Law No. 5/96. These laws and orders have restricted the civil and political rights of Burmese citizens for years; now, with technological advances available across the globe, new laws have been enacted in order to provide the SPDC authorities additional legal bases to curtail freedom of expression and the exchange of information. For more information on these laws, please refer to the chapters on the freedom of expression and the freedom of assembly and association.

Throughout the year, SPDC personnel also continued to arbitrarily detain persons across Burma for illegal association with groups seen as anti-government. In areas of ethnic insurgency these detentions were common and in most cases the people suspected of such illegal association were seized, detained and interrogated, and sometimes tortured and killed without warrant or evidence against them. There were also numerous cases reported in the year 2001 of individuals who disappeared following arrest and detention. Human Rights organizations, such as the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), have argued that the current definition of ‘political prisoner’ used in the context of Burma is too narrow, and excludes the thousands of ethnic minority villagers who are routinely arrested, tortured and imprisoned under Articles 17/1 (contact with illegal organizations) and Article 17/2 (rising against the State). In a letter posted on their website, KHRG writes:

“All over the country farmers, day labourers and others are imprisoned but… no one writes letters for their release, no one even acknowledges their existence. Yet they are treated far worse than the high profile political prisoners, in fact many of them are summarily executed without anyone ever having written a letter on their behalf. Is the Chin rice farmer hauled off to an SPDC Army camp on a baseless suspicion of giving some rice to the Chin National Front, tied up, beaten, slashed with knives, held down while a gallon of water is poured in his nose, then locked into mediaeval leg stocks or a pit in the ground for weeks, not a political prisoner? Is a Karen woman whose husband flees to the forest to escape forced portering, who is then arrested, raped and detained at the Army camp until her ‘rebel’ husband comes in and gives himself up for execution, not a political prisoner? According to the SPDC they are not. The NLD and the international human rights organisations do not include them in their lists, and by repeatedly making their definitive statements that “there are 1,500 political prisoners in Burma” they systematically exclude these people.” (Source: KHRG: “Playing Games with Political Prisoners,” October 21, 2001)

In addition to individuals arrested for political reasons, SPDC officials continued to arbitrarily arrest and detain people for “crimes” such as failure to pay army taxes or to sell the required crop quota to the government purchasing centers. Many farmers were arrested in the year 2001 under such circumstances. These farmers were detained, without trial, until the required quota was met. The SPDC also arrested Muslim minority people for various reasons. Many of the people who were reported to have been arbitrarily detained were released following payment of fines set by the official who arrested them. This portrays the extent to which corruption exists within Burma. Indeed, SPDC troops and officials often arrest people for no other reason than to extort money from them. Many Burmese citizens deported by Thai authorities in 2001 were arrested and forced to pay high fees for “illegally leaving the country,” or else face imprisonment or forced labor.

Throughout 2001 the SPDC periodically released small groups of political prisoners. By the end of the year a total of 211 prisoners had been freed, the majority of whom were NLD members, including members of parliament-elect, who had been detained without charge or trial, some since July 1998. These releases were apparent goodwill gestures by the regime, which occurred in conjunction with their ongoing talks with Aung San Suu Kyi. The releases have also been linked to recent visits by Razali Ismail, the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy to Burma and Professor Paulo Pinheiro, the UN Special Rapporteur on Burma. Many of the people who were released had already finished their prison sentences, or else they had been held without being charged for months or even years. News about the releases of political prisoners, while widely reported in the international press, was largely ignored by the state-run media inside Burma.

Despite the releases, Amnesty International estimates that over 1,600 political prisoners remain in jail and the NCGUB puts the number as high as 3,000. In a speech before the UN General Assembly in November 2001, the Special Raporteur for Human Rights in Burma stated that these individuals had been detained “for having peacefully expressed their views, verbally, through participation in peaceful demonstrations, or activities in political parties, for having written about human rights or political issues in the country, or for possessing prohibited writings.” Among those who remain incarcerated are 1988 student leader Min Ko Naing and NLD political strategist U Win Tin. More than fifty current political prisoners have already completed their sentences but continue to be detained under article 10(a)of the penal code, which gives the SPDC broad discretion to extend their prison periods. Prisoners have received extended sentences for allegedly trying to send information to the UN about prison conditions and for attempting to circulate news and written materials inside prisons. The SPDC continues to officially deny that there are any political prisoners in Burma.

Those prisoners who have been released continue to have their freedom of expression and association restricted and many were made to sign pledges that they would not engage in politics. U Pa Pa Lay, and U Lu Zaw, two comedians who had been serving a sentence for their comic performance at an NLD meeting, were released in July 2001. According to reports, since their release they have been prohibited from performing.

Throughout 2001 the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Burma were allowed to visit prisons and political prisoners when they received permission from the SPDC. In the past two years ICRC has been able to visit every prison at least once. While ICRC access is a positive sign, there were mixed reports as to whether there has been any real improvement in prison conditions. Information gathered by AAPP from recently released prisoners indicates that the behavior of prison authorities and military intelligence towards both political and non-political prisoners remains brutal. At least 68 political prisoners have died of various diseases in Burma’s prisons since 1988. Four political prisoners died during 2001; Mya Shwe, Maung Maung Aye, Sithu, and Khin Maung Myint. (Source: AAPP)

Although remnants of the British-era legal system are formally in place in Burma, the court system and its operation remain seriously flawed, particularly in the handling of political cases. In 1975 the State Protection Act was passed by the BSPP in order to protect the state from potentially destructive elements. Article 10(a) of this act allows for an individual to be detained for up to three years without a trial. This means that political prisoners in detainment are denied the rights given to sentenced prisoners and are therefore often subjected to extraordinarily repressive measures. For example, under article 10(a) a detainee can be denied visiting privileges and may be put into solitary confinement. If the military regime believes a prisoner to be a threat to the state, after that prisoner has served his/her sentence under article 10(a) he/she can be immediately re-detained.

Throughout 2001, the SPDC continued to rule by decree and was not bound by any constitutional provision providing for fair trials or any other rights. Not only have the people charged under the various law and military decrees been consistently denied fair trials and the due process of law, but also the judicial system itself has been emasculated over the years. The SPDC appoints the Judges of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court selects judges for the lower courts, but requires the approval of SPDC authorities. The Supreme Court is further in charge of supervising the lower courts. The Judiciary Law does not contain any provisions on the security of tenure of judges and their protection from arbitrary removal, thus leaving such issues entirely in the hands of the SPDC and, what is worse, without any guarantees provided by law by which the SPDC is bound.

In addition to the SPDC’s unrestricted power in the appointment of judges, the courts are powerless to protect the rights of victims of oppression. This is so because a great number of decrees have been promulgated by the SPDC for the purpose of repressing political activity and the freedoms of thought, expression, association and movement, among others. In addition, emergency laws are still resorted to. The courts have no jurisdiction to challenge or to discard this repressive legal arsenal.

Unprofessional behavior by some court officials, the use of overly broad laws - including the Emergency provisions Act of 1950, the Unlawful Associations Act, the Habitual Offenders Act, and the Law on Safeguarding the State from the danger of Destructionists - and the manipulation of the courts for political ends, continue to deprive citizens of the right to a fair trial and the rule of law.

Some basic due process rights, including the right to a public trial and to be represented by a defense attorney are generally respected, except in political cases that the authorities deem especially sensitive. Without the permission of the intelligence organs, judges cannot even let the family and counsel of the accused know what sentence has been passed. In many cases, the accused is kept in ignorance of the section of law under which he is charged. There have been reported instances where Military Intelligence has passed sentences orally at the time of arrest, before any trial had taken place. More often than not trials are held on camera. Defendants with political charges are given little chance to speak during the trial, let alone present a proper defense. Even where they manage to make a statement, the judges pay no heed to it. Prior to being charged, detainees rarely have access to legal counsel or their families and political detainees have no opportunity to obtain release on bail. In most political cases, trials are held in courtrooms on prison compounds and are not open to the public. In these instances, defense counsel appears to serve no purpose other than to provide moral support, since reliable reports indicate that verdicts are dictated by higher authorities.

Political detainees are held incommunicado for long periods. Even after being charged, detainees rarely have benefit of counsel. In one case, Comedian Par Par Lay, Lu Zaw and two other members of their performance group were arrested on January 10, 1996 after giving a performance at NLD headquarters. On the day of their trial in March 1996, they were sentenced to 7 years’ imprisonment and no one, including their lawyers, was allowed in court. NLD leaders Kyi Maung, Tin Oo, Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Htein were prevented from traveling to Mandalay to appear as witnesses for the defense.

There are 36 prisons in Burma, and 20 of them detain political prisoners. All prisons have been places of numerous violations of human dignity and brutal harassment. Conditions of detention in prison remain deplorable, and fall far short of international standards such as the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, the Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners and the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons Under Any forms of Detention or Imprisonment. In fact, conditions of detention fall short of even established laws in Burma. Under the current conditions of the military junta, political prisoners have been denied the rights entitled to them which are outlined in the Union of Myanmar Prison Manual. Furthermore, these prisoners are often subjected to extra prohibitive and repressive measures not mentioned in the prison manual. For example, every prisoner has the right to parole. Chapter 11, article 59[5] of the Union of Myanmar Prison Manual states; ‘A prisoner who has acted in accordance with prison regulation has the right to parole at least 60, 70 or 90 days a year.’

In May 1999 the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) announced that it had begun to visit prisons in Burma. In March 2000 the ICRC also began visiting labor camps, where convicted criminals have been held in extremely poor conditions. In addition the ICRC has reported that they have been able to visit prisoners held in government guesthouses, where NLD members have been detained without charge or trial since the party’s announcement in September 1998 that they would convene parliament unilaterally. Yet despite this international monitoring of conditions in Burmese prisons, maltreatment of prisoners continued to be reported in the year 2001. These abuses include torture, prolonged shackling, lack of proper medical care, and insufficient food. (For more information on torture of prisoners, see relevant chapter on torture)

Prisoners were also subjected to severe overcrowding, conditions that by themselves constitute cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment in other parts of the world. It is standard in prisons throughout Burma for 3 or 4 prisoners to be held in small cells measuring 8 by 12 feet (2.6 by 3 meters) for more than 20 hours a day. They are fed an inadequate diet of a thin bean soup or vegetables, sometimes supplemented with a small piece of fish only once a week. In Thayet prison, Magwe Division, where there are a total of 74 political prisoners, 3 persons are placed in each of the cells measuring 12' x 8' where they sleep, eat, and defecate. These conditions are inhuman, and are a danger to health of the prisoners, frequently causing sickness and sometimes death.

Medical treatment is rarely provided and then only when a prison’s illness has reached a severe stage. The most common diseases among the prisoners are: gastrointestinal diseases (amoebic dysentery, bacillary dysentery and diarrhea), jaundice (viral and amoebic hepatitis), AIDS and skin diseases. Conditions in prison allow for the easy transmission of these diseases due to poor sanitation, unclean and semi-cooked food, dirty kitchens, polluted surroundings, and lack of personal hygiene (particularly because of poor water supplies).

The UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Burma stated on 9 November 2001 that: “most reports I have received indicate that prison conditions as a whole are still inadequate, but the prisons visited by my team looked clean and tidy.” However as the authorities have prior notice before the visits of international inspection teams, they are able to prepare for these visits, and conditions do not always reflect the real state of the prisons. According to recently released political prisoners, food, health care, sanitation, and treatment have not measurably improved since the inspections began.(Source:AAPP)

Political prisoners who protest the abuse and ill treatment of the prison officials are frequently given both severe punishments and additional prison terms. Political prisoners are not allowed to communicate with one another. In addition, they are only allowed to meet with their families after they have been sentenced. Apart from the political prisoners who are put in the solitary confinement, an unknown number are forced to perform hard labor in their respective prisons on a daily basis.

While Burmese law states that prisoners should be allowed to have access to reading material, and should be allowed to receive and write letters, prisoners are largely denied these rights. In recent years restrictions on books have been slightly relaxed and since 1999, some prisons have allowed prisoners to read religious books. However authorities usually hold any books for 30 days prior to giving it to a prisoner in order to censor it. In addition, political prisoners are frequently prohibited from writing letters to their families. In many cases, prisoners caught with paper or pens are brutally beaten or put in solitary confinement for many days. Thus for most prisoners, the only times they have written contact with their families are on those occasions when the ICRC visits the prisons, and they can send and receive letters through them.

Prisoners are extremely dependent on their families to support them beyond the poor food and almost non-existent medical care they receive in prison. Some political prisoners have died from the lack of essential assistance such as medicine and nutritious food. The SPDC intentionally tries to break the spirit of political prisoners by sending them to remote prisons far away from their families. Meanwhile the MI and local authorities of the SPDC regularly intimidate and persecute the family members of political prisoners. Sometimes their belongings are confiscated, and in many cases family members of prisoners lose their jobs, so that in the end they find it very hard to provide regular support for their imprisoned family member.

Even after their release, political prisoners continue to be subjected to harassment and discrimination. MI agents often warn potential employers not to hire former political prisoners, making it difficult for them to earn a living. During politically sensitive periods, such as anniversary dates, former political prisoners are often detained and interrogated without reason. In addition to this type of harassment, students who are released from prison are not allowed to rejoin universities. Ex-prisoners are refused a passport when they want to go abroad for education or business. By severely limiting their educational and economic opportunities, the SPDC works to marginalize political prisoners from society.

In Pegu prison, located 80 km from Rangoon, prisoners have to work all day wrapping plastic labels around ‘Gyo-thein’ brand cheroots. They are each responsible for producing 3500 cheroots per day, with elderly people responsible for producing 2,500. When there is any mistake in the work, they are beaten by the prison authorities and made to sit in the hot sun. The only way that the prisoners can avoid this work is to bribe the authorities. Thus the prison authorities get money regularly from both prisoners and U Sint Han, the owner of the Gyo-thein cheroot factory. (Source: AAPP)

In July 2001, AAPP issued an open letter to the ICRC citing numerous reports as to the extremely poor quality of food provided to prisoners in Myingyan prison. The letter states that: “prisoner meals consist of the lowest possible quality rice served with dirty vegetables. The meals, in addition to being prepared with dirty, low-quality food, also often contains small stones, and sometimes nails. Worse, the prisoners do not even get enough of this food, unhealthy as it is. The prison authorities are in obvious non-compliance with the prison manual which clearly specifies that prisoners must be fed proper, clean, nutritious and adequate food in order to be in proper health.” This prison is considered to be among the worst in Burma in terms of medical services and treatment of prisoners. A number of political prisoners have died as result of severe torture, insufficient food, and lack of medical treatment. Myingyan prison has a clinic, but there is no medicine. Families of ill prisoners must purchase medicine outside of the prison and deliver it to the clinic. Prisoners whose families lack financial resources to pay for medicine are unable to receive treatment. (Source: AAPP)

Thayet prison, located in the middle of Burma, has over one thousand prisoners, including over one hundred political prisoners. There is only one medical staff member in the prison, a nurse, Kyaw Myint. As with all medical staff in Burmese prisons, Kyaw Myint began his career as a warden responsible for prison security. Positions in the prison clinic are highly coveted among wardens because the medical staff can sell materials (such as medicine) in the prison clinic and on the black marker, and extort money from the prisoners who want medical treatment. Kyaw Myint, like most other prison medical staff, attended only a short-term health-training course, after which he was considered competent to administer to the 1,000 prisoners in Thayet. According to the Burmese prison manual, every prison must have at least one medical doctor. Thayet prison has had no doctor since 1993. In early February 2001, 54 prisoners, including four political prisoners, arrived at Thayet. Before they reached the prison, one of the criminal prisoners grabbed the gun of a security guard. When he realized that the gun had no bullets, he attempted to run away, and was shot on the spot by other guards. When the rest of the prisoners reached the prison gate, they were severely beaten. While it is common for newcomers to be beaten on their first day in prison, these individuals received a harsher beating because of this incident.
(Source: AAPP)

In January 2001, some political prisoners planned to go on a hunger strike for prisoners’ rights, such as access to books. However, before the hunger strike began the prison authorities found out about it. The prisoners involved were beaten and put in solitary confinement for three weeks. Later they were moved to other prisons. Four political prisoners Thaung Aye, Than Aung, Zaw Myo Tun and Saw Tin Oo were sent from Insein to Thayet prison where, as related above, they were severely beaten upon arrival. (Source: AAPP)

Dr Min So Lin, an NLD MP-elect, was first arrested in 1997 under article 5 (j) of the Emergency Provision Act. He was arrested for his role in organizing celebrations for 50th anniversary of Mon National Day, on 23 February 1997. He was released from detention after several weeks. In 1998 he was re-arrested and sentenced to seven years imprisonment for continuing his political activities. He is currently being held in Moulmein Prison in Mon State, where he is reportedly in urgent need of treatment for an eye condition. In August 2001 his family requested that the prison authorities provide him proper treatment for his eyes, but so far this request has been denied. (Source: AAPP)

Nay Lin Soe is currently serving a second prison term for his political activities. He is being held in Kale Prison, in Sagaing Division. Nay Lin Soe is reportedly suffering from a severe eye ailment, and without treatment could soon lose his sight. (Source: AAPP)

The health condition of Burma’s prominent student leader, Min Ko Naing is reportedly deteriorating day by day and it was confirmed in early 2001 that he is now suffering from paralysis. Min Ko Naing alias Paw U Tun, Chairman of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), was arrested on 24 March 1989. He was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment (later commuted to 10 years under a general amnesty, but he has yet to be released) for his anti-government activities. He was initially detained in solitary confinement in Insein Prison in Rangoon but has been regularly moved from one prison to another. In June 2001 he was reportedly moved from Sittwe prison to Bu Thi Taung prison, also in Arakan state, and near the Bangladesh border. This new move will make it harder for international human rights organizations to monitor his condition.

According to Amnesty International, Min Ko Naing was reportedly severely tortured and ill treated during the early stages of his detention and his health has suffered as a consequence. In 1993, a United States Congressman visited him in Insein Prison and said that he was in poor health and appeared disoriented. In November 1994 the Special Rapporteur on Burma was also allowed to visit him briefly in Insein Prison, and described him as being nervous and thin. On October 25, 2001, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD), declared that the SPDC’s detention of Min Ko Naing is contrary to the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and they have directed the regime to take the necessary steps to remedy the situation. To date the regime has ignored the ruling. (Source: Mizzima)

In March 2001 U Win Tin spent his 71st birthday in Insein Prison, where he has been detained as a prisoner of conscience for almost 12 years. He is a prominent writer, journalist and a Central Executive Committee member of the NLD. U Win Tin was arrested on 4 July 1989 as part of a widespread crackdown by the SPDC on the political opposition groups. He received a sentence of 20 years imprisonment. Currently U Win Tin is the only remaining senior member of the NLD, among those arrested in June and July 1989 who has not yet been released.

During his imprisonment, U Win Tin has consistently suffered from poor health. Some of his pre-existing health conditions have been aggravated by the ill-treatment he has received and the poor living conditions in the prison. U Win Tin suffers from a heart condition and spondylitis (inflammation of the vertebrae), a painful condition which requires a special diet. In 1992 it was reported that he needed surgery, but that the SPDC had refused transfer him to a hospital. In 1994, a US Congressmen who was permitted to visit him in prison reported that he was in need of dental treatment and appeared to have problems with his vision. He was also wearing a neck brace that did not fit him properly and was causing him discomfort. During that time U Win Tin was being held in solitary confinement. In September 1997 he was admitted to Yangon General Hospital due to heart problems. On 10 October 1997 the authorities admitted that he had been taken to hospital in order to have additional medical treatment. It is not known how long he remained in hospital, but he is believed to be currently back in Insein Prison. (Source: AI)

U Soe Thein, a journalist and MP for the National League for Democracy was admitted, during the third week of September 2000, to the intensive care service of the general hospital of Rangoon. The authorities sent him to hospital only after he had had a heart attack in his cell. According to his family, he is close to death. The stomach disease from which he suffers is also worse. In July 1997, Soe Thein had his first heart attack. The authorities refused to treat him. Since May 1990, three journalists have died in detention. 55 year old Soe Thein has been detained in the Insein jail since May 1996. The authorities accused him of writing texts about “peaceful resistance” for the NLD. He was jailed under Article 10 of the State Protection Law, which allows for indefinite periods of detention without trial. Soe Thein was editor of the official State newspaper ‘Botahtaung,’ before being dismissed in 1988 because of his support for the democratic movement. He also published a magazine Ah-Twe-Ah-Myin (The Thought) until November 1990 when he was arrested for the first time. (Source: RSF)

In 1990, U Tun Aung Kyaw, (also known as Thakhin Mipwar), age 50 was arrested and sentenced to five years imprisonment including hard labor. During his imprisonment he suffered from tuberculosis, and had to spend much time in the jail hospital. He was released at the end of 1994.

After being released, he lacked sufficient money to receive the treatment needed for his illness. As a result his health steadily deteriorated. However he still continued to secretly be involved in political activities. In 1997 MI agents raided the hospital he was being treated at, and arrested him. U Tun Aung Kyaw was sentenced to seven years imprisonment including hard labor, under the 5/J law. Currently the jail hospital where he receives treatment lacks sufficient medicine, and medical specialists are rarely available. To receive needed medical treatment, U Tun Aung Kyaw needs to visit a specialist outside of the prison. However prison authorities have prohibited him from doing this, citing security concerns. (Source: AAPP)

U Ohn Kyaw, over 70 years old, from Shwe Taung Township, Pegu Division, is suffering from heart failure and hypertension, which has resulted in near paralysis. He is currently serving his sentence in a solitary confinement cell, and has not been admitted to the prison clinic. It is believed that he will die if he does not receive immediate treatment at a hospital outside of the prison. He was sentenced in 1998 to 7 years imprisonment under Section 5/J. He is currently in Myingyan prison. U Oh Kyaw is a retired township education administrator. Two of his sons are political activists working with DPNS. One is a Central Committee Member on the Thai-Burma border, and the other is currently in prison inside Burma. U Ohn Kyaw is not an activist. At the time of his arrest he was running a book rental shop that was popular with young people. It is believed that he was arrested solely because of his sons’ political activities. His family has been unable to provide him regularly with needed medicine, due to their financial situation and because the prison is located far away from their home. (Source: AAPP)

Case of U Toe Poe,

U Toe Poe, age 62, joined the 1988 demonstration as the Patron of the Workers’ Union of Industry Ministry # 1. When SLORC came to power he was forced to resign his position, and was later arrested. He is currently being held in Tharawaddy prison where he is reportedly in poor health. (Source: AAPP)

U Tin Aung (aka Ko Nyo), age 60 was arrested in 1989 and sentenced to 20 years in prison for his political organizing activities during the 1988 uprising. Prior to this he had been arrested in 1965, and again in 1969. While his current prison sentence was finished in 1999, he continues to be held in Kale prison, Sagaing Division, where he is reportedly in poor health. (Source: AAPP)

On 27 January 2001 The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPP) wrote a letter to ICRC expressing deep concern regarding the health of the following prisoners, and strongly urged the ICRC to intervene on their behalf. These prisoners are:

Kyaw Khin an NLD mp-elect from Shan State, is currently suffering from a heart disease. He was arrested in June 1996 for recording and distributing video and audiotapes of foreign news reports and documentaries on Burma. Eight other people were also charged and sentenced for the same offence. U Kyaw Khin was charged under the 1985 video act and was sentenced to 3 years in prison, he was given an additional 7 years under the 1950 Emergency Provision Act, Article 5 (j).

Thein Dan is a high-ranking member of the NLD who has been suffering from hypertension.

Nyi Mway, an activist from Insein Township, Rangoon, has been suffering from heart disease.

Ko Ko Gyi is a student leader who has already completed his prison sentence. He has been suffering from a heart condition.

Myo Aung Htwe is a student activist from Thingangyan, Rangoon who has been suffering from a heart condition.

Aung Than Nyunt is an NLD member from Chauk Township, Magwe Division, who has suffered a paralytic stroke.

Saw Bin Sin is a KNU member who has been in prison for two decades. He is currently very weak and facing health problems as a result of his advanced age. In 1980 Saw Bin Sin was given a death sentence by the SPDC after he was accused of contacting the KNU. His sentence was commuted to life in prison in 1989. He spent his sentence shacked inside a tiny cell in Insein prison, until he was moved to Thayet prison in 1991. He is reportedly suffering from lung cancer, and he receives no medical treatment from the prison authorities. His family cannot provide him with assistance as they are currently living in a refugee camp in Thailand.

Tin Tun is an elderly prisoner suffering from muscle weakness.

AAPP has also expressed concern to ICRC about the following two prisoners, also in Thayet prison

Hla Shwe,

Hla Shwe age 63, has been suffering from a heart condition and facing general health problems due to his age. He is only fed rice soup for his meals. The prison authorities ask about his medical condition but do not provide him with any medication or treatment. He has been imprisoned a number of times; for 2 years beginning in 1959; for 3 years beginning in 1969; and for 7 + years beginning in 1989. He has currently been in prison for the past 14 years, which has caused his health condition to deteriorate.

Saa Than Myint (aka Sate Noh)

was given a death sentence on July 12, 1985, for allegedly belonging to the KNU. His sentence was later commuted to life in prison. Soon after his imprisonment he contracted tuberculosis. He received medical treatment twice, in 1997 and 1998. In Thayet prison he received medical treatment for only six months.

Khin Maung Myint, from Bogale, Irrawaddy Division, was arrested in 1991 for his involvement with the KNU. He was given a life sentence in Myingyan Prison under act 17/1 and 122. He died in 2001 from unknown causes.

Maung Maung Aye was arrested in 1999 because of his political involvement with the NLD. He was sentenced to 4 years in Bassein Prison under article 5(j). He died on 25 June 2001 of unknown causes.

On July 26, 2001 Khin Maung Myint, who was in his thirties, died in prison of unknown causes. He had been serving an eight-year sentence in Kale prison in Sagaing Division. According to former prisoners, Kale prison is located in a malaria-infested area, where even prison staff frequently become seriously ill and actually rely on political prisoners’ families for medicine. Khin Maung Myint was active as a former NLD youth leader and was the secretary of the NLD Latha Township branch in Rangoon. In 1997 he was arrested for trying to organize a meeting with Suu Kyi and other NLD youth members in Mayangone Township, also located in Rangoon. He was charged under 5(j) of the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act. (Source: Irrawaddy)

Sithu

On 11 July 2001, Sithu, a student activist also known as Ye Naing, died in Tharawaddy hospital in central Burma after serving over eleven years in prison. Sithu, was given a 12 year prison sentence in 1995. He was initially put in Insein Prison and later transferred to Tharawaddy Prison, 78 miles from Rangoon. His older brother, Khin Maung Zaw, was also incarcerated in another prison very far from Rangoon, and managing regular visits to both Sithu and his brother was difficult for their family members. In 1999, his brother was released after serving 10 years in prison.

Although Sithu’s sentence was officially completed in March 1999, the authorities refused to release him. The SPDC Interior Minister and Chairperson of the Human Rights Committee, Col. Tin Hlaing stated that, “(Sithu is) still strong-minded and opposite political thinking (to the junta).” Tharawaddy prison is located in an area where malaria is endemic, and many prisoners contract the disease. In February 1999, Sithu was admitted to the prison hospital to be treated for malaria. Later he reportedly also contracted typhoid. As the health care system in prison was very poor and the closest hospital outside the prison was also ill equipped, Sithu had to buy the medicine he needed himself. He reportedly had a difficult time obtaining permission to buy medicine and contact his family. Despite several months of treatment he continued to suffer from malaria fevers. On November 15, 2000 his condition deteriorated and he was again admitted to the prison hospital. After continual pleas, he was allowed to seek treatment at a hospital outside the prison, where a doctor diagnosed him with an “unknown fever.”

On January 10, 2001, after one month in the hospital, he was sent back to prison. For six months following his return, Sithu was given medicine for tuberculosis by the prison doctor. Later, it was reported that he had contracted HIV.

During the rainy season, Sithu caught a cold and his health further deteriorated. When he contacted the prison doctor, he was given only aspirin. Four days later, his temperature had risen to 103 F and he was having difficulty breathing. On June 27, his temperature rose to 107 F and he was no longer able to eat. He became increasingly dehydrated and was in constant pain. At this time he was receiving some limited medical treatment, but was not given oxygen or an I.V. On July 6, the district doctor and a specialist examined him and prescribed a new course of treatment. The next day, he was moved to a cell in Tharawaddy district hospital. After five days, on July 11, Sithu passed away. After his death, his family and friends tried to put an obituary in the state-run newspaper, however MI agents had already warned the paper not to print the obituary. (Source: Irrawaddy)

Since 1998, the authorities have also extended some prisoners’ detentions under Article 10 (a) of the 1975 State Protection Act, which allows officials to detain a person for up to 3 years without trial for “security reasons.” In prisons around Burma, the authorities have re-arrested and extended the detention of more than 45 political prisoners who did nothing to violate this article. When their prison terms were finished many of these prisoners were taken to the prison gates as if to be released, and then told that they were being detained again. They were temporally denied family visiting rights under the special law 10 (a) and many have suffered from mental illness after experiencing systematic psychological torture.

On 20 November 2001, DVB reported that the Burmese government had extended the sentences of 10 political prisoners. Reports indicate that these political prisoners had a quarrel among themselves, which didn’t disturb the security of the prison. While the incident occurred in Taungoo prison, the 10 prisoners, including Kyaw Mya, Than Naing, and Bo Bo Han, have currently been transferred to a prison in Mandalay. DVB quoted official sources in Rangoon, stating that their sentences had been extended by an additional seven years for violation of prison rules. No further details were given. (Source: DVB)

List of Political Prisoners who have completed their sentences but remain imprisoned-

1- Aung May Thu, Tharawaddy

2- Aung Than, Bassein

3- Ba Htoo Maung, Myingyan

4- Bala Gyi, Taungoo

5- Bo Bo Han, Taungoo

6- Hla Nyein, Myingyan

7- Htay Kywe, Tharawaddy

8- Htay Lwin, Myingyan

9- Htay Thein, Mandalay

10- Htway Aung, Insein

11- Khin Maung Than, Mandalay

12- Khin Maung Ye (aka Tin Aye), Mandalay

13- Ko Hmaing(aka Myo Min Hlaing), Myingyan

14- Ko Ko Gyi, Thayet

15- Kyaw Lwin, Myingyan

16- Kyaw Mya, Taungoo

17- Min Ko Naing (aka Paw Oo Tun), Sittwe

18- Myat San, Taungoo

19- Naing Myint (aka Myint Soe), Mandalay

20- Soe Moe Hling (aka Mae Gyi), Tharawaddy

21- Soe Myint, Mandalay

22- Soe Win, Myingyan

23- Than Saw, Myingyan

24- Than Swe, (NA)

25- Thaung Hteik (aka Than Hteik), Tharawaddy

26- Thet Khaing (aka Ko Latt), Insein

27- Thet Tun (aka Tin Htut), Myingyan

28- Tin Aung, Kale

29- Tin Aye Kyu (aka Hmaing Lwin), Mandalay

30- Tin Htay (aka Phone Thar), Mandalay

31- Tin Myint, Mandalay

32- Tin Tun, Insein

33- Ye Nyunt, Mandalay

34- Zaw Aung, Tharawaddy

35- Zaw Khin, Thayet

36- Zaw Min, Thayet

37- Zaw Min, Dr, Mandalay

38- Zay Ya, Tharawaddy

In early 2001, approximately 100 NLD members who had been detained for months in a military compound outside Rangoon, were released. They were arrested in Rangoon railway station in September 2000, after attempting to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was at the railway station planing to travel to Mandalay, but was banned from doing so by military authorities.

Since the beginning of the talks in October 2000, 212 NLD members, including those mentioned above, have been released. Among them, were three NLD members who were reportedly released before their prison periods were finished. The members were:

(1) Dr. Aung Khin Sint, MP elect in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township

(2) Khin Hla Htay, a NLD youth member, Irrawaddy Division and

(3) Cho Aung Than, Aung San Suu Kyi’s cousin and assistant.

For more information about the release of comedians U Pa Pa Lay, and U Lu Zaw, magazine editor Soe Thein, and journalist Daw San San Nwe, please see chapter on Freedom of Opinion, Expression, and the Press.

Kyaw Tun Min was a 10th Standard student in 1996 and was actively involved in the December 1996 student demonstrations. In December, he also finished 10th Standard, passing his exams with two degrees - math and science. In 1998, after he had passed the entrance into the Defense Service Academy, he failed to report to class.

In the summer of 1999, leading up to the planned 9-9-99 demonstrations, Kyaw Tun Min was actively involved in organizing activities in Bago Township, including the 19 July Martyr’s Day protests. After the 19 July demonstrations, and the subsequent Military Intelligence crackdown, he went into hiding. On 4 August, he was arrested while in hiding, by Bago Military Intelligence #3, and accused of having connections to ABSDF. On 3 December 1999, the Military Government sentenced Kyaw Tun Min to 25 years in prison, with hard labour.

Win Win Htay worked in the NLD headquarters in the early 1990s when the military regime detained Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of NLD members. She is also a member of the NLD Rangoon Division Youth Wing. To support her family, she ran a betel nut shop near her apartment in Kyaukthada Township, downtown Rangoon, until Aung San Suu Kyi was released from arrest and the NLD became more active. In May 1996, the military authorities detained her and other over 400 NLD members who were planning an NLD congress. She was interrogated and detained in Insein prison for 2 months.

On October 28, 1997, she and other NLD members went to the Mayangone Township NLD office branch for a meeting of the local NLD youth wing. The authorities did not allow them to hold the meeting, and later that night, the military intelligence people arrested her and 7 other NLD members. The authorities accused them of disrupting the peace and stability of the country. They were sentenced to 7 years imprisonment each, under section 5/j (of the 1950 Emergency Provision Act) and they had been denied access to legal counsel.

Dr. Zaw Min, the son of Hla Shwe and Khin Htay, was born on February 2, 1960 in Meiktila, middle Burma. He graduated from Rangoon Institute of Medicine in the early 1980s. Zaw Min, a physician and short-story writer, was accused by the military regime of being one of the masterminds of the 1988 pro-democracy movement. He was arrested on July 1989 and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment with hard labor on November 13, 1989 by a military court. He was accused of trying to oppose state power, and was charged under section of 5/j and 17/1. Dr. Zaw Min was moved from Insein prison to Mandalay prison on July 6,1990. At the beginning of 1993, the regime reduced the sentences of all political prisoners to not more than ten years. Dr. Zaw Min benefited from this amnesty and his sentence was shortened to ten years, meaning that he was scheduled for release in 1997 or 1998. At the end of 1999 instead of being released, his sentence was lengthened under act 10/a, which allows for an individual to be detained for up to three years without a trial. According to his family, Zaw Min who has been in prison since 1989, was unable to recognize relatives who visited him recent years. The authorities neglected his family’s requests for treatment to address his deteriorating mental condition. (Source: AAPP)

Currently there are many ethnic minority prisoners being held in Burmese prisons and detention centers because of their involvement in the democracy and human rights movements. Some members of ethnic minority groups took part in the 1990 general election sponsored by the military authorities. Eight years after the elections, when the military authorities still refused to accept the results, some of the ethnic political parties, together with National League for Democracy, founded the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP). However, the authorities responded harshly, and gave long prison sentences to all of those who participated in non-violent political activities such as the CRPP. Aye Tha Aung, an Arakanese activist and secretary of CRPP, was given 21 years in prison for meeting with ethnic minority groups to discuss plans for the future and cooperation between these activists and military regime.

Some of the jailed ethnic minority activists are currently very old. Saw Mra Aung, 93, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) and Cin Shing Thang, 63, chairman of the Zomi National Congress (ZNC) were arrested in September 1998. ALD and ZNC are founding parties of the CRPP. Although the authorities said that these individuals were put in government guesthouses, they are in fact currently in the Ye Mon military camp, a place with very harsh living conditions, including poisonous reptiles and insects.

In February 2001 AAPP sent a statement to the International Committee of the Red Cross, requesting that they pay regular visits to the following ethnic minority prisoners to monitor their health status.

Aye Tha Aung is currently serving a 21-year sentence for his activities in the democracy and human rights movement. He was born in Myaebon Township, Arakan State. He served as a Sergeant Major and worked in Ka-Pa-Sa, the Heavy (Military) Industry Corporation. He was dismissed and imprisoned in Mandalay jail due to his underground political activities and released under an amnesty in 1974. After the 1988 democracy uprising, he became a member of ALD and United National League for Democracy (UNLD) Secretariats. After the military authorities refused to accept the 1990 election results, he became one of the secretaries in the CRPP. In CRPP, he represents the 4 ethnic political parties, Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF), and Zomi National Congress (ZNC).

In 2000, he met with some other members of ethnic minority groups to organize a dialogue including activists and military authorities. He also wrote articles on ethnic minority issues in CRPP bulletins. After he was arrested on April 24, 2000, he was given three consecutive 7 year prison terms for violating publication and emergency laws. He had been denied any legal defence.

Fu Cin Shing Thang, age 63, has been detained since September 1998. He is a High Court Advocate and has a Bachelor of Arts (Law) degree and a Bachelor of Law degree from Rangoon University. Fu Cin Shing Thang was a member of the ‘Group for Solidarity,’ one of several groups formed in Burma who met to discuss the drafting of a new constitution. In 1972 he presented his recommendations to the military authorities’ constitution drafting committee and was subsequently detained by the authorities for 2 years. He was elected from Tiddim Constituency (2) in the 1990 general elections that were sponsored by the military regime. He is currently the Chairman of the Zomi National Congress (ZNC). Although the authorities banned the party on March 11, 1992, the ZNC continued their activities in mid 1998. On June 6, 1998, Cin Shing Thang, together with 3 other ethnic leaders from powerful parties, requested that the military start a dialogue with democratic activists. Three months later, he was detained but authorities announced that he (and hundreds of activists, including MPs-elect) had been invited for a dialogue. Currently he is in the Ye Mon military camp, a place with poor living conditions, including poisonous reptiles and various sorts of insects. (Note: Fu is the equivalent of ‘Mr’. in Chin.)

Do Htaung, NLD MP-elect, is currently in detention in Kalay Prison. MI personnel arrested him at midnight on May 21, 1996 while he was preparing to attend the sixth anniversary of the founding of the NLD at Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence. After he was released on May 27, 1996, he was arrested again by the MI and was tortured the entire night. His sons, Dr Rodain and Dr Lawn Thaung fled from Burma after the MI attempted to arrest them as well. Some 19 other NLD members, including Ba Min, Tin Cho and Wing Naing were arrested and charged along with Do Htaung under Articles 5(j) of the 1950 Emergency Provision Act.

Do Htaung, 61, is the son of Hlanon and Htanman, and was born in Bo Kyone Village, Falam Township, Chin State. He passed Medic Training in 1962 with the highest marks in the country and from 1963-1989 he worked as a Medic in Tatalan, Kanpalat, Kale, Molite and Homalin Townships. In 1971, he was detained in Myingyan Prison for 2 years. He participated in the 1988 democracy uprising and became a local NLD leader. In the 1990 election, he was elected from Kale Constituency (1), Sagaing Division.

Duwa Zaw Aung, age 68, is currently serving a 7-year prison sentence for his activities in the NLD. He is the son of Duwa Jah and was born on September 20, 1933. From 1954-1957 he was the Chairman of the Kachin State Student Union. He was also the Bamaw District Chairman of the Committee for the Promotion of Kachin Culture from 1956-1957 and Chairman of the Kachin State Baptist Church from 1982-1987. He actively participated in the 1988 democracy uprising and became a local leader in the NLD. In the 1990 general election, he was elected as a representative from Waingmaw Constituency, Kachin State. He stayed secretly in Rangoon when the CRPP was founded in 1998. In August 1999, he was arrested by MI personnel. They sentenced him to 7 years imprisonment because he had written to religious leaders about the political deadlock between the military authorities and NLD.

Khun Myint Tun was arrested by MI personnel in May of 1996 along with hundreds of NLD members. In mid 1996, he and 19 other people were accused of contacting Burmese activists in India. He was charged with disturbing the State peace and stability and was sentenced to seven years in jail. Later, the authorities found out that in April 1996 he had met with a journalist from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation at Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence and that he had given the journalist a videocassette of Aung San Suu Kyi’s weekly speeches. He, along with Kyaw Khin, (MP, Shan State), was then sentenced to an additional three years for breaching the 1985 Video Act.

Khun Myint Tun was born in Theinseik Village, Thaton, Mon State on January 12, 1963, the son of U Hpon Khin and Daw Khin Aye. He graduated with a degree in Geology from Rangoon University in 1983. After he finished studying he started a business with his parents and also worked as an assistant teacher. He became a democracy and human rights activist after the 1988 uprising. He was occasionally detained by the authorities when he was working in NLD headquarters from 1993 to 1996. He was arrested in his village and detained in Moulmein and Insein prisons. He is now currently being held Mandalay prison.

Kyin Thein, age 53, is currently in prison after being sentenced to 7-years under Article 5 (j) of the 1950 Emergency Provision Act. Prior to his arrest he was the Chairman of Kya-in-Seikkyi Township NLD and in charge of the Karen State Organizing Committee. He attended the military controlled National Convention and was a part of the NLD boycott in December 1995.

Kyin Thein led student demonstrations against the military government in 1975 at Moulmein College and was subsequently arrested, and from March to September 1976 was detained in Moulmein Prison as a political prisoner. He was born in Ye, Mon State. His father’s name is Par O. Kyin Thein has a degree in Geography and worked as a Kya-in-Seikkyi Township Council member in 1985 and was a part time member of the township jury. He became a NLD member and in the 1990 general election he was elected in Kya-in-Seikkyi Constituency (2).

Nine Nine, NLD MP-elect is currently serving his 21-year sentence in Insein Prison.

Nine Nine, the son of Saw Thein, was born on April 3, 1942 in Kyaik Hto. He has a Post-Graduate Diploma in Management and Administration from Rangoon University. He was a government Trade Corporation Manager from 1967-1983 and resigned from his job in 1983. He then worked as a consultant. After the 1988 uprising, he became the Chairman of Pazundaung Township NLD and elected from Pazundaung Constituency. As a result of his activities with the NLD, he was arrested on October 25, 1990 and sentenced to 10 years under Penal Code Article 122 (1). He was detained in Insein and Thayet prisons.

He rejoined the NLD movement as soon as he was released in 1999. He became a leading member of the Supporting Committee to the NLD youth led by Aung San Suu Kyi. He was arrested on September 13, 2000 because of his work with this committee and also because of an article he published in the NLD bulletin. He was sentenced to 21-years imprisonment under the act of 5(j), 17(20) and 17(1).

Saw Mra Aung, 93, has been detained without charge by the Burmese junta since September 1998. He is the chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), which was founded after the 1988 nationwide democracy uprising. ALD won 11 seats in the general election on May 27, 1990 in which Saw Mra Aung was also elected as a Member of Parliament from Mrauk-U Constituency (1), Arakan State. The military regime had no intention of transferring power to the elected representatives, and ALD was banned by the military controlled Election Commission on March 6, 1992. On June 9, 1998, the 4 elected ethnic leaders, including Saw Mra Aung, appealed to the regime to convene parliament based on the 1990 poll results. On June 23 the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won a landslide victory in the election, also called for the regime to convene the parliament within 60 days. As the regime neglected their demand, the NLD and 4 other ethnic minorities parties founded the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP) on September 16, 1998.

On September 1998, the military authorities detained hundreds of activists and MPs including Saw Mra Aung. The junta said that the activists were invited to the government guesthouses for dialogue. In reality, they were put in a detention center in Ye Mon garrison town, outside the capital Rangoon. It was announced by the junta that it had arrested 200 MPs and 651 NLD members. (See the junta controlled paper New Light of Myanmar 23-11-98.) Later, they were forced to resign as MPs or from political activities. Every 1 or 2 months, the junta allowed some MPs, including Saw Mra Aung, to return home for a one night stay.

Saw Mra Aung was made the chairperson of the People’s Parliament on September 17, 1999, when the first statement of the CRPP was issued. Because he was under detention at the time, he wasn’t aware of his appointment as chairperson until a few weeks later when was allowed to visit his family. He informed the CRPP that he accepted this position heartily and he would serve this office until his death. Saw Mya Aung studied medicine in Burma until 1942, when the Japanese occupied Burma, and later continued his studies in Bombay, India where he received his medical degree in 1947. He served as a government worker for two years and then went to Britain for four years where he received further medical degrees.

From 1955-1963 he was the head of Mandalay Hospital and the head of the Medical Education Department of Mandalay Medical College. Saw Mra Aung retired from government service in 1978 and worked for two hospitals in Hong Kong from 1979-1982. He came back to Burma in 1982 and worked as a volunteer specialist at the Sanga (monk) Contribution Hospital and the Nun’s Hospital in Rangoon until he was arrested.

Saw Mra Aung, the son of Saw Hla Aung and Than San, was born on April 23, 1908 in Mrauk-U, Arakan State.

Saw Oo Reh is currently imprisoned in Loikaw, Kayah State and is suffering from serious diabetes and kidney problems. He is 73-years old. He was hospitalized in July 1997 as a result of his health problems and although in shackles, was tied to his hospital bed. His son-in-law, Aung Myint, fled to Thailand in October 1997 after being forcibly recruited as a porter for the army and reported at that time that Saw Oo Reh’s health was declining.

He was arrested in December 1996 and charged with financially supporting the outlawed Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and writing a book entitled ‘ The Crisis of Kayah State and Causes of Civil War in Burma’. He was charged under the Association with Illegal Organizations Act and the 1962 Printing and Publishing Act, and sentenced to 17 years imprisonment. Prior to his arrest, on November 18, 1996, the Election Commission announced that he had resigned as an MP. It is understood that the military used intimidation to force him to resign. He joined the NLD after the August 1988 uprising and was a member of the Kayah State Organization Committee. In the 1990 general election, he was elected from the Phruso constituency. He was then a Central Committee member of the NLD and boycotted the military sponsored National Convention on December 28, 1995.

Saw Oo Reh was born on August 30, 1928 and is the son of U Toe Reh. He was educated up to Seventh Standard and during World War II he served as Sergeant with spider-badge paratroop unit 136. He was a candidate in the 1960 election, and was a representative of the Parliament from 1974-1978 for Phruso Township, Kayah State.

Toe Po, a NLD MP-elect, is serving a 7-year sentence for his activities in democracy and human rights. During the 1988 democracy uprising he joined the demonstrations as a patron of the Workers’ Union of Industry Ministry no-1. When the military came to power he was forced to resign from his position as Deputy Director of the Ministry. In 1964 he had joined the Army and retired as a Captain in 1981. He worked for the Ministry of Industry no.1 for 5 years in Tavoy and 2 years in Pegu. Toe Po, the son of U Pe Chit, was born on November 17, 1939 in Palaw, Tenasserim Division.

In the 1990 military sponsored general election, he was elected as a representative from Yebyu Constituency, Tenasserim Division. Although the military refused to accept the 1990 election results, he, like the majority of other MPs, carried on his democracy and human rights activities. He became a key member in NLD’s Social Supporting Committee that has been working especially for the political prisoners. He was arrested in September 1998.

After the 1990 elections, hundreds of Members of Parliament (MPs) were detained and imprisoned by the SPDC. There are currently 50 MPs in prison, military camps and under house arrest. (See list below). Some were released and then re-arrested and imprisoned, including: Dr. Aung Khin Sint, U Min Swe, Daw San San, U Soe Thein (aka Maung Wuntha). In some cases MPs were forcibly detained with the authorities claiming that they had only been ‘invited’ to stay at guesthouses for a dialogue.

In May 2001 Human Rights Watch published a list of eighty-five MPs who at that time were currently being held in prison or detention in Burma. Forty-five of these MPs had already been sentenced, the majority charged with attempting to “undermine state security” under article 5(J) of Burma’s Emergency Provisions Act. Their sentences ranged from two years to thirty-seven, with most facing at least seven years in prison. Thirty-eight of the 45 charged are NLD members, three from the Mon National Democratic Front, and one each from the Arakan League for Democracy and the National Democratic Party for Human Rights. The MP sentenced most recently was Min Shwe, an NLD Irrawaddy Division MP, who was given three years in March 2001.

The remaining forty detained parliamentarians have not yet been tried or sentenced. Aside from one MP who belongs to the Party for National Democracy, the rest are members of the NLD. Most of those who continue to be held without charge were first detained in September 1998, while they were involved in efforts to form a parallel parliament, the Committee Representing People’s Parliament (CRPP). (Source: HRW)

3 MPs-elect died in prison between 1990 and 1999 due to torture and ill treatment, poor prison conditions and inadequate medical care. Some died soon after they were released, such as the architect U Kyaw Min. While a large number of MPs have been released since the beginning of the talks, there is continuing concern about the health of those that remain incarcerated in prisons, military camps, and so-called guesthouses. (Source: AAPP)

On September 21 2000, Aung San Suu Kyi, Tin Oo, 7 NLD central executive committee members and approximately 100 NLD supporters were arrested in Rangoon. The NLD leaders were arrested as they were attempting to board a train to Mandalay. Tin Oo and several other NLD members were taken into detention, while Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest. On the same day, NLD vice-president, Aung Shwe was also put under house arrest. After 3 months, Tin Oo was released from police detention but remained under house arrest. The seven members of the NLD CEC were released from house arrest in late 2000. On 27 August 2001, the SPDC lifted their restrictions on U Aung Shwe and U Tin Oo. This move was an apparent goodwill gesture by the SPDC, and occurred a day before United Nations envoy Razali Ismail was due to arrive in Rangoon.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remained under house arrest throughout 2001. Her regular food purchases continued to be thoroughly checked by security personnel, and she was restricted from having visitors.

(1) Aung Moe Nyo Dr., Pwintbyu (2) Constituency

(2) Aung Myint Thein (U), Natmauk (2)

(3) Aung Soe (U), Magwe (2)

(4) Aung Soe Myint (U), Taungoo (1)

(5) Aye (U), Gyobingauk (2)

(6) Ba Swe (U), Kawhmu

(7) Han Zaw (U), Sinbaungwe

(8) Hla Thein (U), Tamwe(1)

(10) Kan Oo (U), Salin (2)

(11) Khin Kyaw Han (aka Kyaw Kyaw (U)), Yenanchaung (2)

(12) Khin Maung Win (U), Oaktwin (2)

(13) Kyaw Myint (U), Magwe (1)

(14) Kyaw Myint (U), Zalun 1

(15) Maung Aye (U), Tharawaddy (2)

(16) Myint Kyi (U), Katha

(17) Myint Thein (U), Chauk (1)

(18) Myint Thein (U), Kyaikmaraw (1)

(19) Myo Win, Dr., Kawa (1)

(20) Nyan Win (U), Paung (1)

(21) Pike Chon (U), Shwedaung (2)

(22) Saw Hlaing (U), Indaw

(23) Saw Mra Aung, Dr., Mrauk-U (1)

(24) Sein Win, Dr., Seikkyi Kanaungto

(25) Soe Maung (U), Phyu (2)

(26) Tar (U), Salin (1)

(27) Tha Saing (U), Twante (1)

(28) Thar Aung (U), Myothit (1)

(29) Thar Maung (U), Okpo (2)

(30) Thein Myint (U), Tamwe (2)

(31) Thein Nyunt (U), Thingangyun (1)

(32 ) Thein Oo, Oaktwin 1

(33) Tin Htut Oo (U), Lewe (1)

(34) Tin Shwe (U), Waw (1)

(35) Tun Kywe (U), Nyaunglebin (2)

(36) Tun Tun Hein (U), Nawngcho

(37) Win Myint (U), Danubyu (1)

(38) Win Myint Aung (U), Tebayin

(39) Win Naing, Dr., Tanyin (1)

Aung Shwe, Mayangon (1) Constituency

Tin Maung Win (U), Kayan (2) Constituency

Hla Than (U), Coco Island

Saw Win (U) (aka Kyaw Zaw Lin) (U), Htilin

On 19 March 2001, Mr.Gin Kam Lian, Secretary General of the Zomi National Congress (ZNC) was arrested in Mawlamyine, Mon State by the SPDC. Mr. Gin Kam Lian is a prominent ethnic leader who has close ties to Aung San Suu Kyi. He was actively involved in the Committee for Representing People’s Parliament (CRPP), which was formed in September 1998 by representatives from political parties that had won seats in the 1990 elections. The Zomi National Congress (ZNC) won two parliamentary seats in the elections but the regime outlawed the party in 1992. The SPDC has not made any announcement on the arrest of Mr. Gin Kam Lian, and it is currently not known where he is being held. In 1999 the junta arrested the president of ZNC, Mr. Cin Sian Thang. (Source: Mizzima)

On 6 July 2001, a female pastor, Ms. Gracy, of Rinpi Baptist church from central Chinland was sentenced by a Chin State court to two years with hard labour in Haka, the capital of Chin State. Pastor Gracy was arrested by Burmese soldiers on February 13th, 2001, and was accused of supporting the Chin National Front. Since her arrest, she has been detained in Haka army camp, where prison conditions are extremely harsh and dangerous for female prisoners. Recent reports indicate that Pastor Gracy will soon be sent to Kalaywa hard labour camp in Sagaing division, where her brother Pu Hoi Mang is now serving a two year prison term with hard labour. In Chin State, the SPDC has publicly declared that Christian pastors are their number one enemy, accusing them of being pro-colonialist. (Source: CHRO)

Mandalay monk arrested over critical sermon

7 August 2001, regional military intelligence personnel arrested a monk for delivering a speech criticizing the prevailing economic and political situations at an umbrella raising religious ceremony held at the Mahamyatmunni Payagyi Pagoda in Mandalay on 1 August. The monk, Ashin Pandita, climbed up the pagoda’s scaffolding and delivered a sermon to the monks and guests attending the ceremony. The military intelligence personnel present immediately removed him from the ceremony, took off his monk’s robes and detained him at No 10 Police Station. The authorities are planning to take action against the monk for inciting unrest. Although Ashin Pandita is believed to be a resident of a monastery near the Mandalay Technological University more details about him are not known. His actions caused a commotion among the monks who attended the ceremony. (Source: DVB)

On 20 November 2001, Dr. Salai Tun Than, a former university rector, was arrested for staging a one-man protest against the SPDC. The 74-year-old retired rector stood in front of Rangoon City Hall and distributed copies of a petition letter he had written, demanding political reform. In his letter, he called on the ruling military regime to hold multiparty general elections within one year, and requested that the elections be supervised by officials from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United Nations. He added that governing power should be transferred over to the winner as soon as the results are made known to the public. In his letter, he further urged military officials to kill him if they refused to meet his demands. “It is better to die than to live under the military regime,” the letter said. He also appealed to all armed forces and police to join the people and urged the armed forces to stop killing people.

It is believed that Dr. Salai Tun Than wore an academic gown during the protest. Security officers arrested the professor after being alerted by local officials. After his arrest, Dr. Salai Tun Than was detained in Insein Prison where he was denied permission to meet relatives and friends. On February 8, 2002, he was sentenced by a special court held inside Insein prison, to seven years imprisonment under Article 5(J) of the 1950 State Emergency Act. Recent reports indicate that he is now permitted to receive visits from relatives. In February, he also met with the United Nations’ Human Rights rapporteur for Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro. Dr Salai Tun Than currently suffers from a serious eye condition that needs to be operated on within the next six months.

Dr. Salai Tun Than, a Christian and a member of the Chin ethnic group, earned a Ph.D. in Agronomy from the University of Wisconsin and had served as rector at the Yezin University of Agriculture in Pyinmana until 1990. (Source: Irrawaddy)

In January 2001 a resident of Myekanbaw village, Karen State who escaped to the border reported that whenever the SPDC needs funds they arrest people in the village for various reasons and release them after receiving money. Those who cannot pay are kept as porters until their relatives come and ransom them. (Source: KORD)

In January 2001, the VPDC chairman of Kyauk-ka-nya village, Tenasserim Division, U Than Sein, reported to Ye-pyu police station that U Su Hne, age 40, son of U Chit Sein, had failed to pay porter fees and fees for the village funds and that he was saying negative things about the VPDC. After this the police from Ye-pyu town came and arrested him. After U Su Hne’s arrest, he was put in Ta-voy prison for three months by the authorities, who reported that U Su Hne had interrupted their business. U Su Hne then had to serve as a prisoner porter for the coastal region command frontline. The VPDC in Kyauk-ka-nya village forces the residents to pay porter fees and the people who refuse to pay are reported to the Ye-pyu police station, and like U Su Hne they are arrested and punished. (Source: THRF)

In January 2001, 3 villagers were accused of supporting the Shan resistance and arrested in Ham Ngaai tract, Murng-Kerng township, Shan State by the same SPDC troops (LIB 15 of 99th Division), led by commander Set Wei, known locally as “Lt. Betel Chewer,”. One managed to escape during the arrest and his property was confiscated, and his house was also destroyed. The 3 victims were:

1. Lung Sing (m), aged 50, of Kung Nyawng village, Ham Ngaai tract (being detained in Murng-Kerng)

2. Saang Su (m), of Zaam Pawng village, Ham Ngaai tract (being detained in Murng-Kerng)

3. Khing Paang (m), of Nawng Ung village, Ham Ngaai tract (escaped)

Lung Sing and Saang Su are still being detained in jail in Murng-Kerng town at the time of this report. (Source: SHRF)

On 29 January, an LIB troop headed by Min Zaw entered the area of Play Hsa Lor, Toungoo district, Karen State, hid in the jungle and shot at villagers who passed by. Fortunately no one was injured at that time but a husband and wife from Play Hsa Lor village Saw Kyi Lin and Naw Kheh Pa, were captured. So far they have not been released. (Source: KORD)

On 10 March 2001, SPDC, IB 26, based in Tha Byage Nyunt, (Taw Ta Tu) Tantabin twonship, Toungoo District sent for the village head man of Play Hsa Lo village, Maw San Tin, and took him to labor at the car road construction side at Ma La Daw. At the time of this report he had yet to be released. The troops have also forced Play Hsa Lo village to send 3 persons regularly to labor at car road construction side. (Source: KIC)

On 10 March 2001, Narinjara News reported that a prominent Rakhine businessman from Sittwe, Rakhine State, had been arrested illegally and was being detained without trial in Sittwe State Prison. The businessman, Aung Saw Tha, age 48, from Mouleek Quarter of Sittwe, was arrested in February 2001, following race riots that occurred in the area between the Buddhists and the Muslims. Prior to his arrest, Aung Saw Tha ran a video show and video rental service in Sittwe. On the day he was arrested, there was a live broadcast of a football game that he was showing in his video store. According to inside sources, there was a bet of hundreds of thousands of kyat between the businessman and a personal assistant of Aung Htay, Head of the Western Command. When the personnal assistant (PA) lost the bet, he began a fight with Aung Saw Tha and his men. The PA instantly left the scene. Shortly afterwards he returned with six MI agents. They charged Aung Saw Tha with the crime of showing foreign videocassettes, which is illegal in Sittwe, and arrested him with six other men who were in the video store. The MI agents confiscated all his personal property worth hundreds of thousands of kyat including his wife’s gold jewelry. Since his imprisonment, Aung saw Tha’s physical condition has seriously deteriorated following repeated physical torture in the prison cell, according to a political detainee in the same prison who recently crossed the border to Bangladesh. (Source: Narinjara News).

On 20 March, 3 village headmen were arrested and imprisoned in Hsipaw, Shan State, for their villages’ failure to fill the rice procurement quota. The arrested headmen were: Zang Hsu from Zaykharn village; Ai Parn In from Nalaw village; and Ai P from Na-oong village. All were detained by the order of U Maung Sein, Customs Officer and U Ngwe Taik, Township Officer. According to local sources, their arrests had caused much outrage among the villagers. Rangoon’s exorbitant rice quota, 8 baskets per acre at 300 kyats per basket, had led to protests by farmers in Hsihseng Township in southern Shan State on 15 January. (Source: SHAN)

In April 2001, a garlic farmer was locked up for 2 days and 2 nights by SPDC troops of LIB502, led by Capt. Win Kyi, for growing a test crop of 3 viss (1 viss = about 1.6 kilos) of garlic without informing the military authorities. In January 2001, the military authorities in Murng-Pan had issued an order requiring farmers who grew garlic to also grow 10 viss for the military for every viss they grew for themselves. Lung Kan-Ta-Maa of Naa Ing village, in Murng-Pan township, Shan State, grew the garlic to test the soil, thinking the SPDC troops would never see it. However, in April, the SPDC troops accidentally found the garlic farm and, although it was already harvested and deserted for some time, they arrested Lung Kan-Ta-Maa and extorted some of money from him. (Source: SHRF)

On 26 May, the SPDC LIB (111) entered Mae K’ti village in Shwe Kyin township, Karen State and captured 5 members of Pah T’kler’s family. The troop also looted food from the the villagers and burnt down a village school. The troop continues to operate in the area and so far there is no information about Pah T’kler’s family members. (Source:KORD)

On 28 May 2001, a pregnant Akha woman was arrested by SPDC troops from LIB 331 for buying consumer goods from Thailand, and locked up for 7 days at a police station in Ta-Khi-Laek town, Shan State. A-Pe, age 19, who was 6 months pregnant, would occasionally sneak across the Mae Sai river to buy food for her family as prices of consumer goods are very high in Ta-Khi-Laek town. Although there was no one at the point where she crossed the river on her way out, on her return she ran into LIB 331 troops on the bank of the river. The soldiers, stating that they were working under orders, arrested A-Pe and detained her in the police station for 7 days without trial or any kind of legal protection before releasing her. (Source: SHRF)

On 9 July, Soldiers from LIB 262 arrested 17 boat passengers near the area of Bokepyin, Kyunsu, and Kawthaung Townships, Tenasserim Division. The passengers were detained for two days. The soldiers looted items from the passengers worth ten million kyats. The boat owners are U Mya Din and U Ka Shin from Yebyu village, Launglon Tsp, Tenasserim Division. Some Mon soldiers who have cease-fire agreements with the junta also participated in the arrest. They shot at the boat of U Than Tun (from Aungbarlay village) and one boat man was injured. Then U Lwin’s boat, from Launglon township was stopped by soldiers from LIB 104, led by Maj Nay Myo. Five boat men were arrested and asked to join the military. Later they were sentenced to 16 years and 4 months each in Launglon court. (Source: THRF)

On 31 July 2001 the chief of Kone Suu villager, in Loikaw Township, Kayah State was arrested by SPDC regional command troops. Prior to this the Kone Suu villagers had been ordered by the Burmese commander Han Tin from LIB No. 250, to pay a tax of 30,000 kyat before celebrating their fire-works festival. Though the village gave the money to Major Han Tin, he kept the money for himself and didn’t pass it on to the relevant regional commander. Thus the day after the festival the village chief was arrested by the regional command troops, and was accused of holding the festival without permission from the military authorities. (Source: KNAHR)

On 5 September, the authorities were checking IDs in Thin Gan Nyi Nong, Myawaddy township, Karen State. They stopped 200 Muslims and destroyed their IDs. Some people were freed after they paid a bribe. Others were sent to Pa’an Town and put in prison. This is a common occurrence. (Source: ABMU)

On 20 September troops from SPDC LIB 120, came to Mae-yai-khee and Paw-kyaw villages Shwe-gyin township, Nyaung-lay-bin District, Karen State and seized 48 villagers from 7 families who were hiding in the jungle. Those troops camped at Thay-kyo and Doh-kho-wah to seize villagers hiding in the jungle. (Source: KIC)

On 28 September 2001 an Arakanese student who had recently fled to Bangladesh reported that approximately three thousand Rakhine students, teachers and monks have been detained in Sittwe, Rakhine State, since riots between Buddhists and Muslims broke out in February 2001. MI agents, police and other paramilitary forces arrested and detained without trial students as young as ten or eleven years old. According to the Arakanese student, about two thirds of those arrested were released after paying as much as fifteen thousand kyat in bribes. Those arrested who could not pay the bribe were sent to the Thai border for portering and forced labour. Some parents were able to track down their children who had been sent to the Thai border, and bribe the authorities there to release them. The student who reported the incident is 16 years old, and from Moouleik quarter of Sittwe. He was taken to Tacheleik in Shan State, along with 47 other students where the Burmese Military forced them to perform hard labour and used them as porters in combat areas. His father bribed the Military Intelligence 10 stationed at Sittwe for permission to travel to Shan State to bring back his son. A large number of students and monks from Sittwe remain missing. Most of the parents of the missing children are afraid of asking SPDC officials about the whereabouts of their children. (Source: Narinjara News)

On 5 October 2001, troops from SPDC LIB 54, led by company commander Aung Myo Oo, came to Myitta village, Mergui-Tavoy District, Tenasserim Division and arrested village head Maung Mya Shwe. (Source: KIC)

On 15 December 2001, SPDC authorities in Chin division sentenced 5 Muslims to 5 year prison sentences, according to two traders speaking on conditions of anonymity. The Ta Mu township SPDC chairman Capt. Khin Maung Myint personally ordered the arrest and imprisonment of the Muslims because they crossed into a ‘not permitted area’. The 5 Muslims are now in Mon Ywa prison. The 5 Muslims were originally from Arakan State where the junta restricts free movement of all Muslims even in areas where they are in the majority. (Source: MICB)

On 25 April, a troop of SPDC IB (120) column No. (1) entered a place called Lay Hta in Thay Kho Pu, area Hsaw Hti (Shwe Kyin) township, Karen State, and shot at the huts of the villagers. When the other villagers fled trying to escape, one woman, Naw Ma Nyunt was lost from the group. After shooting at the villagers, the troop took everything they found in the huts and left the place. After they left, some villagers returned and searched for the dead body of Naw Ma Nyunt, as they thought she might have been killed, but they found nothing. Therefore the villagers think that she might have been captured by the soldiers. (KORD)

In late June 2001, the headman of Murng Haang village, Murng Haang tract, Murng-Ton township disappeared after being arrested by Capt. Han Sein, from IB65 of the SPDC, and taken to the military base. On June 17, troops from IB65 came to Murng Haang village on 4 conscripted civilian trucks and arrested Zaai Phaw-Ka, and took him to the military base. The troops accused him of assisting and providing rice for the Shan soldiers of SSA and interrogated, beat and tortured him. He explained that every time Shan soldiers asked him for rice he had reported it to the SPDC local military authorities, and that SPDC authorities said that it would be better for the villagers to give the rice because they could not offer protection for the villagers all the time. Therefore, the villagers gave some rice to the Shan soldiers. Zaai Phaw-Ka was released on June 21, after being interrogated, beaten and tortured. However, on June 26, he was arrested again by the same troops and no one has seen or heard of him since. On June 27, SPDC troops from IB225, led by Capt. Mya Maung, came to arrest the deputy headman of Huay Aw village, Zaai Taw-Ya, in Pung Pa Khem tract, Murng-Ton township. But Zaai Taw-Ya ran away and escaped. On June 27, the same SPDC troops arrested the village tract headman of Pung Pa Khem tract, Pu Haeng Ting, and took him to the military base. He was released after a few hours of interrogation. Three days later, he was again summoned to IB65 base in Murng-Ton to meet with the battalion commander, Lt. Col. Myint Swe. It is not yet known when he will be released. (Source: SHRF)

On 10 September 2001, at 14:40 hours, combined troops from DKBA and SPDC LIB 11, led by Htun Mya came to Taw-u-hta, Pa-an District, Karen State and shot at villagers Maung Ma Pu, Saw Ti and Lah Eh Po and some boat owners. One villager was wounded and one villager is missing. The troops also looted a Honda machine from Nya-mu-klo villager. (Source: KIC)

On 15 September 2001, LIB 342, led by commander Ye Tun U, came to The Paw Late village in Tenasserim Division. They shot into the village mosque and ordered people to come outside. There were 50 people inside the mosque, who were traveling for religious reasons and had stopped at The Paw Late village. The soldiers took 5 of these people to their camp on the Thai-Burma border and nobody knows what happened to them after that. (Source: ABMU)

As of the beginning of February 2001, there were approximately 200 Bangladeshi fishermen imprisoned in Sittwe and Maung Daw prisons of Arakan State. The Taknaf Fisherman Association, based on the Bangladesh/Burma border, reports that in the past two months alone over 100 Bangladeshi fishermen have been arrested while catching fish near Shin Ma Phyu Island and Sein Mar Tin Island in the Bay of Bengal, reportedly inside Bangladesh’s water territory. The fishermen accuse the Burmese border security force, Na Sa Ka, of frequently crossing into Bangladesh water territory and arresting them in the Bay of Bengal. The imprisoned fishermen are reportedly not given enough food and medicine by the Burmese authorities, and an appeal has been made to the Bangladesh government to work for their release. (Source: Mizzima)

On 10 April 2001, 11 Bangladeshi villagers were kidnapped by Burmese border security personnel (Na Sa Ka) on Bangladesh-Burma border. On the night of April 10th , a group of Burmese Na Sa Ka crossed over to Bangladesh and kidnapped villagers from Bashabari, Dainet and Yezoo villages. The incident occurred in the wake of a joint attack by Arakan and Rohingya rebels on a Na Sa Ka camp in the area earlier this month. During the attack 6 Na Sa Ka personnel were reportedly killed and at least 14 others injured. The Na Sa Ka kidnapped the villagers in retaliation for the attack, and to use them as guides to attack the rebel camps in the border. (Source:Mizzima)

Daw Nge Ma Ma Than, an NLD leader and cousin of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her husband U Myint Swe, and older brother, U Cho Aung Than, were all arrested in 1997. The three were sentenced to 10 years imprisonment each but Daw Nge Ma Ma Than and her husband U Myint Swe were released on July 26th 2001 by the SPDC under Section 401 of the Amnesty Law. DVB conducted an interview with Daw Nge Ma Ma Than.

[Khin Hnin Htet] Since you were released only on Thursday, can you tell us about your condition in jail especially your health condition?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] I have nothing much to say about the jail. They looked after me well because my health was not good. I am suffering from spondylitis in my neck and osteoarthritis in my feet so I was referred to an orthopedist.

[Khin Hnin Htet] What about your health condition now?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] I have thought of getting a checkup. I have not done that as yet but I plan to do a thorough checkup.

[Khin Hnin Htet] Can you tell us whether you were kept in solitary confinement and how long were you in jail?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] Yes, I was kept alone and I was incarcerated for over four years - a total of four years, one month, and 13 days.

[Khin Hnin Htet] Can you tell us about your daily life in prison?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] They gave me only one hour of walking time daily including morning and evening.That is the maximum sometimes it was less when officials came to visit the jail. I had to take a bath, walk, and wash clothes during that time. I was given sufficient amount of water though. I was allowed two big jars of water. Well, as for food I was given hospital diet. All those jailed under Section 5-J [of the Emergency Provisions Law] were given a hospital diet. I do not know about the others.

[Khin Hnin Htet] Is it true that you were allowed to leave the jail and attend certain occasions?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] Yes, they allowed me to go out. I was allowed to go out five times.

Once when my older brother died. The next time was the merit making ceremony on

the seventh day of his death, my father’s ninth death anniversary merit making ceremony, my older brother’s first death anniversary merit making ceremony, and the fifth was to arrange for my father’s tomb.

[Khin Hnin Htet] Then, can I say that the conditions inside the jail have improved?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] I have never been jailed before so I do not know and then how can

I know how they treat everybody. Isn’t it? I cannot compare the treatment they gave me

with the others.

[Khin Hnin Htet] There have been international criticisms that those currently released by the Burmese military junta should never have been arrested in the first place. Can you tell us how you were arrested and under which section you were charged?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] At first I did not think I was being arrested. I thought they came to search and confiscate the computers and stuff. I was arrested at my home. We were arrested at different places - Cho Aung Than at his home and U Myint Swe at his office. We were booked under Section 5-J and Section 17-1. We were sentenced to 10 years - seven years under Section 5-J and three years under Section 17-1.

[Khin Hnin Htet] Were you able to meet with your husband and brother inside the jail?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] We were unable to meet at first. My husband was transferred to a different jail. Then I was able to meet my older brother once a month only in 1999 that is after two years. Then when my husband was transferred back I met my husband and my brother alternately. We were allowed one meeting a month.

[Khin Hnin Htet] You were arrested together with your husband U Myint Swe and your brother U Cho Aung Than. Now only you and your husband were released. How do you feel about your brother?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] Frankly, I felt sad about my brother. I wanted him to be released too because the three of us were arrested together but only two were released. I am still expecting my brother [to be released].

[Khin Hnin Htet] Do you mean your brother’s health is not good?

[Nge Ma Ma Than] It is not in that sense. He was doing his medical checkup and was arrested before he could take any treatment. He was hospitalized once in jail because his blood pressure

(Source: AAPP)