Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
OBL does not document all details of the ceasefires and peace negotiations as these are covered by several of the websites/multiple documents below.
Individual Documents
Description:
"Henry Van Thio, Vice President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, addresses the general debate of the 72nd Session of the General Assembly of the UN (New York, 19 - 25 September 2017)."...Mostly dealing with the current situation in Rakhine State and the Government?s responses
Source/publisher:
United Nations General Assembly
Date of publication:
2017-09-20
Date of entry/update:
2017-09-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), Statements by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Burmese refugees in Bangladesh
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"KhinZaw Win on the worsening, bloody business-as-usual in Rakhine...I returned to Myanmar to find the country locked in yet another Rohingya crisis, one that is far more serious this time. Before I left I stated that military administration in Rakhine could be imminent. Then on 25 August there were fresh attacks and the situation blew up again. Security personnel as well as civilians have been killed. On Friday 1 September there was a press conference by the Defence Ministry where the spokesman said that the military had proposed that military administration be installed in north Rakhine but the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had turned it down. If military rule had been established and the violence grew worse, the onus would have been on the military. But now she and the NLD government have to bear the blame for not heeding this advice.
The fact of people getting killed and brutalized, whoever they are, is no longer a matter for explanation or blame, much less denial. The inadequacy of such responses stands out. There does not appear to be any well-thought-out approach to the Rohingya issue, much less a national security strategy. Since the beginning of this year there have been calls to convene a meeting of the National Defence and Security Council but the state counselor was extremely reluctant to do so. More is the pity, I should say..."
KhinZaw Win
Source/publisher:
teacircleoxford
Date of publication:
2017-09-11
Date of entry/update:
2017-09-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Speech by the State Counsellor on Government?s efforts with regard to National Reconciliation and Peace"
Source/publisher:
Youtube
Date of publication:
2017-09-19
Date of entry/update:
2017-09-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
By Aung San Suu Kyi (Statements, Speeches, Writings, Interviews), Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
159.48 KB
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Description:
"Myanmar?s history is defined by violence between a relatively stable lowland Bamar core and a fragile non-Bamar highland periphery. The country hosts numerous ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) including the world?s longest-running separatist insurgency. Since independence in 1948, Myanmar has never met Weber?s minimalist definition of a state as the holder of the monopoly of the use of physical force within a given territory. Beginning from a low point in 1948, when Karen separatists were assembled on the outskirts of Rangoon, Myanmar?s army or Tatmadaw grew over the years into a formidable military force as it asserted central control over all lowland areas, pushing insurgents year-by-year into more inhospitable and state-resistant terrain.
The country?s ?Panglong 21” Peace Process, which seeks to end 70 years of insurgency in the country?s borderlands, has been subjected to significant criticism, not least from the participants themselves. Of the 17 EAOs who have signed the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), in July 2017, eight formed a ?Peace Process Steering Team” to evaluate the current NCA, referring to it as a ?deviation from the path they had envisioned.” Other EAOs excluded from signing by the Tatmadaw, and still others who declined to participate, have come together under a bloc, the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), led by the most powerful EAO in the country, the United Wa State Party, but the government refuses to negotiate with them collectively. A previous bloc, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), has, for all intents and purposes, fallen apart. Apparent from the process is the disconnect between the EAOs and the Tatmadaw in regard to sequencing: for example, EAOs want a political dialogue about the parameters of a federal state followed by security sector and constitutional reform, after which disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants (DDR) shall occur. Conversely, the Tatmadaw want DDR immediately, pressing for a disarmament prior to political negotiations. Each side has its own understanding of federalism that is, so far, incompatible with the other..."
Bobby Anderson
Source/publisher:
teacircleoxford
Date of publication:
2017-08-23
Date of entry/update:
2017-09-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Disarmament...Demobilization and Insurgent Economics...Drug Eradication and Alternative Livelihoods...Individual Combatant Reintegration.....
Disarmament:
The government of Myanmar possesses the capacity to undertake disarmament and demobilization processes. But what it is still theoretically building with EAOs is the trust necessary to engage in such a process. Despite this, the government is unlikely to go down the well-trod path many other states have travelled via the subcontracting of Disarmament and Demobilization processes to the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and other UN agencies that have expertise in such work. China?s acquiescence, however, matters here: elements of One Belt, One Road require the stability in Myanmar?s border with Yunnan, and this has been amply demonstrated by the involvement of special envoy Sun Guoxiang in the latest Panglong Meeting. It is unlikely that China would involve itself in disarmament and demobilization directly; a process under the auspices, not of the EU or DPKO, but of ASEAN, may be more palatable for them.
The disarmament aspect of DDR is a technically easy, time-bound process that only requires the will of each entity to engage with the other, under third party facilitation. This may involve insurgent entry into cantonments and dual-key weapons storage after a given peace process reaches a certain pre-defined milestone. The weapons initially handed over will likely be constituted in large part by ?museum pieces”, while better functioning weaponry is held back in case Panglong 21 breaks down, or for sale. Implicit in such a process is the building up of state police forces in insurgent areas— often made up of ex-insurgents under state command— in a structure resembling BGFs, but more lightly armed..."
Bobby Anderson
Source/publisher:
teacircleoxford
Date of publication:
2017-08-24
Date of entry/update:
2017-09-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Bobby Anderson analyzes the complexities of a post-Panglong peace process...
DDR processes are only one aspect of the state building process that will need to occur in EAO areas; durable peace will only arrive when communities in EAO areas discern value in citizenship, and so a distrusted state must deliver health, education, and other services, and offer impartial protections, including the provision of land tenure. Education is particularly important: successful reintegration and enhanced livelihood security in EAO areas are fundamentally a question of human resources, the foundation of which is public schools. Across Myanmar, the educational system is in need of repair, and this is doubly so in many EAO areas. Education is supposed to create citizens as well as workers literate in a common language. A lack of vocational and technical training centers, not only in areas accessible to EAO populations, but in Myanmar as a whole, is also an urgent issue. These matters warrant much greater exploration— exploration that is beyond the scope of this analysis, however. Afghanistan amply demonstrates how both DDR and alternative livelihood programs fail when they are standalone programs occurring in areas lacking the administrative, service-oriented, and coercive presence of the state.
The process of state building in insurgent areas will occur through an inflow of Bamar civil servants into these areas to deliver services, and this will also lead to resentment. As a rule of thumb, many EAO host populations will not possess the requisite human resource capacity to completely staff education, health, and general administrative posts...
Bobby Anderson
Source/publisher:
teacircleoxford
Date of publication:
2017-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2017-09-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Executive Summary:
"Myanmar?s latest peace conference, held on 24-29 May 2017, made welcome progress.
Following a deal brokered by China on the eve of the meeting, more armed groups
came to Naypyitaw than expected. On the final day, they agreed on 37 ?principles” for
a future peace accord, including a key provision that the state will be a federal democracy.
Yet despite these steps forward, fundamental questions remain regarding where
the peace process is heading and how many armed groups are ready to participate.
Without new momentum and broader participation, a negotiated end to the conflict
will remain elusive.
Until just days before the conference, the dynamics appeared much bleaker. The
event had been delayed by three months as the government struggled to convince
more armed groups to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Only a few
of the planned subnational preparatory dialogues had been held, and others ?
involving the Shan and Rakhine armed groups ? had been blocked by the authorities,
adding to frustration. In a further setback, in April the powerful United Wa State
Party (UWSP) convened a summit of seven north-east-based armed groups. They
issued a statement rejecting the current National Ceasefire Agreement text ? an
accord signed in 2015 by eight armed groups and the government that paved the way
for political talks ? and announcing a new alliance, the Federal Political Negotiation
and Consultative Committee (FPNCC, ?Wa alliance”). A deadlock appeared inevitable
since the government and military continued to insist that only by signing the existing
ceasefire agreement could armed groups join the peace process.
What would have been a high-profile failure of Aung San Suu Kyi?s signature initiative
was only avoided through Beijing?s last-minute shuttle diplomacy. After
obtaining concessions from the Myanmar government and military, a Chinese envoy
convinced representatives of the seven north-eastern armed groups to attend the
conference. As a result, fifteen of 21 armed groups were present for the opening ?
the eight that signed the ceasefire agreement and the seven in the new Wa alliance
? a symbolically important win for the government. Beyond symbolism, this also set
an important precedent by allowing three previously-excluded groups ? the Kokang,
Palaung and Arakan armies ? to join negotiations. It also could open up new channels
of communication with groups in the Wa alliance.
Yet progress should not be overstated. The Wa alliance groups attended the opening
session and dinner but were not permitted to participate in substantive sessions
and returned to Kunming two days before the end of the conference. They remain
unwilling to sign the current ceasefire agreement and the government remains unwilling
to revise it. It is unclear how much appetite there is on all sides for concessions
needed to bring these groups into the peace process.
Discussions with the armed groups that signed the ceasefire agreement also were
far from smooth. Key ?principles” related to self-determination and the possibility
for states to have their own constitutions within a future federal structure could not
be agreed as groups opposed the quid pro quo requirement that they reject any
possibility of secession. This failure to achieve what should have been an acceptable
compromise ? state constitutions are a longstanding demand of ethnic communities
Building Critical Mass for Peace in Myanmar
Crisis Group Asia Report N°287, 29 June 2017 Page ii
and no group wishes to secede ? highlighted deficiencies in the process and lack of
trust. Furthermore, the principles that were agreed were pushed through the plenary
without discussion.
With its last-minute intervention, China has assumed a high-profile role in the process.
But the extent of its commitment remains unclear and its interests do not necessarily
align with those of a robust peace process. If it stays focused only on delivering
symbolic wins at critical moments, little may change. But if China is determined to see
sustainable peace on its border, it can use its considerable leverage as well as sophisticated
diplomacy and mediation to push all sides to compromise."
Richard Horsey
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (ICG) Asia Report N°287
Date of publication:
2017-06-29
Date of entry/update:
2017-07-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
311.96 KB
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Description:
" By most standards ? and against very low expectations ahead of the event ? Myanmar?s latest round of peace talks between May 24 and 29 made good progress. Following a deal brokered by China on the eve of the conference, many more armed groups came to Naypyitaw than had been expected. And on the final day, agreement was reached on 37 ?principles” that are to form part of a future peace agreement, including a key provision that the state will be a federal democracy.
These are welcome developments and represent a step forward. But there remain fundamental questions about where the peace process is heading and how many armed groups are ready to participate. Without new momentum and broader participation, a negotiated end to the conflict will remain elusive..."
Richard Horsey
Source/publisher:
"Nikkei Asian Review"
Date of publication:
2017-05-31
Date of entry/update:
2017-06-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"One of the greatest challenges of the peace process will be to decide what kind of Tatmadaw will be most compatible with the people?s aspirations for a future democratic federal Union..."
Sithu Aung Myint
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2017-06-18
Date of entry/update:
2017-06-19
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Political role of the Tatmadaw, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"When de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi opens the next round of her peace drive on May 24, the outcomes and upshots will be pivotal to her legacy...n May 24, when Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi opens the second round of her signature 21st Century Panglong peace conference, a high-stakes initiative to end decades of debilitating and divisive civil war, the outcomes and upshots will be pivotal to her democratically elected administration.
The meeting will aim to draw on the unifying symbolism of the original Panglong conference held by Suu Kyi?s national founder father, Aung San, who signed an agreement with ethnic Shan, Kachin and Chin representatives on February 12, 1947 at the small Shan state market town of Panglong. The agreement paved the way for the declaration of independence from British colonial rule the following year.
Despite the historic parallels and Suu Kyi?s strong political clout, few observers believe the upcoming meeting will meaningfully advance national reconciliation without a significant change in tack. Suu Kyi?s insistence that all armed groups agree to an elaborate National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) before holding any political talks towards the creation of a federal union remains a major sticking point..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times"
Date of publication:
2017-05-22
Date of entry/update:
2017-06-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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Description:
"At this time, it is important for the people of Myanmar to contribute their utmost effort with strong determination and unified spirit for the success of the peace process.
As the Union Government has given top priority to the task of National Reconciliation and Peace, the Union Government held a coordination meeting with the Delegation for Political Negotiation of the United Nationalities Federal Council. The discussions were held in a frank and cordial manner. We obtained good results that strengthened our hopes that we would have agreement on the Nine Point proposal presented by the UNFC..."
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Source/publisher:
Government of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2017-03-07
Date of entry/update:
2017-05-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"With the Union Peace Conference, known as the ?21st Century Panglong”, rescheduled to start on 24 May, we are about to revisit some highly sensitive issues in Myanmar?s recent past that were very wrongly handled at the time. If the forthcoming conference is to right the historical wrongs that have since haunted us, it is essential that all sides in our country?s impasse look back to history and re-assess the reasons for the legacies of conflict and state failure that have long held back national progress. Seventy years after the Panglong agreement in February 1947, nation-building is still an unfinished process, ethnic conflict and human rights violations are continuing, and many of the political and economic challenges have deepened after more than half a century of military rule.
Since the advent to government of the National League for Democracy last year, there have been hopes that the country is on the brink of national peace and long-needed reforms. In reality, the experiences of the past 12 months have shown that the administrative structures of the new government represent a ?hybrid” system between the NLD and the national armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, which continues to wield effective decision-making power over many aspects of national life. There can be no doubt that the political climate has changed considerably since the quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein came to power in 2011, but warning signs are now increasing that, despite the NLD?s landslide election victory, the party is unable to usher in the democratic reforms that it promised in its campaign manifesto. The continuity in Tatmadaw domination, which began with a military coup in 1962, is not ended..."
Sai Wansai
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2017-05-04
Date of entry/update:
2017-05-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Summary:
•
China?s interest in the Myanmar peace process is focused on the armed ethnic groups
along the border in Kachin and Shan states—in particular, the Kachin Independence
Army, the United Wa State Army, and the Kokang Army. These organizations have
historical and cultural ties with ethnic groups across the border in China as well as
political and economic connections.
•
China?s official position follows the principle of noninterference and its official policy
is ?persuading for peace and facilitating dialogues.” In practice, its attitude has
been more ambiguous.
•
Beijing does not necessarily believe that comprehensive peace is attainable for the
foreseeable future. Its priority is therefore to prepare for different uncertainties and
maximize its flexibility in the process.
•
China?s role is complicated by the behavior of certain Chinese special interest groups
and individuals who have offered direct financial support for ethnic armed organiza
-
tions in Myanmar.
•
Under Myanmar?s new National League for Democracy government, ties with China
have improved significantly. China has played a positive role in persuading armed
groups to join the Union Peace Conference in 2016, but its future policy and role
will depend on the development of bilateral relations and the evolving definition of
China?s national interests".....
Contents:
Historical Sources of Tension 2...
Chinese Diplomacy and the Myanmar Peace Process 3...
Factors Shaping Chinese Policy 5...
A Central-Provincial Disconnect? 7...
Chinese Business Interests 8...
Key Ethnic Armed Groups 10...
Conclusion .
Yun Sun
Source/publisher:
United States Institute of Peace (USIP)
Date of publication:
2017-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2017-03-18
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
260.77 KB
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Description:
"?Peace is Living with Dignity? showcases the second round of CPCS? project listening to communities and their experiences with the peace process in Myanmar. Utilising CPCS Listening Methodology, the project aims to amplify the voices of people in ceasefire areas of Myanmar to inform and influence decision-makers in the peace process. Engaging communities in the same six states (Kachin, Northern Shan, Southern Shan, Kayah, Kayin, and Mon States) as the first round, this publication presents the opinions and experiences of community members with the on-going peace process, their daily challenges, and their hopes for the future based on 459 conversations with 1,663 participants in 2016.
The publication is divided into ten chapters. Chapter 1 contains the introduction and conflict context, as well as the summary of main findings across all of the states. The chapter also covers comparison between the first round of the project in 2015 and the second in 2016. Chapter 2 outlines recommendations based on the findings for key stakeholders. Chapter 3 explains listening methodology and how it was used to gather the data. Chapter 4 contains the experiences and reflections of the listeners that conducted the conversations with community members of each community. Finally, Chapters 5 to 10 are devoted to in-depth discussions of the main themes identified in the six areas covered by the research."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2015-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2017-03-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.5 MB
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Description:
"?The Soldier, Above All Others?, Prays for Peace: An analysis of the Myanmar armed forces in an era of transition seeks to provide an analysis of the Myanmar armed forces, the Tatmadaw, and, guided by this analysis, to consider a range of strategies and approaches for engagement available to both Myanmar actors and actors engaging in Myanmar from the regional and international levels. The Tatmadaw is one of the key protagonists on the Myanmar stage and in the country?s peace process about which we know the least. It is an institution that has maintained firm control over all politics in the country from 1962 onwards. Today, it remains autonomous in its purview over security issues, and as an actor that has long played a major role in economic affairs, the Tatmadaw is not only central to peacemaking efforts, it also holds a unique position in relation to longer term peacebuilding endeavours in Myanmar. Yet, as an institution, the Tatmadaw remains inaccessible and opaque. Many stakeholders in Myanmar?s current transition find themselves highly constrained in their access to, engagement with, and analysis of this central player. As such, this paper aims to provide a deeper understanding of how the armed forces fits as a central part of the Myanmar puzzle, and the interests and concerns that have, thus far, steered and justified the Tatmadaw?s role in Myanmar politics."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2016-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2017-03-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
891.37 KB
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Description:
"The current government term may be the best chance for a negotiated political settlement
to almost 70 years of armed conflict that has devastated the lives of minority
communities and held back Myanmar as a whole. Aung San Suu Kyi and her administration
have made the peace process a top priority. While the previous government
did the same, she has a number of advantages, such as her domestic political stature,
huge election mandate and strong international backing, including qualified support
on the issue from China. These contributed to participation by nearly all armed groups
? something the former government had been unable to achieve ? in the Panglong-
21 peace conference that commenced on 31 August. But if real progress is to be made,
both the government and armed groups need to adjust their approach so they can
start a substantive political dialogue as soon as possible..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (ICG)
Date of publication:
2016-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2016-11-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
399.03 KB
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Description:
"...Myanmar?s future could still be bright. But as military offensives continue, it is vital to recognise that the recourse to armed tactics is not just a Kachin issue but a national issue as well. If there is a reversion to military rule, it might not make much difference for the Kachins who have been living under this reality for many decades, but it must give real cause for concern to everyone who supports democracy. Political solutions will never be achieved on the battlefield. Under such a scenario, there will be no winners but just losers. Military-first tactics will never end, and the present political landscape will not mark a step in transition towards peace and democratic change. Rather, the country will remain enmeshed in the unending cycles of conflict, ceasefires and broken promises that underpin state failure and national under-achievement.
The task of finding peaceful solutions thus falls to us all: political parties, ethnic armed organisations, community and civil society groups, media, faith-based groups, individual activists for peace, and coalitions of interest groups. It is time to say that ?enough is enough” to military offensives. At a time of critical national change, the attitude of waiting until armed conflict is over to settle things will not work.
Popular momentum is building. What is now needed is to forge a national movement in the same way as the ?Save the Irrawaddy” campaign that halted the construction of the Myitsone Dam under the Thein Sein government. People of all ethnic, political, religious and geographical backgrounds need to come together in one voice to stop the war before it is too late...."
Lahpai Seng Raw
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2016-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2016-10-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict in Kachin State - general articles, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"The Burmese government?s peace parley, dubbed ?the 21st Century Panglong”, in Naypyidaw at the end of August was hardly over before the Tatmadaw went on the offensive again.
Fierce fighting has been reported from Kachin State and northern Shan State. In Karen State, clashes have erupted between different local armed groups and in eastern Shan State, the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA) has moved against what was considered a close ally, the National Democratic Alliance Army (Eastern Shan State) (NDAA[ESS]), also known as the ?Mongla Group,” and took over several of its positions.
?It is not a peace process,” one observer said. ?It?s a conflict process”.
The ultimate irony is that Burma has seen its heaviest fighting in decades, since the Thein Sein government came to power in March 2011 and launched its so-called ?peace process.” Most of the fighting has occurred in Kachin and northern Shan states, with sporadic clashes in Arakan and Karen states. Burma?s civil war has not been this intense since the Tatmadaw launched offensives against ethnic Karen and communist forces in the late 1980s.
The conflict never seems to end despite, or perhaps because of, the activities of foreign ?peacemakers.” A popular practice has been to invite representatives of the Tatmadaw and of ethnic armed groups on study tours to other conflict areas across the world, including Northern Ireland, Colombia and South Africa. The main player behind those trips is a UK-based outfit called Intermediate, founded and led by Jonathan Powell, who served as then Prime Minister Tony Blair?s chief of staff from 1997-2007..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-10-11
Date of entry/update:
2016-10-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"
Karen National Union (KNU) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) officials reached an agreement that should prevent any further fighting between them at a meeting on 11 September.
The meeting was held at Yar Phoo Village in the Yar Phoo Village Group of Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region following a skirmish between the KNU and the NMSP near Thè Chaung Phyar Village of Kalain Aung sub-township in Yebyu Township on 8 September.
The KNU delegation to the meeting was led by the KNU Central Committee member Pado Mann Nyein Maung and the Myeik-Dawei District KNU chairman Pado Saw Sar Pi Tu.
The Dawei District NMSP chairman, Nai A Ka, led the NMSP delegation.
Pado Saw Sar Pi Tu said to KIC News: ?During the meeting we reached an agreement to prevent such kinds of skirmishes from happening again between the two sides. We are currently stopping the issues from escalating..."
Source/publisher:
KIC (Karen Information Committee) via BNI
Date of publication:
2016-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-09-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Gunfire erupted on Thursday, 8 September, in the vicinity of Tae Chaung Village, Yebyu Township, Tenasserism Division, between Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) after more than 27 years of ceasefire.
The last clash between the KNLA of Karen National Union (KNU) and MNLA of New Mon State Party (NMSP) was back in 1988 fuelled by a land dispute over the Three Pagodas Pass area, on the Thai-Burma border.
KNLA and MNLA spokespersons stated that their troops didn?t start firing at the opposing unit first and that no one in their unit was wounded.
?Because they passed over the territory, we sent a moderator but could not negotiate. So, both sides started firing at each other from far away. However, it was not on purpose,” said Padoh Win Khine, who is in-charge of Tavoy District?s KNU Liaison office..."
Source/publisher:
Burma News International (BNI)
Date of publication:
2016-09-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-09-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
စာတမ်း အကျဉ်းချုပ်
ဤအစီရင်ခံစာသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ပြည်သူ့စစ်များ၏ သမိုင်းနောက်ခံနှင့် လက်ရှိပဋိပက္ခကို ဖြေရှင်းရာတွင် ပြည်သူ့စစ်များကပေးသော စိန်ခေါ်မှု
များကို တင်ပြထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့အများစုသည် မြန်မာ့တပ်မတော်နှင့် မဟာမိတ်ဖွဲ့ထားကြသည်။ အခြားပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့
အနည်းငယ်ကမူ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အုပ်စုများကို ကူညီနေကြသည်။ ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များ၏ မူရင်းတာဝန်မှာ ၎င်းတို့၏ ရပ်ရွာလူထု
အပေါ် လုံခြုံရေးပေးရန်ဖြစ်ပြီး အချို့ကမူ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခတွင် တက်ကြွစွာပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ၂၀၁၁ ခုနှစ်တွင် သမ္မတ
ဦးသိန်းစိန် ဦးဆောင်သော တစ်စိတ်တစ်ပိုင်း ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်အစိုးရ အာဏာရလာသောအခါ နှစ်ပေါင်းခြောက်ဆယ်ကျော်ကြာ လက်နက်ကိုင်
ပဋိပက္ခကို ဖြေရှင်းရန်ရည်မှန်းကာ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို စတင်ခဲ့သည်။ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်သည် အရေးပါလှသော ပစ်ခတ်
တိုက်ခိုက်မှု ရပ်စဲခြင်းများ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာစေပြီး ပိုမိုကျယ်ပြန့်သော သက်ဆိုင်သူ အမျိုးမျိုးပါဝင်သော နိုင်ငံရေးတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးမှုအဆင့်သို့
မကြာမီက ရောက်ရှိလာခဲ့ပြီဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ လက်ရှိ ပဋိပက္ခများတွင် အခန်းကဏ္ဍတစ်ခုမှ ပါဝင်နေသော်လည်း
ပဋိပက္ခ ကို ခွဲခြမ်းစိတ်ဖြာသုံးသပ်ရာတွင်လည်းကောင်း၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် လည်းကောင်း၊ ပြည်သူ့စစ်များနှင့်ဆိုင်သော ကိစ္စရပ်မှာ
ဘေးဖယ် ထားခြင်းခံနေရသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးတည်ဆောက်မှု ကြိုးပမ်းရာတွင် ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များက စိန်ခေါ်မှုအချို့ပေးကြသည်။ ပထမတစ်ချက်မှာ ပြည်သူ့စစ်
အဖွဲ့များနှင့်ပတ်သက်သော သတင်းအချက်အလက်များကို အကန့်အသတ်နှင့်သာ ရရှိနိုင်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့် ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များ
မည်သို့လှုပ်ရှားနေသည်၊ အရေအတွက်မည်မျှရှိသည်၊ ပဋိပက္ခများတွင် မည်သည့်ကဏ္ဍမှပါဝင်နေသည် အစရှိသော အခြေခံအချက်များကို
ကောင်းစွာသိရှိနားလည်နိုင်ခြင်း မရှိတော့ပေ။ ဒုတိယတစ်ချက်မှာ ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များသည် လက်နက်တပ်ဆင်ထားကာ အရေအတွက်
အတော်များများရှိနေပြီး လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခများတွင် တက်ကြွသောကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်နေသည်။ သို့သော်လည်း ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင်
ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များနှင့် ထိတွေ့မှု၊ ၎င်းတို့၏ကဏ္ဍကို ဆွေးနွေးမှုမှာ အကန့်အသတ် ရှိနေဆဲပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ များသောအားဖြင့် ၎င်းတို့သည်
တပ်မတော် သို့မဟုတ် တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အုပ်စုများ၏ လက်အောက်ခံဟု ယူဆရသည်။ တတိယတစ်ခုမှာ အပစ်ရပ်အဖွဲ့များကို
တပ်မတော်က ၎င်း၏ ပြည်သူ့စစ်စနစ်အတွင်းသို့ သွတ်သွင်းမှုသည် ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များကို နိုင်ငံရေးကိစ္စအပေါ် ဦးလှည့်လာစေသည်။ မကြာ
သေးမီက အပစ်ရပ်အဖွဲ့များအား ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များအဖြစ်သို့ အသွင်ပြောင်းလဲခဲ့မှုသည် တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အုပ်စုများ၏ စစ်ရေး
အင်အားကို လျှော့ချမှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်နေသည်။ သို့သော် တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အုပ်စုအချို့သည် ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များအဖြစ် အသွင်ပြောင်း
ရန် အဆိုပြုချက်ကို လက်ခံခြင်းမပြုဘဲ တပ်မတော်နှင့် နိုင်ငံရေးတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးရေးကိုသာ ဦးစားပေးလိုကြသည်။ အဆိုပါစိန်ခေါ်မှုများကို
သဘောပေါက်နားလည်ရန်သည် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးတည်ဆောက်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းရာတွင် အရေးကြီးသည်။
မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ တရားဝင်ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်၏ အပြင်ဖက်တွင် ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့ပေါင်းစုံ လှုပ်ရှားနေမှုကြောင့် စိန်ခေါ်မှုများရှိနေသည့်အလျှောက်
ပြည်သူ့စစ်အဖွဲ့များအား ပိုမိုစနစ်တကျ လေ့လာရန်နှင့် ပဋိပက္ခမှ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသို့ အသွင်
John Buchanan
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2016-09-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Local URL:
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Description:
"CHIANG MAI, Thailand — After an emergency meeting in Thailand, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)—an ethnic armed alliance—has confirmed that they will attend Burma?s Union Peace Conference, scheduled to commence on Aug. 31.
Senior leaders—representing each of the ethnic armed groups that are members of UNFC—attended the meeting, which began on Wednesday and lasted one-and-a-half days.
?We will join the 21st Century Panglong [conference]?as it is just the grand opening, and the first session,” said Tun Zaw, a UNFC secretary, referring to the Union Peace Conference by its other commonly used name..."
Nyein Nyein
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Searches, reports and other documents about the UNFC
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Grassroots and civil society organisations need to have a stake in the 21st Century Panglong Conference for the peace process to be a success.
On August 31 Myanmar will hold its ?21st Century Panglong Conference” - the latest step in the country?s long peace process. It will be a moment imbued with symbolism. General Aung San, Aung San Suu Kyi?s own father led the Bamar delegation at the first Panglong conference held in 1947, which reached a breakthrough agreement with three armed groups and is still etched in the popular memory of the country today.
A lot is at stake with this Panglong Conference. As with the peace process generally in Myanmar, this is the opportunity to transform the country, into a state that the people of Myanmar have wanted for several decades. But to do so it must be fully inclusive.
Getting all of the ethnic armed organisations to the table is a major challenge in itself. There still remain 3 groups, still in active combat, that were excluded from discussions on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and how they will participate in the Panglong Conference is still confusing. There has been much focus on the inclusion of these groups and this is important, especially given human rights violations which are particularly prevalent in areas of continuing conflict.
But inclusivity is more than just about political players but is also about all stakeholders. Experiences in other countries have shown time and time again the need for women to play an equal part, for grassroots organisations and civil society to have a strong voice and for information to be freely available for the people to follow developments. These are the ingredients for a sustainable inclusive process which can propel the country forward and into the prosperous future for all..."
Yanghee Lee, Rhiannon Painter
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2016-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"It?s complicated: In an interview with The Irrawaddy, longtime Burma expert Bertil Lintner assesses the many interests at play during State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi?s visit to China on Wednesday... As a Burmese government delegation led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi leaves for a state visit to China, what can the Burmese expect from this trip?
It is quite possible that China would want to restart the Myitsone project, but that would be political suicide for any Burmese government. If China wants to improve its tarnished image in Burma, it should drop Myitsone altogether, and also make a public announcement to that effect.
The Burmese have always been concerned about China interfering in Burma?s internal affairs. In the North, China continues to support ethnic rebels including the Wa and Kokang. At the last ethnic summit in Mai Ja Yang, the Chinese envoy said that it supports and backs all forces working to achieve internal peace in Burma. It seems Beijing wants to see more stability along the border.
It is important to remember that China, not some Western, self-appointed peacemakers and interlocutors, is the most important foreign player in the peace process. China wants peace and stability along the border, but it will not give up the leverage it has inside Burma by severing ties with the UWSA [United Wa State Army], the MNDAA [Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army], the NDAA [National Democratic Alliance Army, also known as the Mongla Group] and other ethnic armed organizations. China?s relations with those groups gives it bargaining chips, and a much stronger position in the peace process than any Norwegian, Swiss or Australian entity could ever hope for..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-08-17
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"One country run by two persons: this is Burma. On the one hand, there is State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi; on the other, there is army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. If one were to ask who is ultimately in charge, they might find no clear answer. Suu Kyi is Burma?s de-facto political leader, with her power coming from the people who elected her party—the National League for Democracy (NLD)—in the country?s 2015 general election. But among the checks on her authority is the capacity to make decisions relating to the Burmese army. Only Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has that privilege.
The senior general has shown support for almost every action taken by Suu Kyi since the NLD took office earlier this year. Yet, in his own arena, it seems that Min Aung Hlaing has taken little initiative to rein in his military: fighting has recently broken out against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and against the Ta?ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) in northern Shan State..."
LAWI WENG
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-08-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, Dialogue/reform/transition after the NLD election victory
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
Executive Summary:
"This report provides historical background on militias in Myanmar and discusses the challenges
presented by militias to resolving the country?s ongoing conflict. Most militias are allied with Myanmar?s
armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw. A few other militias support ethnic armed organizations. The
primary duties of militias involve providing security for their communities, and some actively participate
in Myanmar?s armed conflicts. In 2011, a quasi-democratic government led by President Thein Sein
came to power and initiated a peace process aimed at resolving over sixty-five years of armed conflict.
The peace process has produced a significant number of ceasefires, and recently entered a stage of
political dialogue involving a broad range of actors. Yet despite their role in Myanmar?s ongoing
conflicts, the issue of militias remains marginalized in analyses of conflict and the peace process.
Militias pose several challenges for peacebuilding efforts in Myanmar. First, only limited information is
available about militias. In consequence, several basic features of militias, such as how they operate,
their numbers, and the roles they play in conflicts, are not well understood. Second, militias are armed
and numerous, and they play active roles in armed conflict, but engagement with militias and discussion
of their roles has been limited in the peace process. Often they are considered subordinate to either
the Tatmadaw or ethnic armed groups. Third, the Tatmadaw?s incorporation of ceasefire groups into
its militia system has made militias a political issue. The recent transformation of ceasefire groups into
militias involved a decrease in the military strength of ethnic armed organizations. But several ethnic
armed organizations did not accept the proposal to transform into militias, and have instead pushed
for political dialogue with the military. Understanding these challenges is important for peacebuilding
efforts.
Given the challenges presented by the multitude of militias operating outside of Myanmar?s formal
peace process, a more systematic look at militias and their role in the transition from conflict to peace
is in order. To do so, this report begins with a brief overview of militias and the challenges that militias
present for peacebuilding. The next section provides historical background on the roles played by
militias in Myanmar?s armed conflicts and political struggles. Section three presents a typology of
militias, as an analytical tool for understanding the complexity of the current array of militias operating
in Myanmar. The fourth section examines the roles played by militias in the economy, politics, conflict,
and the communities in which they operate. The final section draws on instances of peacebuilding in
other countries, and considers issues regarding militias in Myanmar?s current period of reform."
John Buchanan
Source/publisher:
Asia Foundation
Date of publication:
2016-07-11
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.38 MB
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Description:
"Ethnic armed groups concluded the Mai Ja Yang summit over the weekend on an ambivalent note, saying they would decide whether to attend the cornerstone of the new administration?s peace plan, the 21st-century Panglong Conference, only after determining how all-inclusive the conference will be...Officials from the ethnic armed groups that attended the summit said they would call on the government to include all groups in the Panglong Conference. Inclusivity was also a major sticking point in last year?s so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement, with armed groups currently fighting with the Tatmadaw and those without a standing army not invited into the process by the government of then-president U Thein Sein..."
Lun Min Mang
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times"
Date of publication:
2016-08-01
Date of entry/update:
2016-08-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...If Suu Kyi wants to realise her desire to end internal conflict she must set a clear and definite policy for achieving peace for which she has secured the prior approval of the Tatmadaw. Once the Tatmadaw has given its approval, negotiations can begin with ethnic armed groups that will lead to a NCA that finally brings eternal peace to the country..."
Sithu Aung Myint
Source/publisher:
"Frontier Myanmar"
Date of publication:
2016-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2016-06-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"...Since 2011, the Myanmar Government has embarked on a peace process that seeks to put an end to one of the world?s longest and most protracted civil wars. The complexity of the more than six-decades of conflict is rooted mainly in the multiplicity of actors involved; the Myanmar conflict involves fighting between the Myanmar Government?s armed forces, domestically known as the Tatmadaw, and over fifteen active non-state armed groups (NSAGs), fighting in different locations all over the country. Forming the bedrock of the peace process are the bilateral agreements signed between the Myanmar government and fifteen NSAGs (see Annex 1).
The peace process has to address several long-standing issues. Apart from institutionalising deep-seated resentments and mistrust, various counterinsurgency strategies employed in the different ethnic states that aimed at cutting off communication and trade between the NSAGs and civilian communities have effectively stunted economic and social development in most ethnic states. This has left behind a legacy of severe poverty and lack of communication and transportation infrastructure that remains a pressing problem today.
In the midst of all these challenges are the communities living in the areas of the frontlines of battles. These populations are amongst the most affected by the ongoing conflict; they are also the first to feel and notice the effects of the various bilateral ceasefire agreements at the local level.
The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS) recognises the importance of accessing the voices of these communities to learn about how they have been affected, not only by the ongoing conflict but also by the ongoing peace process. Listening to the diverse voices of these communities and considering their experiences in the Myanmar peace process is crucial to finding solutions to address the long-standing problems that are at the heart of the violent conflicts. These voices also provide feedback to the negotiating parties on the positive and negative effects that the ongoing peace process is having on communities..."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2016-02-26
Date of entry/update:
2016-06-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
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Size:
1.79 MB 2.64 MB
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Description:
Key Points:
"•
The victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the 2015 elections was
a resounding mandate for democratic change after decades of military-dominated
government.
•
The scale of the victory in ethnic nationality communities across the country
highlighted the hopes of all Myanmar?s peoples for the NLD to help achieve a new
era of peace and democracy. Both domestic and international expectations are now
high, and the incoming government will enjoy initial goodwill.
•
Formidable challenges remain in key aspects of social and political life. These
include transition from military-backed government, political reform and the
agreement of a nationwide ceasefire that includes all groups and regions of the
country.
•
Despite the NLD?s success, concerns remain among different nationalities that,
unless the NLD pioneers a political breakthrough, conflict and the marginalisation
of minority peoples will continue. The perception is widespread that the present
structures of national politics and Myanmar?s ?first-past-the-post” electoral system
do not guarantee the equitable representation of all nationality groups.
•
In the coming months, the successful transition to a new era of democratic
governance and the agreement of an inclusive nationwide ceasefire could provide
the best opportunity for ethnic peace and deep-rooted reform in many decades. It
is vital that the different sides work cooperatively together rather than seek self-
advantage. "
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI) - Myanmar Policy Briefing, December 2015
Date of publication:
2015-12-21
Date of entry/update:
2016-06-04
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2015 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description:
"Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Burma, highlighted internal peace and constitutional change in her speech to the people on the Burmese New Year. In reference to the 2015 nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), she said she appreciated the initiative undertaken by the previous government and that she would strive to include in the accord the organizations that her National League for Democracy-led (NLD) government deem appropriate for inclusion. Under the former administration, only eight—out of the country?s more than 20 non-state armed groups—signed the NCA; some organizations were excluded outright from becoming signatories.
Through peace conferences, Suu Kyi said her government would strive to build a ?genuine federal democratic union” and that the military-drafted 2008 Constitution needs to be amended for this to be achieved. This process of constitutional change would not adversely affect Burma?s people, she promised.
The Irrawaddy?s Kyaw Kha spoke with three leaders belonging to ethnic nationalities or organizations that opted out of signing the NCA for its lack of inclusivity. In the commentary below, they explain their reactions to Suu Kyi?s speech and their expectations for renewing Burma?s peace process under an NLD administration..."
Kyaw Kha
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2016-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2016-04-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English (translated from the Burmese)
Local URL:
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Source/publisher:
Burma Partnership
Date of publication:
2016-03-30
Date of entry/update:
2016-04-10
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"This 2015 year-in-review report shows that in spite of talk of peace, throughout 2015 the Burma Army waged multiple military offensives against ethnic groups which have not signed a ceasefire agreement. The Burma Army also shot and killed two Karen people trying to cross a road in KNU controlled territory in Papun District in February and March and in November 2015, the Burma Army shot at Karen villagers trying to cross this same road. The KNU is one of the signatories of the ceasefire. On 31 December 2015 the Burma Army attacked Restoration Council of Shan State / Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) troops, also a signatory group to the ceasefire agreement. Burma Army attacks continue as of this report, January 2016. The Burma Army also continues to oppress civilians, support and manage the illicit drug trade and continues to occupy, expand and reinforce their military positions on historically ethnic lands. The continued hostility of the Burma Army must be acknowledged and not glossed over by hope in the ceasefire agreements and elections. These have not been honored before, are not being honored currently, and must be acknowledged as being compromised or outright distractions from the Burma Army?s domination of ethnic peoples.
In October 2015 Burma finalized the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). This agreement begins dialogue but with less than half of the ethnic armed groups. This last year also witnessed an election that again confirms the people of Burma?s desire for civilian rule with the NLD as the elected parliament. This report highlights how regardless of the election results and ceasefire accord fighting on the ground has not decreased. In fact, immediately following the ceasefire accord and preceding the elections the Burma Army intensified their troop reinforcements, supply, and attacks against ethnic groups. Please review the 2015 figures below which demonstrate the active nature of Burma?s military campaign. Under those figures is FBR?s December 2015 report which highlights the multiple military fronts in Burma still occurring during the publication of this report. Below the December update are links to reports by FBR which document the military offensives and atrocities committed against the ethnic civilian populations throughout 2015..."
Source/publisher:
Free Burma Rangers
Date of publication:
2016-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2016-04-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
In a new briefing paper titled, ?Protection of People Must be Priority in Burma?s Protracted Peace Process” released to mark Union Day, Burma Partnership highlights how the peace process of the Thein Sein Government has been unsuccessful, ultimately leading to many powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) refusing to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). It also resulted in a call by civil society organizations to postpone the Union Peace Conference.
The paper calls on the National League for Democracy (NLD), who recently took up seats in the new Parliament, to amend the current format of the political dialogue process to be all-inclusive in order for Burma to achieve genuine national reconciliation.
?When the people of Burma voted for the NLD, they voted for change; it is time for a reappraisal of the peace process” said Khin Ohmar. ?The peace process must be built on a solid foundation of inclusivity and meaningful and full participation of civil society and women. Women?s experience of conflict and war differs to men and their participation in the process is key to ensuring a sustainable peace,” she continued. ?Otherwise, communities on the ground, particularly in armed conflict areas, will continue to be displaced, their fundamental rights violated and their calls for safety and security ignored,” she said.
Even now in the fifth year of the peace process, sexual violence against ethnic women continues to be used as a weapon of war by the Burma Army with impunity. The briefing paper points to one crucial ingredient that would lead to sustainable peace that is missing from the current NCA ? the full and meaningful participation of women in the peace process. The President Thein Sein?s Government signed the Declaration to End Sexual Violence in Conflict in 2014 and Burma is a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Thus the Government is bound to fulfill its obligations. Yet it has done little to ensure women?s full and meaningful participation in the peace process and to end discrimination and violence against women.
"The briefing paper also calls for the end to armed conflict and human rights violations throughout Burma, and urges the international community to provide direct political and financial assistance to EAOs and the Government in equal measure, as well as to develop effective accountability mechanisms for the victims and survivors..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Partnership
Date of publication:
2016-02-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-04-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
800.08 KB
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Description:
"ရှည်လျားထွေပြားသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးသည် ဦးစားပေးဖြစ်ရမည်"
"ပြည်ထောင်စုနေ့အတွက် ထုတ်ပြန်သော ?ရှည်လျားထွေပြားသည့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် ပြည်သူလူထုအား ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်ရေးသည် ဦးစားပေးဖြစ်ရမည်” ဟူသော စာတမ်းတိုတွင် မြန်မာ့အရေးပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်သူများအဖွဲ့မှ ဦးသိန်းစိန် အစိုးရ၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်သည် အောင်မြင်မှု မရှိဘဲ အင်အားကောင်းသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်တော်လှန်ရေး အဖွဲ့အစည်း (EAO) အချို့က တစ်နိုင်ငံ လုံးဆိုင်ရာပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှု ရပ်စဲရေးသဘောတူစာချုပ် (NCA) ကို လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးရန် ငြင်းဆိုခြင်းနှင့် အရပ် ဘက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည်လည်း ပြည်ထောင်စုငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးညီလာခံ (UPC) ကို ရွှေ့ဆိုင်းထားရန် တောင်း ဆိုမှုများ ဆက်တိုက်ဖြစ်ပွားစေခဲ့သည်ကို အဓိကမီးမောင်းထိုး ဖော်ပြထားသည်။
ယင်းစာတမ်းတွင် မကြာသေးခင်က လွှတ်တော်၌ နေရာယူပြီးဖြစ်သော အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (NLD) အား နိုင်ငံရေးတွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးပွဲလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို လက်ရှိပုံစံမှ အားလုံးပါဝင်နိုင်အောင် ပြင်ဆင်ပြောင်းလဲ ၍ စစ်မှန်သော အမျိုးသားပြန်လည်ရင်ကြားစေ့ရေးကို ဖော်ဆောင်ရန် တောင်းဆိုထားသည်။
?ပြည်သူလူထုတွေက NLD ကို မဲထည့်ခဲ့တာဟာ ပြောင်းလဲခြင်းကို လိုချင်လို့ဖြစ်တယ်။ ဒါကြောင့် ယခု အချိန်ဟာ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို ပြည်လည်သုံးသပ်ရမယ့်အချိန် ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟု ဒေါ်ခင်ဥမ္မာက ပြောသည်။ ?ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို အရပ်ဘက်လူထုအဖွဲ့အစည်းတွေနဲ့ အမျိုးသမီးတွေရဲ့ အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိပြီး ပြည့်ဝတဲ့ ပါဝင်မှုနဲ့ ခိုင်ခိုင်မာမာအုတ်မြစ်ချ တည်ဆောက်ရမှာပါ။ ပဋိပက္ခနဲ့ စစ်ပွဲတွေကြားက အမျိုးသမီးတွေရဲ့ အတွေ့ အကြုံတွေဟာ အမျိုးသားတွေနဲ့ မတူကွဲပြားတာမို့ သူတို့ရဲ့ ပါဝင်မှုဟာ ရေရှည်တည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲတဲ့ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ဖို့ အဓိကသော့ချက်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်” ဟု သူမက ပြောသည်။ ?အဲဒီလိုမဟုတ်ရင်တော့ အောက်ခြေ ပြည်သူလူထုတွေအနေနဲ့ အထူးသဖြင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်ပဋိပက္ခကို ရင်ဆိုင်နေရတဲ့ ဒေသတွေမှာ အိုးအိမ်မဲ့ဘဝကို ဆက်လက်ရင်ဆိုင်နေရမှာဖြစ်ပြီး သူတို့ရဲ့အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးတွေ ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရတာရယ် သူတို့တောင်း ဆိုတဲ့ အေးချမ်းစွာနေထိုင်နိုင်ရေးနဲ့ လုံခြုံမှုရှိရေးတို့ကို ဆက်ပြီးဥပေက္ခာပြုခံနေရဦးမှာပဲ ဖြစ်တယ်” ဟုလည်း ၎င်းက ဆက်လက်ပြောဆိုသည်။
ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်သည် ငါးနှစ် သက်တမ်းသို့ ရောက်နေသည့်တိုင် တိုင်းရင်းသူအမျိုးသမီးများ အပေါ် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို မြန်မာ့တပ်မတော်မှ ပြစ်ဒဏ်ခံရခြင်း ကင်းလွတ်စွာဖြင့် စစ်လက်နက် သဖွယ် ဆက်လက်အသုံးပြုနေသည်။ ယင်းစာတမ်းတိုမှ သတိပြုရန် ညွန်ပြထားသော အဓိကအချက်တစ်ခုမှာ ရေရှည်တည်တံ့ခိုင်မြဲသော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး တည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးအတွက် ကြီးမားသော လစ်ဟင်းမှုတစ်ခုမှာ လက်ရှိ NCA နှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်တွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိ၍ပြည့်ဝသော ပါဝင်မှု မရှိနေခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ ဦးသိန်းစိန် ဦးဆောင်သော အစိုးရသည် ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အဆုံးသတ်ရေး ကြေညာ စာတမ်း (Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict ? DCESVC) ကို ၂၀၁၄ ခုနှစ်တွင် လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ပြီး မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် အမျိုးသမီးများအား နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှု ပပျောက်ရေး သဘော တူစာချုပ် (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations Against Women ? CEDAW) ကိုလည်း လက်မှတ်ထိုးထားသော နိုင်ငံဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့ကြောင့် မြန်မာအစိုးရသည် ၎င်း၏တာဝန်ဝတ္တရား မျ
Source/publisher:
Burma Pertnership
Date of publication:
2016-02-12
Date of entry/update:
2016-04-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
382.03 KB
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Description:
"Since 2014 all across Myanmar discussion has been underway on language policy. Sponsored by the Language and Social Cohesion (LESC) Initiative of UNICEF under the Programme for Peacebuilding, Education and Advocacy [PBEA], in close cooperation with the Myanmar Ministry of Education, 16 "Facilitated Dialogues", several research projects, a large number of direct consultations and site visits, interviews, observations and professional training activities have been implemented. At state level there have also been writing teams, information gathering, discussion groups, learning circles and other activities addressing co-ordination issues, multilingual program delivery, curriculum, textbooks, teacher support, and the role of policy and how citizens can participate in policy debates. Working in close cooperation with civil society partners, ethnic language and culture groups, teachers, civil servants and parents this process has been designed and guided by Professor Joseph Lo Bianco, Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne and has involved many hundreds of people, both professionals and community representatives. Through this process a wealth of ideas has been generated about the best ways for Myanmar to make the most of its rich linguistic resources. This brief progress report discusses some of the key achievements and steps so far, and sets out the remainder of the process..."
Joseph Lo Bianco
Source/publisher:
UNICEF, Pyoe Pin, Thabyay Education Foundation, Melbourne Graduate School of Education
Date of publication:
2016-03-01
Date of entry/update:
2016-04-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Languages of Burma - general, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Education by State - language
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.53 MB
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Description:
"Khu Oo Reh is the General Secretary of the ethnic alliance United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the Vice Chairman of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP). In this exclusive in-depth interview, Khu Oo Reh talks about the goals of the UNFC, the current state of the peace process and the NCA talks (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), as well as the role of the international community who are engaging with the Burma Government and funding the peace process through institutions such as the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC). The views of the UNFC and ethnic armed organisations, who remain in desperate need of support in order to realise a lasting and sustainable peace, end up too often ignored, overlooked, or misunderstood by international actors. Khu Oo Reh strongly encourages the international community to listen to all sides in order to develop an understanding of the dynamics of the problems they are funding to solve."
Source/publisher:
Burma Link
Date of publication:
2015-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2016-03-17
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karenni (Kayah) - cultural, political, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"The surge in fighting in northern Shan State in recent weeks has highlighted what a disaster the nationwide ceasefire agreement has been. International organisations who supported it must answer questions about their role, but right now urgent help is required for those suffering the consequences...Hostilities have broken out between previously cooperating ethnic armed groups ? the Ta?Ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) ? in the wake of last October?s ceasefire part with the government and the Tatmadaw. While the RCSS signed the agreement, the TNLA was excluded from doing so by the government.
The greatest fears about the NCA have become manifest: Rather than being a step toward peace, the NCA has exacerbated conflict in this country, split ethnic relations and started what has been described as a ?new war”..."
Fiona Macgregor
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times"
Date of publication:
2016-02-19
Date of entry/update:
2016-02-22
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
A CPCS Learning Paper.....
Introduction:
"The rapid nature of developments in the past few years has placed Myanmar in a precarious position, without a solid infrastructure of institutions to effectively ground and sustain the country?s transition towards a more peaceful future. Contentious issues such as the formation of a federal union and a framework for political dialogue exacerbated by continued outbreaks of violence have threatened to undermine the country?s recent progress. In this context, the presence of local institutions dedicated to supporting the growth of peace in the country and to addressing the root causes of conflict is essential to the success of Myanmar?s peace process.
The importance of establishing an infrastructure to sustain and promote a country?s progress towards peace has attracted growing attention as a core component of sustainable peacebuilding. The term ?peace infrastructure” or ?infrastructure for peace” (I4P) is used to describe interconnected structures or mechanisms that span across all levels of society to foster more strategic, sustainable and locally rooted interventions to conflict. This paper examines the Myanmar peace process under a framework of peace infrastructure to identify spaces to strengthen the foundation of peace in Myanmar, namely by building the capacity of liaison offices, institutions that have been established to strengthen communication and coordination between conflict parties and facilitate wider community engagement in the peace process. Based on the Centre for Peace and Conflict (CPCS) observations and interviews with over 100 liaison office staff, it provides an analysis of liaison offices in the scope of the larger peace process to provoke insights on how liaison offices can work
to address some of the more deeply rooted causes of conflict in the country. This paper concludes with a series of recommendations for providing greater support to liaison offices so they can fulfil their potential as effective structural supports of peace in Myanmar..."
Quinn Davis
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2015-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2016-02-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
482.2 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
A CPCS Learning Paper....."In light of ongoing unity-building measures in Myanmar," Karen Unity Building Initiatives: Towards sustainable peace in Myanmar" examines the Karen history of conflict, seeking to analyse the push for greater unity amongst the Karen. The paper explores Karen opinions and experiences of unity building, derived from conversations with Karen individuals from various communities, civil society organisations (CSOs), armed groups, political parties and government offices. "Karen Unity Building Initiatives" also draws upon on information from conversations held with 111 community members across Karen State who shared their opinions on the current peace process in Myanmar in 2014. These conversations formed the basis of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies publication "Listening to Communities: Karen State".
Quinn Davis
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS),
Date of publication:
2015-12-31
Date of entry/update:
2016-02-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
486.54 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Introduction:
"The book you are about to read tells the story of a group of people
who embarked on a common journey without knowing how would it end.
This book is an invitation to accompany these women and men, who,
for a long time, opposed each other in their quest for a common vision.
Theirs is a difficult journey. They have encountered obstacles and have
been challenged. But they have also found solidarity, camaraderie, mutual
support and recognition. They have transformed themselves and those
around them. Their journey has not ended yet.
The protagonists of this book are men and women playing essential roles
in the current peace process in Myanmar. They are the ones seated at the
negotiation table or accompanying those seated there. They are members
of revolutionary armed organisations, of the Myanmar Peace Center, and of
Civil Society Organisations. We are aware of the fact that this is a snapshot,
a glimpse into only a small group of those engaged in the Myanmar peace
process. Many voices are missing and their stories should be told too. This
story is (as any story), by definition, incomplete.
What you will encounter in the following pages is the journey of a
group of people imagining a different Myanmar, who ended up working
together to make it reality. Their perspectives are diverse; so are their
intentions, their feelings, their motivations and their personalities. Every
one of them is unique, and so is the story they tell. But they also provide
a collective account of the origins, the development, the challenges, the
determination that has shaped, and it is still shaping the current Myanmar
peace process.
Only by listening to them we can understand them. This book wants
to contribute to the creation of complex narratives that acknowledge the
diversity and the difficulty of transition periods. And what is a peace process
but a moment of transition, a moment of change? This collective account
shows how individual women and men can shape history when daring to
take risks, when imagining a different future.
By weaving their stories together, by presenting their own narratives
through their own voices, this book wants to contribute to strengthening
a culture of dialogue, especially among those who disagree the most, in
Myanmar. Read this book. Imagine yourself seated at the table with these
women and men. Try to see the world through their eyes. Drink a cup of
coffee with them. Listen to them. Understand them. Even, disagree with
them. This is what complexity is about. The grey between the black and
white, the friends among enemies."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS),
Date of publication:
2015-09-29
Date of entry/update:
2015-11-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.9 MB
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Description:
"This paper provides a historical background to the 65 year long armed conflict in Myanmar and discusses the main challenges facing the current peace negotiations. A key controversy concerns the future status of the numerous non-state armed groups, which represent different ethnic groups, like the Mon and Karen. The leaders of these groups demand a federal system. But what will happen to the many lower- and middle-ranked armed actors in the future? Will they stay armed in new federal armies or could they become politicians, police officers, businessmen, civil society actors or something else?
The paper?s second part discusses the possibilities and challenges of different integration options for the armed actors in Myanmar, and relates this to the international debate on ?Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration? (DDR) programs. A core argument is that conventional DDR is unrealistic in Myanmar at present. This is because such programs view disarmament as a necessary first step in a DDR process, and because economic incentives as seen as the key route to reintegration. In Myanmar the ethnic armed groups will not give up arms, and besides economic opportunities they demand political recognition and positions. This calls for a combination of military, political and economic integration options, and for a careful consideration of the heterogeneity of the armed actors.
In debating DDR in Myanmar the paper further argues that there is a need to integrate peacebuilding efforts with the democratic reform process. So far these processes have been largely separated. International aid agencies are now supporting government-led development projects, which are being rolled out before a national ceasefire agreement has been reached. This is seen by the ethnic groups as undermining their political demands and at worst as a strategy by the government to take control of their areas and resources. Development interventions need to be more sensitive to these political aspects."
Helene Maria Kyed, Mikael Gravers
Source/publisher:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) - Working Paper 2014-07
Date of publication:
2014-09-24
Date of entry/update:
2015-10-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
535.83 KB
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Description:
"The
highest level of direct negotiation between President Thein Sein and
9
top leaders of Ethnic
Armed Organizations (EAOs),
aiming to secure
the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement
(NCA)
took
place on September 9, 2015 in the country`s capital, Napyitaw. The meeting was inconclusive, failing
to deliver the expected outcome of fully resolving any remaining issues of disagreement in the
Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). The only clear outcome from the meeting was the decision
of signing NCA in October as proposed by President Thein Sein. The failure of securing a final DEAL
left everyone guessing how many numbers of EAOs would sign NCA. The question then becomes
?how inclusive the NCA process would be? If only a handful of EAOs sign onto it, can one really call
it nationwide? Or if only two or three groups sign NCA, can the process move forward as the
Commander-in-Chief had already stated that he would do the signing of NCA with even
one or two
groups? The fundamental question now is what should the government do to offer to convince as
much EAOs as possible to sign NCA, if not all that it recognizes? With this unwanted real situation
facing the NCA process, this analysis is going to
offer what both sides have to do to salvage the peace
process within the next two weeks..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconciliation (BCES) / CDES:Centre For Development and Ethnic Studies
Date of publication:
2015-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-10-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Centre for Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
202.57 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "This publication elevates the voices from communities in Kayin
State. It provides an opportunity for these voices to be heard in
Myanmar?s peace process and to parƟcipate in events that will
affect their futures. Using
listening methodology, conversations
were held with one hundred and eleven individuals from a
cross-‐secƟon of communities in Kayin State. During these
conversations community members shared their opinions on
the current situation, their needs, perceived challenges as well
as hopes for the future. Key themes and commonalities have
been identified and are detailed in the following secƟons.
The official state name is
Kayin State
, yet the name
Karen State
is sƟll commonly used and is oŌen more widely recongised.
For this reason the name Karen State has been used in the
publication Ɵtle and the official name, Kayin State, has been
used throughout the publication text..."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
582.32 KB
more
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
4.81 MB 7.17 MB
more
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Chinese (တရုတ်ဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
9.06 MB 8.28 MB
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Description:
Listening to Voices: Myanmar Foot Soldiers Speak - မြန်မာ့ခြေလျှင်တင်သားများ ဖွင့်ဟပြောဆိုသံများအား နားထောင်ခြင်း.....စာတမ်းအကျဉ်းချုပ်: "ဤပုံနှိပ်ထုတ်ေ
ဝ
မှုသည်
တိုင်းရင်းသား
လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့
(
၆
)
ခုမှ
ခြေလျင်တပ်သားများ၏
စကား
သံများအား
ဖွင့်လှစ်ထုတ်ဖော်
ပြီး
၊
မြန်မာ့ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်
နှင့်ထိုသူတို့၏
အနာဂါတ်
ဆိုင်ရာလိုအပ်ချက်များ၊
ကြောင့်ကြမှုများ
နှင့်စိန်ခေါ်မှုအခက်အခဲများ
အား
မီးမောင်းထိုးပြသခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။
1
ဤစီမံကိန်းသည်
နားထောင်ခြင်းနည်းပညာ
/
ဥပဒေဿကိုအသုံးပြု၍
၊ ြ
မန်မာနိုင်ငံလုံးဆိုင်ရာ
ကျောင်းသားများ
ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်
တပ်ဦး
(ABSDF)
၊
ချင်းအမျိုးသားတပ်ဦး
(CNF)
၊
ကချင်လွတ်မြောက်ရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်း
(KIO)
၊
ကရင်အမျိုးသားအစည်းအရုံး
(KNU)
၊
ကရင်နီအ
မျိုးသားတိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ
(KNPP)
နှင့်
မွန်ပြည်သစ်ပါတီ
(
NMSP)
တို့မှခြေလျင်တပ်သား
၁၀၀
တို့ဖြင့်နားထောင်ခြင်းစကားစမည်
ဝ
ိုင်းများ
စီစဉ်ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။
ထိုစကား
ဝ
ိုင်းများမှ
အဓိကအကြောင်းအရာခေါင်းစဉ်များ
နှင့်
အများလက်ခံေ
သာ
အကြောင်းအရာတို့အား
ဖော်ထုတ်ခဲ့ကြပြီး
၊
အောက်တွ
င်ပါ
ဝ
င်မည့်အခန်းများတွင်
အသေးစိတ်ဖော်ပြမည်ဖြစ်သည်။
ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှင့်
ပဋိပက္ခအရေးလေ့လာမှုစင်တာ
(
CPCS
)
သည်
မြန်မာပြည်
ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်းပါ
ဝ
င်သော
လက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များနှင့်
၎င်းအဖွဲ့များမှပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များအကြား
မတူကွဲပြားသော
စကား
သံ
တို့အား
အသိအမှတ်ပြု
လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
နားထောင်ခြင်းန
ည်းပညာ
သည်
လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ၏အကြံဉာဏ်များအကြား
၊
အများလက်ခံ
သောအကြောင်းအရာများသာမက
၊
ကွဲပြားခြားနားသောအကြောင်းအရာများအား
ရှာဖွေဖော်ထုတ်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။
ဤနည်းပညာကိုအသုံးပြုကာ
NSAG
များမှအကြံဉာဏ်များအား
စုဆောင်းခြင်းအားဖြင့်
အဖွဲ့များအကြားရှိ
အများလက်ခံေ
သာအကြောင်းအရာများ
နှင့်
ကွဲပြားခြားနားချက်များအား
မီးမောင်းထိုးပြသနိုင်ခွင့်ရရှိခဲ့ပြီး
၊
ထိုအကြောင်းအရာများအား
ဤစာအုပ်၏ေ
နာက်ဆုံး အခန်း
ရှိ
အဖွဲ့များ
ဖွင့်ဟပြောြ
ကား
ချက်
အကျဉ်းချုပ်
များ၌
အသေးစိတ်ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Various groups, Mon New State Party (MNSP), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.72 MB
more
Description:
"Soldiers explained that mutual respect between all parties is
needed for the peace process to be successful. Mutual respect was
often mentioned in relation to the need for adherence to ceasefire
agreements, reports of breaches to ceasefire agreements and
concerns about the sincerity of the peace process.
Generally, foot soldiers identified the need for all parties to respect
the terms and conditions of agreements equally. Soldiers expressed a
desire to create stronger links between what is discussed and agreed
upon in peace/ceasefire agreements and implementation. Specific
points of contention included soldiers carrying arms outside of their
demarcated territory when agreements restricted this movement.
Soldiers voiced a need for Tatmadaw soldiers to ask permission before
entering their territory. One KNU soldier expressed: ?Tatmadaw
soldiers bring arms when they come into our regions. Don?t we have
the right to hold arms? We follow the rules”..."
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Mon New State Party (MNSP), Various groups, Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Karen National Union (KNU)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
746.52 KB
more
Description:
Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar - တြိဂံများအတွင်း အလုပ်လုပ်ခြင်း၊ မြန်မာပြည်အတွင်း ဒေသခံများဦးဆောင်သော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး အစပျိုးုလုပ်ငန်းများ၌ ပါဝင်ပတ်သက်လုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်း....."
အတွေ့အကြုံများလှသော မြန်မာ့အရေးသုံးသပ်သူများမှအစ စာတွေ့ဝေဖန်ကြသူများကဲ့သို့သောသူများအထိ မြန်မာ့အရေးအစီရင်ခံသူများသည် မြန်မာ့ဗဟိုနိုင်ငံရေး ဖွဲ့စည်းတည်ဆောက်ပုံအတွင်း ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျက်ရှိသော သုံးပွင့်ဆိုင်အာဏာလွန်ဆွဲမှုကို ရုတ်ချည်းညွှန်ပြနိုင်ကြမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုတြိဂံ၏ အနားသုံးဖက်မှာ နိုင်ငံတော်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုကဏ္ဍ (သမ္မတသိန်းစိန်နှင့်သူ၏အနီးကပ်အကြံပေးများ)၊ လွှတ်တော်နှင့် မြန်မာ့တပ်မတော်တို့ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။
ထိုလွန်ဆွဲမှုအတွင်း သမ္မတသိန်းစိန်သည် သူ၏အကြံပေးပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ အားပေးထောက်ခံမှုဖြင့် ရည်မှန်းချက်ကြီးမားလှသော ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေးနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးအစီအစဉ်တရပ်အား အားကြိုးမာန်တက်လုပ်ဆောင်လာခဲ့သည်။ အကြံပေးပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များမှလည်း များစွာသောတိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင်အဖွဲ့များနှင့် ပြုလုပ်သော ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဆွေးနွေးပွဲများတွင် ဦးဆောင်ဦးရွက်ပြုလာကြသည်။ အဓိက အကြံပေးပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များ၏ ကိုယ်ရေးရာဇဝင်နှင့် ပင်ကိုယ်စရိုက်အရည်အသွေးတို့သည် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေးနှင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဖြစ်စဉ်အတွက် နက်နဲစွာ အကျိုးသက်ရောက်မှုရှီစေပါသည်။
Sarah L. Clarke
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
850.77 KB
more
Description:
Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar....."㡯幉㢾忓䂀䤓冔䟇桽欧₢⹅᧨执㢾䴉㎂㿍ⷵ劔᧨㓏㦘冔䟇桽
欧幓幉⛧掌↩␂㽷᧨冔䟇₼⮽㟎㽊兢㨓₼ₘ匰╎┪䤓㠦℘ᇭ扨₹
ₘ屡㩅㨓₼尐䤓⚓㨐♾v11月兢᧨11月兮᧤▔㕻䘿↊11月兮⛃䤊䥪
✛VI䤓ヤ⍩᧥
᧨⦌↩✛冔䟇梮ᇭ
⦷扨⧉㧒┪屡抟₼᧨11月兮⛃䤊䥪(七)Ⓙℕ捷14.␂枽欍桽䤓㞾
㖐᧨⏷┪㘷扪⧉楓㉒╒╒䤓♧槸ᇭVI䤓欍桽xii⃮⦷㘷┷↦⮩
⺠㟿㺠㡞㷵孔刳⇢᧨⻤✛⺈幬ᇭ扨K␂枽欍桽䤓₹ⅉ☕✛
ᄀ)❜ᇭ(䞮ℕ䂀Ⓤ䤓ב₹㊶䔈䍈⃮⺈⦌⹅㟈槸✛扪䲚
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伊⨚䤓嫛⇢᧨▔㕻㺠欕嬥㢑一侯ⷲᇬ⺠㟿㺠㡞⏩㿍iii嫷ᇬ冔
䟇勣挵へ⦉♠⻤⏩
(USDP)
₼冔䟇梮㦘槭㷲㆞勣侊䤓⮶捷14.
iii嫷᧨执㦘冔䟇梮䤓䦃㘴iii嫷ᇭ..."
Sarah L. Clarke
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Chinese
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"From sophisticated Myanmar analysts to armchair pundits,
commentators on Myanmar will quickly point to an ongoing three-
way power struggle taking place within Myanmar?s central political
structures. The principle poles of this triangle can be summarized as the
executive (President Thein Sein and his close advisors), the parliament,
and the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw).
Within this struggle, President Thein Sein, with support from a number
of key advisors, has pushed for an ambitious program of reforms
and changes. His advisors have also taken the lead in moving peace
talks forward with a myriad of ethnic armed groups. The profile and
personalities of key advisors have had a profound impact on the reforms
and peace process.
At the same time, the parliament, led by Speaker Shwe Mann, has
worked to develop its own role in national politics and has taken the
lead around key pieces of legislature. It is important to remember that
the parliament contains a multiplicity of actors, including democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi, representatives of ethnic parties, a large
segment of representatives from the Union Solidarity and Development
Party (USDP) with its informal links to the Tatamadaw, as well as direct
representation of the Tatamadaw..."
Sarah L. Clarke
Source/publisher:
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Date of publication:
2014-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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"For months, the government of Myanmar has been touting progress on a nationwide cease-fire deal, claiming it is a major step toward ending the country?s long-running armed conflicts. But the latest summit meeting on Sept. 9, attended by President Thein Sein and representatives of more than a dozen ethnic armed groups, ended inconclusively.
Some groups have refused to sign the agreement unless the government allows all of them to join it. The Kachin Independence Organization, the second-largest of the groups, is recalcitrant because three of its closest allies, which are still actively fighting the Myanmar Army in the country?s northeast, are being sidelined..."
Maung Zarni
Source/publisher:
"New York Times"
Date of publication:
2015-09-24
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-25
[field_licence]
Type:
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" Myanmar is one step away from a historic deal that could end seven decades of internal armed conflict. On Aug. 6-7 representatives of the Myanmar government, including from the armed forces, met with leaders of the country?s ethnic armed groups and finalized the text of the Nationwide Cease-Fire Agreement.
The N.C.A. took a year and a half of negotiations — I helped advise the government during that time — and required difficult compromises on all sides. It is no simple truce, but rather a complex set of military and political undertakings. It also provides early measures to begin comprehensive political talks about constitutional reform and the long-divisive issue of federalism, and about a formal peace agreement that would permanently end the war.
Continue reading the main story
RELATED COVERAGE
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition in Myanmar, held a news conference on Tuesday at the Parliament building in Naypyidaw, the capital.Aung San Suu Kyi Calls Ex-Leader of Myanmar Governing Party an ?Ally?AUG. 18, 2015
The only outstanding question is which groups exactly will become parties to the N.C.A. The government insists that the agreement should initially be signed only by the 15 armed groups with which it already has bilateral cease-fire agreements. It also wants to exclude three small ethnic armed groups the army has clashed with recently, as well as a few unarmed ethnic organizations..."
Thant Myint U
Source/publisher:
"New York Times"
Date of publication:
2015-08-18
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-25
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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"Burma?s President Thein Sein meets with an ethnic delegation tomorrow for talks that could shape the country?s future. However, several important issues remain unresolved or uncertain.
DVB speaks with Vijay Nambiar, the Special Adviser on Myanmar to the UN Secretary-General, who has sat in as an official observer on ceasefire talks, and asks him his opinions on whether the much-anticipated Nationwide Ceasefire agreement, or NCA, will ultimately prove successful..."
Source/publisher:
Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB)
Date of publication:
2015-09-08
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-23
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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"Harn Yawngwhe explores the genesis of the national dialogue process in Burma. Peacebuilding in Burma has a daunting agenda to accommodate an array of competing claimants to legitimacy, including the government and the army, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s National League for Democracy, political parties, civil society, ethnic entities, and more than 18 ethnic armed groups. A proposed national ceasefire aims to encompass every armed group. An even more ambitious national dialogue process looks to include all stakeholders ? armed groups, political parties and civil society ? not just to resolve armed insurgencies, but to shape a peaceful future for the nation.....Legitimacy is the key challenge for the Burma Army or Tatmadaw, even after 50 years of absolute rule. There is no doubt that it has the coercive power to continue ruling. But no one ? not the ethnic population, not the person in the street, and not even the international community ? sees the military as the legitimate and rightful ruler.
The armed struggles that have beset Burma /Myanmar since independence in 1948 have involved multiple armed groups seeking recognition and representation and ongoing demands for political transition of the military regime. Recent reformist moves by the state have raised hopes that there is an opportunity for real change. A proposed nationwide ceasefire aims to bring in all armed groups ? those that have already signed ceasefires and those that have not. A subsequent National Dialogue looks to include all stakeholders ? armed groups, political parties and civil society. The dialogue is not just about resolving armed insurgencies, but about the future of the country..."
Harn Yawnghwe
Source/publisher:
"Accord" 25 (Conciliation Resources)
Date of publication:
2014-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-21
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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English
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411.6 KB
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"Peace has been elusive in Myanmar. The country has been engaged in the longest civil war in modern times—sixty years and counting. Several initiatives to broker a ceasefire between the government and the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) comprising sixteen ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) have come to naught. And the elation that greeted a draft ceasefire agreement initialed on March 31, 2015, soon evaporated when three members of the NCCT withdrew from the deal.1 The EAOs organized their own conclave in Law Khee Lar, near the Thai border, in early June and emerged with fifteen new demands, twelve of which related to the initially agreed text..."
Vikram Nehru
Source/publisher:
CARNEGIE Endowment for International Peace
Date of publication:
2015-07-08
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-21
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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English
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36.53 KB
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Overview:
"After more than six decades of internal armed conflict, the next four weeks could be
decisive for Myanmar?s peace process. The process, which was launched in August
2011, enjoyed significant initial success, as bilateral ceasefires were agreed with more
than a dozen ethnic armed groups. But signing a nationwide ceasefire and proceeding
to the political dialogue phase has been much more difficult. Four years on, with
campaigning for the November elections already underway, a deal remains elusive.
It is unclear whether a breakthrough can be achieved before the elections. Outside
pressure will not be productive, but the progress to date needs to be locked in, and
public international commitments to support the integrity of the process and stand
with the groups that sign can now be of critical importance..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group, Asia Briefing N°146
Date of publication:
2015-09-16
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
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Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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English
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Executive summary: "The attention on business concessions and economic development in peace negotiations is a highly controversial issue that many believe compromises the core question of political and national identity issues. However it is important to recognise that major grievances that fuel conflict are related to economics, namely negative impacts of development projects on local communities and competition over control of economic resources between local ethnic groups and the central government. Moreover, Non-State Armed Groups (NSAGs) themselves realise that fighting for the rights of their people cannot avoid the question of economics as money and power are inextricably linked. This report explores the economic roots of conflict in an attempt to identify peaceful solutions. It observes six main economic grievances that drive conflict in Myanmar, and tries to analyse the different measures being taken to address each of them. These grievances include increased militarisation of economic projects, lack of ownership and management power over natural resources, land confiscation, environmental and social impact of economic projects, poverty and underdevelopment in ethnic nationality areas. The reformist government has tried to respond to each of these grievances by initiating a multitude of bills, policies, development plans, commissions and committees under the existing constitution. NSAGs have tried to address these issues, sometimes independently, but more often through demands in peace negotiations with the government. Civil society groups also play an active role in voicing local needs and grievances that are important in informing sound decision making for policy solutions. International aid supports these different actors and reforms through financial and technical assistance. Analysing the wide-ranging attempts to address economic grievances reveals an important discovery that the key hindrance to ongoing reforms and implementation of peace agreements is the continued power of the military over the economy and government administrative structure. Its own economic interests and ideologies in dealing with NSAGs inevitably put them in opposition to the government?s plans to change existing power structures. The centralisation of key ownership and management power over natural resources stipulated in the 2008 Constitution also mean that the government?s enthusiasm for decentralisation reforms will not solve the ethnic struggle. The military?s legacy may explain why - despite the many attempted solutions - conflict has not abated and locals have yet to witness major improvements in their lives. Ensuring that these solutions can succeed in achieving real change and sustainable peace will not only rely on great skill but reforming the old powers of the military and transforming it into a professional defence army. Understanding the underlying economic interests of competing groups in Myanmar is therefore critical in achieving the much desired peace and stability."
Source/publisher:
Burma News International
Date of publication:
2013-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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pdf
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1.96 MB
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Executive Summary:
"During the year under review, Myanmar?s peace process veered in one direction and then another, swayed by fresh outbreaks of fighting. A commitment to peace by all parties to the conflict and a willingness to compromise would help towards a negotiated settlement. If the two sides can narrow down their demands to the essentials likely to prevent large scale military offensives, they can then move on to discuss political and military issues of a more prickly nature which must be resolved if peace is to be enduring. Both sides have matured during the seventeen months of negotiations necessary to agree a so-called "final draft" of a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. However, the draft drawn up conjointly by the Government and Ethnic Armed Organizations drafting teams has yet to be ratified by the assent of the policy-makers of the organizations concerned.
There have been many positive developments. The ethnic armed organizations held the Law Khee Ler Ethnic Conference from 20-25 January, and the Laiza Ethnic Conference from 25-29 July, 2014. They discussed matters specific to the NCA, displayed a sense of unity, and showed a willingness to move the peace process forward. The negotiations with the Government?s drafting team went smoothly until the meeting of 22 September, when the military delegates in the Government team went back on the previous agreement. This very nearly resulted in a still-born Nationwide Ceasefire, and many saw it as an indication that the peace process was regarded lightly. Luckily, leaders from the two negotiating teams were able to resuscitate the talks. The situation improved in early 2015 despite some clashes between government forces and ethnic armed organizations [EAOs], especially in Kachin, Karen and Shan States. The two negotiating teams had many informal and formal meetings, whose tone steadily improved. EAO leaders attended the Independence Day and Union Day celebrations in the capital, Naypyitaw. The KNU, DKBA, KPC and RCSS signed a "commitment to peace and national reconciliation". Subsequent to which, on 31 March of this year, 2015, the negotiators finally agreed the "final draft" of the NCA. Although events that followed showed that it will not in fact be the final text, the negotiation of the terms it contains was, nevertheless, a very great achievement for the two sides, who had never undertaken such a task before. They agreed a "7-Step Roadmap". Many felt the peace process to be on the right path. However, influential people within the ethnic movement pointed out that this was a proposed agreement requiring the assent of the governing bodies of the ethnic organisations: it was not the agreement itself. The UWSA and the KIO then organized, from 1-6 May 2015 at the headquarters of UWSA, the Panghsang Ethnic Conference to thrash out matters relating to the NCA, such as whether or not to sign the existing document. However no agreement was reached on this latter point. Therefore the ethnic armed organizations organized the second Law Khee Ler Conference in a KNU-controlled area. This was held from 2-9 June 2015. They reviewed the "final draft" of the NCA; decided it needed thirteen amendments; and formed the "EAOs High-Level Delegation for the NCA" (also known as the EAOs Senior Delegation) to pursue negotiations with the Government.
On a negative note, fighting between ethnic armed organizations and government forces have been frequent, with each side blaming the other. Most clashes occurred in Kachin, Karen and Shan States. Although the incidence of armed conflict has diminished over the eighteen months to June 2015, it has produced a growing number of IDPs, especially in the
Kokang area. The EAOs have demanded the cessation of government offensives against their positions, claiming that these make them more wary, are an obstacle to a negotiated settlement, and are clearly not conducive to peace.
However, the KIA and the Kachin State Border Affairs Ministry were able to establish a "Joint Conflict Resolution Committee" to reduce clashes between the two sides. Although ethnic ceasefire groups have liaison offices located in urban centers, these are ineffective in solving problems between EAOs and government forces. Clashes are expected to be reduced when EAOs and the Government sign a mutually-acceptable NCA, form a ?Joint Monitoring Committee?, evolve a ?military code of conduct?, and establish demarcation lines between the opposing forces.
State and Union level bi-lateral agreements, which started to come into effect from late 2011, contain terms intended to reintegrate EAOs into the national patchwork and to assist conflict-affected communities. They have already started making important headway and foster an overall movement towards peace. They do this through legalization of EAOs, trustbuilding, recognition of ethnic rights, and resettlement. Assistance from the international community has played a crucial supporting role in producing these "peace dividends", but it is essential to guard against ignoring the core political issues which continue to promote conflict. The marked improvement in the everyday life of post-conflict communities is a clear sign of the progress being made. However, the absence of efforts to address political issues, such as self-determination and equal political rights, causes many to remain skeptical of the Government?s sincerity and to fear a return of conflict to those areas where it has died down. Major developments in the peace process notwithstanding, the persistently high level of armed conflict in Kachin, Karen and Shan States are a cause for grave concern. It encourages pessimistic cautiousness, and calls into question the Government?s sincerity in pursuing the peace process, suggesting the possibility of a hidden agenda. EAOs have reported that the Myanmar military has not changed its aggressive policy of wiping them out, fueling distrust of the Government and souring the peace process. The ongoing violence related to ethnic and communal conflict has created new IDPs and prevented the return of existing ones; and threatens to slow or even reverse the reforms made in the country as a whole. The international community has criticized the Government?s human rights record and pushed it to respect and promote human rights. The expansion of opium production and trafficking is another contradictory outcome of the peace process which suggests inexplicable and as yet to be identified flaws.
A great deal more must be done to understand and to address the root political causes that drive Myanmar?s long-standing civil war. With its increasing integration into the international community, and as the ASEAN chair in 2014, Myanmar is more enthusiastic than ever to make up for damage done by decades-long conflict and to catch up with global standards. Visits to Myanmar by world leaders have been frequent of late, and both Government and opposition leaders have visited foreign countries. Western countries have removed economic sanctions and kicked off their "engagement policy" to strengthen the reforms and encourage the peace process."
Source/publisher:
Burma News International
Date of publication:
2015-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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English
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"The next round of talks on the nationwide ceasefire agreement have been set for September 9. It seems it may be signed soon. It has been a long process even to get this far. Can you share your opinion?
Well, commentators sometimes refer to this as a peace process, but that?s a misnomer. They?re not talking about peace. They?re talking about the technicalities of the ceasefire agreement. And normally, a ceasefire can just be announced. They stop shooting at each other, they sit down, they talk, you reach a consensus, you sign an agreement on political issues. Here, they?re putting the cart before the horse, and they want to talk about an agreement before they?ve even discussed any political issues. That?s not going to work..."
Aung Zaw + Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2015-09-03
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-03
[field_licence]
Type:
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Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Individual videos and films on Burma in English and other non-Asian languages
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"Myanmar took a huge step forward on August 7. The government concluded its negotiations with ethnic armed groups over a nationwide ceasefire to end more than 60 years of civil war...Without doubt, it will be yet another test for all parties whether they are truly committed to peaceful political dialogue to resolve the nation?s long-running armed conflict. As the political negotiations will focus on power-sharing, resource-sharing and many other pressing issues, the process is likely to test the endurance of all stakeholders, as well as their ability to compromise and think of the bigger picture.
Despite the hurdles ahead, Myanmar seems determined to move forward. The signing of the nationwide ceasefire agreement will help the election environment, which will in turn reinforce the notion of inclusive democracy that friends of Myanmar hope to see flourish here..."
Aung Naing Oo
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times"
Date of publication:
2015-08-25
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-26
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Abstract:
"This article argues that attempts to buy insurgency out of violence can achieve temporary stability but risk producing new conflict. While co-optation with economic incentives might work in parts of a movement, it can spark ripple effects in others. These unanticipated developments result from the interactions of differently situated elite and non-elite actors, which can create a momentum of their own in driving collective behaviour. This article develops this argument by analysing the re-escalation of armed conflict between the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and Myanmar?s armed forces after a 17-year-long ceasefire broke down in 2011. After years of mutual enrichment and collaboration between rebel and state elites and near organisational collapse, the insurgency?s new-found resolve and capacity is particularly puzzling. Based on extensive field research, this article explains why and how the state?s attempt to co-opt rebel leaders with economic incentives resulted in group fragmentation, loss of leadership legitimacy, increased factional contestation, growing resentment among local communities and the movement?s rank and file and ultimately the rebuilding of popular resistance from within."
David Brenner
Source/publisher:
"Conflict, Security & Development"
Date of publication:
2015-08-03
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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English
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162.31 KB
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"Hopes were once high that Myanmar?s transition to semi-civilian government in 2011 would be accompanied by the settlement of its decades-old conflicts with its ethnic minorities. However, many of the country?s insurgencies have escalated since then, plunging the north back into renewed civil conflict. As things currently stand, government forces are battling various ethnic armed groups ? including Kachin, Kokang, and Palaung movements ? resulting in heavy losses on both sides and the displacement of up to 200,000 civilians in Shan and Kachin States.
The escalation of conflict seems particularly puzzling because Myanmar?s generals managed to pacify many of the country?s ethno-nationalist insurgencies with ceasefires in the 1990s. These settlements allowed non-state armed groups to not only retain their arms and pockets of territory, but also granted lucrative business concessions. Instead of fighting each other, elites from all sides started to collaborate in exploiting the area?s natural riches. Dubbed ?ceasefire capitalism”[i] by some observers, this economic approach to counterinsurgency produced a remarkably stable order..."
David Brenner
Source/publisher:
International Relations and Security Network (ISN)
Date of publication:
2015-08-10
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-11
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Type:
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"...In summary, the return of the MNDAA to
the Kokang region is a result of the failed
policies of the past and set in motion a series
of unprecedented events. These include
a deterioration in relations with China
which, as a result, has become more focal
in Myanmar?s peace process, and a hastily-
arranged ethnic summit at the headquarters
of the UWSA, the country?s largest armed
opposition group, which until now had shied
away from becoming involved in alliance
political affairs.
The renewed hostilities have also negatively
impacted on prospects for the signing of a
nationwide ceasefire agreement. Excluding
some groups from an NCA and future
political dialogue is a high-risk strategy. It
will continue divisive, and unsuccessful,
practices from the past whereby some
nationality forces have ceasefires with the
government, while the Tatmadaw pursues
military tactics against others. As Myanmar?s
tragic experience since independence has
frequently warned, conflict in any part of
the country can quickly lead to national
instability. Therefore, at a time of critical political
transition in the country, failure to address
the root causes of armed conflict and to
create an inclusive political process to solve
nationality grievances is only likely to have
a very detrimental impact on the prospects
for peace, democracy and development. If
the government is serious and determined
to bring peace to all Myanmar?s peoples,
military solutions to ethnic conflict must no
longer be pursued, and an inclusive political
dialogue should start as soon as possible.
Experiences from other countries entangled
in decades of civil war around the world have
long shown that ceasefires are not a necessary
precondition to start political negotiations.
Peace in Myanmar needs to move from
arguments about process to agreements about
delivery. In short, it is time to end military
confrontation and to start political dialogue."
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI)
Date of publication:
2015-07-17
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army-MNDAA (Kokang)
Language:
English
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pdf
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Unity/ inclusiveness: 14+1 versus 16+1....
As the negotiations for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) enters into its final stage, both the
ethnic armed organizations and the government claim that the last remaining hurdle is ? Which groups will
sign the NCA? Other issues are said to be surmountable...What then is the difference between the government?s 14+1 formula and the United Nationalities
Federal Council?s (UNFC) or SD/NCCT?s 16+1 formula?....
Life would be simple if the government?s 14 and
the UNFC?s 16 referred to the same groups.
Unfortunately, they do not. The two concepts
can be broken down as follows:-
Source/publisher:
Euro-Burma Office - EBO Briefing Paper NO. 3 / 2015 August 2015
Date of publication:
2015-07-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-08-03
[field_licence]
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"Ethnic leaders will not sign on to a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) if it excludes certain armed groups, senior ethnic representatives reiterated Wednesday after four days of talks on the draft text in northern Thailand.
Meeting ahead of the next round of talks with government negotiators in Rangoon beginning on August 5, ethnic representatives discussed the remaining obstacles to signing the NCA in talks which began on Sunday in Chiang Mai.
At present the government doesn?t recognize six ethnic armed groups that are part of the ethnics? Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), reconstituted as the Senior Delegation in June, according to Nai Hong Sar.
These groups include the Arakan Army (AA), the Arakan National Council (ANC), the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), the Wa National Organization (WNO) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).
The Ta?ang National Liberation Army that along with the AA and MNDAA has recently been in conflict with the government army, would also be excluded from the prospective pact..."
Nyein Nyein
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2015-07-30
Date of entry/update:
2015-07-30
[field_licence]
Type:
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"When the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army declared a unilateral ceasefire earlier this month, the bloody war in Kokang faded from the headlines.
We can assume that all the attention focused on one corner of Shan State was getting inconvenient for the Kokang leadership, their Myanmar sparring partners and even the Chinese.
This ceasefire is another reminder that Myanmar?s long-running borderlands conflicts are about so much more than public demands for ethnic autonomy.
Wars fuelled by illicit trade ? in drugs, guns, timber, gems and people ? make it impossible to disentangle political demands from profit-making self-interest. And almost everywhere you look in Myanmar, for the past quarter-century, there has been a ceasefire, peace agreement or truce to further complicate local affairs.
For an entire generation, the Tatmadaw leadership premised its efforts to guarantee the non-disintegration of the Union on these shadowy deals. Some have proved resilient, particularly where new wealth has lubricated the crunching frustration of ceasefire stalemates.
Any long-term nationwide peace agreement will need to get to grips with exactly what has been going on..."
Nicholas Farrelly
Source/publisher:
"New Mandala"
Date of publication:
2015-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2015-07-14
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
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"Like many peace process around the world, the peace process in Myanmar is not exempt from
challenges and obstacles, unforeseen as well as expected. Despite facing challenges, both negotiating
teams ? the government of Myanmar and ethnic armed opposition organizations ? are making a
concerted and cooperative effort. They persistently pursue the objectives of finding a mutually
acceptable solution to the remaining points of contentions in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement
(NCA). Securing the NCA is the first step along their seven-step road map towards attaining a durable
solution to end over 60 years of political conflict. With the general election coming up in November,
it is fair to say that they are now entering into the final rounds of negotiation to reach the NCA at least
before election. The government side even hinted that there might not be any further rounds of
negotiation. The stakes are too high..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconcilition (Analysis Paper No. 11/2015)
Date of publication:
2015-07-03
Date of entry/update:
2015-07-03
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Centre for Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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73.9 KB
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Description:
"In Myanmar, a summit of ethnic armed group leaders rejected the NCA text agreed in March, making it almost certain that the agreement will not be signed before the country goes to elections later this year. This makes it highly unlikely that there will be further progress on talks to end the decades-long conflict for the next twelve months, and increases the risk of armed conflict over the coming year. It also means more areas could be declared too insecure for elections to take place..."
Source/publisher:
International Crisis Group (Crisiswatch No. 143)
Date of publication:
2015-07-01
Date of entry/update:
2015-07-02
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The 2015 General Elections in Burma/Myanmar, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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53.8 KB
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Description:
"...The
past
three
months
has
seen
numerous
confusing
signals
as
armed
ethnic
groups
and
the
government
signed
a
much
lauded
draft
nationwide
ceasefire
agreement
text,
only
to
then
have
an
ethnic
summit
involving
the
UWSA,
a
group
that
has
made
it
quite
clear
they
have
nothing
to
gain
by
being
involved
in
the
ceasefire
process.
In
addition,
the
Summit
organisers
failed
to
invite
the
Chin
National
Front,
which,
although
a
smaller
group,
has
played
an
important
role
in
the
peace
process.
Now
that
a
new
body
of
negotiating
team
has
been
created
to
bring
the
process
forward,
there
is
little
doubt
that
there
will
be
a
signing
of
a
nationwide
ceasefire
before
the
2015
general
election..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconcilition (Analysis Paper No. 10,/2015)
Date of publication:
2015-06-20
Date of entry/update:
2015-06-20
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Centre for Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
113.24 KB
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Description:
"RANGOON — The Burmese government?s hopes of finalizing a nationwide ceasefire agreement before this year?s election appear to have shrunk considerably, after this month?s ethnic summit in Law Khee Lar voted to cede negotiating power to a new ?hardline” committee.
From the perspective of government peace negotiators, two problems have arisen from the Law Khee Lar summit, which concluded at the beginning of last week. First, ethnic leaders have refused to endorse the draft ceasefire text, demanding fresh negotiations over 15 amendments. Second, the new negotiating committee, which will assume the responsibilities of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), is comprised of people likely to be much less receptive to government overtures..."
LAWI WENG
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2015-06-15
Date of entry/update:
2015-06-16
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"The United Wa State Army (UWSA) will not attend an ethnic summit next month in Karen State?s Law Khee Lar, where ethnic leaders will gather to discuss the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement..."
Khin Oo Thar
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2015-05-26
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"During the course of more than six decades of armed conflict in
southeast
Myanmar,
hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced. The precise number of currently
Internally Displaced Persons
(IDPs) in the region is unknown. While relatively few civilians
(perhaps just over 10,000)
1
have been displaced by armed conflict since the emergence of the
peace process in 2011, several hundreds of thousands remain displaced, and have yet to find a
?durable solution? to their plight. Furthermore, in Thailand there are some 120,000 refugees
fro
m southeast Myanmar living in temporary shelters, plus another 2
-
3 million migrant
workers, many of whom are acutely vulnerable and left their homeland for similar reasons to
the refugees.
Forced migrants in and from Myanmar demonstrate significant resili
ence, and often high
levels of social and political capital. Nevertheless, refugees and IDPs have been among the
principal victims of armed conflict in their homeland. Communities have suffered greatly,
with many people dispossessed and traumatised. To som
e degree, the overall success of the
peace process can be measured by the extent to which the country?s most acutely affected
populations are able to achieve durable solutions. At the same time, durable solutions for
forced migrants will depend on sustaina
ble improvements in the political and security
environment and an end to armed conflict, and thus are tied inextricably to the peace process..."
Ashley South & Kim Jolliffe
Source/publisher:
UNHCR- NEW ISSUES IN REFUGEE RESEARCH - Research Paper No. 27 4
Date of publication:
2015-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
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773.36 KB
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Description:
PANGHSANG, Wa Special Region — "The United Wa State Army (UWSA) has a relationship akin to ?a jaw and its teeth” with a trio of ethnic armed groups engaged in active hostilities with the Burma Army, its leadership said at the opening of a conference of ethnic leaders here on Friday.
The solidarity pledge between the UWSA and the three other ethnic groups, who are attending the summit against the government?s wishes, illustrated just how far Burma may be from a nationwide ceasefire agreement that Naypyidaw has said is on the horizon.
Palaung, Arakanese and Kokang armed rebels have continued to clash with government troops in recent weeks, even as momentum has appeared to build toward the signing of a nationwide peace accord. The 16-member Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) that has negotiated that agreement does not include the UWSA, which made clear on Friday that it would not abide a selectively applied definition of peace in Burma..."
LAWI WENG
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2015-05-01
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"After seven rounds of talks
between armed
ethnic groups and the Thein Sein
Government, progress
was finally
achieved
on 31 March 2015 with the
signing of the Draft Nationwide Ceasefire
agreement. While there is still a long way to
go in securing an equal and stable Burma,
the finalisation of a
draft
Nationwide
Ceasefire Agreement text
was
a
fundamental step in satisfying ethnic
group?s demands for a genuine federal
union.
The signing,
which took place in Rangoon,
was the culmination of talks that have
lasted over
seventeen months
and have
seen armed ethnic groups
through the
NCCT, the
Union Peace Working
Committee (UPWC)
led by U Aung Min,
and the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC)
debate the various conditions necessary
to bring about a nationwide ceasefire.
While the signing, with the endorsement of
the President, is the most positive step yet
?
there remain a number of issues to be
addressed including ongoing conflict in
Kachin State, Shan State, and the
Kokang
region.
The
draft Nationwide Ceasefire
Agreement (NCA)
is
only
the first stage in a
lengthy process that hopes
to bring peace
to the country.
One of the main issues that needed to be
clarified prior to the signing was
chapter six
of the agreement,
entitled
the Interim
period. The interim arrangement involves
how both parties will act after a ceasefire
has been put in place and during the
political dialogue phase..."
Paul Keenan
Source/publisher:
Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconcilition (Briefing Paper No. 24,/2015)
Date of publication:
2015-05-01
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Centre for Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Ceasefire and ex-ceasefire Groups, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
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120.7 KB
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Description:
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- "Ethnic rebel group leaders began meeting Friday in northeastern Myanmar to discuss how to end the current fighting in the region and finalize a nationwide ceasefire agreement with the government.
The meeting which was taking place in Panghsang, the stronghold of the militarily powerful ethnic Wa group is attended by about 50 representatives from 12 ethnic armed groups including the Wa group. Meanwhile in a nearby region, fierce clashes between Kokang guerrillas and government troops have left hundreds killed.
At the same time, an alliance of more than a dozen ethnic minority groups has been holding talks with the government to end decades of fighting for autonomy.
The government?s continued clashes with the Kokang have caused the ethnic alliance to distrust the sincerity of President Thein Sein?s regime. Neither the Kokang nor their Wa hosts have been part of the government?s talks but both were taking part in Friday?s consultations..."
Aye Aye Win
Source/publisher:
Associated Press (AP)
Date of publication:
2015-05-01
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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Description:
(Reuters) - "A ceasefire deal to end Myanmar?s long-running ethnic insurgencies is not possible as long as fighting persists, the leader of the country?s largest rebel group said on Friday.
Myanmar?s semi-civilian government drew international praise in March after 16 rebel groups signed a draft ceasefire accord aiming to end six decades of armed conflict.
But brutal fighting between government forces and rebels has flared in the remote northeastern Kokang region since February, spilling over the border into neighboring China, where five people were killed by stray bombs last month.
"Until and unless the fighting stops, the nationwide ceasefire agreement will be merely words written on a piece of paper," said Bao Youxiang, the leader of the 30,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA), which did not sign the draft pact.
Bao made the comments at a summit of 12 insurgent groups in the town of Panghsang, the de facto capital of UWSA-controlled territory on the China border, and they were included in a Burmese-language translation of the speech seen by Reuters..."
Aung Hla Tun
Source/publisher:
Reuters
Date of publication:
2015-05-01
Date of entry/update:
2015-05-01
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
RECENT negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have made significant progress toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement to resolve more than half a century of armed conflict.
The two sides have agreed a draft common text, which now must be endorsed by senior leaders. However, differences remain on key issues, which will require further negotiations even if the ceasefire is signed. In the meantime, the clock is ticking toward elections scheduled for November, which will likely displace peacebuilding efforts from a central position on the national political agenda.
Beyond peace talks between the leadership on both sides, the situation on the ground is both complex and contested. In areas where ceasefires are holding, conflict-affected communities have experienced some of the benefits of peace. At the same time, however, ethnic nationality communities have been exposed to an increase land grabbing and other threats. Nevertheless, ceasefires in southeast Myanmar have created the space within which the Karen National Union (KNU) and other stakeholders are mobilising a vibrant Karen political community.
Leadership-level negotiations
When nationwide ceasefire negotiations resumed on March 30, both the government?s Union Peacemaking Work Committee and the armed groups? Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team were keen to move forward quickly - and neither wanted to be seen as delaying progress toward an agreement.
Therefore, some important but still contested elements were removed from the draft text, for discussion at a later stage. These included arrangements which are necessary to consolidate existing ceasefires. Since February, trust between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups has been further eroded by the outbreak of fighting in the Kokang region of northern Shan State. This development has played into the hands of the Myanmar army, or Tatmadaw, providing a rare boost to the popularity of military leaders in the run-up to elections. Thankfully, in the immediate aftermath of the agreement on the nationwide ceasefire, fighting in northern Myanmar has reduced significantly.
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times"
Date of publication:
2015-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2015-04-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
67.43 KB
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Description:
"RECENT negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have made significant progress toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement to resolve more than half a century of armed conflict.
The two sides have agreed a draft common text, which now must be endorsed by senior leaders. However, differences remain on key issues, which will require further negotiations even if the ceasefire is signed. In the meantime, the clock is ticking toward elections scheduled for November, which will likely displace peacebuilding efforts from a central position on the national political agenda.
Beyond peace talks between the leadership on both sides, the situation on the ground is both complex and contested. In areas where ceasefires are holding, conflict-affected communities have experienced some of the benefits of peace. At the same time, however, ethnic nationality communities have been exposed to an increase land grabbing and other threats. Nevertheless, ceasefires in southeast Myanmar have created the space within which the Karen National Union (KNU) and other stakeholders are mobilising a vibrant Karen political community.
Leadership-level negotiations
When nationwide ceasefire negotiations resumed on March 30, both the government?s Union Peacemaking Work Committee and the armed groups? Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team were keen to move forward quickly - and neither wanted to be seen as delaying progress toward an agreement.
Therefore, some important but still contested elements were removed from the draft text, for discussion at a later stage. These included arrangements which are necessary to consolidate existing ceasefires. Since February, trust between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups has been further eroded by the outbreak of fighting in the Kokang region of northern Shan State. This development has played into the hands of the Myanmar army, or Tatmadaw, providing a rare boost to the popularity of military leaders in the run-up to elections. Thankfully, in the immediate aftermath of the agreement on the nationwide ceasefire, fighting in northern Myanmar has reduced significantly..."
Ashley South
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times"
Date of publication:
2015-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2015-04-11
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
66.56 KB
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Description:
"A new report by the Karenni Civil Society Network (KCSN) raises concerns about
international ?peace support” programming amid
st increasing Burma Army militarization in
Karenni State after the2012 ceasefire with the
Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP).
The report ?Where is Genuine Peace?” exposes how a pilot resettlement project of the
Norway-led Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) in Shardaw
Township is encouraging
IDPs to return to an area controlled by the Burma Army where their safety cannot be
guaranteed.
The MPSI claims that between June 2013 and
September 2014 it supported 1,431 IDPs to
return to 10 Shadaw villages forcibly relocated in 1996. However, KCSN found only about a
third of these IDPs in the villages, most of whom were working-age adults returning to carry
out farming, but not daring to return permanently due to fears of renewed conflict. As in
other parts of Karenni State, the Burma Army has been reinforcing troops and fortifying its
positions in Shadaw, where there is a tactical command centre and over 20 military
outposts.
?Instead of encouraging IDPs to return home be
fore it is safe, international donors should
be trying to ensure that the rights of conflict-affected villagers are protected,” said one of
KCSN. ?There must be pressure on the government to pull back its troops from the ethnic
areas and start political dialog
ue towards federal reform.”
KCSN also criticizes the MPSI for fuelling conflict by ignoring Karenni-managed social service
organizations that have been providing primary health care and other support to IDPs in
Shadaw for decades. MPSI?s health support was through the government system, which
remains highly centralized and dysfunctional in Karenni State.
?Donors should not just give one-sided support to expand government services into ethnic
conflict areas. This won?t be effective, and will
only increase resentment and fuel conflict,”
said KSWDC.
The report also raises concerns about rampant
resource extraction after the ceasefire, land
confiscation, military expansions and lack of
transparency around dam plans on the Salween
and its tributaries in Karenni State. KCSN
is calling for a moratorium on large-scale
infrastructure and resource extraction projects
in Karenni State until there is genuine peace." [from the KCSN press release of 5 December, 2014]
Source/publisher:
Karenni Civil Society Network (KCSN)
Date of publication:
2014-12-05
Date of entry/update:
2015-01-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict in Karenni State, Internal displacement/forced migration of Karenni villagers, Forced displacement/forced migration linked to natural resource exploitation, Gold mining and trade
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
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1.6 MB
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Description:
"RANGOON — Burma Army representatives and top leaders of ethnic armed groups are not attending the two-day nationwide ceasefire talks in Rangoon this week, a situation that indicates just how much the negotiations have suffered following the army?s surprise attack on a rebel training school last month.
The government?s chief negotiator, Minister Aung Min, led a delegation that included Border Affairs Minister Lt-Gen. Htet Naing Win and Immigration Minister Khin Ye, but Burma Army representatives were conspicuously absent as the sides convened at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) in Rangoon on Monday morning.
The National Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), an alliance representing 16 ethnic groups, sent NCCT representatives Khun Okkar and Kwe Htoo Win to the meeting, but NCCT Chairman Nai Hong Sar and Gen. Gun Maw, the influential deputy commander-in-chief of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), did not attend. Neither did leaders from the Ta?ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)..."
LAWI WENG
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of entry/update:
2015-01-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Over the past few weeks, government, parliamentary and opposition leaders have presented various proposals for high-level political dialogue, possibly leading to constitutional change in Myanmar, also known as Burma. Although significant differences remain between the different proposals, one thing they share is the exclusion of ethnic armed groups. This indicates that the window of opportunity to achieve political dialogue shaped by Ethnic armed groups as part of the peace process is rapidly closing. There may well be political dialogue in Myanmar—probably after the elections—but it seems unlikely that ethnic armed groups will play a leading role. Before the window of opportunity closes, ethnic leaders should focus on securing a comprehensive ceasefire agreement with the government, and above all with the Myanmar Army..."
Ashley South
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy"
Date of publication:
2014-12-08
Date of entry/update:
2014-12-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English, Karen, Burmese
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
68.37 KB 60.76 KB
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Description:
Introduction: "Since the unanimous adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on
Women, Peace and Security in 2000, international consensus has been built around the
need to involve women in peace processes in order for peace building to be sustainable,
democratic and inclusive. This policy framework now includes five resolutions adopted by
the Security Council to promote and protect the rights of women in conflict and post-conflict
situations. The recent 7-point action plan released by the United Nation?s Secretary General
in 2010 reafirmed the importance of mainstreaming a gender perspective throughout
all aspects of the peace building process, and identiied several substantive points of action
to increase gender responsiveness...
Despite this, women in Burma are effectively excluded from participating in the negotiations
for peace.
Less than a handful of women have been part of the offcial talks held between
the State and the armed groups, and none of the 12 preliminary ceasefire agreements
reviewed for this report includes any references to gender or women.
The expertise of
local women?s groups in peacemaking and trust building efforts has gone unnoticed, and
concerns raised by women are being sidelined.
The interest by the dominant funders of
the Burmese peace building initiatives, the international community, in advocating for the
increased participation of women or for the mainstreaming of gender responsiveness has
been, at best, inadequate.
This is a worrisome development which requires action from
both international and local actors as the continued exclusion of women risks undermining the legitimacy of the entire process."
Source/publisher:
Swedish Burma Committee
Date of publication:
2013-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2014-12-09
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
132.39 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
Human rights conditions have been transformed on the ground in rural Southeast Myanmar since the signing of a preliminary ceasefire agreement between the Myanmar government and the Karen National Union in January 2012. While some forms of human rights abuse documented by KHRG since 1992 remain of serious concern, others have almost disappeared. At the same time, new forms of abuse and local concerns are emerging in the evolving security environment. In this new context, there is speculation at the local level over whether the January 2012 agreement marks only a temporary truce, or a viable transition to peace and stability for local communities. Drawing on a dataset of 388 oral testimonies and pieces of documentation from a total of 1,404 collected over the past two years by villagers trained to monitor human rights conditions in their own communities, this report presents analysis of 16 categories of human rights abuse or related issues. This analysis places recent testimony in the context of 20 years of abusive practices, quantifies occurrence across KHRG?s seven research areas and identifies common perpetrators of abuse or related actors. Since the ceasefire, changes in the prevalence of human rights abuse and local responses to such abuse have not been systematically documented. Local perceptions of threats to the ceasefire process remain similarly unknown. This report therefore aims to provide an update from the ground in rural Karen areas of Southeast Myanmar that will allow local, national and international actors to base programming and policy decisions related to this post-conflict region more closely around the experiences of local people, and better support villagers by understanding their concerns and priorities.....
Table of Contents: II. Trends in human rights abuse and local response:- A. Attacks on civilians and extrajudicial killing ...B. Arbitrary arrest and detention...
C. Torture and violent abuse...
D. Rape and sexual assault...
E. Forced labour...
F. Forced recruitment...
G. Anti-personnel and other mines...
Map 3: Mine accidents and contamination, 2012-2013...
H. Restrictions on freedom of movement or trade..
I. Arbitrary taxation and demands.....
III. Emerging issues: Resource management:- A. Land confiscation
B. Impact of infrastructure and commercial development.....
IV. Emerging issues: Security, peacebuilding and social cohesion:- A. Ongoing militarisation and villagers? perceptions of insecurity...Map 4: Army camps and activity, 2012-2013... B. Peacebuilding efforts...C. Access to health and education...
D. Religious and ethnic discrimination...
E. Drug production, use and social impacts
Source/publisher:
Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of publication:
2014-05-13
Date of entry/update:
2014-12-08
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English and Burmese
Format :
pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size:
13.11 MB 7.13 MB 30.65 MB 6.36 MB
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Description:
"July 2014, saw a third ethnic conference held to discuss the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and
August saw the first conference of the United Nationalities Federal Conference (UNFC). The Ethnic
Armed Organisations? Summit, held in Laiza, Kachin State, was the culmination of peace talks both
within armed ethnic organisations and with the Government?s Union Peace-making Working
committee. The Summit, arranged by the Nationalities Ceasefire Coordination Team, was designed
to finalise a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft and military Code of Conduct.
The peace process in the country has faced many obstacles over the last three years. Obvious issues
including concerns over trust, confusion over the NCA and dialogue phase, conflict in Kachin State,
fighting in Shan and Karen States, and divisions within individual armed groups themselves, have
resulted in drawing out the process. While throughout this period, the Government has found its own
position weakened due to these delays and the Burma Army has been given the opportunity to
consolidate their hold over ethnic areas and gain more territory..."
Paul Keenan
Source/publisher:
Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies, Analysis Paper No. 8
Date of publication:
2014-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2014-11-05
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Centre for Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
130 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"Over six decades of ethnic conflict in Myanmar have generated displacement crises just as long. At the time of writing there are an estimated 640,747 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar, and 415,373 refugees originating from the country.However, these figures are not fully indicative of levels of forced migration, as obtaining reliable data for IDPs remains difficult, while millions of regular and irregular migrants have also left the country, often fleeing similar conditions to those faced by documented refugees and IDPs.
Since a new government came into power in 2011, it has managed to secure fresh ceasefire agreements with the majority of the country?s ethnonationalist armed groups (EAGs), potentially inching one step closer to a lasting solution for the country?s hundreds of thousands of refugees and IDPs. As the possibility for voluntary return and resettlement of displaced people opens up, there is a lot to learn from a look back at past ceasefire periods in Myanmar where movements of such populations have taken place. Focusing on the cases of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) ceasefire in 1994, and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) ceasefire in 1995, which had very different impacts on the displaced populations affected, this paper aims to provide lessons for the current transition..." Jolliffe)....."This commentary reflects on some key findings emerging from Kim Jolliffe?s paper on lessons learned from previous ceasefire agreements in Myanmar, and examines how issues relating to refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) have been addressed in the current ceasefires and emerging peace process in Myanmar. The main focus of both papers are the Kachin situation (past and present), a case study of historic forced migration and attempted solutions in Mon areas, and the current situation in Karen areas. Comprehensive treatment of these issues would have to take into account (inter alia) the contexts in western Myanmar, and Shan and Karenni/Kayah areas..." (South)
Kim Jolliffe (paper); Ashley South (Commentary)
Source/publisher:
United Nations - Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
Date of publication:
2014-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Proposed return of Burmese asylum-seekers from Thailand to Burma, Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
914.71 KB
Local URL:
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Description:
"Until a government of Burma is able to accept the role of non-state armed groups as providers for civilian populations and affords them legitimacy within a legal framework, sustained conflict and mass displacement remain inevitable.
Throughout decades of brutal conflict, which have seen thousands of villages destroyed and millions of people displaced, Burma?s ruling regime has made no effort to provide support for affected civilians. As a result, Burma?s ethnic non-state armed groups (NSAGs) ? thought to hold territory covering a quarter of the country?s landmass ? play a crucial role as protectors and providers of humanitarian aid.
The approach to governance taken by different NSAGs varies greatly, as does the level of willing support given to them by their respective populations. In these traditional cultures, hierarchical leadership structures have evolved over time, often based largely on loyalty to those who provide support and protection. Leaders linked to or part of NSAGs are now firmly established as being responsible for the governance of millions of people in Burma. This situation poses a threat to the state which, in turn, has responded with brute force, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and protracted displacement..."
Kim Jolliffe
Source/publisher:
\"Forced Migration Review\" No. 37
Date of publication:
2011-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-13
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma: Internal displacement/forced migration of several ethnic groups., Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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Description:
"While it appears that the peace process in Burma is making substantial progress, and this is certainly what the
government is espousing, the realities on the ground for many people are much the same as they have always
been. In non-ceasefire areas incidences of conflict occur almost daily between the Burma Army and the Kachin
Independence Organization (KIO) and conflict with the Ta?ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has sharply
increased since the start of 2014, while in areas where ceasefires have been signed, sporadic fighting
continues. Meanwhile, severe human rights violations continue, including the systematic use of rape as a
weapon of war by the Burma Army. To date there has been no effort from the government to put this
unreformed and unrepentant institution under civilian control or make any meaningful moves towards finding
justice for those victims of human rights abuses. As for the peace process itself, there has been a disproportionate focus, especially from the government side,
on achieving a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). These discussions have been ongoing for over 18
months, and the supposed benefits of this agreement are uncertain. The Burma Army and the government
appear to have contradictory positions with the Burma Army proving to be particularly obdurate, while on the
ethnic armed group side, increased inter and intra group tension is further complicating the process..."
Source/publisher:
Burma Partnership
Date of publication:
2014-10-02
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-07
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
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Description:
INTRODUCTION:
"Since 2011, Burma has begun to emerge from 50 dark years of dictatorship. Now,
under President Thein Sein?s nominally civilian government the possibility has
arisen for Burma to begin rebuilding and reconciling divided segments of the
nation, and to provide justice to victims for decades of human rights abuses.
Burma?s minority ethnic communities have experienced grave human rights abuse at the
hands of the SPDC regime and its strong arm of the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw. In
order to transition successfully towards true democracy and national reconciliation, the
Burmese government must address, and act upon, the specific needs expressed by
victims of past abuse, documented and expounded herein, in order to move away from
the abusive culture of the past towards a united future.
Within this report you will find a detailed history of Burma? ethnic conflict, how that
conflict has been sewn into the very fabric of the SPDC regime?s ideology and governing
strategy, and ways in which the Tatmadaw has implemented the regime?s strategy by
crippling livelihoods, physically and mentally abusing, and destroying the security of
Burma?s minority ethnic communities.
The purpose of this report is to guide the Burmese government in the implementation of
mechanisms of transitional justice in Burma. To achieve this goal, this report looks at
Burma?s history of human rights violations and analyzes how to repair the relationship
between the government and the citizens.
The government has committed, and continues to commit, vast numbers of human
rights abuses against its minority ethnic communities, violations including land
confiscation; forced labor and forced portering; physical abuse, torture, and murder;
and rape and sexual abuse. In order for the Burmese government to employ appropriate
mechanisms of justice, this report identifies the effects such violations have had on the victims, and what the victims require from the government to provide adequate justice
and reparations for such violations. Through this report, HURFOM hopes to hold a
megaphone to the voices of Burma?s ethnic people regarding past human rights abuses.
This report addresses victims? expectations of the government for a future democratic
Burma. Of utmost importance to building peace in Burma are three key elements of
trust-building, national reconciliation, and transitional justice. The government must
implement appropriate mechanisms to fulfill these three objectives in order to create
sustainable peace throughout the country.
Central to achieving these goals is the de-structuring of the SPDC?s pervasive culture of
impunity surrounding human rights violations against its citizens. While impunity,
unaccountability, extortion, and corruption continue to exist, there can be no repair of
trust or unity within the society. Without eliminating all impunity, there will be no
reconciliation in Burma.
Minority ethnic communities in Burma have been traumatized by decades of abuse and
exploitation. It is HURFOM?s hope that this report will push the government to provide
healing to the victims from such trauma with realistic solutions and reparations.
HURFOM also hopes to attract the world?s attention and urge international agencies and
Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) to support reparations in Burma."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
Date of publication:
2014-07-07
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-15
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.52 MB
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Description:
Executive summary:
"The attention on business concessions and economic development in peace negotiations is
a highly controversial issue that many believe compromises the core question of political
and national identity issues. However it is important to recognise that major grievances
that fuel conflict are related to economics, namely negative impacts of development
projects on local communities and competition over control of economic resources
between local ethnic groups and the central government. Moreover, Non-State Armed
Groups (NSAGs) themselves realise that fighting for
the rights of their people cannot avoid
the question of economics as money and power are inextricably linked.
This report explores the economic roots of conflict in an attempt to identify peaceful
solutions. It observes six main economic grievances that
drive conflict in Myanmar, and
tries to analyse the different measures being taken to address each of them. These
grievances include increased militarisation of economic projects, lack of ownership and
management power over natural resources, land confiscation, environmental and social
impact of economic projects, poverty and underdevelopment in ethnic nationality areas.
The reformist government has tried to respond to each of these grievances by initiating a
multitude of bills, policies, development plans, commissions and committees under the
existing constitution. NSAGs have tried to address these issues, sometimes independently,
but more often through demands in peace negotiations with the government. Civil society
groups also play an active role in voicing local needs and grievances that are important in
informing sound decision making for policy solutions. International aid supports these
different actors and reforms through financial and technical assistance.
Analysing the wide-ranging attempts to address economic grievances reveals an important
discovery that the key hindrance to ongoing reforms and implementation of peace
agreements is the continued power of the military over the economy and government
administrative structure. Its own economic interests and ideologies in dealing with NSAGs
inevitably put them in opposition to the government?s plans to change existing power
structures. The centralisation of key ownership and management power over natural
resources stipulated in the 2008 Constitution also mean that the government?s enthusiasm
for decentralisation reforms will not solve the ethnic struggle.
The military?s legacy may explain why -
despite the many attempted solutions -
conflict
has not abated and locals have yet to witness major improvements in their lives. Ensuring
that these solutions can succeed in achieving real change and sustainable peace will not
only rely on great skill but reforming the old powers of the military and transforming it
into a professional defence army. Understanding the underlying economic interests of
competing groups in Myanmar is therefore critical in achieving the much desired peace
and stability."
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Peace Monitor, Burma News International
Date of publication:
2013-08-31
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.55 MB
more
Description:
"Despite continuing tensions on the ground, armed ethnic groups involved in the peace process continue to move forward with attempts to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). Although there remain many issues to be rectified, members of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) are working on a nationwide ceasefire framework that will be acceptable to all parties. Recently, in June 2014, members of the NCCT met with their counterparts from the Union Peace-making Working Committee (UPWC) in Thailand. While differences remain, it is hoped that a nationwide ceasefire agreement can be signed shortly..."
Paul Keenan
Source/publisher:
Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (BCES) Briefing Paper No., 22
Date of publication:
2014-06-30
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-12
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Centre for Development and Ethnic Studies (CDES), Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
109.94 KB
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Description:
"The peace process in Myanmar remains the best opportunity in many decades to address the political, social and economic issues that have long driven armed conflict. Although negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have struggled to reach agreement on a number of key issues, there is still the prospect of negotiating a nationwide ceasefire accord in the next few months. Already, significant progress has been made both on the substance of negotiations and in bringing key actors to the table. However, continued military clashes in northern Myanmar have damaged confidence in the peace process, while progress in the talks has been slow due to different conceptions regarding the structure and legitimacy of the state, and of its challengers..."
Ashley South
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times" 23 June 2014
Date of publication:
2014-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Decentralisation (Decentralization) in Burma/Myanmar, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
Format :
pdf
Size:
78.63 KB
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Description:
"THE peace process in Myanmar remains the best opportunity in many decades to address the political,
social and economic issues that have long driven armed conflict. Although negotiations between the
government and ethnic armed groups have struggled to reach agreement on a number of key issues,
there is still the prospect of negotiating a nationwide ceasefire accord in the next few months.
Already, significant progress has been made both on the substance of negotiations and in bringing key
actors to the table. However, continued military clashes in northern Myanmar have damaged
confidence in the peace process, while progress in the talks has been slow due to different conceptions
regarding the structure and legitimacy of the state, and of its challengers..."
Ashley South
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times" 23 June 2014
Date of publication:
2014-06-23
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-06
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Decentralisation (Decentralization) in Burma/Myanmar, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
58.77 KB
more
Description:
"Deep in Myanmar?s mountainous terrain near the border with Thailand, the rebel Shan State Army (SSA) has one of its main bases. The slow drive from the border on a steep winding track through the jungle along the top of a ravine takes several hours. There, Lieutenant General Yawd Serk commands one of the last ethnic armies still fighting for autonomy against the Myanmar military.
The SSA-South army, as it?s popularly known, numbers several thousand armed troops. Shan rebel leaders insist that they have at least 20,000 trained soldiers; Thai military intelligence sources
suggest the figure is now less than 10,000 under arms. They have been fighting against the Myanmar army since 1995, after a group of rebels refused to accept a ceasefire agreement signed by the Mong Tai army led by the Shan supremo at the time, the now deceased drug baron Khun Sa..."
Larry Jagan
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2013-09-06
Date of entry/update:
2014-05-30
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"A grand ceremony is expected to be held next month in the Myanmar capital of Naypyidaw, where a nationwide ceasefire with various ethnic resistance armies will be announced to an audience of United Nations representatives and other foreign dignitaries. Ten of Myanmar?s 11 major ethnic rebel groups who have signed individual ceasefire agreements with the government will be highlighted at the high-profile event.
The one main rebel outlier, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), has not yet reached a ceasefire agreement. The most recent round of talks between KIA and government representatives in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina held between May 28-30 failed to yield the deal government authorities anticipated. The two sides agreed only to a seven-point agreement stating that "the parties
undertake efforts to achieve de-escalation and cessation of hostilities" and "to hold a political dialogue" - though no firm commitment was made concerning when such talks would commence..."
Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2013-06-25
Date of entry/update:
2014-05-29
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict, adminstration, development and investment, Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, Tripartite Process
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of Myanmar?s armed forces, or Tatmadaw, is a man on the move. Since the beginning of the year he has traveled to Laos and Indonesia, attended large-scale war games in central Myanmar, reviewed the country?s largest ever naval exercises in the Bay of Bengal, presided over the annual Army Day parade in the capital Naypyidaw and met with a string of foreign dignitaries.
A recent less publicized engagement was arguably more significant for Myanmar?s war and peace prospects. On April 6, Min Aung Hlaing flew north from Naypyidaw to the garrison town of Lashio in northeastern Shan State to hold talks with Bao You-ri, the younger brother of Bao You-xiang, the ailing leader of the
United Wa State Army (UWSA). Based east of the Salween River in a self-governing "special region", the UWSA is Myanmar?s largest insurgent group and is at present in an uneasy ceasefire with the government..."
Anthony Davis
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2014-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2014-05-27
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), Armed conflict and peace-building in Burma - theoretical, strategic and general
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"Many observers of Myanmar?s political transition agree that the success of President Thein Sein?s democratic reforms and national reconciliation initiatives hinges on his quasi-civilian government?s ability and willingness to accommodate the political demands and desires of various ethnic groups.
Chief among those demands are greater political, economic and cultural autonomy in the form of federalism and control over the exploitation of natural resources in their geographic regions. But as political maneuvers and negotiations for a nationwide ceasefire..."
Saw Greh Moo
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times Online"
Date of publication:
2014-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2014-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
December 18, 2013
"Negotiations between the government and representatives from 18 armed ethnic groups give a glimpse of the potential for positive changes to come to Myanmar?s embattled ethnic states. However, these talks also cast a spotlight on the dismal state of gender discrimination in the country: All of the chief negotiators are men..."
Taylor Landis
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times" via Fortify Rights
Date of publication:
2013-12-18
Date of entry/update:
2014-05-26
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description:
"EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
–
THE
MYANMAR
PEACE
SUPPORT
INITIATIVE
The
Myanmar
Peace
Support
Initiative
(MPSI)
• The
MPSI
was
launched
in
March
2012,
following
a
request
from
the
Government
of
Myanmar
to
the
Government
of
Norway
to
lead
international
support
to
the
peace
process.
MPSI
was
never
intended
to
be
a
mediation
initiative,
but
rather
designed
to
come
in
just
behind
the
political
momentum
of
the
peace
process,
helping
to
support
ceasefire
agreements
reached
by
the
Government
and
Ethnic
Armed
Groups.
Enabling
this
role
to
be
played
by
an
international
actor
was
a
first
for
Myanmar,
reflecting
the
new
opportunity
for
peace
between
national
actors.
It
was
also
quite
a
unique
arrangement
in
comparison
to
other
peace-?‐making
processes
internationally.
• This
report
brings
together
research
conducted
in
the
last
year,
including
an
MPSI
?Reflections?
report
produced
in
early
2013,
an
independent
review
of
MPSI
undertaken
in
2014,
and
is
informed
by
field
trips,
discussions
with
peace
process
stakeholders,
the
insights
of
MPSI
staff,
meetings
and
workshops
with
Government
and
Ethnic
Armed
Groups,
community
meetings
and
project
reporting.
The
report
seeks
to
reflect
on
those
two
years
of
support,
and
suggest
ways
to
frame
and
improve
international
support
to
the
peace
process
and
aid
into
conflict-?‐affected
areas.
• In
the
last
two
years
MPSI
has
facilitated
projects
that
built
trust
and
confidence
in
-?‐
and
tested
-?‐
the
ceasefires,
disseminated
lessons
learned
from
these
experiences,
and
sought
to
strengthen
the
local
and
international
coordination
of
assistance
to
the
peace
process.
In
doing
so
MPSI
engaged
with
the
Government,
Myanmar
Army,
Ethnic
Armed
Groups,
political
parties,
civil
society
actors
and
communities,
as
well
as
international
partners,
to
provide
concrete
support
to
the
ceasefires
and
emerging
peace
process.
• MPSI
associated
projects
have
been
undertaken
across
five
ethnic
States
(Chin,
Shan,
Mon,
Karen
and
Kayah)
and
two
Regions
(Bago
and
Tanintharyi).
Projects
have
been
delivered
in
partnership
with
seven
Ethnic
Armed
Groups,
thirteen
local
partners
(four
of
which
are
consortia),
and
nine
international
partners.
Flexible
and
responsive
funding
was
received
from
Norway,
Finland,
The
Netherlands,
Denmark,
the
United
Kingdom,
Switzerland,
the
European
Union
and
Australia.
• From
the
outset,
the
intention
had
been
for
the
MPSI
to
provide
temporary
support
to
the
emergence
and
consolidation
of
peace,
in
the
absence
of
appropriate,
longer-?‐term
structures
and
while
more
sustainable
international
peace
support
responses
were
mobilised.
In
line
with
its
stated
purpose
of
being
a
temporary
structure,
MPSI
aspired
for
its
work
to
be
continued
by
local
actors,
national
and
international
Non-?‐governmental
organisations
and
other
entities
including
sector
donor
funding
instruments,
such
as
the
Peace
Donor
Support
Group
(PDSG).
• There
have
been
many
contextual,
political
and
structural
challenges
for
MPSI
in
carrying
out
its
role.
These
have
included
tensions
in
the
peace
process
itself,
especially
delays
in
starting
necessary
political
dialogue;
managing
the
expectations
of
key
stakeholders;
developing
MPSI?s
own
working
processes
(without
creating
an
?institutionalised?
structure);
limitations
in
capacity
and
knowledge
(especially
regarding
best
practice
to
enable
community
agency
and
empowerment);
and
maintaining
a
flexible,
adaptive,
responsive
strategy
(i.e.
working
without
a
?blue
print?)
while
implementation
was
already
underway.
• The
following
paper
seeks
to
set
out
lessons,
reflections
and
insights
on
the
work
of
MPSI.
It
is
composed
of
a
background
section,
a
section
on
lessons
learned
during
two
years
of
MPSI?s
work,
and
a
section
examining
application
of
the
New
Deal
Framework1
to
the
Myanmar
context..."
Source/publisher:
The Myanmar Peace Support Initiative
Date of publication:
2014-02-28
Date of entry/update:
2014-03-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
689.08 KB
more
Description:
"For the first time since independence, government forces and most Ethnic Armed Groups have stopped fighting. This is an historic achievement in peace-making. However, the ceasefire process has yet to be transformed into a substantial and sustainable phase of peace-building..."
Ashley South
Source/publisher:
"Open Democracy"
Date of publication:
2014-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2014-03-28
[field_licence]
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
Language:
English
Local URL:
more