Burma/Myanmar's political parties
|Title:|| ||National League for Democracy (Wikipedia)
|Description/subject:|| ||"The National League for Democracy (Burmese: အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္, IPA: ...; NLD) is a democratic socialist and liberal democratic political party in Myanmar (Burma), currently serving as the co-ruling party in Parliament alongside the military . Founded on 27 September 1988, it has become one of the most influential parties in Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. Special Honorary President of the Socialist International and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi serves as its President. The party won a substantial parliamentary majority in the 1990 Burmese general election. However, the ruling military junta refused to recognise the result. On 6 May 2010, the party was declared illegal and ordered to be disbanded by the junta after refusing to register for the elections slated for November 2010. In November 2011, the NLD announced its intention to register as a political party to contend future elections and on 13 December 2011, Burma's Union Election Commission approved their application for registration.
In the 2012 by-elections, the NLD contested 44 of the 45 available seats; winning 43, and losing only one seat to the SNDP. Party leader Aung San Suu Kyi won from the seat of Kawhmu.
In the 2015 general election, the NLD won an absolute majority in both houses of the Assembly, possibly paving the way to democracy after decades of military rule."|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||07 April 2016|
|Title:|| ||Union Solidarity and Development Party
|Description/subject:|| ||"The Union Solidarity and Development Party (Burmese: ပြည်ထောင်စုကြံ့ခိုင်ရေးနှင့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးပါတီ; abbreviated USDP), which was registered on 2 June 2010 by the Union Election Commission, currently standing as an opposition political party, is the successor to the Burmese government's mass organisation, the Union Solidarity and Development Association. It was headed by President Thein Sein until 2013, and its headquarters are in Naypyidaw's Dekkhinathiri Township.
In the 2010 general election, the USDP won 883 seats out of 1154 total seats, 259 seats of 325 seats from Pyithu Hluttaw, 129 seats of 168 seats from Amyotha Hluttaw and 495 seats of 661 seats from Region and State Hluttaw (holding the majority in all, except the Rakhine State Hluttaw).
On 4 March 2011, two USDP MPs from Bago Region, Ant Gyi, a Pyithu Hluttaw MP representing Thanatpin Township, and Cho Nwe Oo, representing Constituency 7 (Oktwin and Htantabin Townships) were disqualified by the Union Electoral Commission for failing to meet the constitutional requirements for citizenship (as both have a parent who are not Burmese citizens)."|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||30 August 2016|
|Title:|| ||Is pork barrel politics emerging in Myanmar?
|Date of publication:|| ||14 July 2017|
|Description/subject:|| ||"In 2014, new legislation introducing a Constituency Development Fund (hereafter CDF) was passed by Myanmar’s Union parliament, then dominated by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Commonly observed in Westminster-inspired parliamentary systems in the developing world, these types of distributive funds allocate budgetary resources to members of the national legislature, which they can spend annually on specific state-funded projects in their own electoral constituencies, without any local tax increase.
The law adopted in 2014 carved from Myanmar’s Union budget an annual fund of 33 billion kyat (US$25 million) and allowed the CDFs to be disbursed equally in each of the country’s 330 townships. Each electoral constituency would thus receive an annual sum of 100 million kyat (US$75,000) to be spent on small development projects and public works.
The CDFs were designed to promote annual community-based projects, chiefly focused on electricity access, water sanitation, and the construction of basic infrastructure such as roads, bridges, clinics, and schools. The management of CDFs was to be supervised by an appointed Township Development Implementation Committee, which would gather representatives from the local administration or municipal offices, and the four Members of Parliament (MPs) that each of the 330 constituencies elects: one legislator in each chamber of the bicameral Union parliament (the representative from the lower house chairing the committee), and two from the country’s fourteen subnational legislatures..."|
|Author/creator:|| ||Renaud Egreteau|
|Source/publisher:|| ||"New Mandala"|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||22 December 2017|
|Title:|| ||Paying the Debt: 25 Years Later, Burma’s Struggle for Freedom Isn’t Over
|Date of publication:|| ||19 August 2013|
|Description/subject:|| ||"... It doesn’t mean that we don’t recognize the very substantial flaws inherent in the process so far. They include the flawed constitution that the military adopted in 2008 to entrench its supremacy in politics by reserving 25 percent of seats in parliament, by allowing the generals to appoint the three most important cabinet ministers, by authorizing the armed forces to take power in case of state emergency, and by limiting meaningful autonomy for ethnic minorities. Meanwhile we are still contending with the effects of simmering civil war and ethnic conflict, rising nationalism and communal violence, deepening poverty and a widening gap between rich and poor. The military has allowed unprecedented popular participation in Burmese politics, but they still control real political and economic power by means of the 2008 constitution and highly skewed wealth distribution. Access to power has been dramatic ally broadened, but the exercise of power remains in the same hands: the military’s.
For this reason, all of us who attended the reunion felt acutely that our mission still has not been accomplished. There is one 8-8-88 memory that has never let go of me. When we were marching during the 1988 democracy movement, the people had nothing to eat, but they made rice bags for us so that we could eat and keep marching. When we collected the rice bags, we always promised them: "You will get democracy one day." So far, we haven’t kept our promise..."|
|Author/creator:|| ||Min Zin|
|Source/publisher:|| ||"Foreign Policy"|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||18 March 2015|
|Title:|| ||Oposition Movements in Burma: The Question of Relevancy
|Date of publication:|| ||November 2010|
|Description/subject:|| ||"Since Burma’s independence from British rule in 1948, the Burmese polity
has been fraught with contentious politics ranging from armed insurgencies
to non-violent movements against the state. The history of Burma’s opposition
movements, originating from the colonial period, can be understood
as five different forms of struggle—legal political means, armed insurrections,
underground (clandestine) activities, above-ground engagements
(through civil society groups and the domestic media), and international
advocacy (through lobbying, grassroots campaigns, and the foreign media
including Burmese language broadcasts).
This paper will examine how opposition movements since 1988 have
played out until now and how they will remain relevant after the 2010
elections. Generally, relevancy is defined as a means to increase the likelihood
of accomplishing the professed goal,1 treating the goal more in
terms of consequence (the actual outcome as opposed to the morality of
intention). Public support or legitimacy plays a key role in determining
relevancy. However, in the context of opposition movements in Burma,
we must consider their moral ground. This paper will probe the question
of relevancy for Burmese opposition movements from two perspectives—
legitimacy and outcome."|
|Author/creator:|| ||Min Zin|
|Source/publisher:|| ||Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C.|
|Format/size:|| ||pdf (173K)|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||20 November 2010|