Conclusions: 4.1 Indications of labour exploitation The findings illustrate a clear pattern of severe labour exploitation of migrant domestic workers, and in various cases evidence of forced labour. Domestic workers surveyed in Chiang Mai and Mae Sot reported being locked in the house unable to readily communicate or contact the outside world. This combined with widespread verbal and physical abuse, extremely long working hours, a lack of adequate rest days and non-payment, under-payment or delayed payment of wages shows how easily substandard working conditions can turn into working situations tantamount to forced labour. Some domestic workers were forced to work with other workers in other businesses, and some didn?t have any choice in the type of jobs they performed. Some domestic workers worked for free for extended periods of time as a result of their debt bondage to employers or recruiters. As "live-in" workers, employers often expected domestic workers to be available to work at all times. Migrant workers can?t freely change employers since they lack control over their documentation as examined previously in greater depth. Domestic workers, like other workers, have the right to hold onto their original ID card. However, only half of the registered domestic workers manage to keep hold of their original card. Socio-cultural values and attitudes of employers often play a role in justifying control over domestic workers? freedom of movement. Employers don?t recognise that they have no right to keep hold of their workers? documents. Employers may be well-meaning and do this in the name of "protecting" domestic workers from dangers outside the household, but such "protection" violates the workers? basic rights to freedom of movement... 4.2 Legal status and registration Possession of legal working documents can partly protect domestic workers from harassment and reduce the risk of arrest or detention while they are in Thailand. However, it has been found that even registered migrant workers continue to live in fear of deportation. The majority of both employers and domestic workers have positive attitudes toward Thai policy on registration. Despite this fact, it was pointed out that the registration process is too complicated, is not clearly explained to those who need to understand it and that the timeframe for registration is too short. The registration policy, in turn, encourages employers to take more control over, and diminish the rights of their workers. Not only do many employers keep their worker?s original ID card, but some also refuse to allow their domestic workers to register. Many domestic workers can?t afford the registration costs, which can be equal to several months of their salary, or end up being in debt to their employers who pay for them. This becomes a reason for employers holding their worker?s original work permit. There is no mention of whether or not the workers receive their original ID back once the debt to an employer is repaid in full. Non-registered domestic workers are more likely to face a greater degree of oppression in terms of constraints on leaving their employment, and with regard to payment and days off permitted than registered migrant workers... 4.3 Working conditions The risk of labour exploitation is high in light of the fact that the majority of domestic workers don?t know about their working conditions until they arrive at the home of their employer. Employers determine working and payment conditions. A third of domestic workers have to do both household chores and work relating to the employer?s business. According to the Thai LPA (1998), this means they should no longer be referred to as "domestic workers", and they should be protected under Thai labour law. Almost all (98%) the domestic workers surveyed worked more than a standard eight-hour day. About two thirds work more than 14 hours a day. It is worth noting that they have to be available for work at any time, whether it is inconvenient or not, based on the needs of the employer. In general, the amount earned by a manual worker varies depending on the number of hours worked, but this is not the case among migrant domestic workers. Migrant domestic workers earn less than workers in other sectors. About 40% receive a monthly salary of less than 1,000 baht, while only 11% receive more than 3,000 baht per month. This is well below the Thai national standard minimum wage, with most Thais earning at least 4,500 baht a month depending on their workplace. Nobody involved refers to overtime payments. The situation is even worse when considering that only a small proportion (7-17%) of domestic workers receive regular weekly, monthly or annual leave. Younger and unregistered domestic workers, on average, work longer hours, receive lower pay and receive less or no regular day off. Employers perpetuate a number of myths to justify the long working hours, lack of regular days off and low wages of domestic workers. Firstly, it is widely thought that domestic workers are able to relax while employers are not at home. The current study debunks this myth since many domestic workers were overworked, working in more than one workplace, with many different tasks to do and rarely any time alone in the house. The second myth is that domestic workers are able to take rest days whenever they want. Most domestic workers were unable to take leave and didn?t receive the minimum number of annual days off, to do so would risk them losing their job or having their pay reduced... 4.4 Child domestic labour In-depth interviews were held with two extremely young domestic workers, aged 9 and 10. In the survey of domestic workers, 20% were aged under 18. Employers suggested they like to hire children as domestic workers because they are easy to control, more obedient and diligent. Recruiters cited similar reasons for recruiting children. Domestic work is sometimes seen as work that is considered more "appropriate" for children, however, child domestic workers worked longer hours under worse conditions for lower wages, in a "worst form" of child labour under ILO Convention 182. Employers indicated in the in-depth interviews that they treat migrant domestic workers, particularly child domestic workers, as family members. Child domestic workers also pointed out that they are often seen as part of the family. While this may sound warm and friendly, in fact it can increase the children?s vulnerability to abuse. Child domestic workers may be treated worse since they can?t complain or resist because they feel they are facing a "family" obligation. Moreover, it becomes more difficult for outsiders to intervene in "family" matters... 4.5 Support mechanisms Since domestic workers are isolated in their employers? residences they lack the usual mechanisms of family and friends as support mechanisms for work-related problems. Recruiters, who are sometimes relatives or friends of the migrant, offer a key support structure for domestic workers as they live in Thailand, have the ability to visit the domestic workers regularly and speak the same languages. Recruiters at least offer domestic workers some contact with the outside world and may be a starting point for possible future interventions. As live-in migrant domestic workers, contact with the outside world is limited. However, mobile phones now help many workers feel less isolated so they can talk to other people, even if they can?t meet with them. The migrant domestic workers express their willingness to meet and share their experiences with others. And some of them are interested in studying or continuing their studies in or