KAOWAO NEWS NO. 120

 

Newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

November 12-29, 2006

 

Readers' Front

Religious leaders urged to protect Mon Culture

Nai Tun Thein: Active for revitalization of Mon literature

Substandard road construction puts young motorcyclists at risk

Mon Youth Community's Annual Meeting

Ambush continues despite military presence

Guerrilla supporter on the run

60th Mon National Day in the offing

AIDS to Be Third Leading Cause of Death

Attempting democracy in ethnically diverse Burma: By Nehginpao Kipgen

 

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Readers' front

 

Dear readers,

 

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kaowao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kaowao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

 

Editor

Kaowao News

[email protected], www.kaowao.org

 

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Culture and Literature

 

Religious leaders urged to protect Mon Culture

Kaowao: November 29, 2006

 

The Mon Community Organization is urging Mon Buddhist monks to hire local Mon entertainers during village annual festivals in the area of southern Burma.

 

The statement circulated in the Mon language highlights the massive influx of Burmese settlers moving into the Mon areas and expresses concern about the rapid population transfer into Mon state.  Several villages in southern Mon State are being populated with migrant workers from upper Burma due to lack of human resources in their community.

 

An activist from Ye reported that the local population is concerned that the Burmese settlers are building their own monastery between Tong Paraen and Kawdut villages where rural Mons have enjoyed their traditional way of life for generations.  Because of their increasing numbers and growing influence on the locals, the Mon organization urged the Buddhist monks to take action to curb it, said the activist.

 

“Besides the increase of the Burmese population (into Mon areas), the influence of the Burmese culture will threaten the traditional Mon community living here. The Mon organization urges the Buddhist monks to work together to protect Mon traditional culture,” their joint statement said on Monday.

 

“We understand the concerns of the local people and we need to stand up to the threat of Burmese domination.  The village headmen and abbots have hired Burmese bands and dance troupes for entertainment during the festivals instead of Mon groups,” said Chan Nai, a university student from Tong Paraen community.  “They only look for a short-term interest and popularity but not for the long-term preservation of our national heritage,” he added.

 

During the annual festival of Kyaikkamoh in Mudon Township this year, a Burmese band from Rangoon was hired for stage show and the organizing committee made about 8 million Kyats benefit according to an organizer of the festival committee.  Tong Paraen (Thaung Pyin) community in Ye is also planning to hire a Burmese band to seek economic profit.

 

The Mon Community Organization of Monland issued a statement requesting religious leaders and festival organizers to support Mon local bands and dance troupes in their annual festivals in the community.

 

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Nai Tun Thein: Active for revitalization of Mon literature

Kaowao: November 29, 2006

 

A 90-year-old Mon national leader is fighting for revitalization of Mon culture and literature, according to a Rangoon Mon community source.

 

The elected MP, Nai Tun Thein (aka) Nai Htow Sorn has been teaching old Mon script at the Mon Dhamma Salar located in the south of Shwedagon Pagoda twice a week over the 3 month Buddhist Lent.  Many young monks enthusiastically joined the Mon stone inscription class organized by the Rangoon Mon community. 

 

Nai Tun Thein is a Mon scholar and has been a respected leader in the Mon national political movement for over 5 decades.  He was elected as the Chairman of the Mon National
Democratic Front (MNDF) in 1988.  In 1992, he was arrested by SLORC and released in 1994 but has to report to the authorities regularly. Since 1998, he has been detained off and on at the military guesthouse.

 

Widely respected by all Mon for his honesty, keen sense of history and open mind, he became known for his strong advocacy of culture and education. He loves literature and has written several books and articles for the Mon and other nationalities.

 

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Substandard road construction puts young motorcyclists at risk

Kaowao: November 28, 2006

 

The emergency room in Moulmien hospital is busy these days due to an increased number of road accidents over the dry season, according to local sources from Moulmein, southern Burma.

 

A nurse who works in Mon State Hospital told Kaowao that an average of 6 patients are treated in the hospital per day because of road accidents, most of them are motorcyclists.  “But many are also treated in the walk-in clinics around the city. Most of them are young and university students between 17 and 30 years old.

 

Nai Tun, a 27 year-old town resident said the accidents are caused due to poor road conditions.  Extensive flooding during the raining season washes away most of the roads in Moulmein, except for the road in front of the railway station. 

 

Moulmein roads are built for the short term to last one year by authorities that repair the deteriorating roads using substandard materials. They lay stones then use black tar and sand to hold it together until the next rainy season erodes it away. 

 

The resident say the roads are dusty with sand and strewn with rocks that hamper the driving of motorcyclists who wind up wiping out.  The worst areas are in the Lower Main Road between Mupon-Kyartadar and some parts of the Upper Main Road.

 

Since the Moulmein University has reopened, the majority of motorcyclists are university students who commute from the city wards into Taung Wine campus to study.  When the motorcycle crashes out in the street, the vehicle police (White Hat) rush over and confiscate the driver’s license and charge the driver about 20,000 Kyats, said a disgruntled student from the university.

 

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Mon Youth Community's Annual Meeting

Kaowao: November 15, 2006

Sunthorn Sripanngern reports

 

Bangkok -- The Mon Youth Community held its annual meeting on 12 November at the Royal Thai Military Club, Bangkok, with some 300 old and new members in attendance.

 

Professor Lom Pinkaew, a Thai historian from Phetburi College and Panada Diskul, deputy governor of Patum-thani Province were two of the distinguished guests present who delivered speeches about the Mon community in northern Vietnam and the Mon Community in central Thailand.

 

Prof. Lom Pinkaew said he met with the Mon community in northern Vietnam during a trip to Vietnam in 1993. There were several ethnic communities in northern Vietnam such as Tai and Mon. The Tai ethnic community is estimated to be around three million and the Mon is the second largest in the area of Turk Township, now called Fujian. The legend of the local people says their great grandfather was Mon and their great grandmother was Tai, the children have become Viet. They have no knowledge of either the Tai and Mon writing system or are aware of the existence of the Mon communities in Thailand and Burma. However, Professor Lom added that the spoken language of the Mon community in his hometown Phetburi and the Mon community in Turk Township is about 80 percent similar.

 

ML Panada Diskul is great grandson of Krom Phraya Damrong Rajanuphab, a well known author of many books and a learned historian of the past century. He described about the relationship between the present Chakri Dynasty and the Mon as mentioned by King Rama IV. He also spoke about his destiny to meet the Mon people when he was studying in US where he met the Mon campaigning for a Mon Nation, Hongsawadee, the Mon Kingdom in Lower Burma. He also said to the Mon people in US: Thailand is your best kingdom.

 

The professor worked for 20 months under Mr Purachai Piemsomboon, the Interior Minister, and was concerned with the granting of Thai citizenship to the Mon Community in Sangkhlaburi. He firstly served as deputy governor of Samut-sakhorn Province and then now in Patum-thani Province. These two provinces are home to the highest population of the Mon people in Thailand. He is aware of the considerable importance of the Mon communities and of their sacrifices in the past and is happy to work with them and promote Mon tradition and culture in Thailand.

 

Among others in the audience were several Thai-Mon Generals. One of them was Gen Mana Prachakjit, former commander of 9th Division Army in Kanchanaburi Province who came along with his wife. He talked about the Mon political situation in general. During the evening, one of my friends remarked to him: "You kicked the Mon people very hard when you were commander of the 9th Division Army". He dismissed MYPO office in Sangkhlaburi and isolated Col Pan Nyunt's HRP base on the Thai soil in 2002. Afterwards, the Mon media “Mon Information Service” criticized him. It is true to say that our globe is round, whether you go east or west, one day we will meet each other.

 

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Ambush continues despite military presence

Kaowao: November 13, 2006

 

Ye -- Sporadic ambush continues on the Burma Army in southern Ye despite tight military control, according to villagers from the area.


"After the departure of guerrilla leaders Nai Hloin and Nai Bin, the attacks ceased for sometime.  But the new group led by Chan Dein is still active and has public support because villagers are extremely unhappy with human rights abuses by the Burmese Army," said Nay Lin Aung, a villager from southern Ye, Mon State.


Rebel insurgents engaged Burmese government forces near Kaw Hlaing village on October 21. No one can confirm on the current status of the fighting or the number of casualties. All I know is that fighting took place, said the villager.

 

"Even Buddhist monks are unhappy with the situation.  The ambush continues and the Mon guerrillas have public support.  People are fed up with the Burma Army because they torture civilians every day.  Even women are fined by the army for traveling to their farms without permission letters from the authorities," said a young monk who sympathizes with Mon guerrilla fighters.


After the New Mon State Party reached a cease-fire agreement with the military junta in 1995, Nai Hloin split from the party to resume fighting against the Burma Army.  He, with his brother Nai Bin, led a Mon National Warrior Army (MNWA) of about 100 fighters in southern
Mon State and the northern part of Tenasserim Division. 

 

The two brothers were active until early 2005 before seeking safe haven in Thailand due to the Burma Army’s brutal offensive in the area.  Nai Sook Gloin (long hair) and Chan Dein succeeded their positions with remaining Mon guerrillas.  The Mon armed group uses ambush tactics and guerrilla warfare. 

 

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Guerrilla supporter on the run

Kaowao: November 13, 2006

 

Sangkhalaburi – A villager is on the run after a Mon guerrilla group killed Khawzar village headman in southern Ye.


The Village Peace and Development Council Chairman of Khawzar, Nai Chan Thein was killed by the Mon splinter group on October 4. Since then the Burma Army has been targeting local villagers and supporters who are suspected of being involved in the incident.  Some villagers were tortured during questioning.  The army and the police force suspected Nai Lun (not his real name) as an informer of the guerrilla group and he was detained and tortured at the sub-town's police station for eight days.  Nai Lun was later released on a bail of Kyat 400,000.


"The Burma Army commander Myint Swe in-charge of the area came to his house to arrest him again. He was in Ye to repair his motor cycle then and fled to
Thailand for fear of torture," said Ms. Tanai Htow, a Mon social worker in Maharchai.  She met him among the Maharchai fishing community.


"Many villagers from southern Ye area came to
Thailand with bitter experiences with the Burmese Army.  They were often accused as rebel supporters, were tortured and their belongings including houses were confiscated and burnt down," she added.


Southern Ye area is listed by the Burma Army as a 'black zone' and civilians face oppression under the name of military offensive to annihilate the Mon armed groups.  Many civilians from this area fled to refugee camps near the Thai-Burma border and into
Thailand.

 

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60th Mon National Day in the offing

Kaowao: November 13, 2006

 

Bangkok -- As the auspicious annual celebration for the Mon community approaches in February, Mon National Day Committees are being formed in various locations. The 60th anniversary of the Mon National Day will draw in thousands from over 60 cities and communities to join in the celebration.


Organizers in Maharchai, the largest Mon migrant community, gathered on Sunday, November 12 at its beautiful setting in
Wat Siri Molkorn Temple for the biggest event of the Mon community.  Buddhist monks, activists and community leaders attended the meeting. 


"There were about 60 people at the meeting today and we basically agreed to form a Mon National Day working committee very soon.  It was a positive discussion where we agreed to celebrate one event in this area," said Nai Nerada, a young monk from
Siri Molkorn Temple.


In
North America, the Mon community in Canada also formed a working committee comprising Ms. Anjali as Chairperson and Pamoik Chan Mon as General Secretary for the ensuing 60th Mon National Day to be held in February 2006.


According to Pamoik Chan Mon, two meetings were held on November 4 and 12 to prepare for the upcoming Mon National Day in
Calgary, Alberta.  The MND committee has already chosen a venue in the community hall.  The committee will reach out to all Mon communities around the world with a joint statement.  The worldwide Mon community normally issues a joint statement on Mon national day.


The Mon National Day is largely celebrated back home in
Burma in the areas dominated by Mon inhabitants in Mon State, Karen State, Rangoon and Pegu.  The celebration has now expanded across Asia, Europe, Australian and North America where Mon communities live and enjoy some freedom in third countries and as migrant workers.

 

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AIDS to Be Third Leading Cause of Death

By MARIA CHENG: AP

 

LONDON (Nov. 27) - Within the next 25 years, AIDS is set to join heart disease and stroke as the top three causes of death worldwide, according to a study published online Monday.


When global mortality projections were last calculated a decade ago, researchers had assumed the number of AIDS cases would be declining. Instead, it's on the rise.


Currently ranked fourth behind heart disease, stroke, and respiratory infections, AIDS is set to become No. 3, say researchers in a new report in the Public Library of Science's Medicine journal. It accounts for about 2.8 million deaths every year. But the researchers estimate a total of nearly 120 million people could die in the next 25 years.


Overall, the researchers predict that in three decades, the causes of global mortality will be strikingly similar worldwide - apart from the prevalence of AIDS in poorer countries. Most people will be dying at older ages of noninfectious diseases like cardiovascular disease, stroke and cancer.


The paper by Dr. Colin Mathers and Dejan Loncar of the World Health Organization estimates that at a total of least 117 million people will die from AIDS from 2006 to 2030. In an optimistic future projection, if new HIV infections are curbed and access to life-prolonging antiretrovirals is increased, 89 million people will die from the disease.


"What happens in the future depends very much on what the international community does now," Mathers said.


These marked differences should spark changes in current approaches to controlling AIDS now, say some experts.


"It will be increasingly hard to sustain treatment programs unless we can turn off the tap of new HIV infections," said Dr. Richard Hays, professor of epidemiology at
London's School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, who was not linked to the study. "These AIDS numbers point to a need to do more in prevention."


Simply focusing on treatment or politically uncontroversial prevention methods will not suffice. "You can't put all your eggs in the abstinence basket," said Hays. "We need a menu of strategies for real people," he said, adding that condom distribution as well as new methods, such as a vaccine, are needed.


Mathers and Loncar analyzed data from more than 100 countries. The authors looked at the links between mortality trends and income per capita, as well as factors including education levels and tobacco use. Their research also used U.N. estimates for projected AIDS infection rates and the World Bank's numbers for future income per capita.


Mathers and Loncar then took all of this information and plugged it into a complex modeling equation to predict the top future causes of death and disease.


"This is an important contribution that will help us determine the priorities in public health," said Dr. Majid Ezzati, an associate professor of international health at
Harvard University, who was not connected to the paper.


While it may be possible to avert some of the impending damage from HIV/AIDS, Mathers says that other predictions are unlikely to vary significantly.


As populations age, he explains, they are naturally more susceptible to illnesses like cancer and heart disease than from infectious diseases - even in the developing world. Life expectancy is expected to increase worldwide, with the highest projected life expectancy in 2030 to be in Japanese women, at 88.5 years.


Mathers and Loncar speculate that by 2030, cancer deaths will jump from 7.1 million in 2002 to 11.5 million. The number of deaths from cardiovascular disease is expected to rise from 16.7 million in 2002 to 23.3 million in 2030. Overall, they expect non-communicable diseases to account for 70 percent of all deaths globally, up from 59 percent in 2002.


Though economic development may bring better health care, it also has an unfortunate side effect: more road accidents. Based on rates of increasing car ownership, the World Bank estimates that traffic fatalities will increase globally by 66 percent by 2020. This might be avoided, Mathers says, if developing countries learn from the experience of developed countries, where laws and improved safety practices have sharply cut the numbers of road-related deaths.


Knowing the likely causes of future mortality allows policymakers to attempt to improve the expected outcome. While Mathers and Loncar are unable to account for unforeseen events such as the emergence of new deadly diseases or major outbreaks like a flu pandemic, their projections may help to set the agenda of global health.

 

"I hope this paper inspires change," said Mathers. "And I hope our pessimistic projections turn out to be wrong."

 

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Attempting democracy in ethnically diverse Burma

By Nehginpao Kipgen

 

Introduction

 

Burma’s 50 plus years of independence from the colonial yoke of the British has been beleaguered by multitudinous dragging issues – from democracy to ethnocracy - underscoring the need for meritocracy.  Succinctly speaking, democracy may be defined as the reigning of peoples’ power directly or indirectly in a given institution; while meritocracy simply means democracy on the basis of merits. These two concepts may not be a great deal of interest to some developed countries, but it is an inherent question for Burma and its people to reckon with. Reeling under the military political web for more than four decades, a large chunk of data and statistics available on Burma are equivocal. The fact that Burma, at present, is a country of seven states and seven divisions is however self-evident.

 

The two opposing ideologies of the de-facto military regime and their political corrivals in exile are diametrical. The basic principles of constitution drafted at the hiatus National Convention guarantees a decisive role for the military as the ultimate guardian of the state, which advocates of a federal Burma are unlikely to acquiesce. Many ethnic minority groups see the Burmans as one ethnic group and should be accorded one state in line with others. However, the National Convention draws to maintain the status-quo – seven states and seven divisions – the seven divisions are primarily dominated by the Burmans. Divisions, according to the basic constitutional principles, are to be changed to “regions.” In an attempt to pacify the longstanding grievances of minority ethnic groups in states and regions, self-administered areas (zones and divisions) are prescribed: five self-administered zones (one in Sagaing Division and four in Shan State) and one self-administered division (in Shan State). Will this mathematics solve ethno-political problems of Burma?

 

Democracy and Burma

 

Abraham Lincoln phrased democracy as “a government of the people, by the people, and for the people." Democracy has generally been practiced under two systems – parliamentary and presidential. This democratic structure itself can further be manifested in two different forms - direct and indirect or representative democracy. Direct democracy is practicable only in an institution where all members or citizens can present themselves in the making of public decisions. Therefore, it is feasible in a relatively small numbers of populations such as community organizations or other civil societies where decisions are reached with consensus or majority votes of the people. An example of the first direct democracy was seen in the history of ancient Athens where the assembly had electorates numbering five thousand to six thousand. In today’s world politics, the political system of Switzerland is a unique example of direct democracy where citizens of above the age of 18 take part in voting on a wide range of issues including amendment of the constitution. On the other hand, Great Britain, India and the United States of America, among others, can be cited for indirect democracies where representatives are elected.

 

In the case of Burma, introduction of direct democracy may not even become an issue. Precise statistics may not be available; nevertheless, the population of Burma is estimated to be over 50 million. The idea of parliamentary form of democracy was an impetus for the National League for Democracy (NLD) at the time of attempting to form a parallel government when the then State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) refused to honor the results of nation-wide multi-party general elections in 1990 in which NLD won a landslide victory – winning 392 seats out of the total 485 contested and the military backed National Unity Party (NUP) won 10 seats only. Majority in the military hierarchy and ethnic Burmans may opt for a parliamentary system, but an overwhelmingly majority of other ethnic nationalities are likely to choose federalism. The question here is whether Burma is prepared to have a unitary government with a strong central government or a federation where states enjoy a greater role in the affairs of their own governments.

 

Meritocracy and Burma

 

Wikipedia, a free encyclopedia, defines meritocracy as “a system of government based on rule by ability (merit) rather than by wealth or social position. Merit means roughly intelligence plus effort.” The concept of meritocracy is exiguous or has no place in the psychos of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Arbitrary rule in a monopolized way of governance is awry. Skills and merits in the workforce are intrinsically important for a society to grow and thrive. On the contrary, cronyism, favoritism and nepotism dictate the modus operandi of the military bureaucratic structure, which does harm than good for the country and its people.

 

Failure to encourage meritocracy means that there is a miniature scale of many Burmese skilled workers and intellectuals living abroad will return to their motherland. This will be a brain-drain for Burma as a whole. Although one intends to contribute in the rebuilding of his country, the state is the prime stakeholder in creating conducive and responsive atmosphere for its citizens.

 

 

Ethnicity and Burma

 

Diversity of a country is its beauty to many theorists. The positive consequence of the 1947 Panglong Agreement was paving the way for the unionization of Burma; the adverse side of the story was distrust and the surge of ethnic armed struggles. Burma, predominantly a Buddhist country, is neither an officially pronounced nor decreed theocratic state. Yet, religious restrictions and persecutions are rampant. The country sees very unsubstantial ethnic representation in the chain of command under the successive military twist and turns since 1962. This may roughly be construed as a covert but sinister campaign by the military leaders, and the issue remains a conspicuous solicitude for ethnic minorities. There is no doubt when it comes to the congruity of a democratic struggle, but the implementation process often hangs in the lingering mode.

 

Voicing for restoration of democracy; the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners are some of the advocacies of the international community. It is beyond this political landscape that the ethnic minority groups want to see – not only duties and responsibilities, but also appropriations and constitutional rights. The idealistic concept of the Union of Burma was initially incepted at the Panglong conference with the notion that there is a room for every ethnic nationality in independent Burma. The signatories of Panglong Agreement evidenced that there was distrust amongst the different ethnic nationalities. The armed revolutionary campaigns in the aftermath of the Panglong Agreement are still unabated in many areas today. The Burmans may form the bulk of population in the country, yet each ethnic nationality remains the prime guardian of their own areas.

 

Conclusion

 

It is an encouraging sign that the United Nations Organization has taken more pragmatic steps through the Security Council. The historic placement of Burma at the Security Council’s agenda on September 29, 2006 has tremendous effects both inside and outside Burma. It strengthens the morale of activists and politicians. Now that the democrats are in majority in the Congress, the confirmation of U.S. ambassador to the United Nations John Bolton, the prime architect for pushing Burma’s case at the Security Council’s table, is unlikely to succeed in January. However, U.S. foreign policy toward Burma is not expected to be drifting considerably. Meanwhile, constructive democratization of Burma largely rests on the shoulders of two Asian nuclear rivals - China and India. November 9 to 12 UN undersecretary-General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari visit to Burma was a cue of the world’s highest body continued engagement. Any mediation or intervention for a stabilized and burgeoning democracy in Burma needs to understand the ground reality of Burma’s ethnic diversity. Understanding Burma’s problems together with its multi-ethnic complexity can give the international community a comprehensive strategy. The monopolized mathematics of the SPDC, in its present concept, will not stabilize Burma in the long run.

 

(Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of US based Kuki International Forum and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).  The views expressed here are solely the opinion of the author. Kao-Wao Editor)

 

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Kaowao Newsgroup is committed to social justice, peace, and democracy in Burma. We hope to be able to provide more of an in-depth analysis that will help to promote lasting peace and change within Burma.

 

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