by V Coakley
Burma Issues
Newsletter
Volume 8 Number 10
October 1998
In September, Burma
marked three anniversaries: the 1988 crackdown on democracy
demonstrators, the takeover of the government by the SLORC (now SPDC)
and the formation of the National League for Democracy (NLD). In
unprecedented political defiance over the last two months by the NLD
and Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition party announced its intention to
convene parliament which has not been allowed to sit since the
current government's sponsored election in 1990. Burma's junta has
reacted by stepping up its offensive against Suu Kyi and the NLD
ordering the arrest or detention of over 900 members of the party.
Included were 200 people elected to parliament in the 1990 elections.
Since the NLD's demand, a dozen rallies, each reportedly attended by
over 20,000 people, have been held showing support for the military
and denouncing the NLD. It is understood that the rallies are
government sponsored, the attendees generally members of the Union
Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). Speakers at the
rallies have condemned the NLD's call to the international community
to impose economic sanctions against Burma, accusing Suu Kyi and the
NLD of harming the stability and unity of the country and causing the
current economic crisis. This public denouncing and scapegoating has
been among the junta's most visible efforts to counter mounting
pressure from the NLD. An interesting question is the composition of
those who are attending these rallies -- how real is Burma's civil
society support for the SPDC? Has the USDA been an effective tool for
the ruling junta in co-opting civil society?
A flourishing civil society is often viewed as a threat by regimes that don't wish to see their policies or programs undermined or questioned. Civil society is composed of institutions and groupings that are outside of, or autonomous to, government. The wary state will often sponsor mass organizations that are designed to provide a popular or mass base for state policies. Since 1962 the military has effectively destroyed civil society in Burma, successfully controlling, co-opting or eliminating any organization that had potential beyond those at the most local level, such as village or ward Buddhist temples.1 However, the regime has created its own "civil society" in the form of the USDA. This Association was founded on September 15, 1993 shortly after the SLORC announced it would hold a national convention to write a new constitution.
The USDA is registered with the Ministry of Home Affairs as a social organization, however, it is explicitly mandated to support the role of the Tatmadaw (the armed forces of Burma, see box [below]) and cannot be viewed as operating independently of the current regime. Chairman of the SPDC Gen. Than Shwe is the Patron of the USDA. The SPDC Secretary-3 is the Vice-Chairman, the Minister of Cooperative is the Secretary General, and the Ministers of Energy, Rail Transportation, and the Mayor of Rangoon are all secretaries. Another 11 government ministers are members of the Central Executive Committee (CEC). The stated objectives of the USDA are exactly the same as the regime's. This was recognized officially and reported in the government mouthpiece New Light of Myanmar (NLM) in 1994, at a mass rally in Rangoon: "According to Secretary General U Than Aung, the rally was intended to reflect the common desire of all Burmese for peace, tranquility and economic development. He said the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), the government and the USDA share the same objective."2
The question of legitimacy is a troubling one for the regime. It realized early on, following the outcome of the 1990 election, that it needed a way to perpetuate its influence and attain support for its policies now and in the future when the constitution is finished and elections for a legislature are held. At each USDA Annual General Meeting (AGM), motions are tabled and unanimously approved by delegates firmly stating support for the code of conduct and duties and responsibilities of the Association, and the legitimacy of the Tatamadaw's role. For example, at the first AGM in 1994, secretaries of state and district USDA groups tabled motions supporting the SLORC for "upholding Our Three Main National Causes -- non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity, and perpetuation of sovereignty;" the participation of the Tatmadaw in "the national political leadership role of the future state;" and the principle in the National Convention that "No part of the territory made up of regions, states, self-administration areas etc., shall ever secede from the Union."3
Perpetuity is a concern which the USDA addresses. The organization has significant community development and educational components to attract membership, with an emphasis on recruiting youth. The USDA organizes free courses such as computer trainings and English language classes for youth which are open to members and non-members who are then encouraged to join the USDA on course completion.4 Student members who perform well are also awarded prizes. The NLM reports frequently on these ceremonies, as in the recent article: ""Cash, TVs for outstanding students, USDA associations"." a ceremony to donate cash for outstanding students and under-developed States and Divisions was held at USDA Executives Management Training School of Central Public Relations Unit in Hmawby [Mhawbi] Township, at 11 pm today."5 As one teacher from Karen state observed: "As for USDA, students and others join to get good opportunities. For example; on TV quiz shows, and contests, the prize winners are only USDA members. On the Burmese Jubilee quiz shows on TV Myanmar (Myawaddy) a girl gave a lot of wrong answers, but she won the prize because she was a USDA member."6
As a state-patronized organization, the USDA receives various economic concessions. At both the national and local level, it has an extensive range of business interests and activities which benefit members as well as providing support for the regime's market-oriented approach to the economy. The USDA owns bus and train transportation monopolies, plantations, rice milling, housing and real estate and can even tax local business.7 Participation in such enterprises is obviously attractive to a population that is suffering a severe economic recession.
However, aside from these perks (awards for outstanding performance of duties, prizes for academic performance, and economic concessions), it is believed that membership is not completely voluntary as townships have to fulfill quotas as demanded by the USDA Central Executive Committee. Members are expected to attend the opening ceremonies and rallies regularly reported in the NLM, or face fines. In particular, there is an implied understanding among civil servants that one needs to be a member to increase promotion prospects. Another benefit of membership is the reduced chance of being treated as a suspicious person. Members are accepted as being "imbued with love for the nation and patriotism and like the Association's aims, are capable of living up to its Code of Conduct and are desirous of taking up its duties."8
The USDA is clearly used as a political tool by the junta to support its power base. At the third Annual General Meeting in 1996, U Than Aung indicated that membership was close to 5 million. It is believed to have increased considerably in the last two years due to its expanding organization work, which is "carried out to have common beliefs and convictions to secure united and collective participation of Members....In giving guidance to realize the objective, he said there should be ideology, policy and working programmes."9 Explicit support for the state was reiterated with the three main national causes which have been declared as state policy and to which the USDA is officially committed. Than Shwe further "observed that the way to national development will not be without obstructions and obstacles. That is why the four-point People's Desire has been laid down so as to annihilate all destructive elements obstructing and hindering progress." He highlighted this as the ideology to be followed by USDA executives in discharging their organizational duties.
The potential of this rhetoric to materialize in destructive mobilization is real. Suu Kyi is constantly denounced for having married a foreigner, and even for having "alien" blood due to the fact that her mother, Daw Kyi Kyi, former ambassador to India, is Karen. A thousand people, believed to be connected with the USDA, attacked Suu Kyi's car in November 1996 with sticks and stones following a meeting denouncing her and the NLD. Members of the security forces stood by and did not do anything to prevent the attacks. "Neither did they make any attempt to arrest the perpetrators of the violence. On the contrary, after our cars had driven away, the mob settled down across the road and remained there for several hours...."10
The fourth Annual General Meeting was held last month -- the rhetoric members have been hearing leading up to the rallies blames Suu Kyi and the NLD for harming the stability and unity of the country and causing the current economic deterioration: "At a time when the State Peace and Development Council is striving for the development of the State day and night, external destructive forces who could not bear to see the economic development of the State, and internal axe-handles in collusion are resorting to various means to impede the progress of the nation and to get the people poverty-stricken." (EC Member, Kachin State).There was a call "to crush internal axe-handles trying to disrupt the peace and tranquility and development of the nation and external destructive elements aiding and abetting them." (EC, Irrawaddy Division).11
A major trigger of the 1988 uprising was a steep decline in the living standards of ordinary people.12 Now, due to economic mismanagement, lower than expected rice yields contributing to steeply rising prices of food and other basic necessities, and the Asian economic crisis, the people's economic situation has deteriorated. It is important for the regime that the current situation is not seen as linked to them -- a reason for laying the blame elsewhere.
A point of speculation is how real is the support for the USDA in the hearts and minds of its members. The USDA has grown exponentially in numbers since its inception in 1993. The SPDC has successfully created a mass organization to support its power base at least on the surface. The difficulty in assessing whether the ideology as such is substantively supported by members is difficult to assess or analyze due to the pervasive climate of fear and distrust in Burma.13 A few observations can be made. If the SPDC's power base declines or collapses, and the USDA also collapses, then it can be assumed that its members did not internalize the rhetoric. If the USDA partially collapses, continued involvement could be attributed to the benefits of membership. If the USDA continues unabated it can be assumed there is substantive support for the basis of the SPDC's control of Burma. Has the regime successfully co-opted civil society through the USDA, which will support, defend and perpetuate its policies?
V. Coakley
Endnotes, "USDA"
1 David Steinberg, "The Union Solidarity & Development Association: Mobilization and Orthodoxy," Burma Debate Jan/Feb 1997, p. 8.
2 Yindee Lertcharoenchoke, 'SLORC believed behind huge Burmese rallies," The Nation, 17 Jan 1994.
3 "Motions tabled and unanimously approved by delegates to USDA Annual General Meeting (1994)," New Light of Myanmar (NLM), 19 Sep 1994.
4 D. Steinberg, p. 9.
5 NLM, 15 Sep 1998.
6 BI internal report, 1996.
7 D. Steinberg, p. 9.
8 NLM, 16 Sep 1993.
9 NLM, 13 Nov 1996.
10 "Letters from Burma: Aung San Suu Kyi, Mob attack had tacit approval of Slorc," The Nation ,19 Nov 1996.
11 NLM, 15 Sep 1998.
12 Aung Naing Oo, foreign affairs secretary of the All Burma Students" Democratic Front ,"Burma's Time to Choose: A worsening economy creates an explosive situation," Asiaweek, 2 Oct 1998.
13 Bertil Lintner, 'surface Calm: Student protesters lie low and regroup," Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 Jan 1997.
*****************BOX*********************
The Union Solidarity and Development Association was founded and registered as a social organization with the Home Affairs Ministry with effect from September 15, 1993.
The aims of the Association are:-
1. Non-disintegration of the Union
2. Non-disintegration of national unity.
3. Perpetuation of sovereignty.
4. Promotion and vitalization of national pride.
5. Emergence of a prosperous, peaceful and modern Union.
There are Four Oaths to be pledged by each Member of the Association which affirm the aims, and 11 parts to the code of conduct that a Member shall abide by. Included are: defend and protect the sovereignty and perpetuity of the Union; dutifully perform the tasks assigned by the Association; protect the rule of law and order and peace and tranquility.
Some of the duties and responsibilities of the Association are: "
1. to defend the independence and sovereignty of the Union,
2. to vitalize a keen sense of patriotism with a view to promoting national pride,
13. to render the Tatmadaw all-round assistance.
Other duties and responsibilities include: preserving and protecting national culture, assist in achieving rule of law and order and peace and tranquility, protecting State and public property, taking active part in rescue and relief work in case of disasters such as fire, flood, earthquake, storm and epidemics, assisting social development schemes for farmers and workers, and to strive for the affection and unity of the national races.
As reported by the New
Light of Myanmar, 16 Sep 1993.
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