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Statement by Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro,
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
61st Session of the Commission on Human Rights, Item 9
Geneva, 29 March 2005
Mr. Chairperson,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is my honor to introduce my report on the situation of human rights
in Myanmar. As the report was based on information received up to 29 November
2004, I would like to present it in light of subsequent developments.
The information received during the reporting period indicates that the
situation with regard to the exercise of fundamental human rights and freedoms
in Myanmar has not substantially changed. My work remained worryingly
constrained by the lack of cooperation on the part of the Government of
Myanmar, as despite my repeated requests, I have been unable to return to the
country after my last visit in November 2003 to conduct a first-hand assessment
of the human rights situation. It is also regrettable that the Special Envoy of
the Secretary-General, Mr. Razali Ismail has not been allowed to return to play
his facilitation role since March 2004. My hope that the new administration
would extend its cooperation to this Commission by inviting me has yet to be materialized.
Turning to the main recent developments in the country and the changes
in the leadership of the SPDC last October, none of the possible scenarios for
the foreseeable future seem to indicate that the path to constitutional
government, or to democracy, will take place faster than before as a
consequence of those changes. I noted in my report that the pronouncements made
and action taken by the current administration did not appear to signal any new
policy direction in respect of the National Convention process. This
observation came to be true. The National Convention was reconvened on 17
February 2005 with the same composition and under the same operating procedures
as the previous Convention held from 17 May to 9 July 2004, attended by 1075
delegates, 633 being representatives of ethnic groups. The present session,
besides approving the principles for sharing legislative power is supposed to
discuss the principles of sharing administrative and judicial power. In my
earlier reports and statements I articulated my concerns regarding both the
process and the issue of inclusiveness of and participation at the National
Convention, which I see no point in repeating here again. Allow me only to
reiterate my view that the National Convention could promote further political
moves towards the democratization envisaged in the road map set out by the
Myanmar Government and make progress in guaranteeing human rights, if
adjustments were to be made that would transform the Convention into a genuine
forum for achieving national reconciliation and political transition, with the
participation of key representatives from all legitimate organizations. I
firmly believe that in order to bring about a more sustainable solution to the
future of the country, credible endeavors should be made by all actors to
ensure that the National League for Democracy (NLD) and other parties join the
National Convention process. I also believe that the process currently under
way in Myanmar should not be delayed, given that only a genuinely democratic
system of governance, in which the concerns of different groups can be
addressed, can lead to understanding, stability and progress.
Given that a sizeable number of political prisoners (still about 1,300,
among them 12 members of parliament) remain in prison, with many of them
serving long terms, I stress yet again that only the full and unconditional
release of all political prisoners will pave the way for national
reconciliation and the rule of law. In this regard, I welcome the release of
some 110 political prisoners (referred to by the authorities as "special
detainees/prisoners") in the context of the four recent large-scale
releases of prisoners announced on 19 and 26 November, 12 December 2004 and 3
January 2005 respectively, which included a total of 19,906 prisoners. I also
welcome that among those released were 104 pregnant prisoners, 72 disabled
prisoners, 439 former monks, and 15 elderly prisoners.
Releasing of all political prisoners should go hand in hand with
discontinuing the practice of imprisoning people for merely speaking their
minds or subjecting them to unfair trials without providing legal assistance or
the most basic elements of the due process of law. Without these basic
requirements, it would be extremely difficult or even impossible to launch a
process of genuine transition towards democratization. A number of recent cases
of arrest, trial and imprisonment for peaceful political activity and the
exercise of fundamental civil and political rights and freedoms,
have been brought to my attention. Some incidents, involving some ethnic
leaders, including Shan politicians, had occurred even on the eve of the
reconvening of the National Convention. I am therefore very distressed that the
recent leadership changes in Myanmar do not seem to have lead to greater
tolerance for the peaceful expression of views and advocacy for democracy and
human rights. I also recall that the Secretary-general of the NLD, Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, still remains under de facto house arrest.
I wish to reiterate that the restoration of freedom for political
parties and ceasefire partners to operate and pursue peaceful political
activity is a further prerequisite for a credible process of national
reconciliation and political transition. Democratization cannot emerge from a
unilaterally controlled, restrictive environment.
I remain very disturbed by continuing allegations of human rights
violations in ethnic minority areas, particularly those affected by
counter-insurgency operations, and by the presence in ceasefire areas not
involved in counter-insurgency activity of large contingents of the armed
forces. Civilians in those areas have reportedly witnessed widespread
violations of economic, social and cultural rights, including the deprivation
of means of livelihood through land and crop confiscation, the destruction of
houses, excessive taxation and extortion. Continuing reports of the use of
landmines, forced labour and sexual violence indicate that fundamental human
rights are at risk in those areas. I am particularly concerned by the situation
in one ethnic area, namely, north-western Rakhine state. During the reporting
period, mosques continued to be demolished, the freedom of movement of the
Bengali-speaking Muslim minority remained excessively restricted and the vast
majority of that minority remained de facto stateless. I have also received
reports alleging sexual violence against ethnic women, including, inter alia,
Karens.
If the Government sincerely wishes to promote the cause of peace, development
and justice in ethnic minority areas affected by armed conflict, it must look
seriously into allegations of violations against civilians living in those
areas. I believe that it is in the best interests of the Government to
establish efficient mechanisms for the accountability of army personnel for
alleged human rights violations, with a view to ensuring the protection of the
civilian population. Allegations must be investigated and those responsible for
violations should be held accountable, prosecuted and judged. It is therefore
important that the United Nations and the international community should deal
consistently with human rights violations: there must not be one set of
standards or requirements for State agents and another for armed groups. In my
reports, I have always demanded that State agents and armed groups should be
held equally accountable, but I must sadly acknowledge that the government has
failed to agree to most of the initiatives I have proposed in the last two
years to address the issue of accountability, for instance by not allowing me
to make inquiries into the situation of civilians in areas of conflict. In that
regard, the issue of impunity relating to the events of 30 May 2003 in Depayin
must also be adequately addressed and those who are found to be responsible
brought to justice.
I remain convinced that there is an urgent need to re-establish a
common focus for various United Nations and international community actors and
agencies and to coordinate all political, humanitarian and human rights
initiatives. Societies must continue to be empowered to be able to strengthen
their economic and social capacity. It is more vital than ever before that all
States, particularly those in the region, place serious emphasis on continuous dialogue
and negotiation with the Government of Myanmar. Notwithstanding the recent
changes in the Myanmar Government, I am of the view that all players should
also continue to work together on such non-political and/or social issues as
are covered by assistance programmes with funding from the Global Fund,
including HIV/AIDS prevention. I am pleased to note that since 2004 the
Government of Myanmar granted UNHCR access to the Eastern border regions with
the objective to build confidence with local authorities and communities and to
assist in developing their ability to absorb the potential return of refugees
in the future. I also welcome plans of UNDP to expand its humanitarian
programmes aimed at addressing the needs of vulnerable groups.
There is a pressing need in Myanmar to embark on a process of
structured consultations on substantial policy issues. The normalization of
political life would proceed more rapidly if bolder steps were taken with the
assistance of the international community and multilateral organizations. With
respect to economic and social rights, there are areas of concern which could
be addressed by the Government, economists, political parties and other
players, with assistance and advice from the United Nations, international
agencies and neighboring States, thereby paving the way for the integration of
Myanmar into international financial and economic structures.
I wish to underline the fact that the State apparatus and its agents
will not just disappear after the political transition has been completed. No
effective political transition can take place, as observers have pointed out,
in an administrative vacuum. As was the case in many democratic transitions in
the twentieth century, even subsequent to direct military rule, many State
agents and bureaucrats with experience in running the country, including
judges, public prosecutors and army officials, will remain in office in order
to prevent instability. In other South-East Asian countries, improvements in
participatory democracy, elections, labour standards and human rights led to
effective political transitions to democracy. I continue to believe that the
international community cannot wait for the end of the political transition to
cooperate on initiatives aimed at improving the lives of vulnerable persons in
Myanmar and to hold the population hostage until the completion of the
democratization process.
Many mutually reinforcing reforms could be considered and supported by
the international community in order to promote political reform, including
civil service reform; privatization and enhanced efficiency in public
enterprises; anti-corruption measures; addressing the problem of the black
economic; reforms in the education sector; improvements in health care,
including the issue of access; the demobilization and reintegration into
productive roles in society of former combatants; environmental protection; and
the provision of safety nets for those who are likely to be left behind in the
process of moving towards a market-oriented economic system, including poor
persons, women, youth, older persons, ethnic minorities and persons with
disabilities.
Priority should also be given to the ratification of the core human
rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
and its Optional Protocols, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the International Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the Optional
Protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of
children in armed conflict and on the sale of children, child prostitution and
child pornography.
Despite the past setbacks, it is more necessary than ever that the
international community broadens its vision and not to let its expectations be
shattered by frustration. Of course, there is a sense of urgency for change in
the country. Before we propose any path for action, we need to ask ourselves
how this will positively affect the protection of lives and human rights of the
Myanmar people. Only then we will be able to overcome frustration. New
strategies will be found to enhance the capabilities of the Myanmar people and
change will come.
Thank you