KAOWAO NEWS No. 89

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

April May 11-25, 2005


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READERS’ FRONT

RUMORS SPREAD ON MON SURRENDER

COVERING THEIR TRACKS: SPDC HIDES CARS

WORLD HITS ON KAOWAO

REMITTANCES: A TOOL FOR DEVELOPMENT

SHAN STATE ARMIES MERGE TO FIGHT MILITARY GOVERNMENT

FORMING THE UNION WITHOUT THE MYANMAR / BURMAN

SURRENDER OR FIGHT: DKBA FACE DILEMMA

THAI GOV’T URGED TO REVIEW BAN ON BURMA’S TIMBER

FREE AND INDEPENDENT BURMESE TV LAUNCHED

 

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READERS’ FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

 

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kaowao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kaowao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

 

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RUMORS SPREAD ON MON SURRENDER

(Kaowao: May 25, 2005)

 

The New Mon State Party remains silent amid rumors that it will surrender to Rangoon this month says a source from Mon State.

 

The news that NMSP must give up their firearms came from a former MI source in Rangoon on May 27, a senior Mon monk said.  “The Mon monks and local communities are concerned that the NMSP will surrender to Rangoon,” according to the source from revered Buddhist monks in Ye township, southern Mon State. 

 

“The NMSP provides security for our many activities on Mon national affairs.  Some monks want the NMSP to take another look on how to deal with the SPDC,” said the senior monk during a religious ceremony.

 

“We are sure that very soon the SPDC will force us to do so,” a senior member of the NMSP talked to a Kaowao correspondent.  He added that some senior members of the party may have to surrender if the party continues to face pressure from the military regime. 

 

The source close to the party estimated that about a quarter of the members will yield to pressure to surrender at that time.

 

Another junior officer of the party from Karen State told Kaowao that he is frustrated with the state of affairs and wants a more direct approach against the SPDC because they are too strict.  He said that he cannot travel outside of his military camp.  “I want to know what is going on, who will surrender and who will resume the fight.” 

 

According to a retired NMSP leader, the party faces a dilemma, like the DKBA, whether it should surrender or continue the armed rebellion against the military junta.  Some party members with businesses in town may find it difficult not to surrender to the SPDC.

 

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COVERING THEIR TRACKS: SPDC HIDES CARS

(Kaowao: May 22, 2005)

 

State Peace and Development Council officials and civil servants continue to drive cars without licenses which are smuggled in from Thailand, a Mon businessman from Moulmein said.

 

“The officials who refuse to comply with new regulations in having to pay for licenses for their cars have them stashed away from authorities with the help of their friends,” said the businessman.  “They are worried about getting sacked from their jobs and having their cars seized if caught driving them around illegally.”

 

Another Mon activist said that some of the SPDC officials have hidden their illegal cars in areas controlled by cease-fire groups such as DKBA and NMSP’s.

 

Hundreds of non licensed cars have been concealed in Mon and Karen States especially in cease-fire controlled areas and in remote areas of the jungle, he added.

 

The illegal car market business came to a halt after the crackdown on the Burmese intelligence apparatus back in November 2004. The Buddhist Monks and local communities in Mon and Karen States, he said, are angry at SPDC for confiscating their cars. They raised the issue with them that they had bought the cars legally in the first place.

 

Most of the SPDC officials and civil servants have gotten away with driving around unlicensed cars after purchasing them in their home state.

 

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WORLD HITS ON KAOWAO

 

Since June 2004 our website has been viewed by 48,211 to date (May 23, 2005).  According to Nedstat, Kaowao’s website is viewed by an average of 170 users per day.  By country, United States ranks 1st followed by Canada, Finland, Thailand, United Kingdom, Malaysia, Norway, Singapore, China and others worldwide.  Our website is viewed by all continents, with North America taking up 37.5%, Europe 32.9%, Asia 25.6%, and Australia 3.2% with Central America, South America, and Africa sharing each 1%.

 

Access to the Internet and email is restricted by the military regime in Burma, ranking 17 followed by Australia, France, and Germany.

 

Kaowao’s coordinator Arkar Ong, says our audience in Burma is probably viewed by government agencies and military officers. Arkar Ong, who was in Australia visiting the Mon community says, “Even though the Mon community in Australia is concerned about news back home in Mon State, it is way too expensive for them to get online compared to Mon users in Europe and North America who have cheaper access.” 

 

Our readers range from the U.N. officials, students, and academics interested in human rights and Buddhism, to Mon exiles and activists living in far flung places of the world like Baerum, Rutherford, Gayle and Jvvaskylan in the Nordic countries and others who, not heard from them since they left Burma 2 decades ago appeared online from South and Central America to the Caribbean to find out news on events back home.

 

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Migrant Watch

 

REMITTANCES: A TOOL FOR DEVELOPMENT

(By Taing Taw, Kaowao: May 20, 2005)

 

Sangkhlaburi -- Nai Htee (not his real name) has no shortage of work these days on the Thai-Burma border as the time for registration for migrant workers draws near for illegal workers in Thailand. Aged 40, he earns about three hundred thousand Baht trafficking hundreds of migrants across the Burma border into Thailand every month. He and his people on both sides of the border pack along guns with them to protect and lead their clients safely across the border.  “He set himself up here for business over a decade ago and is well established in the region overseeing one of the most successful human trafficking rackets in the area.” said a local resident.

 

Nai Htee is like the shepherd watching over his precious flock, protecting them from the wolves. He is much sought after in the human trafficking business and he takes pride in taking care of his clients when they get in a fix like being arrested.  “He can get you out in under a week through his connections.” another local resident said. “He can also arrange for a special trip from the border to inside Thailand that costs about 12,000 or 14,000 Baht.”

 

There are about 1,000 migrants now waiting at the Three Pagodas Pass border, 80 arrive daily.  “I see more and more people over the age of 50 making the difficult journey,” a DKBA checkpoint officer said.

 

From Mon State in southern Burma to the TPP border town is roughly 65 miles of jungle trekking through some of the roughest terrain in the region, they pass through no less than 32 checkpoints in total. Most of them are controlled by the SPDC while others who want a slice of the pie belong to the KNU, the NMSP, DKBA and other cease-fire groups.

 

“Agents guide migrants along the motor road and pay the soldiers at the checkpoints, the migrants cannot do it themselves, if they do, they risk losing everything, the guards respond only to the art of skilled bribery,” said a local observer.  Migrants pay 25,000 Kyats to agents for the journey including bribes for the checkpoints.

 

After arriving to the border town, they dole out more cash to the SPDC’s immigration office, 500 Baht to this guy and another 50 to a guy from the SPDC’s local militia force. Additionally they must pay 100 Baht for temporary stay in a designated camp arranged for by their agents.

 

The migrants usually start out at 9:00 a.m. travel all day into the late evening until they arrive at the border. Once they arrive they spend another 3 to 4 hours avoiding the Thai checkpoint to get to Nam Kote which is about 2 kilometers from the Three pagodas Pass border town. This area served as a major trading juncture for centuries between Thailand and Burma and during WW II was one of the terminals of the infamous Railway of Death that connected the line from Bangkok to Thanbyu Zayat to the Andaman Sea for the Japanese; today it is promoted by the Thai government as a tourist destination.

 

Not far from the memorial that commemorates the thousands dead who built the railway are the waiting vehicles for migrant workers who have slipped past Thai checkpoints to be transported for their last leg of the journey into Thailand.

 

Through special arrangement the migrants can avoid making the journey on foot and can cross the famous checkpoint by van or truck that can hold up to 4 people.  “Some human traffickers have a fleet of vans to take the migrants by car, that journey is the first class package,” said a Mon political activist who has close relations with one of the traffickers.

 

Some migrants use fake ID cards to migrate to Kanchanaburi province or Bangkok. They must pay over 10,000 Baht to someone with an endless supply of ID cards. A Mon woman who works in a restaurant in Sangkhla said, “One human trafficker uses fake ID cards to take illegal migrants into Thailand. This is the fast track way believed to be more secure.”

 

For those with less money and no access to a network of friends and relatives, most migrants who hire agents with little experience in the business are arrested, only a few are lucky enough to get through once arrested. They usually walk or take a boat which takes about two days to get to Kanchanaburi and then on to employment in many of the fish processing plants or other industries.  “Even those who know the ropes well and who have good contacts with the fake ID suppliers get nabbed; about 40 migrants were arrested on their way to Kanchanaburi last week,” said a medic.

 

“As we enter into the raining season the roads through the mountains are more treacherous to drive on and migrants have to sleep in the jungle for a couple of nights, some who have no mosquito nets to cover them contract malaria and get really sick and even die,” he added.

 

“The sixty people I attended to with malaria are migrants. They got malaria during their stay in the small camps set up for them, they are not provided with mosquito netting. They are taking a big risk if they sleep without the nets,” he added.

 

“Young people drop out of college or university because their parents cannot support them,” said Nai Zaw Minn Oo.  “It’s the only way to get their families out of poverty.  Remittances are the answer to development back home in Ye township,” he noted.  But there are sacrifices too, his friend lost his chance to win a scholarship to study in Japan recently because he was working in Thailand to support his family.  “He was too late getting back to his village to apply and missed the deadline,” he added.

 

Having a social network linked through family connections has its advantages especially since most migrants come from the same area in Ye Township.  “Those who cannot afford to pay agents borrow huge sums of cash to pay for the journey. They have to work for at least half year to pay off their debt,” said a veteran trafficker.  “If they can’t get a job right away some traffickers let it slide a bit because they know each other’s family and friends back home, relatives allows pay back later,” he added.

 

Many young Mon political activists have put their activist career on hold and headed for Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand to find a job. The Mon National Democratic Front has seen some of their best people leave to try to make ends meet.  “Some of them hold passports and some of them are working illegally in these countries,” said Nai Taming Ong, a former university student who recently joined up with the Mon revolutionary group.

 

“There are no young people in my village, they have all gone abroad to work,” said an old Mon woman in Karen State.  She said that almost all the young people in her village which consists of over 500 household have left. Some of the most active cultural organizations have shut down because there are no more young people left in the villages to organize affairs,” said an old Mon man in Kawkareit Township, Karen State, his village is the most well known in the state for being traditional, but has lost a little of its vibrancy because the young people have left.

 

People leave Burma to escape human rights violations and find employment, especially in one of the newly industrialized countries in Asia.  “Back home their daily income does not provide enough to make ends meet.” said Nai Bang, a social worker on the border.  “At least money is sent back home to help support the family and to keep villages afloat, remittances sent back to Burma are probably bigger than what the tourist industry makes in foreign exchange in Burma,” he concluded.

 

(Title Cited from UN)

 

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Commentary

 

FORMING THE UNION WITHOUT THE MYANMAR / BURMAN

Kanbawza Win

 

The flashing of the photo of SSA (Shan State Army) leader Col. Yawd Serk and SSNA (Shan State National Army) and announcing the merger to fight against the genocidal regime in Rangoon, over the media is worthy of inspiration and imitation to all the ethnic groups of the Union of Burma, if not the world. It is also time to think whether we could form the Union of Burma or rather Union of Nationalities minus the dominant Myanmar/Burman tribe.

 

In order to understand this current trend let us go back to a short history of Burma, the Myanmar tribe originating from South of India known as Mrama became dominant with the ethnic cleansing policy and in the early days wipe out the Pyu, Kanyan and Thet tribes before the founding of the first Burmese dynasty of 1044 AD. Following the ethnic cleansing policy, the founder of the last Burmese dynasty U Aung Zeya gathered all the Mon monks under the pretext and killed all of them in order to wipe out the Mon civilization and race as well. These are all vividly written in the history books. Now when the Union of Burma was formed some of the ethnic nationalities seeing the chance to get independence join the Union while some advanced groups as Karen, Arakan, Mon, Karenni were deliberately left out.

 

As soon as the Union was formed the Myanmar dominated government, at once launched the ethnic cleansing policy with the avowed goal of one country (Burma) one race (Burman) and one religion (Buddhist). Making Buddhism, a state religion, changing the country's name to Myanmar, using rape as a weapon of war against the ethnic groups is all authenticated proof, which nobody can deny.

 

The majority of the Myanmar have an incurable disease 'uniformity' and 'homogeneity' in terms of ethnicity, culture, religion, organization and even opinion and sexuality, that tends to create varieties of social and political problems. The end result was a never-ending ethnic and racial problem.

 

When Burma was under the colonial rules, anti-colonial movement in Burma Proper employed 'nationalism' in their struggle against the British (see Dharma Vappa).  The version of nationalism at that time was ethnicity-and-religion oriented, that revolved around the identity, culture and language of Myanmar and Buddhism in order to inspire the people to rise up against the British. 'Doh Bama Azi Ayone (and not Doh Myanmar Azi Ayone) became a rallying point and although it worked well for anti-colonial movement it paid no attention to non-Myanmar. Obviously it claimed cultural superiority, partially based on the perceived or imagined glorious past which also led some Burman nationalists to view themselves as superior, not only to British but also to develop the attitudes of superiority and contempt over other non-Myanmar ethnic groups because in their views, these groups were historically conquered by the Myanmar kings. This is the crux of Burmanization or Myanmafication accompanied by forced assimilation and suppression of diverse (dangerous and divisive according to the regimes) cultures, histories, identities and aspirations of non-Myanmar ethnic groups. or in the words of Ashley South, "'national identity' derived from the Burman historical tradition". Even though the democracy groups both inside and outside of Burma deny that they held or share any ethno-nationalist views of the military regime, their actions and attitudes of many of them indicate otherwise. Their attitudes, worldviews and actions are filled with chauvinism albeit less obvious to themselves and thus, it is very rare for them to acknowledge it, much less to accept it as according to Dhama Vappa, " Their chauvinism is displayed when they express that their goal for restoration of democracy must precede over the aspirations of non-Burman ethnic nationalities or when they do not recognize the differences and diversities--be it social customs, experiences or aspirations. They tend to refuse to listen to the experiences of the suffering of non-Burman ethnic nationalities and quick to interrupt with: Oh, we understand your sufferings. We also gone through the same experiences. You are not alone." Another instance is when the news or reports of non-Burman ethnic women are being raped by the military regime comes out, instead of expressing the outrage at the injustice the women have been facing, the defensive mechanisms in some Burman oppositional groups pop up quickly. They rush to say that, Well, the army is not consists of Myanmar alone. There are also other ethnic nationalities as well." This is because they are unable and unwilling to comprehend the relation between themselves and the system that they live in and gone through, which generate and perpetuate oppressions and destructive ideologies including ethno-nationalism. A classic example is that when renegade Sao Hser and Khun Hom declared independence, most of the ethnic leaders opted for Federal Union but we sorrowfully discovered that the tune of the Myanmar inside Burma led by NLD, the peripherals and the Diaspora are of the same chauvinistic tune.

 

What more, those ethnic nationalities that grow up among the Myanmar groups were converted to this chauvinist view, e.g. an up coming Arakanese boy from Ontario is defending the chauvinistic idea tooth and nail in the internet. What the ethnic nationalities are afraid of is that such kind of episodes will finally lead them to the disappearance of their race, culture and values. They clearly foresee that in not so distant a future they will be in the lost of vanishing tribes only seen in museum and books as the Pyu, Kanyan and Thet.

 

The Myanmar being a major dominant tribe have all sorts of human resources and ideas, the idea of "Let the minority fight the minority" is not only prevalent now a days with the Wa taking on the Shan or the Lahus siding with the Wa or the Karen quarrelling the spoils with the Mon etc, they have been in existence long ago. The Myanmar are expert in dividing even among the same group e.g. the DKBA fighting the KNU,  KNLF taking on the KNPP, Honsawaddy groups fighting the NMSP, Kachin, Arakans and so on. They created such an atmosphere that one will go for the other throat, e.g. in the assault on the KNPP they forced the KNLF group to go in front, so also the DKBA led the Myanmar army over Manearplaw etc. The Shan has learned great lesson and have sent an example to the other ethnic groups to follow suit. They have come to realize what we say in Burmese as "Aien Kyet Chin Oe Mae Thoke" smearing coke on one cock so that the other would not recognize and fight the other. The most dangerous is the cooking pot where eventually they would land. This means that if the ethnics do not unite they will be handle one by one and will soon be finished.

 

No doubt some ethnic groups have their hard feelings and bad memories over each other, but these are nothing if compared to the SPDC who will stew them one by one. The ceasefire groups especially the 18,000 strong UWSA should also heed this warning. After taking on the smaller and weaker ones their turn will come as even now the Junta is conniving with the Thai army (how many times have the Burmese generals met with the Thai counterparts) on to take on the formidable Wa tribe. Now that most of the young educated Wa leaders has come to the foe having it would be not difficult for the EN group to organize them, as unlike the days when leadership was dominated by the ethnic Chinese. It is high time to unite. The Wa has clearly indicated that they will never lay down their arms until full democracy is achieved. They may have to stick on their guns as long as they go along with the Burmese Junta and it is time for them to try their luck with the EN groups to see whether democracy is much more nearer. On the other hand the EN groups which is on speaking terms with every ethnic group both the ceasefire and fighting groups should played a leading role as a peace maker and solidify the bonds of ethnic nationalities.

 

The EN leaders should see the writings on the wall that their goal of tripartite dialogue is no longer feasible. The Junta will never come to a tripartite table because it does not want to share its power, the Myanmar group both inside and outside the country paid only lip service to the ethnic cause and grievances and even if forced by the international community to the negotiating table is not so sure of the latter support, who still shares chauvinistic idea. The only option for the EN group is to take a leading role and unite the ethnic groups who all have their armed wing and work it to a level that will pose a viable alternative to the Junta. This will have to be proven internationally. It must also be in a position to speak in the language that the Junta understands and the only option is to have all the armed groups under the umbrella of EN and proves to the Myanmar men in uniforms cannot always speak from the position of strength.

 

The episode of latest Rangoon bomb blast clearly paints the picture. Some one has spoken to the regime in language they understand and that is why such a confusion among the top brass. The regime changes its strategy. To cover up the split among them as well as to create a common enemy they blame the ethnic groups and forced the ceasefire groups either to lay down their arms or to go back to the jungles to fight them. Their strategy of taking one by one has backfired even though they forced the much smaller ethnic groups to surrender. The example is just look at the Shan groups uniting under one umbrella minus Khun Sa.

 

The 17-ceasefire groups that have participated in the National Convention with hopes of a genuine federal union of Burma have proved to be false. The Kachin who are the first to betray the monolithic unity of the ethnic groups are now in disarray with their leaders having more of an economic eye rather than the welfare of the entire Kachin populace. We do hope that the young Kachin leaders should take the initiative and throw their lot with the other ethnic brethren

 

However, to unite the ethnic nationalities is better said than done, great care must be taken that the idea and philosophy in fighting the Myanmar Junta must not be the version of nationalism ethno-nationalism. In other words they must not be racist. There must be a broad-minded elements and accept Burmese language as a lingua franca or how would they correlates with one another. It is based on ethno nationalism it will face the same problems such as exclusiveness, narrow-mindedness, pervasive xenophobia, hatred, distrust, prejudices and stereotype of all kinds, which can only lead to more conflicts. Of course there will be extremist everywhere and Philip Resnick comments "Extremists will react with hostility to moderates". If we were to adopt the attitude that in relation with others, each ethnic group were to give preference for its own interests and aspirations and that other ethnic groups are not important as theirs, if not inferior, it will prevents us from building effective coalitions. The late Chao Tzang Yawnghwe has warned us;" An interesting aspect of resistance base on ethnic and emotional solidarities is that once the enemy -- the oppressor nation or race (or class) -- disappears from the scene, there is no real freedom for the masses, the people."  For a people to be truly free, for the nation to be prosperous, peaceful and to grow, decent people and their leaders must understand the evils inherent in ideologies that strike people blind and make them dumb.  


Hence the EN groups should change their philosophy and goal and lobby for Federal Union of Burma encompassing of the few Myanmar democrats that are not so chauvinistic and who really have the union in heart. If that is not successful, the EN should create its own Union of Nationalities minus the Myanmar group. If the latter is the choice, we should soon be witnessing the Junta and the pro-democracy groups going for each other throat and if the ethnic groups are not united will see the country drifting off to Balkanization. So let us form the Union without the chauvinistic Myanmar. Until and unless we can give an alternative idea and goals there is little or no hope for the utopia of the Union of Burma.

 

Chiangmai

 

The views express here are solely the opinion of the author. (Kaowao's Editor)

 

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SHAN STATE ARMIES MERGE TO FIGHT MILITARY GOVERNMENT

(AFP: May 22, 2005)

 

BANGKOK - A rebel army from Myanmar's Shan state has broken its ceasefire with the military government and merged with the Shan State Army to fight the ruling junta, a Thai newspaper reports.

 

The Shan State National Army (SSNA), which signed the ceasefire in 1995, and the Shan State Army (SSA) agreed the merger at a ceremony Saturday at the SSA's base at Doi Talaeng, near the Myanmar-Thailand border, the Bangkok Post said.

 

The merger follows the announcement by Yangon on Saturday that the 19th brigade of the SSNA has handed over its weapons 10 years after signing a ceasefire.

 

Military leaders from the merging Shan armies called on ethnic Shan in Myanmar and overseas to unite and fight the junta which has ruled the impoverished country for more than 40 years.

 

The SSNA's leader Colonel Sai Yi will bring between 5,000 and 6,000 troops in exchange for being promoted to become the SSA's top military leader, the paper said.

 

The SSNA signed its ceasefire agreement with Yangon in 1995, after splitting from the now disbanded Mong Tai Army.

 

Sai Yi on Saturday accused Yangon of being insincere and not honouring the 1995 agreement.

"The junta has broken the agreement and taken away our key members," he was quoted as saying. "Now they want us to lay down our arms. If we did, they could have killed us any time."

Meanwhile, between 200 and 500 people, mostly Shan, are crossing into northern Thailand's Chiang Mai province on a daily basis, saying they were escaping attacks on their villages by government troops, the newspaper added.

 

The SSNA's 19th brigade -- which also signed a 1995 ceasefire -- handed in their weapons on Friday, becoming the third Shan former rebel army to so in the past two months, the official New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported Saturday.

 

The Shan armies' merger could not be independently verified.

 

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SURRENDER OR FIGHT: DKBA FACE DILEMMA

(Taramon / Sangkhlaburi, May 15, 2005)

 

The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army faces a dilemma whether it should surrender or continue the armed rebellion against the military junta.

 

General Maung Bo of the Burma Army attended a meeting in Kaw Kareit Township, Karen State, opposite of Maesot on May 6-8 with the leaders of the DKBA to convince the cease fire group to surrender to the SPDC.  During his trip in Karen State last week, the pro-Rangoon troops were urged to surrender, a Mon senior politician from Kaw Kareit said.  There was tight security around the area during the two days of negotiations between the DKBA and SPDC.

 

During the past three years, the DKBA extended it forces inside Mon State and Tenasserim Division.  Its members were also reinforced with locals from the local Mon communities in Karen State who gradually joined up with the armed group allied with Rangoon, the source from Karen State said.

 

Local Mon in the past have joined forces with the KNU, but over the past few years have gone over to the DKBA side. Some of the Mon soldiers in DKBA can speak Karen very well while some DKBA Karen soldiers can speak Mon fluently, the local Mon said.  There are over 25 Mon villages in Pha- An towhship, the capital of Karen State alone.

 

After the DKBA broke away from the KNU and cooperated with the junta, the DKBA gained more business opportunities, the pro-Rangoon outfit has been actively involved in the illegal vehicle business, logging, and drug trade along the Thai-Burma border.

 

It is reported that the Karen National Union also offered the DKBA an opportunity to return to their fold so as to continue the armed fight against the SPDC.  “Since the DKBA is a break-away group from the KNU, the KNU granted amnesty to DKBA members who wanted to return to the fold and fight the SPDC,” a senior politician close to DKBA said under condition of anonymity.

 

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THAI GOV’T URGED TO REVIEW BAN ON BURMA’S TIMBER

(TNA: May 20, 2005)


KANCHANABURI– The chamber of commerce in
Thailand's western border province of Kanchanaburi today called on the government to review its recent ban on the import of timber across the Thai-Burmese border, warning that it would have a devastating impact on the national economy.

Mr. Pratheep Phongwithayaphanu, the chamber's chairman, said that retaliatory measures imposed by
Burma would prevent all Thai goods from being exported to Burma through Kanchanaburi’s Three Pagodas Pass.


Warning that the move would cause
Thailand to lose several million baht in trade revenue each day, he noted that it would also cause unemployment in Burma at a time when the Thai government was trying to promote higher employment rates in neighbouring countries.


The end result, he said, would be an influx of unemployed Burmese nationals into
Thailand, and possibly an increase in drug smuggling and crime along the border.


Accusing the government of failing to consult with local chambers of commerce before imposing the ban, he called on the government to review its decision.

 

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The First Free and Independent Burmese-language TV channel to be launched by DVB

 

FREE AND INDEPENDENT BURMESE TV LAUNCHED

(DVB: May 23, 2005)

 

Oslo, Norway -- The Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) will start broadcasting satellite TV into Burma from 28th May, 2005. This will be the first ever free and independent Burmese-language TV channel.

 

The Burmese people will finally be able to watch television programmes that have bypassed the all-pervasive system of control and draconian censorship enforced by the military dictatorship inside Burma. DVB television programmes will be based on information, education and entertainment.  It is estimated that the DVB TV programmes will be able to reach more than 10 million people in Burma, one fifth of the total population, via satellite.

 

The DVB began radio broadcasting to Burma in July 1992. Today, it is broadcasting to Burma via shortwave radio transmitter for two-hours daily. It has millions of listeners inside Burma.  The DVB is funded by the government and non-governmental organizations in Europe and America. For satellite TV broadcast, DVB received funding from the Free Voice of the Netherlands, U.S-based National Endowment for Democracy and the Freedom of Expression Foundation in Norway.

 

The DVB television programmes can be received via PAS 10, 68.5 Degree East, 3940 H, Symbol rate 3000 on every weekend - Saturday (Burma time 20:00 to 21:00) and the repeat on Sunday (Burma time 12:00-13:00).

 

For More Information, please contact: Aye Chan Naing (Director), Tel + 47 22 86 84 86/+ 47 911 077 43.  Khin Maung Win (Deputy Director), Tel + 47 908 002 63

 

 

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Kaowao Newsgroup is committed to social justice, peace, and democracy in Burma. We hope to be able to provide more of an in-depth analysis that will help to promote lasting peace and change within Burma.

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