Ethnic minorities, which make up more than one-third of the population of Burma, have long struggled for political rights and greater independence from the Rangoon government as a reaction to political isolation and oppression. As a result, the military junta has implemented a “divide and rule policy” in which divisions between and within ethnic groups are developed and encouraged and majority Burman troops in ethnic minority areas oppress the general population. Throughout the year, Burmese soldiers were responsible for a large number of documented abuses against minority peoples including killings, beatings, and rapes.

According to the US State Department, widespread governmental and societal discrimination against minorities continued throughout 2001. As part of the government’s policy of systematic discrimination of non-Burmans, people’s ethnicity is generally indicated on their national identity cards and passports, either explicitly or through the use of a personal title in the ethnic minority language rather than in Burmese. Minorities also experienced discrimination in the spheres of education, livelihoods, cultural and religious expression, freedom of movement, and access to health care. (For more information see relevant chapters)

The effects of governmental policy that encourages discrimination are far reaching both geographically and into the future. No one can calculate the time or effort it will take to reverse the psychological, economic, political and social costs of generations of discrimination and the resulting animosity and divisions between the people of Burma. This is especially true when violence against ethnic minorities and discrimination in education are part of the equation. The elimination of discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities in Burma is not only a human rights issue, but is of vital importance in creating lasting peace in a country that has seen decades of civil war.

Much of the abuse suffered by minority peoples has come out of SPDC’s “four cuts policy,” named after its goal of separating rebel forces from communities that may lend them support. Begun in the 1970s, the centerpiece of the policy has been forced relocation, and so it has caused as much, if not more, suffering for non-combatants as it has for combatants. Villagers who are not forced to relocate are immediately suspected of aiding rebel forces, or being rebels themselves and are likely to be shot on sight, or worse, raped, beaten or tortured before being killed. Often these suspicions are based on nothing more than ethnicity.

In addition to relocating minority villagers, since the early 1990’s there have been credible reports that the SPDC has also sought to resettle groups of Burmans in ethnic minority areas. Evidence of this type of resettlement is apparent along the Heho-Nyaungshwe road in Shan State and along the Mandalay-Mogok road toward Shan State, as well as in other areas. (US State Dept) Such resettlement invariably leads to increased hardship for minorities, straining local resources and increasing tensions between ethnic groups.

In 2001, inhabitants of minority areas far from insurgent operations, such as the large Karen areas of Irrawaddy Division, were nevertheless subject to stricter controls on personal movement, including more frequent military checkpoints, closer monitoring by military intelligence, and larger military garrisons. As a result, people in these areas were also more vulnerable to extortion by military forces or ‘informal taxes,’ than residents in majority Burman areas. (US State Dept)

Ethnic villagers are also likely to be forced into portering for the military for no compensation. Portering usually consists of grueling manual labor, hauling heavy loads through rough terrain at gunpoint, standing guard for 24 hour shifts or even being used as human shields in combat. Forced portering is one of SPDC’s most notorious human rights violations, as well as one of the most common. Repeated condemnations from the UN and ILO have brought attention to conditions porters must endure (the chapter on Forced Labor addresses the situation more fully). Forced labor for minorities differs not only in terms of the number of people involved but-as the following quotations from Earth Rights International’s 2001 report, Valued Less Than a Milk Tin, describe- in their treatment as well:

“If you ask anyone who portered, they will know the difference in how groups were treated. The Karen and Shan were treated worse. If we got food, if the Burmans got one cup, we would only get one-half cup. For carrying things, we had to carry more than the Burmans...(29)”

“The Burman porters would receive more food while the Karen porters would receive very little. The military also made the Karen porters carry heavier things than the Burmans, and if the Karen porters were sick while they were carrying things, they would be punched and hit and left behind. If the Burmans became sick or couldn’t carry things, however, they could just go back. I don’t know why we were treated differently; it is probably because we are Karen, but I can’t say for sure. The soldiers were probably all Burman because they all speak Burmese (30).”

Discrimination in Education

The SPDC’s policy towards ethnic minority peoples is forced assimilation or “Burmanization.” One of the principle means of carrying out this objective has been the manipulation of the education system. All ethnic minorities have their own languages, but Burmese is the only language of instruction in both primary and secondary states schools, even in areas where ethnic minorities dominate. In most cases instruction in local ethnic minority languages is not available, even as a second language. Additionally, nationwide there are only a small number of domestic publications in indigenous minority languages. This has the effect of curtailing the ability of ethnic minorities who attend state run schools to speak or be literate in their own languages, thereby separating them from their cultural identity.

At the same time, millions of ethnic minority members cannot attend school at all due to poverty and the high cost of school fees, forced relocations, underdeveloped education infrastructure and life on the run or in hiding as internally displaced persons. Although education is notoriously inadequate throughout the country for all ethnic groups the ethnic minorities, particularly those living in conflict zones, are disproportionately affected by this condition. The two tier education system of military vs. civilian education becomes a three tier system with ethnic minority civilians at the bottom. Those ethnic minority members who become “Burmanized” are rewarded with better educational and professional opportunities while others are left behind. Education is thereby used as a weapon rather than as a tool for individual and national development. By consciously denying ethnic minorities equal educational opportunities today, the military government is setting the stage for discrimination for years to come.

The systematic discrimination that is so commonplace in the education system is also reflected in civil and military service, where advancement in, or even entrance in to, can depend on ethnicity:

“Most Shan are not employed after they graduate from school; they don’t get jobs. They could never become a general in the military or some other high ranking official...When these educated people apply for jobs and don’t get work, they just leave by themselves because they are disappointed that although they have the same education level, they can’t apply for and get the same jobs (Valued 24).”

“The Burman are mostly government officers with the military. There are some Shan who have government jobs, but the Shan cannot get the higher positions. They just work as clerks in the office do, in low -level positions...I don’t know why Shan can’t get the higher positions. Mostly the higher positions are brought in from the central government. Maybe the reason is that Burmans want to oppress Shan people (Valued 25).”

The SPDC views all forms of expression that have not been co-opted or otherwise controlled by the state to be threatening, and thus ruthlessly suppresses the freedom of ethnic minorities to celebrate their cultural identity. In addition to facing the hardships which all Burmese citizens have been subjected to under military rule, ethnic minorities in Burma are also victims of a system of discrimination with threatens the survival of their cultures. In many cases it has only been an incredible act of collective will that has allowed these unique cultures to survive.

A 2001 report issued by Earth Rights International, entitled Valued Less Than a Milk Tin: Discrimination Against Ethnic Minorities in Burma by the Military Regime, uses first hand accounts, such as the following, to give insight into the current situation for the Karen and Shan peoples who have been systematically victimized by SPDC:

“I do not celebrate the Karen New year because the Burmese do not allow it. [Ethnic minorities sometimes call ethnic Burmans the “Burmese.”] If we were to celebrate it I don’t know what would happen, so we don’t dare. Even when we celebrate Christmas and the regular New Year’s Day, the military will come and listen and ask people to translate for them to make sure they are not celebrating Karen holidays. I never had a chance to celebrate Karen holidays, and I don’t even know when they are (Valued 19).”

Similarly, a Shan describes how Burmese solders repainted pagodas in a Shan village:

“No one was happy about it, because in Shan culture we just paint them in plain white. ...The pagodas have Shan religious and cultural significance. The white means purity and cleanliness. People feel unhappy because of the pagoda’s different colors. Shan People think it is very much against Shan culture. They feel oppressed for their religion....They are trying to replace Shan religious life with the Burmese religious life(Valued 19).”

(Source: Earthrights International, “Valued Less Than a Milk Tin: Discrimination Against Ethnic Minorities in Burma by the Military Regime”, 2001, pp. 23/4)

In some ethnic minority areas, such as Chin State, there are continuing reports that the army offers financial and career incentives for Burman soldiers to marry Chin women, teach them Burmese, and convert them to Buddhism. (US State Dept)

On 18 September 2001, a group of 15 SPDC troops, led by the Chairman of the Nam Kham Township Peace and Development Council, Capt. Tin Maung Win, came to several villages in Nam-Kham township, Shan State and tore down signboards that contained village names in both Shan and Burmese, recently set up by community leaders, and replaced them with signboards with village names written in only Burmese. After that the SPDC troops extorted 35,000 Kyat from each village for the costs of the replacement of the new signboards. The following are the affected villages: Maan Kham, Zae Hai, Kung Sa, Maan Kaang, Kawng Waeng and Nawng Khaang villages. (Source: SHRF)

The State Peace and Development Council in Sagaing division have established three new villages between Kalay and Tamu town since March 2001. In the new three villages, only Burmese Buddhists are allowed to settle, although the surrounding areas have been co-inhabited by ethnic Chin and Shan-Bama decent. The names of the three villages are Yanmyo-Aung, Yantaing-Aung, and Yanngein-Aung. The meaning of the villages name literally translates “conquest of the enemy”. The inhabitants in the area are prohibited to extend their farm or plough the virgin land. Since January 2001, SPDC has been collecting or seizing goods and commodities, such as rice, cooking oil, bicycles, medicines and farm animals from traders and villagers. The goods they seized have been provided to the new settlers from the three villages. (Source: CHRO)

Since June 2001, SPDC administrative officers have started to resettle Buddhist (community villages) near Chin minority villages in rural areas of Chin State. Tamu township administrative officers led by Chairman, Capt. Khin Maung Myint recruited Buddhist community from other places and resettled them near Kuki (people) villages in Tamu Township. Moreover, the authorities forced three Kuki villages to provide free labor to the Buddhist resettlements. The three Kuki villages are:

(a). Khon Mun Nuon village ( about 60 houses)

(b). Yan Lin Faing village ( about 50 houses)

(c). Faing Lin village ( about 70 houses) (Source: MICB)

Interview With Lieutenant Colonel Biak To

The life and views of a veteran Army and Police Officer

( Rhododendron Note: Lieutenant Colonel Biak To a B.A graduate from Mandalay University, enlisted as a private in the Burmese Army on 17 November 1973 after he found out that his movement as leader of Haka University Students Association was closely monitored by the notorious Military Intelligence Service (MIS). It was the time when a new constitution for Socialist authoritarian regime was being drafted in Burma and the authorities were in full alert to crush every possible hindrance to the progress of constitutional making process. After going through different levels of military training with a number of postings in different parts of Burma including one in the Light Infantry Battalion (101) under Divisional Command 77 stationed in Wa area, he became a Captain in 1984.

In 1990, he shifted from the Army to Police service on a rank-to-rank basis, becoming a police inspector. Being an educated man with adequate service experience, he was promoted Major in 1994. And by 1998, he became Lieutenant Colonel in the 1st Police Regiment. In 200, for the reason that was never made clear to him, Lt. Colonel Biak To had his position stripped from him. Much to his surprise, he was fired with a fine of Kyats 15,9000, which he had to pay apparently without knowing why.

In the following disclosure to CHRO, Lt. Colonel Biak To revealed how he was discriminated and unfairly treated by his superiors in the Army and Police simply because of his religious and ethnic identity. He also explained his views and perspectives involving the various aspects of problems facing Burma.)

CHRO: How was your life during your service in the Burmese Army and Police?

Lt. Col. BT: My father was Rev. Lal Hnin. He was one of the first Chin converts into Christianity. So, I grew up in a good Christian family. I finished high school at Haka State High School and graduated from Mandalay University in 1972.

I was a weight lifter and healthy young man. I wanted to become an army officer. Therefore, after my graduation from university, I applied for Military Officer Training School. However, because I am a Chin ethnic nationality, my application was not considered. So, I joined the army as a private on November 17,1973. I tried very hard to please my superiors in performing my duties. I was promoted to Lance corporal in February l976 and corporal in October of the same year in 1976. Because of my work performance, I was allowed to join Officer Training School in 1979 in service. Then I became second Lieutenant in April 1980. That means it took me almost 8 years to reach this level while other Burmese Buddhist graduates could attain this level of rank just one year after their graduation from a university.

The vast majority of the ranking officers in the Burmese Army are Burman Budhists. As a result, I was always discriminated against by the dominant Buddhists for being an ethnic Chin Christian. For example, the non-Burman soldiers were selectively assigned in the front line to fight against the Karen rebels, saying that we were brave and loyal. The ethnic soldiers were, in fact, respected as the most brave and hardy fighters in the Burmese Army. As ethnic minority soldiers, we were given virtually no rest time and were never given permission or leave to visit our relatives. The most frustrating thing was when we returned from a successful operation or captured enemy positions, the Burman soldiers who remained in the camps all the while and did not participate in the actual combat got promoted, while we, the actual fighters were neglected for promotions. A Burman officer with less educational background and service experience would become a Colonel while I remained as a Captain. Our superiors would always encourage us to become Buddhists so as to be considered for promotions, but we always decided not to be promoted rather than abandoning our faith. An ethnic minority soldier would not be promoted to a position higher than Major regardless of his service years and how many times he had been transferred. There is no difference in the Police either. We were repeatedly told to convert to Buddhism if we really aspired for promotions. This also tended to be a mere deception. A close friend of mine, Thein Lwin, an ethnic Shan Christian converted to Buddhism for want of promotions but was never promoted. He just ended up being cheated of his faith.

On July 10, 2000, I gave a speech to the police parade mentioning my being a Chin Christian and son of a pastor that from childhood, I never wanted to tell lies, steal or misbehave and that I wanted everyone to do likewise. Four days later, on July 14, I received an order saying that I have been dismissed from the police.

CHRO: Do you know the reason why you were laid off?

Lt. Co. BT: I still have no idea on what exact account I was dismissed. The order came all of a sudden without any formal procedures. Under normal circumstances either a preliminary inquiry or departmental inquiry should have been conducted before a government service could be tried for any misconduct or violations of rules. There was not any such thing happening in my case. At the time of my dismissal, I was the only person holding a B.A degree among officers of my rank in the entire nine Police Regiments in Burma. In fact, I should have been the first one to be considered for promotions. Obviously, the authorities did not want to see a Chin Christian holding high position that they made a pre-emptive move to dismiss me without any apparent charges. It just did not end with my dismissal. In an attempt to prevent me from leaving the country, the authorities disqualified me from being eligible for a passport in seven years. However, I was able to obtain a passport under a fake name and secretly managed to sneak out of the country. I have a wife and three children remaining in Burma. I am constantly worried about them because if the authorities found out my absence, they would be subject to harassment and persecution.

CHRO: How would you describe your views with regards to the present military regime and the country’s problems in general?

Lt. Co. BT: What appears to be the main problem with the present military regime is a notion that they can stay in power as long as they can cheat the people. They do not seem to care about what is going on around the world other than their own ideological belief. They have sold off all the country’s natural resources including teaks and gemstones and pocketed it for themselves. Huge amounts of money are spent on military hardware and equipments. They projected some money on building bridges and dams, which they boasted them in the State-controlled Television broadcast and newspapers as the unprecedented achievements that ever happened only under their reign. They believe that no one including the UN can interfere with the internal matters and that they will run the country as they like.

What military regime has in mind is only the benefits and welfare of their own families while the people at large are being pushed to the point of starvation. Prices are skyrocketing day after day and year after year. A person could live easily on 3.15 kyats a day earning in the 1960s. But today, kyats 300 cannot even survive a person. Inflation rate is fast becoming high because the government had allowed former Drug lord Khunsa and his associates to launder their drug money in the country, which involved large scale buying of properties and land across the country.

The question of democracy seems to be still far away. The military officials have enjoyed very much the taste of being in power that they will never want cede it again. They do not even attempt to understand what democracy really is. The cry of ethnic minority for self-determination and federalism means some sort of separatism or independence movement to the military junta. All their intention and attempts are only to suppress any kind of elements they deem a threat to them. Their targets have constantly been the NLD and Aungsan Suukyi. They are now trying to expand the arm force on a daily basis. More than thrice the numbers of normal recruits are now in the Defense Studies Academy in Maymyo. Because the junta has held everything so tight that without any assistance or effective pressure from abroad, I think the question of democracy is still not within reach.

(Source: CHRO VOL. (IV). No. (I) JANUARY-FEBRUARY 2001)

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