While the majority of Burma’s population follows Theravada Buddhism, there are significant numbers of Christians (mostly Baptists as well as some Catholics and Anglicans), Muslims (mostly Sunni), Hindus, and practitioners of traditional Chinese and indigenous religions. Government statistics record that almost 90 percent of the population are Buddhist, 4 percent Christian, and 4 percent Muslim; however, these statistics most likely understate the percercentage of adherants to religions other than Buddhism. In Burma, there is some correlation between ethnicity and religion, with Theravada Buddhism serving as the dominant religion among the majority Burman ethnic group, and among the Shan and Mon ethnic minorities of the eastern part of the country. The Kachin ethnic group in Northern Burma and the Chin and Naga ethnic groups in the west (some of which practice traditional indigenous religions) are largely Christian, and Christiantiy is also is widespread among the Karen and Karenni ethnic groups in the south and east. Other Karen and Karenni are Theravada Buddhists. Hinduism is practiced by Indians, for the most part Tamils and Bengalis, the majority of whom live in larger cities and in the south-central region (though a number of Tamils are Catholic). Islam is widespread in Arakan Division on the western coast, where it is the major religion of the Rohingya minority. Many Indians and Bengalis along with their descendants are also Muslims. A small Chinese ethnic population practices traditional Chinese religions. Traditional indigenous religions remain prevalent among the smaller ethnic groups in the northern regions.

On 9 November 2001, the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Burma, expressed strong concern over the worsening of religious rights in the country during his report at the 56th Session of the UN General Assembly. This concern was prompted by the fact, that among other things, throughout 2001 there was a marked increase in violence against Muslims with credible reports that some of this violence was supported and engineered by the government. These incidences of violence significantly contributed to anti-Muslim sentiment, increasing tensions between Muslim and Buddhist communities. In addition, during the year the government continued its general policy of restricting religious freedoms while vigorously promoting Theravada Buddhism as the state religion. As a result, non-Buddhists continued to be discriminated against and denied upper-level employment opportunities. To date only one non-Buddhist has served as a government minister, and this same person, a brigadier general, is also the only non-Buddhist known to have held high rank in the armed forces in the 1990s. The Government generally discourages Muslims from serving in the military, and Christians and Muslims who do serve as military officers are frequently encouraged by their superiors to convert to Buddhism. (US State Department)

The following was taken from the 2001 US State Department Country Report on Burma:

The constitution permits both legislative and administrative restrictions on religious freedom, stating that “the national races shall enjoy the freedom to profess their religion. And provided that the enjoyment of any such freedom does not offend the laws or the public interest.” Most adherents of all religions duly registered with the authorities generally are free to worship as they chose; however, the Government imposed restrictions on certain religious activities and frequently abused the right to religious freedom. In addition in practice the Government systematically restricted efforts by Buddhist clergy to promote human rights and political freedom, and coercively promoted Buddhism over other religions in some ethnic minority areas.

The Government operates a pervasive internal security apparatus, which generally infiltrates or monitors the meetings and activities of virtually all organizations, including religious organizations. Religious activities and organizations of all faiths also are subject to broad government restrictions on freedom of expression and association. In addition, the Government subjects all publications, including religious publications, to control and censorship. Such monitoring and control undermines the free exchange of thoughts and ideas associated with religious activities. The Government requires religious organizations, like all organizations, to register. Although there is a government directive exempting “genuine” religious organizations from registration, in practice only registered organizations may buy or sell property or open bank accounts, which induces most religious organizations to register. Religious organizations register with the Ministry of Home Affairs with the endorsement of the Ministry for Religious Affairs. The State also provides some utilities, such as electricity, at preferential rates to recognized organizations. There is no official state religion; however, the Government continued to show preference for Theravada Buddhism, the majority religion. State-controlled news media frequently depict junta members paying homage to Buddhist monks, making donations at pagodas throughout the country, officiating at ceremonies to open, improve, restore, or maintain pagodas, and organizing ostensibly voluntary “people’s donations” of money, food, and uncompensated labor to build or refurbish Buddhist religious shrines throughout the country. State-owned newspapers routinely featured, as front-page banner slogans, quotations from the Buddhist scriptures. Buddhist doctrine remained part of the state-mandated curriculum in all elementary schools; however, individual children generally are permitted to choose not to receive instruction in Buddhism, although the Government at times deals harshly with those who do. The Government also funded the construction of the International Theravada Buddhist Missionary University in Rangoon. The Government continued to discriminate against members of minority religions, restricting the educational, proselytizing, and building activities of minority religious groups. There is a concentration of Christians among some of the ethnic minorities (for example, the Karen and Kachin) against which the army has fought for decades, although groups that practice Buddhism (for example, the Shan) also have waged many of the ethnic insurgencies. Christian groups continued to have difficulties in obtaining permission to build new churches, while Muslims reported that they essentially are banned from constructing any new mosques. Buddhist groups are not known to have experienced similar difficulties in obtaining permission to build pagodas or monasteries. In parts of Chin State authorities reportedly have not authorized the construction of any new churches since 1997. The Government reportedly also has denied permission for churches to be built along main roads in cities such as Myitkina, the capital of Kachin State. In Rangoon during the year, authorities closed more than 80 home-churches (a traditional gathering place for many Christians) because their operators did not have proper authorizations to hold religious meetings. At the same time, the authorities have made it increasingly difficult to obtain approval for the construction of “authorized” churches. In most regions of the country, Christian and Muslim groups that seek to build small churches or mosques on side streets or other inconspicuous locations at times have been able to proceed, but increasingly only based on informal approval from local authorities. These groups report that formal requests encounter long delays and, especially for Muslims, generally are denied. However, obtaining an informal approval from local authorities creates a tenuous legal situation. For example, there were instances cited during the year in which local authorities or conditions changed and the informal approval for construction was rescinded abruptly. Since the 1960’s, Christian and Islamic groups have had difficulties importing religious literature into the country. Religious publications, like secular ones, remained subject to control and censorship. Translations of the Bible and Koran into indigenous languages may not be imported legally, although Bibles may be printed locally in indigenous languages with government permission. However, state censorship authorities continued to enforce restrictions on the local publication of the Bible in particular, and Christian and Muslim publications in general. Although possession of publications not approved by the censors is an offense for which persons have been arrested and prosecuted in the past, there have been no reports of arrests or prosecutions for possession of any traditional religious literature in recent years. Non-Buddhists continued to experience employment discrimination at upper levels of the public sector. ....There continued to be credible reports from diverse regions of the country that government officials compelled persons, especially in rural areas, to contribute money, food, or uncompensated labor to state-sponsored projects to build, renovate, or maintain Buddhist religious shrines or monuments. The Government calls these contributions “voluntary donations” and imposes them on both Buddhists and non-Buddhists. In recent years, there were credible reports that Muslims in Arakan State have been compelled to build Buddhist pagodas as part of the country’s forced labor program. These pagodas often were built on confiscated Muslim land. However, there were no known reports of forcing persons to build pagodas during the year. There also were reports of forced labor being used to dismantle temples and monasteries....Religious groups of all faiths were able to establish and maintain links with coreligionists in other countries and travel abroad for religious purposes. However, the Government closely monitored their activities. Religious affiliation at times is indicated on government-issued identification cards that citizens and permanent residents of the country are required to carry at all times. There appear to be no consistent criteria governing whether a person’s religion is indicated on his or her identification card. Citizens also are required to indicate their religions on some official application forms, such as passports.”

(Source: Department of State, c. Freedom of Religion. September 5 2001)

A recent study by Christian Solidarity Worldwide reports that new laws in Burma have been enacted to restrict Christians’ right to freedom of worship. Through these new laws the SPDC has attempted to force the closure of all churches under one hundred years old, sent priests into hiding, and banned the construction of new church buildings. In some parts of Burma it is also illegal to hold church services in private homes. (Source: Asian Legal Resource Center)

Government regulations prohibit Christian clergy from attempting to proselytize in some areas, and there is at least one report of a clergy member being beaten to discourage him from proselytizing. The Government has a general policy of prohibiting permanent foreign religious missions to operate in Burma. This policy has been in place since almost all foreign missionaries were expelled by the government in the mid-1960s, at which time all private schools and hospitals, the majority of which were affiliated with Christian organizations, were nationalized. Following the take-over of these institutions no compensation was offered to those who had previously run them. While some Christian theological seminaries established before 1962 continue to operate; there were reports that in 2001 a Bible school in Tamu Township, Sagaing Division was shut down by the SPDC. (Source: US State Dept). Prior to this, in July 2000, Captain Khin Maung Myint had ordered all Christian schools in Tamu Township to be shut down.

On 4 October 2001, CHRO reported that Chin Christian ministers are limited in their access to further study in foreign countries, especially in the United States. While the government does not explicitly impose restrictions on Christian ministers who seek to study abroad, many Chin Christian ministers have had their applications for passports rejected for unknown reasons. The majority of Christian pastors who go for further studies in the United States from Burma are Chins, and Chin Christian ministers make about two third of the population among those who travel to the States for further studies in theology. (Source: CHRO)

In recent years it has become increasingly difficult for Christian groups to obtain government permission to build new places of worship. In some areas of Chin State it has been reported that authorities have not given permits for the construction of new churches since 1997. In cities such as Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, the SPDC has also refused to allow churches to be built on main roads; in Rangoon they have mandated that some Christian groups refer to their places of worship as ‘‘social centers’’ rather than ‘‘churches.’’ (Source: US State Dept) Only after paying a large amount of bribe money to lower level, township or district authorities, are Christians allowed to repair, expand, or build places of worship. In addition, Christian sermons were reportedly subjected to censorship. (Source: CHRO)

There are numerous other ways in which the military government has attempted to prevent Burmese Christians from practicing their religion. Army units frequently destroy churches and Christian graveyards to build their camps, forcing local Chin Christians to assist them. Sometimes churches are not destroyed but instead taken over by the SPDC to use as military bases, an act that is experienced as desecration by local Christians. Since the early 1990’s, military authorities have taken down or forced villagers to remove all crosses standing outside Chin Christian villages. In many cases the government has replaced the crosses with Buddhist pagodas, sometimes forcing resident Christians to provide the labor to construct them. As part of a larger campaign to ‘‘Burmanize’’ the Chin, the SPDC has greatly increased their military presence in Chin State and other majority Chin areas, sponsored and encouraged Buddhist Burman monks to emigrate from other areas, and built Buddhist monasteries and shrines in Chin communities with few or no Buddhists, frequently requiring the residents to contribute forced ‘‘donations’’ of money or labor.

In their efforts to encourage Chin Christians to convert to Buddhism, the government has resorted to using a carrot-and-stick approach. Christians that convert to Buddhism are promised monthly payments, and Buddhists are able to take advantage of reduced price rice supplied by the government, free food distributed on Sunday mornings when Christians are in church, and exemption from forced labor. It has also been reported that SPDC soldiers stationed in Chin State were given higher rank and pay if they married Chin women who would convert to Buddhism.

To punish those who refuse to convert, authorities frequently disrupt church services and celebrations and force Christians to clean and repair Buddhist shrines. Christians are also ordered to attend sermons where Christianity is disparaged or are made to join training courses for monks, after which they are pressured to convert. In addition there have been reported incidences when Christian children have been taken from their families, under the pretext of receiving a secular education, and then converted to Buddhism without the knowledge or consent of their parents. There have also been credible reports that in Pa’an Township, Karen State army units routinely conscript young men leaving Sunday church services for forced portering, causing young men to avoid church attendance. Throughout 2001 there continued to be reports that Chins had been taken for forced portering by the military, both in Chin State and Sagaing Division. (See Chapter on Situation of Forced Labor)

Another Christian minority group are the 20,000 ethnic Naga Christians who live in northwest Burma, on the border with the Indian state of Nagaland. (Source: AFP) While there is less information available about the situation of Naga Christians, there have been reports that indicate that they suffer many of the same restrictions on their freedom of religion as the Chin. In 1999 it was reported that more than 1,000 Naga Christians fled to India, to escape from religious persecution. These refugees reported that they were being pressured to convert to Buddhism by the military and by local monks, and that the churches in their villages had been shut down by the government and then desecrated (Source: US State Dept)

Since June 2001, SPDC administrative officers have begun a campaign to resettle Buddhist (community villages) near Chin minority villages in rural areas of Chin State.

Tamu township administrative officers led by Chairman, Capt. Khin Maung Myint have recruited Buddhist families from other places and resettled them near Kuki (Chin) villages in Tamu Township. Moreover, the authorities have forced three Kuki villages to provide free labor to the Buddhist resettlements. The three Kuki villages are:

1. Khon Mun Nuon village (about 60 houses)

2. Yan Lin Faing village (about 50 houses)

3. Faing Lin village (about 70 houses) (Source: MICB)

On 28 September 2001 Christian Solidarity Worldwide reported that the military government in Burma has banned Christians from meeting in buildings less than a century old. In early July, this order, known as the Higher Policy of the State Peace and Development Council, was issued and it is currently having a widespread impact on Christian communities throughout the country. Since June 2001 more than 80 church buildings have been closed in Rangoon, and a further 20 have been shut in Shwe Pyi Tar, a township north of the capital. All church buildings have been forced to close in the southern township of Hlaing Tai Yar. Christians in Hlaing Tai Yar have been permitted to meet in private homes, but ordered not to sing. The regime has warned church leaders from Rangoon, Mandalay Division, Shan State, Rakhin State, Sagaing Division, and other areas that if they defy the order all places of worship will be closed down. Currently many Christian groups meet in residential apartments or schools as it is almost impossible to obtain official permission to construct or repair church buildings, many of which are very run-down. The new policy also forces churches more than a hundred years old to silence their church bells on Sundays and forbids the placing of crosses on the buildings.

The SPDC has also forced two Christian children’s homes, Agape Orphanage House and Agape Orphanage Ministry, both near Rangoon, to also close down. At least 17 Christian ministers have gone into hiding and five missionaries are known to have been ordered to leave the country. One minister was arrested and at the time of this report was still missing. (Source: Burmanet)

On 11 November 2001 a human rights group in northeastern India accused Burma of forcibly converting hundreds of Christians to Buddhism. The Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) group said that in the past few weeks large numbers of Christians had been converted by the military government and Buddhist organizations. “Nagas residing in Myanmar were forced to convert to Buddhism, while those resisting were persecuted and kept as bonded labourers by the junta and Buddhist monks,” said NPMHR leader N. Krome. “Many of the Christians Nagas were lured (by the offer of) government jobs to get converted to Buddhism,” Krome reported.

These allegations followed the recent visit of NPMHR fact-finding team to border areas, where they reported meeting hundreds of villagers fleeing Burma following their religious conversions. “Some of the families are taking shelter in villages in the northwest Mon district of Nagaland bordering Myanamar, following threats and intimidation,” Krome said. “The villagers are scared to return to Myanmar amid reports that some areas are mined.” “Christian leaders claimed the Nagas were being forced to close down their churches. “We have come across people who said churches in Myanmar were being desecrated by the military and Christians were being tortured and harassed on the slightest pretexts,” T.L. Kikon, a Baptist church leader in Nagaland said. An Amsterdam-based human rights group, the Naga International Support Center, reported that earlier this week, troops from India and Myanmar had jointly raided strongholds of Naga tribal separatists inside Burma, leading to the displacement of more than 3,000 people who were forced to flee to India. (Source: AFP)

Discrimination is compounded in the case of Muslims living in Burma, as they are considered ethnic as well as religious minorities. Muslims suffer from a full range of human rights abuses, from restriction of movement, extra-judicial killings, and forced labor, to discrimination in hiring and higher education. Many Muslims are not indigenous to Burma and because long familial links to Burma must be proven in order to gain citizenship, many Muslim families who have been living in Burma for generations are denied citizenship and are thereby excluded from government positions and subject to domestic travel restrictions. In Burma today there are estimated to be more than seven million Muslims.(Source: MICB)

Large numbers of Indians of both Muslim and Hindu faiths migrated to Burma during the colonial period. Many were employed by the British in the civil service sector, while others became traders, landowners, and money lenders. Generally accorded higher status by the British, the Indians were often resented by the Burman population and frequently became targets of Burman anti-colonialist actions. Muslims also began moving into Karen State at the time of Great Britain’s annexation of Upper Burma in the 1880s. The Muslim population in Karen State numbers in the thousands, with Muslims engaging in a range of professions from farming to shop-keeping. Many Muslims in Karen State refer to themselves in Karen as ‘Pwakanyaw Thu’ or Black Karen and consider Karen State to be their homeland. Although the Muslims tend to live in separate areas within Karen villages, relations between Muslims, Buddhists and Christians have generally been smooth.

However, whatever Anti-Muslim sentiment is present among the public has been readily exploited by the government. There is a history of anti-Muslim riots breaking out in Burma when the government wants to divert the public’s attention from political and economic concerns. In 1988, the SLORC provoked anti-Muslim riots in Taunggyi and Prome during the pro-democracy movement. In May 1996, anti-Muslim literature, widely believed to have been written by the SLORC, was distributed in four towns in Shan State, which led to several incidences of violence. In September 1996, the SLORC razed a 600-year old mosque in Arakan State and used the rubble to pave paths between new military base camps in the area. And in March 1997, SLORC officials were accused of instigating attacks against Muslims and of exacerbating existing tensions between the Muslim and Buddhist communities in Central Burma. (Source: The BurmaNet News: SLORC Anti-Muslim Campaign in Karen State, April 29, 1997, Issue #707)

In 2001, two major anti-Muslim demonstrations, which quickly turned into riots, broke out in Sittwe, Arakan State and Toungoo, Pegu Division. It was reported that members of MIS, USDA and soldiers dressed as monks instigated the riots in Sittwe and Toungoo and were among the demonstrators. In both incidents hundreds of Muslims were killed by rioters while the military, which is always quick to stop any type of political demonstration, took no action to prevent the killings, lootings and destruction of mosques, homes and private property. The riots occurred over a period of several days, beginning in the cities and then spreading out to surrounding areas. In the case of a mass murder of 20 worshippers at Han Tha Mosque on May 15, 2001, a military truck was present to carry away the bodies of the victims after they were killed but failed to prevent further killings that day or the following days.

Although the rioting in Sittwe was anti-Muslim, the aftermath brought repression for all, particularly students, teachers and monks, groups which have traditionally been involved with pro-democracy activities. On September 28, 2001, Narinjara News reported that approximately 3,000 students, teachers and monks had been taken into custody in Sittwe, Arakan State since the anti-Muslim riots broke out in February 2001. These individuals were arrested by Millitary Intelligence, Police and Paramilitary Forces and held without trial. Students as young as 10 and 11 were taken in for interrogation. According to one student, two thirds of those arrested were able to bribe their way out. Those who could not pay were sent to the Thai border for portering and forced labor or have been missing since then.

Members of the Muslim Rohingya (Bengali-speaking Muslims) minority in Arakan State, on the country’s western coast, experience severe legal, economic, and social discrimination. The Government denies citizenship status to most Rohingyas on the grounds that their ancestors allegedly did not reside in the country at the start of British colonial rule, as required by the country’s highly restrictive citizenship laws. In 1991 tens of thousands of Rohingya, according to some reports as many as 300,000 persons, fled from Arakan State into Bangladesh following anti-Muslim violence alleged, although not proven, to have involved government troops. Many of the 21,000 Rohingya Muslims remaining in refugee camps in Bangladesh have refused to return to Burma because of fear of human rights abuses, including religious persecution.

More than thirty thousand Muslim Rohingya living in and around Sittwe, the Capital of Arakan State, have no national identity cards as the government refused to issue new identity cards to them after the existing identity cards were abolished in 1988. Without ID cards, these people are unable to travel freely, attend educational institutes or start a business.Hundreds of Rohingya are without identity cards in other parts of the State, including Maung Taw township, Buu Thee Taung township and Paut Taw township. People have written many times to the Home Ministry on the issue, yet there has been no reply from the government. (Source: AHRW)

It is virtually impossible for Rohingya to move within Arakan State or to other parts of Burma from Arakan State. Only citizens carrying ID cards are able to travel within the country, which precludes movement by those unable to meet the restrictive provisions of the “citizen law.” While foreigners in Burma are generally issued a foreign registration card (FRC), Rohingyas, who are considered foreigners by the government, are denied these cards as well. Instead, they are required to obtain permission from the concerned area authorities whenever they wish to leave their village area. In June 2000, more severe restrictions on the movement of Rohingyas were introduced (See Chapter on Freedom of Movement). A Muslim from Bu Thi Taung reported that, “in Kyauk Phyu, Myay Pon, Bu Thi Taung and Maung Taw towns (which are close to Bangladesh border), a Muslim requires a visa from the immigration office to travel to other States and Divisions, whether he or she has National Identity Card or not.” In addition, “two acquaintances need to vouch for the traveler in order for him or her to get a one-month visa. If the traveler does not come back, the two people having vouched for him or her are liable to punishment of three months in jail term and a fine of fifty thousand Kyats.” (Source: Mizzima)

While permission to travel to Rangoon usually is not granted to Rohingya Muslims, sometimes wealthy individuals can obtain permission through bribery. The unfortunate ones are caught. U Kar Man (41) from Bu Thi Taung was sentenced to seven years of imprisonment in August 2001 when he was intercepted by the Ward authorities in Nwe Aye Ward, Daw Bon town, Rangoon. U Kar Man had been attempting to travel secretly by bribing his way from Bu Thi Taung to Rangoon. (Source: Mizzima).

Muslims in Arakan state also continue to suffer as victims of forced relocation. Currently there are townships such as Suchas, Thandwe, Gwa, and Taung-gut, that have been declared “Muslim-free zones.” In these areas where Muslims are no longer permitted to live, mosques have been destroyed, and Muslim lands have been confiscated. To make sure that these mosques are not rebuilt, they have been replaced with government-owned buildings, monasteries, and Buddhist temples. As further evidence of the anti-Muslim sentiment entrenched in government policies, the SPDC has issued a court order in Arakan State which mandates that the killing of a Muslim be punished with a minimum 3-month sentence, while the if a Muslim hits a Buddhist, they will be sentenced to 3 years imprisonment. Additionally, by the end of 2001 there were reports that in the northern part of Arakan State the SPDC was systematically destroying mosques in some small villages. In one area, local government authorities had already destroyed at least 10 of a total of 40 mosques that had been marked for destruction. These mosques, which in most cases were little more than thatch huts, reportedly were constructed without proper authority by villagers who were unable to go to mosques in neighboring towns because of strict travel restrictions placed on Muslims. (Source: US State Dept)

On 20 December 2001, the junta’s Military Intelligence (MI) forced 20 engine boat-owners to each give 7,000 kyat to the MI in Arakan State of Burma, according to three traders who requested anonymity. Sergeant Kyaw Tee of Man Aung Myo MI Branch (10) called all the boat-owners at Kha O Maw jetty, Man Aung and demanded the money, the traders said. The boat owners were afraid that if they failed to comply with the demand, the MI would frame them for crimes they did not commit and extort more money. The Boat-owners were:

1. U Gna Pyu Gyi, Tan Hlwe village, Man aung,

2. U Sein Tha Aung, Tan Hlwe village, Man Aung,

3. U Kyaw Pyu, Tan Hlwe village, Man Aung,

4. U Aloon Shay, Nga Moon Daing village, Man Aung,

5. U Kyaw Zan Hla, Nga Moon Daing Village, Man Aung,

6. U San Hla Phaw, Nga Moon Daing Village, Man Aung,

In Sandwe township, Arakan State, police officers have been levying ‘under the table’ taxes on Muslim fishermen, even though the Muslim fishermen have permission from district authorities to fish in these areas and they already pay taxes. There are six villages in Sandwe township and the majority of villagers are Muslims who are professional fishermen. The six villages own over 300 fishing boats. The Shwe Li police station chief in that area collects 1,000 kyat from each fishing boat monthly, according to local traders. The six villages are;

(a). Lin The (about 150 houses),

(b). The Bru Chaung (about 300 houses)

(c). Pyin Hong (about 100 houses)

(d). Zee Kyun (about 400 houses)

(e). Ta Hlaing Te (about 100 houses) and

(f). Nat Maw (about 100 houses). (Source: MICB)

On 5 September 2001, SPDC authorities were checking IDs in Thin Gan Nyi Nong, Myawaddy township, Karen State, when they stopped 200 Muslims and destroyed their IDs. Some people were freed after they paid a bribe. Others were sent to Pa’an Town and put in prison. This is a common occurrence. (Source: ABMU)

On 2 December 2001, Immigration officers confiscated family registration cards from villagers in five Muslim villages in Arakan State. They then extorted 1,000 kyat for each of the cards, according to two villagers speaking on the condition of anonymity. The officers, led by Deputy Inspector U Kan Gaung of Rambre Myo, Kyauk Pyu township arrived in Kyauk Ni Maw Ywa Ma (main village), Kyauk Pyu township on an inspection tour and called a meeting, during which they confiscated the registration cards. Kyauk Ni Maw Ywa Ma main village are incorporates the smaller villages of: Kyauk Hta Yin Yat-Kwet, Ywa Tha Ya Yat-Kwet, Taung Baing Yat Kwet, Myauk Paing Yat Kwet and Allae Baaing (central) Yat Kwet. The 5 villages have about 1,500 families total. (Source: MICB)

On 13 December 2001, Tamwe township Immigration and Development department officers refused to give National Registration (ID) cards to Muslims when they distributed them to Burmese students, aged 18 and above, at Tamwe High School No. 5 (Rangoon Division), according to two Muslim students on the Thai-Burma border, speaking on conditions of anonymity. The two students said that during the ID distribution five Muslim students, including themselves, approached the officers and requested to be issued the cards. However, the officers said “ there is no order from higher authorities to give ID cards to the Muslims”. The 2 students said, “there is no future for the Muslim students in Burma.” So they left the school for good. According to the students, the Immigration and Development Department officers came to the school on October 10, 2001 and collected all necessary data from all students including Muslims. The authorities have refused to issue ID cards to the Muslims in Arakan State since the Ne Win-led socialist government took over, and to Muslims from other parts of Burma since 1997. (Source: MICB)

On 6 February 2001, the SPDC, Division-22, LIB-210 led by the battalion commander Myo Min Htun, base in Poung Yay Bu, Sat Kon entered Kan Galay village where they shot and ate 4 goats and burnt down 4 houses belonging to Muslim villagers, forcing the owners to relocate to Poung Yay Bu village. (Source: KORD)

On 20 May 2001, DKBA and SPDC soldiers entered a Muslim religious school with over 2,000 students on No. 3 Rd., Myine Tha Zin, Pa’an township and beat and hit the students. Many of the students were wounded and one of the teachers was seriously injured. The soldiers said that if they saw any of the students the next morning they would kill them. Some of the students were frightened and drowned in a nearby river as they were running away. While this was occurring other Muslims schools in Karen State were being threatened in a similar manner. (Source: MICB)

On 15 August 2001, junta security officials seized Kyats 82,000 from 6 Muslim passengers in Karen State, according to three victims who requested anonymity. The officers, some from Border Security Force led by Sayagyi Htey  Naung and

Military Intelligence (MI) officers from MI unit No.25 led by Lt. Win Min Tun and Sayagyi Mar Sein, stopped a passenger car at Kawkareik-Hlaing Wa gate and checked passengers’ National Registration (ID) cards, according to the victims. The 3 victims said that the 6 Muslim passengers showed their ID cards along with the other passengers, but the officers did not allow them to continue their journey. The officers then seized 82,000 Kyats from them and drove away, warning them not to report the incident.

1.      U Kasem (28 years old), Pa-an, Karen State.

2.      U Mohammad Ali (26 years old), Pa-an, Karen State

3.      U Chit Swe,(31 years old), Kyaikkaw, Mon State

4.      U Hla Min( 24 years old),Rangoon,

5.      U Hla Myint (30 years old), Thaton, Mon State,

6.      U Ismail (36 years old), Hlaing Bwe, Karen State. (Source: MICB)

On 15 September 2001, between 9:30 and 10:00, LIB 342, led by commander Ye Tun U, came to The Paw Late village in Tenasserim Division. They shot into the mosque and ordered people to come outside. There were 50 people who were traveling for religious reasons inside the mosque. The soldiers took 5 of them to their camp on the Thai-Burma border and what happened to them after that remains unknown. (Source: ABMU)

Forced conversion order drives Muslim refugees from Karen State

On 2 October 2001, it was reported that SPDC troops operating in Karen State have been ordering Muslims there to leave unless they convert to Buddhism or Hinduism. This round of forced conversions has caused an unusually large outflow of Muslim refugees to Thailand. Mae La, the largest Burmese refugee camp in Thailand is bearing the brunt of the exodus with nearly one new arrival in three being a Muslim. (Source: Burmanet)

On 15 October 2001, Irrawaddy magazine reported that last week Burma’s Ministry of Home Affairs ordered all police forces and intelligence units locate the source of anti-American pamphlets being circulated among the country’s Muslims. The ministry said that “serious action” should be taken against those caught distributing the pamphlets, which criticize the United States for its recent air strikes on Afghanistan. The pamphlets have been distributed widely within Burma’s Muslim community, first appearing early last week in cities in central Burma, including Magwe, Taungoo, and Pyinmana, before spreading to Rangoon a few days later. The pamphlets accuse the United States of unfairly blaming Muslims for the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on Sept 11. In line with sentiments felt in much of the Muslim world, the pamphlets state that the US has offered no evidence to prove that Osama bin Laden and the Taliban regime in Afghanistan were behind the attacks. The pamphlets also call on Burmese Muslims to join the global jihad, or holy war, against America. While some believe that the pamphlets have been published by an extremist Islamic group, MICB has speculated that some if not all of the pamphlets may actually have been printed by the government to justify crackdowns on Muslims throughout the country.

Signs of Muslim unrest have been reported throughout central Burma since the attacks on Afghanistan began last Monday. In Prome, about 300 km northwest of Rangoon, five people are believed to have been killed last week as a result of communal clashes between Muslims and non-Muslims, and many others were reportedly injured. Although the state-controlled media has not reported the recent violence, sources in Prome said that a 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. curfew has been imposed, and all phone links to the city have been cut. The unrest appears to have been brought under control, the sources added.

News reports on the events of Sept 11 have been strictly censored in Burma, as the government is reportedly concerned about the risk of renewed communal violence. Although the junta has repeatedly denied reports published in Jane’s Defense Weekly and the New York Times that there are terrorist cells linked to bin Laden operating in Burma, since September 11th they have placed mosques around the country under close scrutiny. (Source: Irrawaddy)

On 16 October 2001 DVB reported that SPDC authorities have been restricting Burmese Muslims from celebrating Prophet Mohamed’s birthday. The Burmese Muslims attempted to hold prayer services to commemorate Prophet Mohamed’s birthday at a Persian mosque in KengTung, Shan State on 12-14 October. However, government authorities, citing the recent Islamic terrorism in the US, attempted to restrict and prevent the ceremonies. Prior to the religious holiday, on the 8th of October, the Shan State Peace and Development Council summoned the mosque elders and ordered them to limit their ceremonies for the event. The authorities also prevented them from inviting guests such as Chinese Muslims from Mong La region and other Muslims from around the country, who had traditionally been present at these events. Similarly, in Amarapura, Col Hla Win, commander of Mandalay No. 7 Region, informed the responsible personnel from the respective regions to undertake security measures in order to prevent religious riots and disturbances. (Source: DVB)

On October 25 2001, it was reported that Buddhist monk leaders belonging to the DKBA warned villagers in Pa-an Township, Karen State, not to buy anything from Muslim shops. The monks allege that anyone buying from Muslim shops is an anti-national and a traitor. DKBA monks put up notices to this effect in shops and on trees across the town. (Source: Mizzima)

On 2 December 2001, junta authorities arrested six Muslims from Sandwe district, Arakan State, and now their whereabouts remain unknown, according to three traders who requested anonymity. The six Muslims were traveling, with other traders, to Rangoon by bus in order to search for work. The authorities stopped the bus at the Gwa Myo (town) entrance gate, accused them of being connected to Osma bin Laden and arrested them. The bus-gate was under the control of Light Infantry Battalion No.55. Gwa Myo is about 83 miles away from Sandwe. According to the traders, the six Muslims were from Zeegoon Kwet Thet (village) of Sandwe. They are:

(a). Ms. May Loon (25 years),

(b). Ko Win Naing (28 years),

(c). Ko Hla Htwe (27 years)

and three others (names unknown). (Source: MICB)

During April 2001, the SPDC has ordered local government officials of Maungdaw township, Arakan state to demolish a total of 70 mosques and religious schools. These religious buildings are located in the villages of kadirbil, Nalbannya, Bagguna, Nurullafara, Shairafara, Fatonza, Gazzandia, Kiladong, Godusara, Daunkhali, Charkumbaw, Lumbaguna, Kuinnafara, Hanssara, Saindapara, Shilkhali, Khongyabill and Hanchurata all in the southern area of Maungdaw township. Orders have been issued to the Chairman, of the Village Peace and Development Council of these villages that they must demolish the mosques and religious school without delay or face punishment. By the first week of July, a total of 13 mosques: Kadirbil -1, Bagguna -2, Nalbannya -1, Nurullafara -3, Shairafara -1, Kiladong -2, Daunkhali -1 and Gadusara -2 have already been completely demolished and a total of 17 religious primary schools Kadirbil -2, Bagguna -3, Nurullafara -6, Kiladong -1, Daunkhali -3, and Gadusara -2 have been destroyed. (Source: Arakan News Agency)

Since 10 April 2000, Muslims in block No.114 of Dagon township in Rangoon Division have been prohibited from praying in their mosque by the members of the USDA. The USDA members have also been instigating anti-Muslim demonstrations, forcing many Muslim residents to leave. (Source: MICB)

On 14 May 2001, pro-junta anti-Muslim elements destroyed 7 mosques in Kyauk Pyu district, Arakan State. Two Buddhist merchants who witnessed the incident said that a mob of about 500 people, some of them disguised as Buddhist monks, marched in four groups shouting anti-Muslim slogans, towards the four mosques in Kyauk Pyu Myo town and destroyed them. The witnesses said that most of the law-breakers were members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) along with some young soldiers from LIB No.34. The four mosques destroyed were Nga La Pwe mosque, Jetty mosque, Than Ban Chaung mosque and Kanna Lann mosque in Kyauk Pyu Myo.

On the same day, about 300 members of the USDA, led by local Military Intelligence personnel destroyed two mosques in Rambre (Island) Myo and another mosque in Ting Byin village, Rambre township, according two Muslims from Rambre Myo, who also requested anonymity. Rambre Myo is in Kyauk Pyu district, Arakan State. Ting Byin village is about 5 miles away from Rambre Myo. (Source: MICB)

On 18 July 2001, SPDC gave an order to destroy the mosques in Sen Goo village and other villages nearby in Hlaing Bwe Township, Karen State. They also ordered the villages to move to a place 20 miles away. Many Muslim schools are located in those villages and every year there is an increasing number of students. The villages asked permission from SPDC to expand the schools, but they were ordered to move instead. In addition, every family in the villages has to pay 1500 to 2000 kyat each month to DKBA in porter fees and guard their mosques day and night because of fear of DKBA. (Source: MICB)

On 5 December 2001, SPDC township administrative officers ordered Muslims to stop building their mosques in Sagaing Division, according to two traders speaking on condition of anonymity. The Kan Tha Gong village Muslim elders had obtained prior permission from Shwe Bo township officers to reconstruct their old mosques, however, when they began construction Shwe Bo township SPDC chairman, U Khin Aung ordered the Muslim villagers to stop. Currently, the old buildings have been destroyed and the Muslim villagers are unable to build new ones.
(Source: MICB)

On 12 December 2001, SPDC township authorities prohibited repairs to a mosque in Sagaing Division, according to some traders who requested anonymity. The wooden mosque in Ywa Thit Gong village, in Kant Balu township was more than 70 years old and during rainy season it was damaged by water and was in urgent need of repair. Four walls of the mosque were also damaged and needed urgent repairs. In early December 2001, the villagers started to repair the mosque. However, the authorities ordered them to stop. Ywa Thit gong village has about 300 houses. (Source: MICB)

On 20 November 2001, SPDC’s Home Ministry issued an order to its respective departments not to issue new traveling documents (passports) to Muslims in Burma, according to two retired Burmese officers, speaking on conditions of anonymity on the Thai-Burma border. However, the officers said that the junta would allow a token 200 Muslims to perform Haj in 2002, in order to avoid criticism from human rights groups and the international community. (Source: MICB)

On 10 December 2001, a group of 7 Muslims from mainland Burma were traveling by a car along the Prome (Pyi)-Taunggup highway, when they were stopped by the authorities at Oo Shet Pin Check-point, under the control of Light Infantry Battalion 92, in Prome District, opposite Rakhine Yoma (mountain). The authorities searched all their belongings and later forced them to return to their homes. It has been reported that Arakan state military commander, Major General Aung Htwe, has issued an order not to let Muslims cross between Mainland Burma and Arakan State.
(Source: MICB)

On 15 December 2001, SPDC authorities in Chin division sentenced 5 Muslims to 5 year prison sentences, according to two traders speaking on condition of anonymity. The Ta Mu township SPDC chairman Capt. Khin Maung Myint personally ordered the arrest and imprisonment of the Muslims because they crossed into a ‘not permitted area’. The 5 Muslims, who are now in Mon Ywa prison, are originally from Arakan State where the junta restricts free movement of all Muslims even in areas where they are in the majority. Muslims in Arakan state are not permitted to travel to other parts of Burma. (Source: MICB)

On February 4 2001, anti-Muslim riots broke out in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State. The Muslim League of Burma (MLOB) reported that the riots started at approximately 8 pm, when SPDC agents, angered after witnessing Muslim youths allegedly harassing some Buddhist girls, disguised themselves as Buddhist monks, and together with USDA member and set fire to dozens of houses, one teashop and Gon Guest House in Maw Leik quarter. The group then destroyed another 40 houses about 150 meters away from the main police station of Sittwe. During the night, 8 Muslims were killed, with one of the victims reportedly killed by an SPDC soldier. The following day, the SPDC agents attempted to set fire to Ambler Ywa, Nazi Ywa and Bu Me Ywa villages, where sword and stick-fighting were taking place between Buddhists and Muslims. During the fighting in these villages 15 Muslims and 2 Buddhists were killed, and many hundreds of houses were burnt down. On 6 February, the SPDC agents destroyed the mosque in Mee Zan quarter about half a kilometer away from the main police station of Sittwe. (Source: MLOB)

There are credible reports that government security and fire-fighting forces did little to prevent attacks on Muslim mosques, businesses, and residences. Furthermore consistent reports indicate that a number of the monks leading the attacks against Muslims were in fact military or USDA member, dressed as monks. 4 days after the riots began, security forces acted to end the rioting and prevent further violence. It has been estimated that over 50 Muslim homes burned to the ground and that both Muslims and Buddhists were killed and injured. (Source: US State Dept) The Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) said in a statement that: “At least 450 Rohingyas were killed and more than 1,500 were seriously injured when the Rakaines posing as monks attacked six villages near Sittwe on February 4.’’ An SPDC spokesman said that a curfew had been enacted in Sittwe because of disturbances between Muslims and Buddhists after “a quarrel,” but that the situation had returned to normal. (Source: Reuters)

RSO reported that following the riots several hundred people remained missing, most of whom were students at Akyab Degree College staying in dormitories in the centre of the city where the riot started. A total of six Muslim quarters: Molvipara, Amlapara, Rohingyapara, Kawshypara, Nazirpara, and Sakkibazarpara have been burnt to ashes, and RSO estimates that over 2000 houses, shops, hotels and other businesses were destroyed. Six mosques were also completely burnt down.

On 16 February 2001 RSO reported that anti- Muslim riots had spread from Sittwe to all parts of Arakan State. The continuing violence took a heavy toll of lives, destruction of properties and sacrilege of places of religious worship in the towns of Rathidaung, Mrohaung, Kyawktaw, Minbya, Ponnagyun and Myebon in north Arakan and Kyawkpyu, Man Aung (Chedube) Sandaway in Southern Arakan. There is little information available about the destruction and loss of life caused by rioting in these areas. However, there are reports that at least 15 people have been killed and more than 30 houses have been burnt down in Rathidaung township.
(Source: RSO)

Following the riots, the SPDC has further restricted, already limited travel for Muslims in the area, essentially preventing them from traveling between Sittwe and other towns in the region. An unconfirmed report states that in late March or early April 2001, seven Arakanese politicians were sentenced to 7- to 12-year prison terms for inciting the riots. (Source: US State Dept)

On 15 May 2001, anti-Muslim demonstrations which soon turned to riots broke out in Toungoo Township, Pegu Division. It is estimated that there are 2,000 Muslims living in Toungoo, out of a total population of 90,000. During the rioting, which is believed to have been instigated by SPDC authorities, an estimated 200 Muslims were killed, and 11 mosques and 400 houses were burned down. The Muslim victims were killed in mosques while worshipping, in their houses and were pulled from buses and trains and beaten to death. Several Muslims were tied up and then burned alive as rioters set fire to their homes and mosques.

Credible eyewitnesses have reported that MIS members, USDA members and fake Buddhist monks were among the demonstrators, and that one of the leaders of the demonstrations was Captain Khin Maung Yin from No. 3 MIS, based in Toungoo. Following the riots, the government prohibited Muslims from entering the remains of their Mosques and houses which had been burned, by placing armed soldiers and notices in those areas reading “Restricted Area - Do Not Enter”. (Source: MICB) There are reports that local government authorities warned Muslim elders before the attacks not to retaliate in order to avoid escalating violent reprisals. (Source: US State Department)

Han Tha Mosque: According to one victim who managed to escape, rioters entered Han Tha Mosque, built in 1780 by Dabin Shwe Htee, a famous Burmese Monarch, and killed 20 muslim worshippers. Among the worshippers were two Imans (religious leaders). The rioters first burned all of the Korans in sight and then murdered the worshippers. Some had their throats cut and others were beaten to death. The dead bodies were then placed in a military truck and taken away.

24 Muslims burned to death in their homes: Relatives of the victims reported that fifteen Muslims living on Kone The Gyi Street, Haji Soe Myint, 70 and six of his family members and Haji Yong Sein, 60, and 7 family members were tied up and left inside their homes which were then burned down. Five muslims, including a pregnant woman, were tied up in Moe Lin Restaurant, located on the Rangoon/Mandalay Highway Road and left inside while it was burned down. The body of the pregnant woman was taken to the hospital to see if the fetus could be saved; it was found that she was pregnant with twins but they were already dead by the time her body arrived at the hospital. Her family requested that the body be returned to them for burial but the authorities refused. In addition, Tin Maung and 3 of his family members were tied inside their house before it was burned down.

May 16, Toungoo City:

31 Muslims killed in their homes: A Bhuddist merchant reported that a religious leader, Khalid and six of his family members, Are Bin and five of his family members, Kyaw Kyaw and six of his family members, Maung Tin Hla and four of his family members and Anwar and five of his family members were killed by having their throats cut and beaten to death. Before they were killed, all the valuables were looted from their houses. Later their homes were set on fire.

Muslims killed and 8 mosques set on fire: According to an eyewitness, 21 Muslims were killed by having their throats cut. One victim was Ahmed, age 45, owner of a mini-market located on Bohmu Pho Kont Road. In addition, 8 mosques were set on fire. They were: Toungoo Mosque; Nut Mosque; Han Tha Mosque; Wai Zin Mosque; Kan Daw Mosque; Kha Kha Mosque; Pan Thay Mosque; Ya Htar Bu Dar Mosque.

According to an eyewitness, Sein Hlaing, a businessman with military ties and owner of Shwe Hninn Zi Cheroot Company, donated money for food and transportation for the rioters.

Bus passengers killed: During the demonstrations, 35 muslim passengers were pulled from various buses by demonstrators led by Captain Khin Maung Yin from MIS No. 3. Seven passengers were killed and the rest managed to escape and found refuge with a Buddhist merchant.

Muslims, including small children, killed in surrounding townships: On May 17 the anti-muslim demonstrations spread into the countryside. A total of 47 muslims were killed in Oat Twin, Tha Gaya, Phyu, Yay Tha Shay, Swa, Kyauk Tagar. Among the 47 victims were children between 3 and 5 years old. Some pregnant women were also killed. Eighty-five houses owned by muslims were burned down.

Toungoo City: On May 17, SPDC Secretary, Win Myint and the Minister of Home Affairs visited Toungoo. On that day, a curfew was ordered and has been in place until the time of this report (July 12). For that reason transportation and communication has been very difficult in this area.

On May 18, Han Tha Mosque was completely destroyed by bulldozers.

A passenger train from Mandalay to Rangoon stopped for a moment at a small station, Lay Daung Kan, located 40 miles from Rangoon. Four fake Buddhist monks and about 15 armed men wearing uniforms entered the train cars and pulled out 18 Muslim passengers. 4 were beaten to death and 14 escaped.

May 25:

Thirteen muslims who had escaped from the Toungoo riots were arrested by soldiers from LIB 35, 20 miles from Toungoo and 30 miles from Than Duang Township. They were later killed. (Source: MICB)

In Mone Township, Pegu Division and Kyauk Kyi Township, Pegu Division, Muslims were arrested and killed by orders from Colonel Htain Linn. On the 20th of July, 3 Muslims were arrested. Tin Sein, 36, father’s name Tun Hlaing, Than Win, 40, fathers name Kha Sin, Salin, 35, father U Phyu were arrested and since then their wherabouts remain unknown. They were arrested MIS agents, led by Captain Myint Lwin. (Source: MICB)

It was reported on July 25, 2001 that 5 Muslims, including Nyunt Maung, 46, father’s name Kyuu Hlaing, Khin Oo, 42, father Sein Maung, were arrested by MIS and USDA members. The leader of USDA was Soe Win. All were killed. Meanwhile, all muslims in the area continue to live in fear of being arrested and killed by MIS, USDA or fake Buddhist monks. This information was reported by Tun Oo, age 27, who was beaten and then escaped to the Thai/Burma border. (Source: MICB)

DVB reported that on 9 October 2001 from 3pm to 5 pm fighting occurred between Muslims and Buddhists at the central mosque on Aungchantha Road in Lanmadaw Ward, Prome. Fighting continued until the Lone Htein riot police arrived and managed to disperse the crowd. Information about the riots has been largely based on eyewitness accounts and so varies widely. A DVB source stated that 8 Buddhists and 2 Muslims were injured in the clashes, while a staff member in Prome Hospital reported to Mizzima that “nearly 50 Muslim shops were destroyed. One person was killed and over 100 people were wounded in Prome alone.” Reportedly the fights were instigated by an incident in which Ma Khin Ni, a 19-year-old Buddhist woman, from Lanmadaw Street eloped with Abdullah Ahmed, a 28 year old Muslim, from the same street who later allegedly forced her to become a Muslim. When Ma Khin Ni’s parents discovered that she had become a Muslim and planned to get married they approached the mullahs at central mosque and requested that they not carry out the marriage ceremony. The mullahs refused this request and fighting broke out after a heated argument. The next morning, Ma Khin Ni’s parents and other members of her family entered Abdullah Ahmed’s house and forcibly took Ma Khin Ni away. Fighting again broke out and this time her relatives also destroyed Abdullah Ahmed’s house. When Muslim neighbors attempted to attack those that were destroying the house, the situation escalated out of control. At this point, Lone Htein riot police and the Fire Service Department personnel arrived at the scene and used tear gas and a water cannon to disperse the crowd. Simultaneously, Muslim-Buddhist riots broke out in the Prome central market and the Lone Htein riot police had to disperse the crowd. In the riots one Buddhist was killed and over 40 Buddhists and 65 Muslims were injured. The injured were all taken to the hospital for treatment.

On 10 October the Prome District authorities issued a curfew in the city, under the Section-144 law. According to Section-144 anyone seen on the road between 6pm and 6am can be shot. The curfew also states that any form of gathering in town is prohibited, as are all protests, and carrying of weapons, or potential weapons, such as knives, spears, and sticks. People who violate this law may be shot. At the time of this report (12 October) the curfew had not been revoked and 30-member strong platoons were patrolling the town. Furthermore, heavily armed policemen are stationed at schools, markets, bus terminals, and railway stations. (Source: DVB)

On October, 12, the riots spread to Pakokku, where some young men disguised as Buddhist monks, began beating Muslims and destroying their houses. About 15 houses were destroyed and dozens of Muslims were injured. According to witnesses, the incidents took place when Muslims were on their way to the mosque for Friday Juma prayers.

On October, 19, similar anti-Muslim riots occurred in Pegu, when some Buddhist monks tried to purchase medicines from a Muslim shop. The monks began to quarrel with the shop owner and many other people joined them, with the violence escalating as the shop owner was assaulted and a mob tried to loot and smash all the medicines in the shop. (Source: MICB)

As religious violence spread from Prome, the authorities also imposed curfews in five townships in Pegu Division, and police and soldiers were stationed near the mosques in Toungoo Township. In addition, and ostensibly to prevent further violence, the SPDC imposed further travel restrictions on Muslims, forbid Muslims from attending prayers in mosques and monitored the activities of Muslim leaders. One Rangoon resident reported that “In Tha Kay Ta Quarter in Rangoon, people have not been allowed to pray in mosques since June.” It has also been reported that those Muslims in Rangoon, Moulmein, Pegu, Pa-an (Karen State) and Bu Thi Taung, Maung Daw, Kyauk Phyu (townships in Arakan State), who continue to worship in mosques are under close scrutiny by MI agents.(Source: Mizzima)

While rumors of the rioting circulated throughout the country, the SPDC publicly confirmed that riots had occurred in Prome only after foreign news agencies had reported on the incident. On 19 October, Hla Min, a government spokesperson, confirmed only that there had been religious clashes in Prome, without providing further details. Rangoon residents have reported that at this time there still was no news about the riots in the state-run media. (Source: Mizzima)

When DVB contacted monasteries in Thayet and Toungoo, which are near Prome, one monk gave the following commentary on the situation on 12 October 2001

[Unidentified monk] We were going on our regular alms collecting round. We did not know exactly what happened but heard that the riots broke out and some were hurt. The police, monks, people, and some Muslims were injured. There were no casualties, only some injuries.

Another monk said the situation has almost returned to normal.

[Unidentified monk 2] We also heard that. Nothing more.

[Htet Aung Kyaw] I believe the phone lines were cut in Prome.

[Unidentified monk 2] Yes. We could not call from here. All the lines were cut.

[Htet Aung Kyaw] Reverend, could you please explain to us what happened?

[Unidentified monk2] We did not get clear news report either. We heard that there were some problems. These things are never quite certain and not easy to confirm.

[Htet Aung Kyaw] Did the riots break out?

[Unidentified monk2] Yes, it did happen. We know that it happened for two nights and were later controlled.

[Htet Aung Kyaw] Were there any casualties?

[Unidentified monk2] Well, we heard that some shops and houses were destroyed. We did not hear of any casualty. (Source: DVB)

Burma declares 45-day state of emergency period for fear of mass unrest

The Ministry of Home Affairs has issued a directive declaring a state of emergency for 45 days from 15 October to 30 November. The emergency period has been declared because the government fears that the current religious riots might escalate into widespread public unrest. During this time, respective township authorities have been convening emergency security meetings in accord with the directive on riot control and security issues. The central government has mandated that the security groups formed should include township level officials and that they should monitor the movement of people in the township, keep close watch on suspected persons and monks, and report any unusual activity immediately to the security authorities. These officials have also been told that the township riot control company, and reserved forces such as the Union Solidarity and Development Association members and the Fire Services Department personnel should be kept on the alert. Moreover, there are orders that security checks should be carried out at the tollgates of the entrance and exit of any city and that SPDC military intelligence members should carry out surprise checks at night at guesthouses, motels, inns, and hotels.
(Source: DVB)

On 23 October 2001, it was reported that Buddhist monks and Muslims had rioted the previous Saturday night in Hinthada Township, Irrawaddy division. The riot began in a Muslim-owned tea-shop from a quarrel between the proprietor and some monks. Earlier that evening the authorities had declared an urgent curfew.

“Hinthada is half-Muslim, so the riot spread quickly through the entire town,” a truck driver reported. “The riot was not only fighting between Muslims and Buddhist monks, but rioters were also setting fire to houses,”

When the Irrawaddy contacted regional police from Hinthada, an officer denied any report of the riot. News groups inside the country have also failed to report on the riots. A spokesman for a weekly journal said that they had heard about the riot but had not been given permission to cover it in their publication. This incident marks the fourth anti-Muslim riot in Burma this month (Source: Irrawaddy)

On 27 October 2001 almost one hundred people were killed in a riot between Muslims and members of Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) in Pha-auk village in Mon State. About 150 members from USDA were attempting to destroy a mosque in Pha-auk village, about four miles from Moulmein, where one hundred Muslims were worshiping on the evening of October 27. A clash broke out between the Muslims in the mosque and the USDA members around 7 pm and about 60 Muslims and 35 USDA members were killed.

Similar religious riots occurred in Pyi and Pegu early this month and about 40 shops, including Tawthargyi store, on the main road in Pyi were destroyed during these riots. About 34 prisoners arrested during the May riots in Taungoo and those in Pyi and Pegu in early October, will be sent to Khamti prison, in a remote area of Upper Burma near the Indo-Burma border. These prisoners include 24 from Mandalay prison and 10 from Pegu prison, a source reported to NMG. “Although there are reports about the arrests, we have not yet known how many Muslims and Buddhists were among these arrested people,” said U Kyaw Hla, chairman of Muslim Liberation Organization Burma (MLOB). (Source: Network Media Group)

Throughout 2001, the SPDC continued both to show preference for Theravada Buddhism, the majority religion, and to control the organization and restrict the activities and expression of its clergy (“sangha”). The SPDC prohibits any organizations of Buddhist clergy other than nine state-recognized monastic orders, which submit to the authority of a state-sponsored State Clergy Coordination Committee (“Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee”-SMNC) elected indirectly by monks. The SPDC provides guidance and enforcement for the committee at the national level and for its subordinate bodies at local levels. The SPDC continued to fund two State Sangha Universities in Rangoon and Mandalay to train Buddhist clergy under the control of the SMNC. The State’s relations with the Buddhist clergy and Buddhist schools are handled chiefly by the Department for the Perpetuation and Propagation of the Sasana (DPPS-”Sasana” means Buddhist doctrine) in the Ministry of Religious Affairs.

In October 1990, the military junta promulgated Order 6/90, which bans any organization of Buddhist clergy other than the nine orders constituting the SMNC; Order 7/90, which authorizes military commanders to try Buddhist clergy before military tribunals for “activities inconsistent with and detrimental to Buddhism;” and Decree 20/90, “Law Concerning Sangha Organizations,” which imposes on Buddhist clergy a code of conduct enforced by criminal penalties. These edicts remain in effect.

The Government monitors the activities of members of all religions, including Buddhism, in part because clergy and congregation members in the past have become active politically. During the 1990’s over 100 monks were imprisoned for their activities supporting the democracy and human rights movement. To date, over half of these monks have been released; while others have died in prison. In 1995 the military Government prohibited the ordination as clergy of any member of a political party. In addition, the regime has also has subjected the Buddhist clergy (“sangha”) to special restrictions on freedom of expression and association. All of these measures remained in effect throughout 2001.

In 1999 the senior abbots of five monasteries near Mandalay protested a new order by the regional military edict that prohibited Buddhist monks from leaving their township of residence without first handing over their identity cards and obtaining written permission from local authorities. This restriction on movement of Buddhist clergy was more severe than was generally the case for people in the area.
(Source: US State Dept)

9 April 2001 Thai monks of Shan descendents who recently returned form Monghsat District, opposite Chiangmai and Chiangrai provinces, reported that Buddha images of Thai styles have been ordered to be kept out for public view by the Burmese authorities since last month. The monks said all the Buddha statues, big or small, old or new alike, residing in all the temples had to be put away. “What upset the local people the most was the removal of the 5 cubit (7 feet) tall Sitting Buddha from Mae-sawn Temple within Monghsat’s city limits itself,” said a monk. “It is now dwelling at the abbot’s abode.” “This single act symbolizes the hatred the Burmese feel against the Thais,” said another monk. “The lord Buddha had always counselled against hatred, but it seems many of us so-called Buddhists are only Buddhists outwardly.” (Source: SHAN)

Old Shan monastery Burned, Suspected Arsonists remain Unpunished

On 5th May 2001, a 60-year old Shan monastery at Nong Pha, Shan State, was set on fire and destroyed. Ancient artifacts, Buddha images of bronze and wood, and hundreds of sacred scripts were lost in the fire. Following the blaze, villagers captured 2 ethnic Burmans they suspected of setting the fire, and sent them to TangYan court to stand trial. Nong Pha is a village situated approximately 12 miles, north-east of Tang Yan on the way to the Salween river crossing. The village is controlled by a pro-Burmese militia group as well as by Burmese troops camping in the village Prior to the incident, 3 Burman peddlers had come to beg permission from the abbot to lodge at the monastery’s kitchen. For some time they had come to the monastery frequently, sleeping in the kitchen by night, wandering and selling their goods by day. It is widely known that the Burmese military intelligence are sending their men to observe cease-fire groups, and these peddlers are therefore suspected of being MIS. Even more suspicious was the fact that before the fire there were 3 peddlers, but after the incident there were only two. These two peddlers claimed that their companion had gone to TangYan to buy merchandise. When they were asked to show their ID cards, they said their companion had taken them away with him to town. The village headman then arrested them and brought them to TangYan, where they were handed over to the township authorities for interrogation and trial. Two months have passed, but the authorities have yet to take action against the suspected arsonists. Local Shan people would be severely punished merely for traveling without papers, and there is speculation that the peddlers have bribed the authorities, or are receiving lenient treatment because they are Burman. Ironically, the burning coincided with the “Fire fighter’s day” recognized by the Burmese military dictators. (Source: SSA)

On 15 July 2001, U Nandiya, one of the abbots of Sin Kuu, Mae Long Gyi and Noh Hta Paung villages was poisoned and passed out for two days. Shortly before this, U Nandiya and other abbots had called on the local authorities not to destroy or close the local mosques. DKBA troops, led by Capatin Phar Nwee and the NIB (28) control these villages, and they have threatened to punish the monks for disobeying them.(Source: MICB)

Lieutenant Colonel Biak To, a B.A graduate from Mandalay University, enlisted as a private in the Burmese Army on 17 November 1973 after he found out that his movements as a leader of the Haka University Students Association were being closely monitored by the Military Intelligence Service (MIS). After completing different levels of military training with a number of postings in different parts of Burma including one in the Light Infantry Battalion (101) under Divisional Command 77 stationed in a Wa area, he became a Captain in 1984. In 1990, he shifted from the Army to Police service on a rank-to-rank basis, becoming a police inspector. Being an educated man with adequate service experience, he was promoted to Major in 1994, and by 1998, he became a Lieutenant Colonel in the 1st Police Regiment. In 2000, for reasons that were never made clear to him, Lt. Colonel Biak To had his position stripped from him. Much to his surprise, he was fired with a fine of Kyats 15,900, which he had to pay without knowing why. In the following interview with CHRO, Lt. Colonel Biak To reveals how he was discriminated against and unfairly treated by his superiors in the army and police force because of his religious and ethnic identity.

CHRO: How was your life during your service in the Burmese Army and Police? Lt. Col. BT: My father was Rev. Lal Hnin. He was one of the first Chin converts to Christianity. So, I grew up in a good Christian family. I finished Haka State High School and graduated from Mandalay University in 1972. I was a weight lifter and healthy young man. I wanted to become an army officer. Therefore, after my graduation from university, I applied for Military Officer Training School. However, because I am Chin, my application was not considered. So, I joined the army as a private on November 17,1973. I tried very hard to please my superiors in performing my duties. I was promoted to Lance corporal in February l976 and corporal in October of the same year in 1976. Because of my work performance, I was allowed to join Officer Training School in 1979 in service. Then I became second Lieutenant in April 1980. That means it took me almost 8 years to reach this level while other Burmese Buddhist graduates could attain this rank just one year after their graduation from a university.

The vast majority of the ranking officers in the Burmese Army are Burman Budhists. As a result, I was always discriminated against by the dominant Buddhists for being an ethnic Chin Christian. For example, the non-Burman soldiers were selectively assigned to the front line to fight against the Karen rebels, saying that we were brave and loyal. The ethnic soldiers were, in fact, respected as the most brave and hardy fighters in the Burmese Army. As ethnic minority soldiers, we enjoyed virtually no rest time and were never given permission or leave to visit our relatives. The most frustrating thing was when we returned from a successful operation or captured enemy positions, the Burman soldiers who remained in the camps all the while and did not participate in the actual combat got promoted, while we, the actual fighters were neglected for promotions. A Burman officer with less educational background and service experience would become a Colonel while I remained a Captain. Our superiors would always encourage us to become Buddhists so as to be considered for promotions, but we always chose not to be promoted rather than abandon our faith. An ethnic soldier would not be promoted to a position higher than Major regardless of his service years and how many times he had been transferred.

There is no difference in the Police either. We were repeatedly told to convert to Buddhism if we really aspired for promotions. This also tended to be a mere deception. A close friend of mine, Thein Lwin, an ethnic Shan Christian converted to Buddhism but was never promoted. He just ended up being cheated of his faith.

On July 10, 2000, I gave a speech to the police parade mentioning that I was a Chin Christian and the son of a pastor, and saying that from childhood I never wanted to tell lies, steal or misbehave and that I wanted everyone to do likewise. Four days later, on July 14, I received an order saying that I have been dismissed from the police.

CHRO: Do you know the reason why you were laid off?

Lt.Co. BT: I still have no idea on what exact account I was dismissed. The order came all of a sudden without any formal procedures. Under normal circumstances either a preliminary inquiry or departmental inquiry should have been conducted before a government service member could be tried for any misconduct or violations of rules. Nothing like this happened in my case. At the time of my dismissal, I was the only person holding a B.A degree among officers of my rank in the entire nine Police Regiments in Burma. In fact, I should have been the first one to be considered for promotions. Obviously, the authorities did not want to see a Chin Christian holding a high position, so they made a pre-emptive move to dismiss me without any apparent charges. This did not end with my dismissal. In an attempt to prevent me from leaving the country, the authorities disqualified me from being eligible for a passport for seven years. However, I was able to obtain a passport under a fake name and secretly managed to sneak out of the country. I have a wife and three children remaining in Burma. I am constantly worried about them because if the authorities found out about my absence, they would be subject to harassment and persecution. (Source: CHRO, January/February 2001)

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