BURMA NEWS INTERNATIONAL

 

Date: January 3, 2005

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(1) Students Hunted For Anniversary Statements In Sittwe

(2) India-Burma Relationship in Year 2004

(3) A small volcano erupts in Arakan

(4) Arakan National Council holds ceremony commemorating the fall of Arakan

(5) TWO REFUGEE GIRLS RAPED IN BANGLADESH

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Opinion & Analysis

 

(A) "LONG MARCH" TO DEMOCRACY, NOT A TRANSITION

 

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Students Hunted For Anniversary Statements In Sittwe

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Mizzima News

January 3, 2004

 

Authorities have been investigating students suspected of

spreadingpamphlets in Sittwe by searching every family with members who

are university students since yesterday morning, according to a leader

of a Bangladesh-based youth organization.

 

Kyaw Han, president of the All Arakan Students and Youth Congress

(AASYC), said  the statements about the fall of Arakan were distributed

by an unknown group on the 20th anniversary, he was informed by sources

from Sittwe, capital of Arakan State.

 

University students, including former activists. were searched.

 

"The statements mention the fall of Arakan and call for struggle against

the dictatorship," Kyaw Han said.  "We don't know which organization

spread the statements, but they (authorities) want to disturb the

students because only students were searched. Arakanese have the right

to express their opinions. They have the right to distribute their

national statement. I can't understand why the military junta tries to

arrest them while saying they are marching toward democracy," he added.

 

No one has been arrested yet.

 

Arakanese believe their land was independent for more than 5,000 years.

It was invaded by Burman king Bodaw Maung Wine in 1784 and became a

Burmese colony.

 

Mizzima still cannot get independent confirmation of the case.

 

Some MIs forced to retire in Arakan

 

Some Burma Military Intelligence (MI) personnel based in Sittwe have

been forced to retire, some detained and others permitted to join their

respective former battalions.

 

Sixty-five MI personnel, ranking from private to surgeon, were forced to

retire with salary allowances for 15 years, and six were being

investigated for alleged corruption in a case regarding money donated by

devotees to Maha Myat Muni pagoda. The rest of the 120 members were

permitted in their respective battalions.

 

The palace belongs to the former headquarters of MI 10 in Sittwe that

was replaced by the No. 22 light infantry.

 

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India-Burma Relationship in Year 2004

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Surajit Khaund, Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)

January 3, 2005

 

It was an eventful year for India and Burma.

 

Both countries had come closer to further cementing their relations.  In

 the field of trade both countries agreed to increase the volume of

trade up to US$1 billion by 2006.  The new Congress-led Indian

government appeared more pro-active towards Burma as it initiated many

steps including extending a $7 million credit line to the crisis-hit

Burma. Though India had not been able

to get the Burmese market through the land routes, it opened a new trade

point (Rih) across the border.

 

The year also marked the visit of State Peace and Development Council

(SPDC)Chairman Than Shwe along with senior ministers of the Junta. Than

Shawe had a series of meetings with the heads of Indian companies and

sought their investment in the country. The year 2004 will probably be

remembered by Burma and other ASEAN countries for the famous India-ASEAN

car rally.

 

The rally, organized to strengthen relations among ASEAN countries,

received a positive response from the people. Late in the year, to gear

up more trade, the Indian Commerce Ministry relaxed norms on currency,

allowing Indian traders to accept all currency during export and import

with Burma.

 

After the U.S. economic sanctions the Junta had to use euros. This move

was widely appreciated by the trade bodies.

 

On the other hand, in the field of drug trafficking, which had been

creating a serious problem over the years between the countries, both

India and Burma had vowed to fight more vigorously by involving

enforcement agencies.

 

The two countries had signed an accord deciding to fight jointly. India

had also provided new equipment to Burma to take action against the drug

menace. Similarly, for tackling the insurgency problem,SPDC Chairman

Than Shwe assured full cooperation with the Indian government to root

out militants taking shelter in bordering areas of the country. His

assurance brought a sigh of relief to the Indian Home Ministry, which

has been fighting insurgency for the last several

decades.

 

Though several Indian opposition parties had been mounting pressure on

the Congress-I to take pro-democracy steps, the present Indian

government did not pay any attention, rather it seemed busy appeasing

the Junta, which evoked sharp repurcussions among opposition parties.

India wanted to satisfy the Junta for two reasons; the growing Chinese

influence and the insurgency problem. To overcome these problem, the

Indian Government ignored the pro-democracy

movement.

 

By and large, the complete year was smooth for both India and Burma.

 

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A small volcano erupts in Arakan

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Narinjara News

Akyab, January 2

 

 

A small volcano erupted in Arakan State just before the Andaman Sea

earthquake on 26 December, said an official living near the incident.

 

The volcano is situated in the island of Chaduba, known as Manaung

Island,which is near the central Arakan coast.

 

The eruption of the volcano lasted only 2 minutes and the eructation

went as far as 1900 feet.

 

Because of the eructation, 3 islands that were emerged in the sea are

now up 5 feet on the ocean water level.

 

One local person told Narinjara last 3 days ago that the sizes of the

new islands are large and there were not previously any islands near

Manaung Island.

 

Government officials are currently inspecting the area of the volcano

eruption and the central government seeks further information regarding

the situation, said a local official.

 

A similar event happened in the sea 10 miles north of Rambree Island

where a large ball of fire emerged from the sea, which was immediately

followed by the heavy waves that broke out in the sea.

 

At least 12 people dead in Arakan state including 5 people from

Sandoway, or Thandwe, a town in the southern district of Arakan, due to

the heavy tidal waves. One victim was identified as Ko Ray Win (52) from

the Sin Kaung village, under Sandoway.

 

There were few extinct volcanoes in Manaung Island and it was the first

time of small volcano eruption in Arakan's recent history.

 

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Arakan National Council holds ceremony commemorating the fall of Arakan

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Narinjara News

Dhaka: January 2 

 

The 220th Anniversary of the fall of Arakan was commemorated by the

Arakan National Council (ANC) in Dhaka, Bangladesh on the 31st of December.

 

Eighty, exiled Arakanese from Bangladesh attended the ceremony.  Theses

attendees included monks, students and youths, representatives of women

and labour organisations.

 

The current president of the ANC, the ANC’s secretary and Reverend U

Sandaw Batha chaired the ceremony.  Representatives of Arakanese

organizations delivered speeches.

 

The ANC also issued a statement, stressing the need for a federation of

the independent peoples of Burma.  The statement underlines that Arakan

was an independent country for more than 5,000 years. It was only in

1784 that the King Bodaw Maung Wine invaded Arakan. Since this illegal

invasion,

Arakan became a Burmese colony.  After 42 years of Burmese colonial

rule, Arakan became part of the British Empire at the end of the first

Anglo- Burmese war in 1826.

 

The Arakanese cooperated with people from other ethnic groups including

Burman to gain independence from the British in 1948. However, the rise

of the Burma ultra-nationalism and the military dictatorship saw the end

of the chance for the genuine federalism and the Arakanese became a

colonised people again by the Burman fundamentalist-nationalists.

 

In the statement, the ANC aimed to achieve (1) unity of the Arakanese

people, (2) rid Arakan of the dictatorship from Burma, and (3) equality

and self-determination for every ethnic nationality.

 

According to the statement issued by the Arakan League for Democracy

(ALD), it demands for a genuine national solidarity between different

ethnic groups and a federal union where equality and self-determination

are part of everyday life.

 

The Bangladesh Branch of the All Burma Student League (ABSL) also sent a

letter stressing the need to learn from the historical wrongs to

establish a genuine and peaceful democratic country in future Burma.

 

The ceremony was concluded at 2 pm.

 

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Two Refugee Girls Raped In Bangladesh

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KALADAN NEWS Date: January 1, 2005

 

Two Rohingya Arakanese refugee girls were raped by local goons at nearby

place of Nayapara camp under the Cox’s Bazar District, Bangladesh, said

Ahmed, a refugee from the camp.

 

The victims are identified as Begum, 10, and Khatun, 11, (not real

name), registered refugees from Nayapara camp. They bear all the

official documents with their parents. Both of them were born and

grownup in refugee camp in Bangladesh without good society in the

environment of crowded population, he further said.

 

Shamsul Huda, 21, son of Kasim and Mohammad Noor, 23 son of Noor

Mohammed hailed from Leda village, closed to the refugee camp, and raped

the aforesaid girls at about 1:00 pm on December 22, 2004, said a

relative of a victim on condition of anonymity.

 

The said local goons had been waiting intentionally for sexual violence

against the refugee girls for a long time. The local goons grabbed and

forcibly took away the girls to nearby bush while the girls were washing

clothes at a creek that placed on the western side of the camp and raped

the girls closing their mouths. On hearing of their hue and cry, nearby

refugees rushed to the spot and rescued the girls with profuse bleeding,

while the rapists managed to escape, he continued.

 

Refugees took the victims to the camp health center for treatment, while

the doctor referred the case to the office of the Camp-in-Charge, Mr.

Mohammad Siddik and Mr. Asaduzzaman, the deputy In-Charge of the Camp,

said Mujib, a staff of the camp health center.

The Camp-in-Charge, seeing the condition of the young girls, a case was

logged by the officials against the rapists in local police station of

Teknaf but no rapist is arrested till filling of this report. The said

victims are under medical treatment and now their health is improving,

he added.

 

At present, refugees of the camp are under the fear of localities as on

anger of logging case against the local goons while they feel unsecured.

 

**News End**

 

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"LONG MARCH" TO DEMOCRACY, NOT A TRANSITION

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By: B.K. Sen

 

In 1988, pro-democracy demonstrators rocked the foundations of an

authoritarian regime. The movement at that time seemed to have joined

the tide of opinion sweeping across Europe. The election result which

came in 1990 raised hope that the demand for democracy was real and the

army would have to abandon power immediately. Democratic upsurge emerges

out of the unique conditions of its own society. The events of 8.8.88

have their roots in a particular historical and cultural context.

However, the military dictators outmaneuvered the opposition and remains

entrenched in power.

 

Burma's Army upholds a myth of being a populist and autonomous vanguard

movement. Socialism inspired the nationalist generation in colonial

days. The two came together under Ne Win to form the order "Burmese way

to Socialism" that collapsed in 1988. Socialism has been abandoned, the

politicalized army dominates the state and introduced the new fake

concept of "disciplined democracy" a la National Convention.

 

The May 1990 election, however, was a great setback for the army and it

became the watershed in Burmese politics. The National League for

Democracy(NLD) won the election with about two-thirds of the votes and

80 % of the seats in the 485-member legislature. The UNLD also won. The

election convincingly revealed the illegitimacy of continued military

rule. The vote was more for ending junta rule than for forming a

government by political parties for whom they voted.

 

The country is faced with the question, "Will the army really relinquish

power to a civilian government?" Are we in the period of transition to

democracy or is the Army trying to rebuild its power for another quarter

century? In neighboring countries, Thailand, Indonesia, Bangladesh,

events suggest that a transition is possible but not rapid.

 

In these countries emergence of a national savior facilitated the

democratic transition. In Burma, a national savior, Daw Aung San Su Kyi,

has taken control of the situation, yet the movement has been stalled.

It should be borne in mind that the anti-colonial movements were

basically urbanized and the leadership urban. The vast majority of

peasants were never drawn into the vortex. The independence Burma got

was negotiated, no doubt on the basis of position of strength. The

weakness of mass awareness also was evident during the Japanese

occupation period. Only when the World War II tide turned and the Allied

Army entered Burma, the patriotic forces entered into combat with

Japanese forces and brilliantly outmaneuvered them.

 

But in no sense could it be characterized as a peasant rebellion or mass

upheaval. The post-independence did show militancy on the part of ethnic

nationalities and the Burma Communist Party (BCP), once a part of the

AFPPL. But the tragedy was that the AFPPL which was the vanguard in the

post-war freedom movement, itself got vertically split. There was an

absence of firmly rooted political parties. There was a vast gap between

the "elite and mass" peasantry and the urban elite.

 

In the May 1990 election, the victory of the NLD came despite the arrest

and detention of many of its leaders including Daw Aung San Su Kyi, and

constrained campaign conditions ruled out rallies and open debate.

Throughout the history of modern Burma, students have played a paramount

political role. The 1920 university boycott, 1930-36 strikes, 1962

blowing up of the Student Union Building, 8.8.88 student uprising, and

closure of universities off and on are all landmarks in students'

movements. The demographic changes in the community and the brutal

military rule of half a century have caused societal complexity.

Emergence of full-fledged democracy is unlikely to appear in the near

future. The USA and other western governments have no strategic

interests in Burma. Condemning military rule

is a convenient and costless way in which they can display their

advocacy of democratic/ human rights.

 

The upheaval of 1988 and the 1990 election were necessary steps toward

creation of the institutions for stable democracy in Burma. Political

tolerance and dialogue are prerequisites. Social stagnation and

political repression cannot nudge the country toward change. At the same

time, it is naive to follow a wait-and-see policy. The military will not

change by themselves. The stakeholders will have to accelerate the

grassroots demand for resumption of dialogue, and end of the Civil War.

The National Convention has been put in place to kill the results of the

1990 election and the peaceful process of dialogue. This does not mean

we have to resort to violent movements culminating in a national

upheaval. That will lead to intensification of the Civil War.

 

The centrality of the army in Burmese politics can hardly be denied. 

The prospects of an NLD or coalition government coming to power in the

near future remain remote. The army's views have been shaped by nearly

50 years of deep involvement in politics. It is major prop of the state.

It has now conceded it has no right to rule alone as envisaged in the

104 principles of the National Convention. Defeating various

insurgencies, communists and ethnics, a constant feature of Burma's

politics since independence, has given it confidence to rule. It has

withstood sanctions and decade-long international pressure. The

neighboring countries, Thailand, India and Bangladesh, have been giving

support to it. China, a super-power in Asia, is its main prop. The focus

of the power struggle is in Rangoon, not ethnic areas.

 

The sensitive issue of whether the army will concede significant

regional autonomy if a negotiated settlement of current conflicts should

be reached, is a question. The weakness of civil society is obvious.

Burma's peasant majority had never had a legally recognized party except

as an appendage of political parties. Institutions such as Christian

churches and trade unions are non-existent. The Buddhist monkhood

(Sangha) has no institutional independence and has come nder the

tutelage of the Ministry of Home and Religion Affairs and has been

largely neutralized.

 

The prospects for emergence of democracy seem more unfavorable than at

any time in the past decade. The potential for transformation of

authoritarian military regime nevertheless remains. The National

Convention exercise may end in widening conflict. Ne Win's exercise of

the BSPP Constitution of 1974 put the junta in greater crisis.

 

There is no doubt whatsoever that at the end of the day when the seven

steps of the Road Map are crossed, it will collapse like the 1974

Constitution. Burma will be on the threshold of a new transformation.

But will the opposition be in a position to seize the opportunity and

end military rule? The treatment applied for political sickness from Ne

Win's time (the sham constitution) continues (National Convention) to

worsen the illness and cannot be right.

 

Recent events, such as the sacking of Khin Nyunt, disbanding the MI,

arresting more NLD workers, should not obscure our objective. The

extension of the house arrest of Daw Aung San Su Kyi for another year

and withdrawal of her personal security are significant no doubt, and

should be regarded as provocations to foment violent acts. They in fact

reveal the desperate position in which the junta under General Than Shwe

has come to. Burma is going through a critical time and once the people

can overcome this period, the turning point of history will start. It is

prudent to think of a "long march" rather than a simple transition to

democracy. When the National Convention fails or is "successful," the

junta will have to modify its behavior.

 

Stalemate, material and political costs that far exceed returns,

together with the collapse of its goals, will persuade it to give way,

provided the potential of the movements of rage are significantly

eruptive. That is the history of the tragic end of all hard-line

authoritarian rule.

 

**End**

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