* Trade gap between
* AN EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW WITH LARRY JAGAN, A
===============================================
Trade gap between
The trade gap widened between
years and the trade gap ratio has
become drastically higher, according
to the Export Promotion Bureau.
The trade gap started since 1997-98. Previously, the volume
of exports
from
In fiscal year 2002-2003,
at Taka 5.7 Crore,
while its imports from
151.3 Crore, resulting in a trade
imbalance of Taka 145.6 Crore.
The gap was drastically higher and the export and import
ratio of
valued at Taka 14.73 Crore and imports valued at Taka 16.23 Crore
in
1996-97.
Just a year later the gap ratio jumped up 1: 27.8. In
1997-98,
the imports from
bringing the ratio to 1:27.8.
In 1998-99 the export earnings of
Taka 6.10 Crore, while the import
expenditure was Taka 74.22 Crore in
1999-00, with export earnings of only Taka
3.00 Crore. In fiscal year
2000-01, export earnings were Taka 5.88 Crore,
while the import
expenditure was Taka 133.26 crore. The year 2001-02 saw export
earnings of Taka 13.78 Crore, while the import expenditure was Taka
97.29 crore.
In fiscal year 1996-97, the trade volume ratio between the
two
countries was almost equal, 1:1.95
in 1995-96, and 1:1.79 in 1994-95.
The volume of bilateral trade between the two countries over
the last
couple of years only further
exemplifies the widening trade gap
against
The primary exports from
and knitwear. On the other hand,
wood products, wood charcoal, food
industry residues and waste, and
ready-made animal fodder from
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
AN EXCLUSIVE
INTERVIEW WITH LARRY JAGAN, A
by Lao Htaw,
Independent Mon News Agency
In the following interview, Larry Jagan,
a
politics, says: “I think that the
opening of the second session of the
National Convention (NC) gives ethnic leaders a new
opportunity, but
they must be strong. If I was an
ethnic leader, I would go to the NC
but I would not buckle under. They
have to protest, they have to speak
out, they have to force the
authorities to allow them to meet each
other. And more importantly as an
ethnic leader, I would want to see
all ethnic leaders signing up to
one agreement.” Please read the
whole interview below.
Loa Htaw:
interview you. First of all, let me
introduce myself to you again. My
name is Loa Htaw.
I am working for the Independent Mon News Agency as
well as for a Mon newspaper. My
first question is how do you think on
the cease-fire groups, which have
been attending the SPDC-arranged
National Convention (NC).
Larry:
Loa Htaw:
NC or should they leave?
Larry:
as an independent journalist to
answer, if you are asking me to make a
value judgment!
Loa Htaw:
Larry:
to answer because I think the
ethnic minority should attend the NC
because it will give them an
opportunity to be still involved in the
constitutional drafting process.
However, they have to feel their
point of view is actually going to
be accepted, that the proposal they
put forward will be considered by
the convener. If they feel their
point of view is going to be
ignored, and all their presence is doing
is just trying to give the NC some
credibility, then I think the
ethnic leaders have every right not
to attend.
Loa Htaw:
demanded in the first section of
the NC are being ignored, especially
on the federal state and democracy.
So do they need to continue the
next coming NC?
Larry:
accepted the papers they put
forward, but there is no guarantee it
will be discussed at the next
section. I also understand that military
intelligence officers have been
going around talking to the ethnic
leaders and bringing messages from
Khin Nyunt, which say if you don’t
participate, we will draft the
constitution anyway.
Loa Htaw:
the paper, but the most important
points that they demanded are being
rejected. So do you think they
should still attend again, because,
though they attend again, they
can’t demand any more and what they
have demanded is already being
rejected?
Larry:
rejected and that may be an
opportunity to ask for further discussion.
I think there will be ethnic leaders in a very difficult
situation. If
they don’t attend the NC second
session, then it is actually going to
isolate them. If they do attend and
there isn’t free debate and
discussion, then they’re going to
lose credibility with their own
people. I believe that what the
ethnic groups should be doing is
actually coming up with an
alternative proposal, with which all the
ethnic groups agree, not just some.
And the need for ethnic rights is
something every ethnic group, no
matter what their political position,
believes in, the need for ethnic
rights and education in their own
ethnic languages. These are what
every ethnic group agrees on.
Therefore it’s important that all ethnic groups come up with
a
universal position. The problem
with the NC is that the authorities
are trying to play one group off
against another by offering economic
concession to some members of some
groups, rather than tackling the
real political issues. I think the
only way the ethnic groups can do
that is by having a united front.
Loa Htaw:
government has closed down some
confiscations are still continuing,
do they still need to attend again?
Larry:
point out these things. I am afraid
my position is still the same, I
think ethnic leaders are in a very
difficult situation. Because the NC
is taking place, the government has
not given any guarantees that
during that period there would be
an increase of democracy. After all,
the political parties (National
League for Democracy and Shan National
League for Democracy) aren’t even being allowed to
participate. Their
people are being arrested. It seems
to me that even though the NC may
be discussing a new constitution
that should improve the rights of all
Burmese citizens including ethnic minorities, the practice
is that on
the ground nothing has changed.
Loa Htaw:
you tell me an example of a foreign
country NC, especially what are
the differences from the Burma NC?
Larry:
Burmese regime formed to draw up a new constitution really
is
something relatively unique. Very
few countries have done anything
like this, and if they have, it has
usually been a century ago. We saw
something like an NC in Australia
when they drew up their constitution
in the late 19th Century. So, I
think in modern times, the NC Burma is
running is actually unique. So
there are no parallels outside Burma
that we could look to and say: this
is how the NC should operate.
Having said that though, there is a contradiction between
what the NC
is supposed to be doing, that is,
drawing up a new constitution that
will be fairer and guarantee the
rights of Burmese people, and the
attitude of the government, which
hasn’t changed. It is exactly the
same as it was before and after May
17, when the NC opened. I think
the biggest issue an international
observer would be concerned about
is the lack of freedom of speech.
Any NC drawing up a constitution
should have total freedom of speech
and association of NC members.
They should say what they like. They should also meet and
talk to
whoever they want. Unfortunately,
that is not part of the NC, so it
runs counter to international norms
of political behavior. But there
is no model the Burmese could or
should be following. It seems to me
the NC is totally stalled. To me
it’s too early to condemn the NC as a
total failure and sham. One had
great doubts about the NC when
political parties weren’t allowed
to participate. That to me is
reducing the credibility. It
severely reduces the NC’s credibility. If
the NC is not allowed to discuss
ethnic rights, that also reduces NC
credibility.
Loa Htaw:
ethnic rights, without UN
participation as an observer, and without
the media, cease-fire groups should
not attend the next session of the
NC?
Larry:
What I would say is that without political parties, without
ethnic
rights and demands being discussed,
and without transparency - which
doesn’t have to be the UN, or
international or local reporters - but
without some kind of transparency,
the NC really has very little
credibility. Credibility is the
word I would use.
Loa Htaw:
Larry:
constitutions in a similar way back
in the 19th Century, in American
and Australi,
the world is 100 years on. The Burma NC is almost unique.
Loa Htaw:
position, do you decide to attend
or not, Larry?
Larry:
tempted to attend, although we have
seen problems in the first NC
session. I think that the opening
of the second session of the
National Convention (NC) gives ethnic leaders a new opportunity,
but
they must be strong. If I was an
ethnic leader, I would go to the NC
but I would not buckle under. They
have to protest, they have to speak
out, they have to force the
authorities to allow them to meet each
other. And more importantly as an
ethnic leader, I would want to see
all ethnic leaders signing up to
one agreement. The problem with the
NC is that if they speak alone, they will be picked off.
Every trade
unionist knows in unity there is
strength. The ethnic leaders’ biggest
mistake in my view is not forming a
strong alliance of ethnic groups.
I know there’s been discussing, I know there’s been changing
of views,
but what is really needed is a
strong alliance of ethnic groups. So
that when they go back to the NC,
they can speak from a position of
strength, because ethnic groups
have an opportunity. Only the ethnic
groups; they’re the ones who could
have the strength; they’re the ones
who have an influence on where the
NC goes in the future.
Loa Htaw:
and will be against the government
again. At the time do you think
they will get attention from the
international community?
Larry:
if only some ethnic groups don’t
attend the NC, if it isn’t a
universal boycott, if it isn’t all
the ethnic groups, then I think the
international community will find
it difficult to support ethnic
groups which have not gone to the
convention. They will be sympathetic
but will have difficulty
supporting ethnic groups who decide not to
go to the NC. I think as far as the
international community is
concerned they have limited
influence. We’ve seen that General Than
Shwe doesn’t care what anyone in the outside world thinks
about
You can level sanctions; you can pressure Burmese
representatives in
international meetings, but in the
end, he just will not budge. And in
some ways, the more pressure you
put on Than Shwe the less likely he
is to change. So I think the
international community, in my view, is
important. It has no power. If some
ethnic groups do not attend the
NC, then it will give journalist like myself
an opportunity to write
stories about the NC. The problem
is for a journalist who wants to
expose what is happening inside
nobody says a word, that is not a
story. If two or three, or even one
big ethnic group boycott the NC,
that’s a story. That means
journalists will be able to write
an analysis. So, there will be
international attention, even
though I doubt there will be
international support.
Loa Htaw:
such as the foreign minister and
deputy minister. Do you think this
change will affect the NC?
Larry:
foreign minister will not affect
the NC as such. I think what that
showed is that the hardliners,
specifically Than Shwe, are
strengthening their control of
power. I think it shows that Than Shwe
in particular is not prepared to
listen to the international
community. I think it shows the
regime is pulling down the shutters;
it’s closing the windows and doors
of Burma to the outside world, and
that will affect the political
future of Burma. In my view it won’t
affect the NC.
Loa Htaw:
whatever constitution comes out?
Larry:
something that seemed to have
credibility. There seemed to be concrete
stages towards a form of multiparty
democracy. The NC would meet
freely. It would be inclusive; the
political parties would be
involved. It would draw up a
constitution, which would then be put to
referendum and, if voted on or if
it was accepted by referendum, then
there would be new elections. In
theory that is all very good but
we’ve seen that, from stage one,
the NC is not inclusive. The reality
is that the military are going to
draft the constitution they want.
Even Prime Minister Khin Nyunt has told ethnic groups that
is what’s
going to happen. Unfortunately that
constitution is probably not going
to be what the majority of Burmese
people, including the ethnic
groups, want.
Loa Htaw:
claim everyday that the NC is going
to be successful. How do you think
on that?
Larry:
be successful and it is going to
draw up a constitution I am afraid I
am doubtful. What we have seen all
the way along is broken promises by
the regime, and I have little faith
that the constitution that is
drafted at the end of the NC will
be one with which the Burmese people
as a whole will be happy.
***End***
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such as Mizzima
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Network,
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