ON THE OCCASION OF THE 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE 1990 MULTI-PARTY DEMOCRATIC GENERAL ELECTIONS

Committee Representing the People’s Parliament


Statement No 14 (5/00)




Note - Review the CRPP Statement 33 (5/99)

The multiparty democratic elections were held on the
27 May 1990 and today is the 27 May of the year 2000. Exactly ten years have gone by since those elections were held under the Multiparty Elections Law. The significant provision of that law is that a Pyithu Hluttaw must be formed comprising the legally elected representatives. The fundamental factor for the birth of multiparty democracy is the existence of a Pyithu Hluttaw. Though ten years have passed, the military dictators with no integrity have failed to convene a Pyithu Hluttaw that is an integral part of the law which they themselves proclaimed. How despicable, how loathsome this precedent in our history and for the future generation!

Ten years is not a short period. Young children will have grown up, attained knowledge, education, and understanding to a certain degree in this period of time. They will have learnt to differentiate between right and wrong and the consequences of dishonoring one's promises.

In the ten years that have passed, two or more parliaments could have been in session. During that period legally elected representative of the people and the national ethnic groups could have worked together and achieved a measure of national unity. The ardent desire of the people (a democratic system) would have taken root, a measure of prosperity accompanied by better education, health and social standards would have been achieved.

The military dictatorship system imposed on the people since 1962 with its constraints and restraints will never be expunged until the results of the elections is honored and the Pyithu Hluttaw which the people elected is put in place to work for the people, to fulfill the wishes of the people and a democratic system is restored. But this Pyithu Hluttaw has not materialised.

Rust corrodes iron and power corrupts people. The military dictators have no desire to create a democratic country which will generate wealth, health and growth for all the people of the country because they are either so void of good will or are completely engulfed in evil. They have reneged and broken the Multiparty Democratic Election Law which they decreed and refuse to convene the Pyithu Hluttaw. Consequently political, economic, health, education and social problems are growing larger, deeper and more confusing day by day.

On the subject of elections, the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law was promulgated. From the
18 September 1988 (the date on which state power was illegally usurped) continuously to this day the military dictators have clung to power. For the purpose of examining what was said and what is being done we first reproduce the words of the military junta's most powerful man, Secretary 1 on the 11 September 1990

" xxx We have demonstrated our desire to transfer power by successfully holding free and fair multiparty democratic elections as scheduled. If we did not desire to transfer power there would have been no need to hold these elections. This is clear xxx''

'' xxxxx If our desire was to grasp power in our hands till we die (meaning forever) there is no reason whatsoever for us to endeavor so earnestly like this. From the very beginning our intention was to transfer power so we made it possible for the elections to take place. xxxxx"

These are the facts that followed:-1. Failure to convene parliament as required by the Pyithu Hluttaw Elections Law.
2. In contravention of the Election Law, Order 1/90 was issued. Through coercion and intimidation signatures of the political parties were obtained. But the provisions of the said order were not fully complied with.
3. Instead of convening parliament, a national convention was put in place to define the principles that should be embodied in a constitution. This convention remains unfinished. The said National Convention's basic principle which emphasis that "the army is responsible for leading the nation" is directly opposite that of democracy and shatters the idea of "multiparty system of democracy".
4. Tasks that must be performed for the benefit of the country (including the drawing up of the constitution) is the responsibility of the representatives of the people working together as a body in the Pyithu Hluttaw or delegated by them to a group of experts on the subject.
5. Though this country is a member of the United Nations, there is no regard or compliance with the decisions of the United Nations General Assembly, United Nations Human Rights Commission, International Labour Organisation. This country behaves as if it is outside the family of nations.
6. The people's genuine desire for democracy is scorned and disregarded.
7. After years of military tyranny where the ugly rule of the gun without regard to law prevailed, a beam of light was released when the elections were held. However that light is eclipsed and overshadowed now by increasing persecution and injustices.

8. The administrators of the country have shamefully reneged on their promises and the pages of our history are blemished and ugly.

The military dictators have a duty to conduct themselves with dignity and honor to the people and convene parliament. But what have they done. They have vilified and persecuted the people's trusted representatives, illegally thrown them into prisons, deceitfully incarcerated them and resorted to all manner of disgraceful, low and mean tactics to suppress them. To redeem themselves and regain some dignity the military dictators should observe the provisions of the Pyithu Hluttaw Election law, abide by their promises and put in place a Parliament. We urge them with great feeling and force to take this step now.

The 1990 elections came about because there was no other way out but to listen to the cry and great demand of the people for democracy. This is the reason why a parliament must be put in place to satisfy the people's demand.

No Pyithu Hluttaw means denying the people of their one desire. The longer this desire is denied, the greater will the desire grow and consequences can be formidable. Thousands of monks, laymen, students and the masses individually took responsibility and made sacrifices for the 1990 elections to eventuate. The result of that election will never be forfeited. No new election will be accepted. This is our solemn declaration.


Committee representing the People's Parliament

27 May 2000



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Committee representing members of the People's Parliament elected in the 1990 multi-party general elections

(Committee representing the People's Parliament)

 

Notification 33 (5/99) (translation)

 

 

On the occasion of the 9th anniversary of the multiparty general elections.

 

1.         The 27 May 1999 completes exactly 9 years since the multiparty general elections were held.

 

2.         (a)       The multiparty general elections is significant because it marks the shift from a system where only one party or political organisation can exist to a system where many political parties proclaim their ideologies and form organisations for political activity. A multi-party political system perpetuates democracy, which is founded on the principle that people have a right to self-determination, and that sovereignty lies with the people.  They must have the right to choose which political ideologies and policies they want. (b)         In democratic elections, candidates are selected by the various political parties to contest in the constituencies demarcated in accordance with the election law. The candidates and the voters in the electorate are bound by prescribed rules and regulations. (c)   The primary objective is that elections should be free and fair. Election Commissioners and officers appointed to oversee and supervise the elections must be impartial in their dealings with all the contesting parties.  They must not in any way interfere or meddle with the voters or the political parties. Political parties have the freedom to campaign and should not be hampered in any way. No one has the right to stop, hinder or prevent an eligible voter to cast his/her vote in accordance with his/her own free will and desire. (d)      That everyone has the right to choose their representative in the government through free elections is a basic and fundamental right that is embodied in Article 21 of United Nation Declaration of Human Rights.

 

3.         Though nine years have gone since the holding of the celebrated "multi-party democratic general elections", the authorities have not

 

only refused to follow through and transfer power but are hampering and blocking the multi-party political system. Democracy in Burma has ceased to exist. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (now State Peace and Development Council) assumed state power in September 1988 and on 27 September 1988 promulgated the Political Parties Registration Law permitting the formation of political parties. Definitions stated therein are "A political party means an organisation that accepts and practices genuine multi-party democratic system" and " The election means a multi-party democratic general elections." Another provision of the law is " Only a political party that has been registered under this law will be allowed to contest in the elections".  Out of the 93 political parties that contested only 10 parties remain valid today. The authorities for sundry reasons have disqualified the other 83 parties. Even the parties that fielded successful candidates in the elections have been eliminated.

 

4.         Out of 492 constituencies demarcated for the 1990 (May 27) elections, polls could be held in 485. Of the 20,818,313 eligible voters, 15,882,523 cast their votes (72.59%). The number of valid votes was 13253606 (87.7%) while only 12.3% were invalid for various reasons.

 

5.         The above figures are an indication of the extent to which the citizens of Burma are concerned about the government and the importance of the choice they make and what democracy means to them.  But the State Law and Order Restoration Council (now State Peace and Development Council) have ignored the peoples wishes and shattered democratic principles. No matter what country it be, when the will of the people is tossed aside, those who govern will surely tumble.

 

6.         The State Law and Order Restoration Council (now State Peace and Development Council) held the 1990 multi-party elections as per the provisions dated 31/5/89 of the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law, Rules, and Regulations.

 

7.         It is clearly stated in the law that  " Hluttaw means the Pyithu Hluttaw".  (It does not state that it is a constituent assembly created for the purpose of writing the constitution).  Furthermore, the law provides that " the Hluttaw must comprise representatives elected by the electorate in accordance with the provisions of this law (Pyithu Hluttaw Elections Law)". Therefore, after the elections, the Hluttaw must be convened and the peoples representatives must attend to carry out their duties and responsibilities. Nine full years have gone since the holding of those "free and fair elections" and though those responsible authorities have announced and published the elected peoples representatives specifying the electorates and the number of votes gained by each individual the Pyithu Hluttaw has not emerged.

 

8.         The authorities that made the law, rules and regulations for holding the elections are primarily responsible for implementing them and establishing the Pyithu Hluttaw. Responsibility lies also with those representatives who have been chosen by the free will of the electorate. They contested the elections with the firm belief that a Pyithu Hluttaw

 

would be created immediately after the elections and that they could take up the tasks and duties as representatives of the people.  Had they known then that no Hluttaw would be convened, they would never have participated in the elections. Therefore, working towards the creation of a Pyithu Hluttaw is the principal duty of honest Pyithu Hluttaw Representatives to keep faith with their electorate.

 

9.         It is nine years since the multi-party general elections (Pyithu Hluttaw Elections). Nine years is much too long a period between one general election and another according to international parliamentary practice and the practice that was adopted at one time in Burma. During this period, not only have the authorities flouted the will of the people by not implementing the results of the elections, they have meddled and disturbed the whole process of democracy and the entire progress and advancement of the country. We now see the present authorities launching out on a campaign similar to a military offensive to destroy every vestige of the democratic process.  Pyithu Hluttaw representatives from the NLD and the nationalities, many many members of the NLD have been arrested, held in custody and pressured to resign. Those who have resisted have been subjected to orchestrated no-confidence demonstrations organised by threats and intimidation against unwilling constituents. They are doing their utmost to destroy and annihilate democratic rights.

 

10.       Under these circumstances, it will be expedient to examine the events of the past. (a)             The period after Burma got independence, though democratic rights had been obtained to a certain extent the country went through the early stages of democracy and political problems were not satisfactorily solved. Some political parties resorted to arms and revolted. As regards the nationalities, though an agreement was reached by the signing of the Pinlong Agreement on the 12 February 1947, all the ethnic groups did not participate so it was not complete.  In the administration of the Union, the Pinlong spirit was not observed resulting in dissatisfaction and revolts. (b)            Demands for genuine equality and equal rights for all members of the Union were still under discussion when the Tatmadaw grabbed the opportunity to assume power in 1962. This and the following years were specially significant because democracy waned, the number of ethnic armed insurgent groups increased and the fires of civil war raged. (c) Today, though the authorities are proclaiming that 'cease-fire' agreements have been entered into with different ethnic armed insurgents, it is neither here or there because no political settlement has been reached and both sides are watching the situation. On the other hand many political parties from the nationalities participated in the general elections of 1990, of which candidates from 17 parties were successful. Now, the authorities have extinguished 12 of those parties. This proves that they have no intention to discuss or consult the representatives of these ethnic groups on matters relating to their future.

 

 

11.       The two main problems to be solved in Burma to day are the absence of democracy and matters relating to the ethnic nationalities.  While working towards the restoration of democracy, the nationalities problem must be tackled. After the 8888 revolution when historical events brought the democratic forces and the ethnic groups together, the democratic forces became more aware of the problems that the ethnic groups were experiencing. There is a better understanding of the problem now. There should be recognition of equal status and individual rights. This is the only practical way to achieve a democratic Union of all the citizens of Burma.

 

12.       (a)       But this concept has not been understood widely. It is especially necessary for the Burmese majority group that has been in control of successive governments to consciously accept the desires and wishes of the minority ethnic groups. There should be no demarcations based on population.  It is absolutely necessary that all citizens should work together as equals with persistence to obtain equal rights for all. Some people  unthinkingly say "once democracy is obtained we can consider the rights of the nationalities". (b)          Amongst the nationalities there are those who put their rights first, and the cause of democracy comes second. It is true that without democracy, the rights and problems that the nationalities are experiencing cannot be discussed or solutions found.  Equally true is the fact that ethnic problems will not be solved automatically once democracy is obtained. Long-standing problems have to be resolved patiently and thoroughly with much deliberation.  Just as the democratic forces should not entertain the idea that only after democracy is established the ethnic problems will be tackled, the nationalities and ethnic groups should not place their problems as a first priority before the issue of democracy.  Starting from now, these two issues should be tackled simultaneously.

 

13.       Let us objectively study the ethnic problem even though it means going against the current trend.  A mainstream argument is that imperialists whose policy was to divide and rule created the problems. There can be no truth in that. An honest analysis of this ethnic problem will lead us to the conclusion that the problem is internal and not external just as the saying goes "there can be no smoke without a fire".

 

14.       It has been said that the British imperialists created the dissension between the Shans, Kachins, Karens, Kayahs, Chins and other ethnic groups causing disunity in the country.  Is this true?  Examine the social, political and related problems of the Rakhines, Mons and the Burman majority. In ancient times, the Rakhines and Mons established empires with kings, feudal lords and all the trappings of royalty with a long period of history and civilisation. They attacked and seized territory from neighbouring Burma and vice versa.  In the next era, under the imperialist system, Yakhines and Mons were the first to be conquered and ruled by the British. In the struggle against the imperialists, Rakhine and Mon leaders joined together with the Burmese

 

leaders until independence was gained. They did not place their own people's problems or their own freedom first. They joined the YMBA, Do-bama-asi-ayone (Thakin group) , Pha-Sa-Pa-La, and the Ba-Ka-Pa organisations which embraced the whole of Burma and worked together.

 

15.       But later, the Rakhines formed their own Arakan Unity Party (Ya-Ta-Nya) and the Mons formed their own first group for collective action known as Mon-Pyi-Ta-Oo to obtain their own state and to make demands for the rights of their people. Later, they formed armed insurgent groups.  Why did all this have to happen? Not one historian or politician has ever claimed that this was due to the British Imperialist policy of divide and rule.

 

16.       Therefore, to solve the ethnic problem in Burma today, we must discard the ideas that we have clung to for over fifty years. We must look at the real facts as they exist in Burma and look at the changing situations in the world. We must realize that the problem of the nationalities is linked to their origins and history, which goes back to feudal times and the expansionist system and policies.

 

17.       The different nationalities and citizens of Burma have claimed victory through various methods such as the colonial expansionist system, fascism, one-party authoritarian rule, armed insurrection, and people's revolution. Currently, the people are having to withstand this evil military dictatorship and desire to demonstrate forcefully their longing for human rights and democracy.  But just having the yearning is not sufficient. The saying "strive for what you want" is most appropriate here. All the citizens of the country must continue in the struggle for democracy, which has not been completed. Victory must be claimed under the leadership of the political parties. History recounts great landmark victories won through peoples power. Therefore to rid yourselves of all social problems, for the establishment of a flourishing democratic Burma, full cooperation and support is necessary for the Committee Representing the Peoples Parliament which has been formed by the National League for Democracy and other political parties.

 

18.       (a)       Ever since the Tatmadaw assumed power in 1962, democracy vanished but monks, citizens, ethnic groups have all endeavored to restore democracy and rid themselves of the illegal pressure and illegitimate government on several occasions.  Examples are:- "The Students Incident", "Hmaing One Hundredth Birthday Anniversary Incident", "U Thant Incident", " Workers Incident", "88 Revolution of the Spirit Incident". (b)     Because of the "88 Revolution" the one party totalitarian system was wiped out and the people's desire for a multi-party system was allowed. The general elections were held. But the refusal to establish a parliament comprising the peoples chosen representatives amounts to flouting the will of the people. Though the Tatmadaw has declared that it has "no desire to cling to power for a long period of time" it is doing everything possible to annihilate the National League for Democracy and the other democratic forces through pressure, threats and intimidation which reflects their real intention not to relinquish

 

power. In fact and in truth they are like wolves in sheep clothing because their real intention is to extend military control under the guise of democracy. No matter what they do, history has proved that such deceptions will not succeed.

 

19.       Today, the people face immense suffering and yearn for a bright and brisk open market economy. A political system that is not in conformity with such an economy must naturally be destroyed. Those who are deliberately putting obstacles to prevent the accomplishment of this process will stand condemned by history. The authorities have not only deceived the people in countless ways, they have tried to deceive the world. Now that 9 years have passed since the elections and parliament has not been convened, like the gourd that will not sink, their true character is revealed.

 

20.       For eight years, right up to 1998, the National League for Democracy, other democratic forces and ethnic political parties have repeatedly urged the authorities to enter into dialogue for national reconciliation. This they have not done but have been making it appear that it is the NLD's fault, and that it is the NLD that will not participate in a dialogue.  Then again they are saying that if the Committee Representing the Peoples Parliament is dissolved, those held in detention will be released and they will proceed with dialogue. The citizens of Burma and the whole world knows that the NLD and all the other political parties of the different nationalities are serious about dialogue and that only by dialogue and negotiation, reconciliation and a better future will result. They have repeatedly issued statements asserting this fact. It is only the SPDC that is placing all sorts of obstacles and excuses because of their desire to retain power.

 

21.       Negotiations must be conducted on an equal footing.  Giving orders and stipulating who can be present and who cannot be present is not appropriate.  The NLD must have the right to freely select its spokesman.  The important matter is that both sides must be fair minded putting first the future good of the country to improve the economy, education, social conditions etc. In the present day, there is no problem or there should be no problem that cannot be solved if it is approached with a willingness to learn how such problems have been solved in other countries. Parties from the nationalities and other democratic forces are urging and asking for dialogue.  The people who are suffering immense hardships are also looking forward to the restoration of a democratic system so that their problems can be resolved. Countries of the world and the United Nations are repeatedly urging that there be tripartite dialogue between the nationalities, the SPDC and the NLD.

 

22.       We again urge that a preliminary meeting of the NLD and the SPDC be held as a first step and then to tripartite dialogue so that we can proceed towards a new era of democracy.

 

23.       (a)       Because we have not been able to create unity in Burma, there are rifts and deterioration in the spheres of politics, economy, education and social welfare.  All the people are facing a very bad and

 

tough time.  We need to be united to solve the problem. To build national unity we must have the right national program. Today, the most urgent and historically accurate program should be to promote democracy and to find solutions to the problems of the ethnic nationalities. Because democracy was wiped out in Burma, the people rose up and rebelled.  Making this the reason, the one-party system was brought down and the Pyithu Hluttaw Elections were held. But though nine years have passed there is no Pyithu Hluttaw. (b)            Therefore, convening a Pyithu Hluttaw is the key to the solution of all the problems we face today.  Suitable and appropriate procedures can be put in place after thorough discussions and consultations in the Pyithu Hluttaw and decisions can be made. Only in the Pyithu Hluttaw issues relating to the problems of the ethnic should be discussed and arrangements may be made for a convention in which all the nationalities can participate and openly discuss matters. To implement this, the NLD and the SPDC should first meet and discuss and then arrange for tripartite dialogue.  There must be mutual respect and dignity at the discussions. This will enhance our reputation in the eyes of the world. (A notification relating to meetings and discussion and the convening of the Pyithu Hluttaw has been published)

 

24.         The resolutions taken at the 1998 NLD convention and the action taken by the Central Executive Committee will be given here. (a) On the 27th May 1998, the 8th anniversary of the multi-party election, the NLD held its annual convention. Despite the many difficulties important political resolutions were made. Resolutions (1) This convention authorises the Central Executive Committee to fix the final date for convening of parliament and information to the authorities should be given soon. (2) The NLD cannot accept a constitution that is not drawn up in accordance with democratic principles and against the wishes of the people. (3) Disregarding the results of the 1990 general elections and holding new elections is entirely unacceptable to the NLD. (4) The NLD will always keep the door open for dialogue and negotiation to solve problems of the state. (5) The authority given to the Chairman and the General Secretary to operate and perform the business of the NLD is extended.

 

(b)       Of all the resolutions taken the first resolution relating to the convening of the Pyithu Hluttaw is most important. The Central Executive Committee in implementing the resolution sent a letter on the 23 July to the authorities asking for the convening of parliament within 60 days. It also discussed this matter with 4 political parties of the nationalities and obtained their approval. Information about this was also given to Bohmu Aung's Democracy group. (c)             This was a step taken to enable the emergence of a Pyithu Hluttaw in the best possible manner but sixty days passed and the authorities simply ignored the request. What did emerge were the true colors of the SPDC. They rounded up over 200 elected parliamentarians, numerous NLD party members, leaders and parliamentarians of ethnic parties and kept

 

them in detention. (d) Notwithstanding, the NLD Central Executive Committee, to fulfill the task and responsibility placed on them at its 1998 convention and to implement the will of the people, formed a legally constituted committee together with four political parties of the nationalities which is now known as the Committee Representing the Pyithu Hluttaw. This Committee has the mandate from 251 NLD and Nationalities parties. (e) This committee has been engaged in examining the current laws and making recommendations for annulment of archaic laws and review and amendment of laws that do not benefit the people. It has exposed the illegal activities of the authorities by publications for all to know. Moreover, it held a ten-man committee meeting on the 10 December and formed sub-committees for particular parliamentary subjects so that issues can be widely deliberated on.

 

25.       (a)       The National League for Democracy has from its inception worked closely with the parties of the nationalities especially the United Nationalities League for Democracy, to perpetuate democracy. This is because, the present situation requires that urgent solutions be found for the problems of democracy and ethnic groups. (b) After the NLD had been created there was constant contact and consultations with parties of the ethnic groups and the United Nationalities League. This enabled them to put out a joint Bo Aung Gyaw Statement on issues relating to democracy and equality of status. For the emergence of a Hluttaw, the Shan Natonalities League for Democray, the Arakan League for Democracy, the Mon National Democratic Front and theZo-me National Congress are working jointly with the National League for Democracy to achieve equal status in a Union that will be created in the future.  In this way avenues were opened for discussion of problems that have not been solved ever since independence and the possibilities for solutions are greater.

 

26.       There is a need for such and similar efforts to meet and cooperate with other democratic forces.

 

27.       This relates to the policy of self-interest. (a) In 1999, the authorities have gone to the limit to pressure and threaten members of parliament and ordinary members of the NLD and nationalities and behaved outrageously towards them. More than 200 NLD members of parliament and numerous other members, leaders and members of ethnic parties have been arrested and incarcerated. Branch offices of the NLD have been ruthlessly and illegal demolished. They have forced Pyithu Hluttaw members to resign and when they were unsuccessful in their efforts, they have orchestrated sham demonstrations against them. The stormy political climate has turned into a hurricane. (b)         Under such circumstances it is to be expected that some politicians become infected with the germ of self-interest and opportunism.  This applies to a very minute proportion of NLD members. No matter how small that number may be it is a fact that one drop of infected blood will invite the disease into the system.  It has to be eliminated. Moreover, the two policies, (NLD's policy, to stand by the people and the policy

 

of self-interest) must be clearly distinguishable.  Those self-interested persons are condemning the NLD's attempt to create a Pyithu Hluttaw and are following the line and voice of the authorities. (c)             According to them, we will have to wait until the authorities convene the Pyithu Hluttaw be it 8 or 80 years. They say that demolition of NLD township offices, resignations of parliamentarians, arrests and detention are the result of a wrong move by the League.  The fact is that the League's actions are to implement the will of the people and it cannot be wrong. The activities of the authorities can be compared to the story of the wolf and the lamb - if you are not him you must be the father or the grandfather, ..... so the story goes. Those self-serving people should be aware that just as they have destroyed other political parties in the past they are attempting to do the same to the NLD. (d)             Those persons have written that "The NLD, instead of attempting to convene parliament on its own, should be seeking a negotiated settlement with the government and that is what the legally constituted political parties and other organsiations are anticipating."  They are not aware that one nationality party stated repeatedly that "whether the government or the NLD convene the Pyithu Hluttaw, it is our duty to attend". They are pretending not to know the wishes of the other political parties and the people. They make statements to suit their own ends and it is very obvious that they are political opportunists only concerned with the interest of themselves and their families.  They will suffer the ire of the people. As for the NLD we will continue to march on to fulfil the will of the people, to establish a Pyithu Hluttaw and to perpetuate democracy till we claim victory.

 

 

28.       (a)       While we continue the fight for democracy, human rights, rights of the nationalities we urge members at all levels (Central, Township, Village/Ward) to conform to the policies and programs keeping national interest first and to stand firm, with unity and steadfastness. We must work single-mindedly to obtain unity and solidarity. Organizing systematically without ostentation should be adapted widely which means that the organisation must be systematic and reach out to the people as widely as possible. (b)     Because the NLD's present policy is correct and in accordance with the will of the people we will continue to have the support of the people. While we have the support of the people the authorities can never succeed in breaking us no matter how much they persist. The National League for Democracy will never weaken or be destroyed.  In fact we are stronger now than ever before and soon we will claim victory.

 

 

Committee representing the People's Parliament

Rangoon May 27, 1999

 

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