- Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Burma has one of the poorest health records and lowest standards of living in the developing world. The desire of the military government to hold on to power at any cost has meant that human rights, including the rights to health and education, are given scant attention in comparison to political and security issues. Health and education are given incredibly low priorities in the national budget, and lip-service to these issues often take the place of substantial reforms or programs. Because of political considerations the root causes of problems in these arenas, such as the affects of landmines and forced labor on health and the effect of school closings and censorship on education, are not dealt with in meaningful ways. Low salaries and lack of transparent and effective supervision has made it easy for corruption to flourish among medical personnel and educators. Patients more often than not have to pay a bribe to be seen by a doctor, get a bed in a hospital, or receive essential medicine. Primary school students can pay to receive better grades or get private tutoring from their teachers. Higher education in Burma is particularly substandard with students being given rush degrees, during those times that the universities are actually open, in order to prevent any political opposition to the military regime to spring up on college campuses.

The political situation in Burma has a direct impact on the poor quality of education and healthcare available to the general public. The level of access a person has to quality health and education infrastructure depends on economic level, geographical location and individual, family or ethnic group relations with the military regime. For example, a Burmese military officer and his family living in Rangoon has much better access to high quality education and medical treatment than a family that is part of an ethnic and religious minority group living in a conflict area on the border. As of yet the military regime has been unwilling to address these inequalities to ensure that all people living in Burma, regardless of their ethnic group, religion, political affiliation, economic status or geographical location have access adequate health care and education.

Section 34, Chapter IV of the 1947 Constitution

Section 36, Chapter IV of the 1947 Constitution -

– US State Department

Education in Burma has been severely impacted by more than four decades of military rule. Because the military regime views potentially politically active university and high school students as one of the biggest threats to their grip on power, all-non military education is treated as expendable. All civilian schools and universities throughout Burma suffer from a lack of resources and qualified educators, a problem found in many developing countries, however, unique to Burma is the fact that the ruling government actively tries to thwart universal and advanced higher education. On April 17 2000, a DVB broadcast reported that it had been announced that Burmese soldiers who passed matriculation would be appointed as high school teachers in frontier areas.

In order to receive higher education in Burma several conditions must first be in place: the student must not be politically active or have politically active family members; the universities must be open; the student must be from a social and economic group and have an educational background that makes higher education feasible. When these conditions are met, a student then faces a university system where teaching materials and classroom topics are heavily censored, group activities are restricted and freedom of thought is generally hindered. Students are then rushed through courses that focus on memorization rather than critical thinking and upon graduation are ill-equipped to find quality employment. (See chapter on children for information on primary education)

In 2000, civilian universities, which were closed since 1996, were "re-opened" with one year of course content packed in to 3 months and 2/3 of courses offered by mail. On June 26, fourth, fifth and sixth year students began their studies again and on July 24 second and 3rd year students and first year students who matriculated from high school in 1996. Before students could enroll they had to take an oath that they would not become involved in political activities, which many refused to do and as such only 1/3 of previously enrolled students were allowed to re-enroll. It is reported that between 25,000 and 60,000 students enrolled, however more than 400,000 students matriculated from high school since the closures in December 1996.

Despite the fact that only 0.5% of GNP is spent on education in Burma, compared to 2.7% in other Southeast Asian countries, the military government went to the extra expense of building university facilities in the outskirts of major cities near military barracks in order to stop students from gathering and protesting. The main campuses of Rangoon University and Rangoon Institute of Technology, which have been centers of student protest in the past, were moved 20 kilometers outside of Rangoon. Students from the provinces were being spread out among the new universities in order to prevent a concentration of students. The relatively isolated nature of the new campuses has led to some security concerns and at least 3 women were robbed at knifepoint while walking on Rangoon University campus. Several people who attended a forum on education at the NLD headquarters on August 21 emphasized that the quality of education presently available was lower than in 1988 and that there were few educational opportunities. In addition, the distance of the campuses prevented some students from attending classes regularly because they couldn’t afford transportation.

It was reported that on October 10, 2000, Dagon University, Rangoon Cultural University and some teachers training colleges were closed under the emergency act because anti-SPDC posters calling for a freer education system were found posted to walls. From September 29 to October 8 security had been increased at Dagon and Rangoon Cultural University because of rumors of a forthcoming student protest. Riot police and security forces were making checks in around the campuses but were withdrawn on October 9 when the situation looked clear. In addition, lecturer U Tin Shwe of Rangoon Cultural University, which has 1,000 students, was dismissed for discussing politics in the classroom. 20,000 students attend Dagon University with 8,000 studying on campus and 12,000 studying by distance learning.

Pa-an college, located in Karen state was re-opened on July 24, 2000. However, students that came from Thandaung, Hlingbwe, Myawaddy and Kyarinnseikgyi Township faced complications because the college could not provide them with a place to stay and rent at places close to the college was too high. As a result, some students were forced to leave the school. Students said that they were upset because they only attending class 3 days a week and were already preparing for their final exam after only 3 months of studying. Students can attend Pa-an College for 3 years after which they have to join Mawlamyine University if they want more education. (Source: ABFSU-FAC)

The SPDC has closed most urban universities and sent students off to remote rural campuses. The Computer Technical Institute has its classrooms spread out in remote areas, including one classroom located on the third floor of the immigration office Building, Union Venue, Alon Township in Rangoon. Other classrooms are located in Kyimyintdine Township. The cost for the Computer Technical Institute is $66(training fee), $474 (hostel), $474 (up-keep), $53 (stationary) and $142 (ferry) for one year. The fees total $1209, which prohibits most students from attending the school because they cannot afford the tuition. (Source: ABFSU-FAC)

The erratic nature of civilian higher education in Burma since 1988 has led to a generation that has lost the opportunity to receive a quality education. Many students have been forced to abandon their studies altogether either for economic reasons or because they have fled their homes or been imprisoned for political activities. In order to support their families some student have quit school to take jobs that don’t require a high education level, such as taxi drivers, or have migrated to other countries where there are more employment opportunities. Those students who have attempted to continue, or begin, their studies, have faced numerous school closings and low standards for materials, facilities, and educators. The current backlog of students who had their studies interrupted has meant that the authorities are currently trying to push students quickly through the university system. The school year has been cut down to 3 months and the education students receive is mostly cramming and memorizing answers to exam questions. The result is that the value of a degree has been downgraded and there is danger that the current generation of graduates will be disregarded by employers.

The hallmark of the current education system in Burma is the discrepancy between education received by the military and their families and the civilian population. Following the 1988 pro-democracy movement, the military authorities decided it was vital to strengthen the armed forces and began to set up military institutions for education. As a result the military regime has put most of the resources allocated for education into military institutions of education while neglecting and oppressing civilian education. While the civilian population has to struggle to pay education expenses for their children as a result of the ongoing financial crisis, the children of the military get higher quality education with the financial support of the military regime. Although SPDC manages all basic education schools in the state, it has also founded and operates 15 basic education schools for the children of military elite. During summer holidays, the military runs computer training and English courses and field trips for students from military families. Upon completion of high school these students are usually easily accepted into any military Institute and are eligible for scholarships and scholastic awards. These students are required to be full members of the USDA (for information on primary level education see chapter on children)

Although civilian universities were only allowed to be open for 40 months from 1988-2000, military institutions did not face the same restrictions. One of the results of this has been that military school graduates have been trained to run the civilian education system. One third of graduates of military schools enter civilian universities as lecturers and tutors. Those loyal to the military are rewarded with educational and employment opportunities not open to the rest of the population. The military government provides well for its army students, and gives them stipends, scholarships, and for the very elite, chances to study abroad. Military institutes do not suffer from lack of facilities or materials. The opportunities afforded are miniscule in comparison with world standards, yet many youth in Burma are drawn into the military circle through promises of status and opportunities that are otherwise unattainable in the harsh economic environment of the country.

Civilian students have therefore become interested in some military institutes due to the high cost lack of opportunities in civilian institutions. Civilian students may be accepted into military institutes, however, the government has created a strict system of application, which includes mandatory recommendations from various government officials, including military officials. This system ensures that the applicants, or the applicants’ relatives, have had no history with opposition political parties and no criminal history. The applicants must also promise not to be involved in politics, and pledge to serve in the army for a number of years upon graduating. In some universities, which are affiliated with but not directly under the auspices of the military government, students are screened for such things as USDA membership and political affiliations before they are allowed to take entrance exams. Students who attend these universities are also required to go into military or government service upon graduating. Students who are related to the military elite are favored above civilian applicants and in many cases military students do not have to pay tuition unlike civilian students.

-World Health Organization Constitution (Preamble) -

The ongoing civil war in Burma has meant that non-military expenditures, including those for health care, are given a low priority in government spending. The result of this is a health care system with insufficient facilities, too few health care workers, inadequate health education programs and lack of rural services. At the same the health problems of many are exacerbated by the ongoing armed conflict which disproportionately affects ethnic minorities. The populace is affected directly by things such as landmines and military violence, while migration and forced relocations are the cause of malnutrition and other conditions that lead to the spread of disease.

Lt. Gen Khin Nyunt condemned the report saying that "The WHO report, based on false information from antigovernment sources aimed at tarnished the image of the country is unjust and unacceptable…The ministry totally rejects the assessment." Khin Nyunt claimed the military had made progress in the health sector since it came to power — spending 3.09 billion kyats in 1999 as of March 31against 464 million on the same date in 1988. At the free market exchange rate of about 350 kyats to the dollar, government health expenditure for that year, in a country of 47 million, totaled just $880,000. At the official rate of six to the dollar it was about $51 million. The kyat traded at five to the dollar officially in 1988 and at about 88 on the black market. According to a World Bank report, health spending in 1999 represented just two percent of government spending, while military spending was 32%. (See chapter on women and children for more information on health)

Performance of ASEAN Health Care Systems, given the level of resources from
WHO World Health Report 2000

UNAIDS estimates 440,000 cases of HIV in Burma, however, most experts suspect the number is much higher since most parts of the country are closed to outsiders and the military junta controls the flow of information, concealing the real picture. Over the past several years the SPDC has denied that Burma faces any kind of HIV/AIDs problem. On January 20, 2000, Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt told the opening session of the annual conference of the Myanmar Medical Association that only 23,669 HIV infections and 3,195 cases of AIDS had been detected in Myanmar between 1988 and June 1999. This denial of the facts affects not only Burmese citizens, but also neighboring countries. As drugs, migrant workers and prostitutes leave the country, Burma has become an AIDS exporter. In neighboring China, India and Thailand, the provinces with the highest HIV rates are those that border Burma. A report released by Johns Hopkins School of Public Health have connected outbreaks of HIV and injection drug use with overland heroin trafficking routes originating in Laos and Burma and spreading throughout the region.

According to the Director of UNICEF, The SPDC is sending out confusing and conflicting messages about the HIV crisis while not allocating resources to the problem and unnecessarily politicizing the problem. Dr. Peter Piot, UNAIDS’s executive director, has said that Burma has the second worst AIDS epidemic in Asia after Cambodia. Estimates suggest that 60% of teenage drug users are HIV positive. Intravenous drug use in on the rise and Burmese official statistics have rates of injecting drug use among adults from 1.7% to 25%. The government claims that there are 66,463 drug addicts in Burma but the UNDCP and NGOs estimate that it is between 400-500,000. HIV infection rates among Burma’s addicts are among the highest in the world, and as there is a shortage of syringes along with other medical supplies, the spread is facilitated by widespread needle sharing. Internal migration for the purpose of employment is also a cause of the spread of HIV. Hundreds of thousands of people work seasonally in the jade and ruby mines in Shan and Kachin states and it has been found that most young adults who are HIV positive in central Burma have worked in the mines, most likely brining HIV with them when they return home.

The health infrastructure is not equipped to deal with HIV; counseling is nonexistent, condoms are to expensive for most people and only made legal in 1993; and HIV tests are rarely free and people cannot afford the $10 it costs to take one. According to two prominent doctors in Burma, ones a patient is diagnosed he or she usually dies within 3 months. There are no anti-HIV drugs in the country and a shortage of antibiotics for tuberculosis, which kills most HIV infected people in Burma. The virus is also spreading in prisons where needles are often re-used several times, and in monasteries where young men shunned by their families move to die. One doctor said that he has treated a number of monks, including elderly monks, who have AIDS.

SPDC Ministry of Health Data on HIV (also see chapter on Women)

Mental health is an often overlooked aspect of health care in many societies and the situation is exacerbated in Burma by the lack of resources allocated to health care in general. Ongoing civil war and violence is accompanied by an increase in mental health disorders. Studies of refugees on the Thailand-Cambodia border found that 55% suffered from some form of depression and 15% from post-traumatic stress disorder. The literature on the subject indicates that because mental trauma is a concern for a sizeable portion of war-affected populations, it should be addressed as a major public health issue.

The general health situation in prisons is terrible as there is not enough medicine, doctors or timely assistance. After a prisoner enters prison their health situation generally deteriorates as the result of torture, malnutrition, improper sanitation, and inadequate accommodation. If medicine is provided it is usually temporary pain relievers or the like, such as Paracetemol, Sodamit and Burspro. Doctors neither examine patients nor prescribe medicine for them; these tasks are carried prisoners jailed for criminal offences. Prisons have also become distributing centers of communicable diseases, such as AIDS, because the same needle is used on between 5 and 20 prisoners when they need to be given an injection. In some instances a prisoner may request that a family member bring in a clean needle from outside if they need to receive an injection. In addition, sometimes prisoners can obtain food (such as a single egg) for a blood donation and the equipment is reused without being cleaned. See interview excerpts at the end of this chapter

KHRG interview with "Myo Myint", age 30, a former prisonerin Moulmein Prison, Mon state. He suffers from asthma and needs regular medication but was taken a porter for the military regardless. He was interviewed after escaping from portering in Dooplaya District.

Q: How many days did you have to go for treatment [for your condition] when you were in prison?

A: I had to get treatment in the hospital for over three months when I stayed in prison. We had to buy the medicine ourselves and treat it. People from my house brought it. The prison gives us a ticket, but they don’t give medicine. If we go and ask for medicine for 5 days, they give us one tablet of Para [Paracetemol]. I got only one tablet of Amino [Aminophaline]. The one tablet of Amino didn’t cure my disease. I got better when I got an intravenous injection. I got a ticket from them and the people in my house bought the injection and gave it to me. When I came to porter, I had 8 more phials of Amino intravenous injection [to take]. To get the injection, we had to buy food for them [the prison officials].

Q: How much money did you spend on Medicine?
A: The price for medicine was over 3,000 kyat for the three months.

Q: Who gave you the injection?
A: The doctor from the hospital gave it to me. I only had to buy the medicine and the needle. We used our needle only one at a time. They used their needle for a month. They didn’t boil it after giving the injections.

Q: Did they continue using it?
A: Now, for scabies, they gave one phial of 200,000 units [I.U. International Units] to 6 people. For 8 people, they used only one needle. They injected them one by one.

Q: Did the disease get better?
A: The disease didn’t get better, it got worse. The prisoners who were almost dead were taken outside the hospital. They couldn’t walk. They had only skin and bone left and their eyes were shrunken. The wounds got worse and the scabies became like leprosy. There were both children and older people [suffering from this]. [The symptoms described here are also those of the final stages of AIDS. With the reuse of needles and the high rate of HIV infection in Burma it is very likely that many of the prisoners are infected.]

Q: How many prisoners died?
A: When I was in prison [6 ½ yrs], about 50 prisoners died. They died from that disease.

Q: Did the prisoners get diarrhea?
A: Yes, because they didn’t get enough food. Water was boiled and then cut spinach was put in the water. They fed us like that.

INGOs began re-entering Burma in 1991, the majority of them in the health field, a controversial move because many people felt that an INGO presence in Burma would provide legitimacy to the military regime. However, the INGOs that decided to work in Burma felt that some issues, such as the spread of HIV, could not wait for a change in the political situation and affected the entire Asian region not only Burma. When the INGOs entered Burma they found that the most immediate needs were in the health sector. The health care system was extensive but not adequate for the size of the population, the budget was small in comparison to needs and propaganda took the place of actual services. From the start SPDC has shown a preference for working with intergovernmental organization such as the United Nations. U.N. bodies, such as UNICEF, UNDP and WHO, play a larger role in funding than INGOs and have taken a lead in development, especially in the areas of management and assessment and are often the only buttresses against the collapse of government health and education programs. INGOs have been more active in implementing development projects at the community level and have focused their efforts on training rather than providing hard resources or cash. In 1994, the SPDC decided to accept offers of assistance from international agencies and NGO’s in areas covered by the Border Areas Development Program "as long as they do not threaten national security and solidarity." As a result, some organizations have established their own programs and some have funded projects through local community group but they have not used a common structure, system or method.

In order to work in Burma, INGOs have to have a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) which state the conditions under which they are allowed to work. To be granted a MOU, INGOs first must approach the relevant ministry, such as the Ministry of Health and then have their case presented by a ministry representative to the Foreign Affairs Committee. After this, if all goes well, final permission to operate is granted by the Cabinet.

Problems faced by INGOs working in Burma: lack of accurate information; lack of access to all parts of the country; cannot address the underlying problems that affect health such as such as forced labor, forced relocations, and armed conflict remain; shortage of trained personnel in ethnic areas; in the field local military commanders usually have the last say about decisions; are vulnerable to the whims of SPDC officials regarding their status; face political restrictions on who they associate with.

Alction Contre la Faim

The Association of Medical Doctors of Asia for Better Quality of Life for a Better Future

Medecins du Monde

Medecins Sans Frontiers (Holland)

World Concern

World Vision Myanmar

Association Francois Xavier Bagnoud

Adventist Development and Relief Agency

CARE Myanmar

Marie Stopes International

Populations Services International

In 1992, The Ministry for Progress of Border Areas and National Races and Development Affairs (MPBANDRA) initiated a number of projects for the development of border areas while giving priority to health and education activities. The National Health Plan for 1996-2001 of the Ministry of Health included the following objectives for border areas:

· to improve the quality of health care by providing sufficient amounts of essential drugs and health services not only at hospitals and dispensaries but also at homes

· to promote the heath status of national races of the border areas especially to reduce the mortality and morbidity of diseases among women and children

· to provide primary health care, especially maternal and child health care.

Anecdotal evidence suggests that these goals have not been met. Despite government statistics that show an increase in the construction of health facilities and number of health staff in border areas, this does not reflect the true situation. The poor state of infrastructure development in conflict areas has meant that physical access to health facilities is limited. Health staff is often poorly trained, cannot speak the local languages, concentrated in cities and towns where they may draw government salaries but work in the private sector and there is chronic understaffing. Although money may be allocated to build a clinic, in many cases it is siphoned off by various officials and replaced with forced donations from villagers, or not replaced at all. Adequate medicine is rarely found in border area hospitals or clinics and in some cases medics have to buy medicine with their own money and then sell it to the villagers. There are incidents of medical personnel selling medicine, including UNICEF donations, at black market prices. Traditional medicine or Paracetamol may be the only medicine available in rural clinics if there is any at all.

In areas under SPDC control, villagers are not allowed to build their own clinics or create independent organizations that work on issues such as health or education. Their participation in government projects is generally limited to providing labor or financing for the construction of facilities which does not allow them to gain organizational or other experience and limits outreach.

Internally Displaced People, or IDPs, have little access to medicine or health care while at the same time living in conditions of poor sanitation and food scarcity. The large number of people relocated to one site makes proper sanitation difficult and people don’t know which sources of water are good and which ones are contaminated. In some sites wells have been dug in addition to streams and lakes. Yet in some sites, such as the Shadaw relocation site in Karenni State, the lack of drinkable water has resulted in several problems, including sickness and death that was caused when chemicals were added to the water in an attempt to clean it. Elderly people are especially at risk for disease because of food scarcity and malnutrition and those who are relocated from mountain areas have no immunity to tropical diseases.

Health is a predominant problem for people in hiding. Life in the tropics without norms of shelter or food supply leads to high sickness and mortality rates from malnutrition, diarrhea, and malaria. Malnutrition is exacerbated by irregular supply of food as SPDC troops regularly destroy their crops and fields. They are unable to grow vegetables or raise animals and have to rely in large part on plants scavenged from the jungle. With a complete absence of health care facilities, people mainly rely on herbs and traditional medicine. Although there are some healthcare teams, the medicine and care they are able to provide is insufficient for the numbers of IDPs in hiding across many border areas. The mortality rate is rising at an alarming rate for these displaced people, and many villagers are dying from sicknesses easy to treat or prevent, and from minor wounds. In 1999 20 displaced people in Ha Toh Per died from diarrhea due to lack of basic medicine.

An additional problem for villagers living in conflict areas is their use as forced porters by the military. Porters often sustain injuries while performing their duties, such as through beatings or landmines and have increased susceptibility to diseases because of malnutrition and exhaustion. Porters do not receive medical treatment while under the command of SPDC and what medicine is available is first given to soldiers. For porters that sustain serious injuries, they often cannot afford to pay for the medical treatment they may require when they return home.

According to the 2000 KHRG report, ‘Peace Villages and Hiding Villages, Roads, Relocations and the campaign for Control in Toungoo District (Karen State),’ villagers living in Toungoo District, Karen State, including IDPs, have little access to medicine or health care while at the same time living in conditions of poor sanitation and food scarcity. For those villagers living in Peace Villages, there are no clinics so ill persons have to go to the hospitals in Kler Lah or Toungoo, which are staffed but do not have enough medicine. In some cases the villagers are asked to give a "donation" and are then allowed to buy medicine. However, in most cases medicine has to be brought from outside and then administered in the hospital. According to one villager,

"There is no medicine in the hospital. The soldiers prohibit the people to go to buy medicine from outside the village, we have to buy it secretly. We haven’t gone to the hospital now for a long time, because there is no medicine. When people get serious diseases we must send them to [Toungoo] town."- "Saw Ghay Hser" (M, xx), Kler Lah village (KHRG Interview #12, 11/99)

A prohibition on carrying medicine in some areas means that villagers caught secretly carrying medicine will be accused of aiding the resistance and possibly executed. The large number of people relocated to one site makes proper sanitation difficult and people don’t know which sources of water are good and which ones are contaminated. Elderly people are especially at risk for disease because of food scarcity and malnutrition and those who are relocated from mountain areas have no immunity to tropical diseases.

As of September 2000, an epidemic than began in mid-July, of malaria, anthrax and typhoid had killed an estimated 10,000 residents of Maung Yawn province, the headquarters of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), one of the world’s leading drug producers. Most of the dead were civilians because what little medication existed was first given to UWSA soldiers. Clinics in Maung Yawn are basic and lack most essential drugs. It was reported that Chinese doctors were brought in to help deal with the epidemic, as Thailand refused to provide much assistance or let in migrants and tightly sealed the border, at one point turning back residents who attempted to enter Thailand to seek medical assistance. Among those infected with anthrax reportedly is Wei Hsueh-kang, one of the top leaders of the UWSA and perhaps the most powerful drug warlord in Southeast Asia.

In early 2000, two UNICEF representatives from the Rangoon office accompanied by doctors from the Pruso Township Malaria Department visited and studied malaria in Hteepawso village tract, Pruso Township, Karenni State. The UNICEF mission provided some medicine to the local clinic and distributed mosquito nets to the locals, one net for two children and one for each adult. After the UNICEF delegation left, the township doctors collected 200 kyat per mosquito net from those who received them from UNICEF. They also said that the medicine and other assistance from UNICEF would be continued and distributed to each village. However, all patients had to buy the medicine and cover the cost of medical treatment on their own. (Source: KNAHR)

It is has been reported that in the beginning of May 2000, SPDC’s LIBs 406, 407, 408, 409, and 410 were forcibly selling health care cards for mothers and children in Yebyu township, Tavoy District, Tenasserim Division. Every family was forced to buy a card, which cost 100 kyat. They were ordered to do this by Operation Command HQ No. 8 based in Kanbauk village and the profits went to support their military fund. (Source: KNU Mergui-Tavoy District Information Department)

In March 2000, Dr Maung Maung Myint and his assistant Dr Myo Lwin Myint, chiefs of the Nursing Department in Loikaw, Karenni State, announced that they were offering Nurse Training to locals aligned to cease-fire groups. Locals not aligned to cease-fire armed groups had to offer a bribe of 300,000 kyat to the local health authorities. Some people could only afford to pay 30 - 40,000 kyat. The chiefs of the Department accepted the money but later told those applicants they could not attend. (Source: KNAHR)

Shadaw based SPDC military strategy No. 1, under command of Maj. San Aung did not have enough medicine or medical facilities to treat injured soldiers. Due to lack of medicine and treatment, their injuries worsened. Therefore, not only the injured soldiers, but all soldiers in the army were discouraged because of the unbalanced medical treatment between top brass commanders and those at the lower levels. (Source: KNAHR)

As of early 2000, all drug stores in the Karenni capital were relying more and more on Chinese medicine imported by brokers since they could not buy enough from the domestic state factory. The Chinese medicine was cheaper than medicine produced by the state. It has been reported that fake medicine made with rice flour was found among the imported medicine from China. Due to the scarcity of medicine and this counterfeit problem, there seems to be no way for people to ensure recovery of the sick. (Source: KNAHR)

Name: "Naung Soe"

Sex: Male

Age: 21

Ethnicity: Burman

Religion: Buddhist

Occupation: Rural Worker

Marital Status: Married, one child 9 months old

Address: xxxx village, Meiktila township, Mandalay Division

Date of Interview: June 2000

Source: KHRG

Q: How did you earn a living in your village?
A: I climbed toddy palms to get the juice. [The juice from the toddy palm fruit is mildly alcoholic.] For climbing the toddy palms I got 150 or 200 kyat a day, but the owners of the toddy can make 400 or 500 kyat as profit. Because we hire ourselves we only get 150 or 200 kyat and it is just enough to eat for one day, but no way to get rich or better our family’s situation.

Q: What do your brother and sister do?
A: My younger sister works as a field worker digging the ground with her mattock when other people who have fields asked her to work. My younger brother is breeding and taking care of cows and goats for other people. My younger bother is 16 years old and my younger sister is only 13 years old. My father and mother are already dead.

Q: Do they have time to go to school?
A: When my mother and father were alive they could go to school, but my father died and only our mother was left. My younger sister was called by someone to their house [to take care of her], but then we tried to stay together again. After my mother died, they didn’t want to go to school, but I would like them to continue going to school. My sister doesn’t want to go. She has only completed three standards and my brother has finished four standards. I have never gone to school. I am the eldest so I tried to find work to feed them and pay for them to go to school. My mother asked me to go to school, but I didn’t want to. I only stayed in the monastery to learn.

Q: Are there many people in your village who can’t go to school?
A: Yes, we have a lot of people who can’t go to school. The people who have money can send their children to school, but for the poor families, they can’t send them because the school fees are very expensive. Each student has to give 1,000 kyat to go to school per year. For food fees like oil and a ‘bowl’ of rice it is 200 or 300 kyat to buy food to live, so we do not have extra money and it is not easy to send somebody to school. A lot of children can not be sent to school and over 1/3 of the children don’t go to school. Most of the people can’t send their children to school, but some people can afford it.

Q: Is there a school in your village?
A: Yes, we have a school there. It is only a middle school. To go to high school we have to pass an entrance examination in the big town of xxxx.

Q: Is there a clinic in your village?
A: We do not have a clinic in our village, but we do have a clinic in xxxx town.

Q: What is the distance between xxxx village and zzzz town?

A: They are quite close to each other, but my village is in a rural place. We have a clinic for the whole town, but we do not have a clinic for our village or for each section.

Q: What do people usually do if they get sick?
A: People go to the hospital, they say it is a private hospital. A lot of people have died there if they did not have money [to pay for the treatment], but the people who do have money can live. It is because they do not really treat them, they just go here and there and do not take care of the people until they are near to death and then they just inject some medicine. A lot of people who do not have money have died.

Q: How much is a big tin of rice in your village?
A: A bowl of rice is about 200 kyat [a bowl of rice is 1.562 kgs / 3.445 lbs, there are 8 bowls in a big tin]. A viss [1.633 kgs / 3.6 lbs] of chicken is 500 kyat, a viss of pork is 500 kyat and a viss of beef is over 400 kyat.

Q: Will you go back or stay in a refugee camp?
A: I would like to go back and I’d dare to go back to my own village.

Q: What do think of the SPDC?
A: I can say I don’t like them, because according to our situation they should be people we can rely on. But really they oppress and abuse the civilians who do not have many ways to improve their standard of living. If they keep doing this, I don’t think it will benefit our situation, so if they would change some things, I think it would be better. I say this because some people have property and some don’t, and also some people have food and some don’t. We don’t need to divide the muscles on our backs and chests [we don’t need to divide our strength], we just have to help each other and be sympathetic to each other. If we deal with this problem and solve this problem, I believe that all our Buddhist people will be fine. But if we keep going like this, I don’t think that it will be easy, and there will be a lot of fighting and arguments.

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