SALWEEN WATCH UPDATE

 

APRIL 2001 – JUNE 2001, VOL. 11.

 

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Contents:

1. JAPAN REWARDS BURMA FOR POLITICAL OPENING : Aid Linked to Junta's Talks With Opposition. Thomas Crampton, International Herald Tribune, April 26, 2001

2.  JAPAN DEFENDS DAM-AID OFFER TO RANGOON. AFP, Tokyo printed in The Nation: May 18, 2001

3. MYANMAR EXILES CALLS JAPAN AID "MORE HARM THAN GOOD". AP - Sunday April 29, 2:27 PM
4. $29M GRANT HINTS
JAPAN READY TO TAKE LEAD ROLE. Myanmar Times / April 30 - May 6,2001/ Volume 3, No.61

5. BUSH URGED TO MAINTAIN SANCTIONS. WILLIAM BARNES,  South China Morning Post, April 27, 2001.

6. INTERVIEW WITH SENIOR OFFICER OF THE KARENNI ARMY ON THE SUBJECT OF JAPANESE PLANS TO GRANT FUNDS TO THE SPDC TO REPAIR THE BALUCHAUNG II POWER PLANT. Salween Watch, 23 April 2001

7. INTERVIEW WITH A KARENNI WOMAN DISPLACED FROM THE BALUCHAUNG HYDROPOWER PLANT AREA. Interview conducted in Karenni Refugee Camp #3 by Images Asia, 2001.

8. DAM MISINFORMATION AND THE PARADIGM SHIFT. Tyson R. Roberts, Bangkok Post,  April 29, 2001

9. A REGION AT RISK: MEKONG'S FUTURE MUDDY. The Nation: May 3, 2001

 

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1. JAPAN REWARDS BURMA FOR POLITICAL OPENING 

Aid Linked to Junta's Talks With Opposition

 

Thomas Crampton International Herald Tribune

 

Thursday, April 26, 2001

 

HONG KONG To support secret talks between opposition leaders and Rangoon's military government, Japan has quietly approved the largest grant aid package since Burma's ruling generals cracked down on pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988.

.

The move, which breaks a long-standing de facto ban on bilateral international assistance to Burma, took place in consultation with the United Nations and the United States.

.

Sources familiar with the progress of the United Nations-brokered talks in Rangoon said the grant, which sets aside ¥3.5 billion ($28.6 million) for reconstruction of turbines in a hydropower dam, was intended to serve as a tangible reward to the military government for having kept open a dialogue with the opposition leader and Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

 

"You can do positive re-enforcement for the discussions with a pat on the back, kind words or a dam," said a person familiar with the deal. "The Japanese decided to do it with this dam."

 

Rehabilitation of the Baluchaung dam was agreed to earlier this month and quietly announced during a little-publicized visit to Tokyo by Burma's deputy foreign minister, Khin Maung Win. The dam, in eastern Kayah Province, was built by Japan in the 1960s as part of war reparations. Japanese consultants will leave for Burma in the next few weeks to draw up a feasibility study.

 

The agreement was not announced in Burma's official press and went unnoticed by many observers, including Rangoon-based diplomats.

 

The reconciliation talks started last October at the prompting of a new UN special envoy, Razali Ismail.

 

"This is a very significant move by Japan," a Rangoon-based source said. "Japan has been trying to keep it quiet yet cooperate with Razali to reward progress for the talks." Mr. Razali, a Malaysian, overcame years of stalemate to start talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who heads the National League for Democracy, and leaders of the military junta.

 

The talks remain secret, but some of the government's more virulent propaganda against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has eased. In another hint of progress, the Burmese government earlier this month let in an envoy from the UN human rights office for the first time in five years.

 

Nonetheless, many diplomats and observers fear that Japan's grant has come too soon in a still nascent process.

 

"This is a risky step for Japan: If the dialogue falters, Japan could be criticized for acting prematurely," said Mike Jendrzejczyk, Washington director of Human Rights Watch/Asia. "Clearly no further grants should be given without fundamental human rights progress in Burma."

 

Japanese officials declined to say whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi approved of the grant but confirmed that consultations took place on all sides.

 

For Japan to undertake the dam project with minimum interference, Mr. Razali needed the United States to muffle its formerly strong opposition to the plan.

 

Last year the United States raised objections against such bilateral aid and specifically criticized an early version of the dam project, warning that its approval amounted to a reward without progress on human rights. The United States now takes a more moderate stancethanks to the progress of the talks in Burma and a new Washington administration that is hostile toward sanctions-based foreign policy.

 

Mr. Razali failed in another attempt to rally support when he visited the World Bank earlier this year to request an opening of low-level engagement with Burma. The bank rejected the request since the Burmese government had shown so little response to its previous attempts at cooperation,sources said.

 

In 1998 the Burmese government rejected a billion-dollar offer of aid from the World Bank and the United Nations in exchange for political reforms. At the time, government leaders expressed outrage at foreign criticism of Burma's domestic affairs, insisting the nation could ignore outside pressures and survive in total isolation if necessary.

 

Mr. Razali's approach, according to a Rangoon-based source, "doesn't impose conditions, but acts more like an orchestra conductor. Each government and institution is like an instrument that he tries to put in harmony with the others." Public disclosure of the grant, however, may raise criticism of Japan by Burma's vociferous exile activist community.

 

Another point of contention may be Tokyo's assertion that the project amounts to simple humanitarian aid. "This hydropower plant provides electricity to 20 percent of the nation, including many hospitals," a Japanese official said. "In that way we may classify this as a humanitarian project."

 

According to some estimates, however, up to one-third of the electricity generated by the dam is used by the country's military.

 

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2. JAPAN DEFENDS DAM-AID OFFER TO RANGOON

 

AFP, Tokyo printed in The Nation: May 18, 2001

 

JAPAN HAS offered almost US$ 30 million (Bt 1.35 billion) in grant aid to Burma to help ordinary people there and not to benefit the military junta or business by Japanese companies, an official said yesterday.

 

"We do not think Japan has to do exactly the same as the United States does" and shun assistance to Burma, a foreign ministry official said on condition of anonymity.

 

US Secretary of State Colin Powell on Tuesday sharply criticised Japan's largest aid package to Burma in a decade, saying it was not appropriate to deal with the country's military rulers. Japanese diplomats said in Rangoon last month that ministers would soon rubber-stamp a 3.5-billion-yen (Bt 1.28-billion-yen) plan to revamp a hydropower dam in eastern Burma, which Japan built in the 1960s.

 

But Powell made it clear that the United States was vigorously opposed to the programme, which will alleviate a little of the pressure on Burma's power grid, reeling under international economic sanctions.

 

"The Japanese are making an investment in a hydroelectric plant that we have suggested to them is not a proper investment to be making at this time with this regime", Powell told the Senate appropriations sub-committee on foreign operations.

 

The Japanese official said Tokyo had repeatedly explained to Washington that the ageing dam wall could break at any time. "If it does, it would affect the ordinary people and their daily life," the official said, stressing that the proposed aid was "of an emergency nature".

 

Another foreign minister official said Tokyo had informed Rangoon on April 9 about its intention to grant the aid, but it was not clear when the allocation would get the cabinet's go-ahead.

 

"We do not know when the aid will be approved. Before the approval by the cabinet, we will send a team of researchers to assess the dam", the official said.

 

Tokyo also hoped the aid would contribute to "promoting the fledging dialogue between the junta and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi", the official said. "We are neither interested in doing business nor hoping Japanese companies will win the contract for the project, but we want to help the ordinary people," the official said, "We do not want our intention misunderstood."

 

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won an overwhelming election victory in 1990 but the result was not recognised by the military government.

 

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3. MYANMAR EXILES CALL JAPAN AID "MORE HARM THAN GOOD"


AP - Sunday April 29,
2:27 PM
 
BANGKOK (AP)--
Japan's plan to renovate a hydropower plant in Myanmar to reward the ruling military for opening talks with Aung San Suu Kyi is premature, exiled representatives of her democracy party said in a statement received Sunday.

"Any form of aid and relaxation of international pressure at this time can only do more harm than good to the fragile state of the talks in Burma," Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, was quoted as saying. The organization is a self-declared government-in-exile.


Earlier this month,
Japan announced it was considering a $24 million aid package to renovate the Baluchaung power station, the biggest electricity generator in Myanmar, also known as Burma, to encourage the regime to continue talks with Suu Kyi that began in secret in October and remain shrouded in mystery.

The Japanese aid would represent the most significant foreign grant to
Myanmar since the regime took power in 1988 after a bloody crackdown against a democracy uprising. Since then, donors have only allowed a trickle of humanitarian assistance.

A final decision on the aid is expected by the end of the year, after a team of Japanese experts have evaluated the extent of repairs needed at the 40-year old plant that supplies the capital
Yangon and the second-largest city Mandalay.

The Washington-based coalition - formed in 1990 by exiles of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy - said in a statement received in
Bangkok that the regime should make an official commitment to the Myanmar people about the dialogue process before they are rewarded with aid.

"The SPDC has had ample opportunity to inform the people of
Burma about the talks that have been underway since October last year. It has failed to date to do so," said Thaung Htun, the coalition's representative at the U.N.


"Aid at this time could reinforce the generals' belief that they can ease international pressure by pretending to talk without making a real commitment."

The talks are seen as the most significant dialogue in a decade of political deadlock since Suu Kyi's party swept general elections and was barred from taking power. Since then, many of its elected representatives have been jailed or gone into exile.

Suu Kyi and her two top lieutenants have been under house detention since Sept. 23 for defying travel restrictions. A handful of top diplomats who have seen the democracy leader since then say that, like the government, she has declined to comment on the talks.

Last week, ethnic Karenni opponents who fight a resistance war against the regime also urged
Japan to withhold the aid.


They said that indigenous Karenni people have never received electricity from the power plant in northeastern
Myanmar and that villagers were forcibly relocated from its land mine-strewn environs in the early 1990s.

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4. $29M GRANT HINTS
JAPAN READY TO TAKE LEAD ROLE

 

From: Myanmar Times / April 30 - May 6,2001/ Volume 3, No.61

 

 

MYANMAR’S continuing warm ties with Japan has resulted in a US$28.6 million assistance package to revamp a hydro power station in Eastern Kayah State, about 400kms from the capital Yangon.International media reports painted the assistance as a change of stance by Japan, but both Myanmar and Japanese officials were quick to point out the grants came under the auspices of technical assistance and cooperation, something Japan has been doing in a low key manner for some years now.

 

The spokesman, quoted by Agence France Presse, said a team of consultants would soon arrive in Myanmar to prepare a report on the dam, which was originally built in the 1960’s. The hydro station is important in supplying electricity to the capital and outlying areas. After reviewing the feasibility study, Tokyo plans to officially approve the project some time after December. The decision was made “in light of the fact that there are positive steps being taken by the government, and a dialogue is going on,” said an embassy official, confirming a report on the International Herald Tribune’s website.

 

“We wanted to give some sort of encouragement to the parties concerned that they will engage more with each other to bring about some positive results,” he told AFP.The embassy official said that although talks at the highest level between Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt on behalf of the SPDC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remain shrouded in secrecy, he was optimistic they would yield results.“Cautious optimism is everyone’s attitude and there’s no sign that we should see the situation in a less positive manner,” he said.

 

A Myanmar official, who declined to be named, said the Govt and people appreciated the assistance, noting that Japan continued to be a leader in recognising the need to help the country at a time when sanctions and embargoes had hurt everyone. Japan has been supporting rebuilding efforts in a quiet, but purposeful manner over the past few years, resuming grants in 1994. In a 1995 aid project it committed US$15 million for health projects and over the past year has given numerous “grass roots assistance” grants to build schools, initiate health projects and help in agriculture, particularly with drug eradication efforts.

 

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5. BUSH URGED TO MAINTAIN SANCTIONS


WILLIAM BARNES, 
South China Morning Post, April 27, 2001
 
More than 30
United States senators have warned President George W. Bush not to ease sanctions against Rangoon lest he send the wrong signal to the military regime as it continues closed-door talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The senators said in a letter to the President that any lifting of sanctions on investments could "remove the incentive for the regime to negotiate" with Ms Aung San Suu Kyi.

There was surprise this week when it appeared
Japan had decided to reward the military regime merely for talking to the opposition leader by supplying aid to repair a Japanese-built hydro-power dam.

The deafening silence from the meetings that started last October has convinced many observers that their primary purpose was to polish up the junta's image at a time of unprecedented international pressure. Ms Aung San Suu Kyi and most of her senior leadership remain either under house arrest or in jail and the regime has worried some Burma-watchers by not boasting about what are purported to be positive talks at any recent international
gatherings, including the
Geneva meeting of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.

Debbie Stothard, the co-ordinator of a pressure group, the Alternative Asean Network on
Burma, said from Geneva that the Japanese had made a wrong move. "Their motives are highly questionable and it looks like rewarding them for talking to the NLD [National League for Democracy] when these talks haven't yielded any tangible results yet," she said. "What is it a reward for? Nothing so far."

Sources have told the International Herald Tribune
Japan consulted the US and United Nations about the aid.

A Japanese source in
Rangoon yesterday said Tokyo had offered to rebuild the Baluchaung dam in Kayah province - which supplies the country with one-third of its electricity - because "it was on the verge of falling apart". The aid is worth up to 3.5 billion yen (HK$223 million). It is the biggest Japanese aid donation since 1998, when Tokyo provided 2.5 billion yen to repair the dilapidated airport in Rangoon.

Even Japanese officials who describe both projects as "humanitarian" admit the dam project is more overtly economic, but point out that the station was originally built with Japanese money provided as part of war reparations in 1960 and that the country suffers frequent power blackouts.

A Western diplomat in
Rangoon said that although Ms Aung San Suu Kyi might be aware of this aid, "no responsible person could claim that she has given her approval. How could she?"

Increasingly observers think the International Labour Organisation's unprecedented call last November for sanctions against Burma, combined with fears the US might impose an import ban, persuaded the regime to talk to a woman they have frequently castigated in the state-controlled media as a dangerous and malevolent force.

Burma was slammed for its "continuing pattern of gross and systematic violations of human rights" by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva last week and labour rights groups complain that even now, forced labour remains widespread.

Meanwhile, the toning down of attacks on Ms Aung San Suu Kyi in the state press and the release of some political prisoners has been widely reported in hopeful terms. Yet several new political arrests have been made in recent months.

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6. INTERVIEW WITH SENIOR OFFICER OF THE KARENNI ARMY ON THE SUBJECT OF JAPANESE PLANS TO GRANT FUNDS TO THE SPDC TO REPAIR THE BALUCHAUNG II POWER PLANT

 

Salween Watch, 23 April 2001

 

“If the power plant gives the Karenni people benefits we wouldn’t want to do anything to it  - but now the Karennis get no benefit, the SPDC expels the people from their lands around it, they are driven from their homes and then the SPDC put down landmines all around. The people also have to take responsibility for the security of the power lines that go into the Shan State….”

 

"If they repair Baluchaung Power Plant the Karenni get nothing – the benefits are only for big factories and their own people in Rangoon. We don't want this electric power. Why do the Japanese want to give money to the SPDC- do they want the business?

 

Before they built Lawpita they promised the Karenni would get electricity from the project, but even all these years later they still get nothing.

 

“If the project starts the Karenni youth inside will look on the Japanese and any tourists with a bad eye.”

 

Starting in 1997 the SPDC made more operations against the KNPP. However after ILO resolution they seem to be wanting to show that they are not using porters so much, so they maintain their positions rather than attacking. Normally in Karenni there are only LIB’s 72, 54, 261, 127, 428, 429, 430, 337, 530 and 531. Under Da Ka Sa (which is more responsible for defensive rather than offensive duties) there were normally 8 battalions. Near the border the camps are under Da Ka Sa. Half stay near the border, half manage security around villagers, relocation camps, bases, etc.

 

In 1997 an additional 10 battalions were brought in for special operations. They were LIB’s 102, 427, 250, 261, 421, 423, 424, 425, 426, 336, under Special Operational Commander Gen Maung Bo. Now he has been promoted to Eastern Commander. Now the Special Operations Command (SOC) is under Brig. Gen. (Bo Hmu Choke) Kyaw Win.

 

The SOC, as usual, are still always on the move. They haven't withdrawn - but they don't want to engage, don't want to die. They just avoid (us). The soldiers are hungry, afraid - they may know we are there but they act like they don't know. They are not the same as they were in 1997 – there now seems to be conflict in Burmese Army – maybe they lost morale due to corruption. The soldiers are now not well trained, such as the one we captured in Daw Kaw. It is no policy change - more like the army captains have weakness.

 

The KNPLF and Da Ka Sa are moving in to take out the logs (from the areas close to the border). KNPLF has 100 troops for security of logging operations. The Burmese have 4 battalions

 

“There are however 2 tanks at Lawpita. The 54th LIB at Loikaw also has 2 tanks. 72 LIB and 530 LIB are based at Lawpita. 72 LIB Commander is Lt. Col. Maung Maung Soe. 530 LIB commander is Lt. Col. Tha Oo. The responsibility of 72 LIB is security immediately in and around the power plant. 530 LIB is responsible for security around the outer perimeter of the area. Col. Hla Thaung Myint is Da Ka Sa is the regional commander with responsibility for them.

 

“…..The youth group told us that the KNPP is very slow and not strong, and that if KNPP doesn't do anything to stop the reconstruction of dam they will form a group and they will catch the engineers, the tourists - and copy the other countries, Palestine, the Philippines. They really hate staying under the Burmese. This was according to the sources from Loikaw who said there is a group which just formed in the towns - Loikaw, Pekon, Taunggyi- educated people who are dissatisfied with the lack of action. Some are students, even junior officer. These people are not KNPP- they even attack KNPP – however they do it with their mouths (not with guns). They made strong criticisms of the KNPP.”

 

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7. INTERVIEW WITH A KARENNI WOMAN DISPLACED FROM THE BALUCHAUNG HYDROPOWER PLANT AREA

 

Interview conducted in Karenni Refugee Camp #3 by Images Asia, 2001.

 

Interview date: 22/4/01

Interviewee:     Maw Xxx Meh

Occupation:     (before relocation and becoming a refugee) Farmer

Age:                 60 yrs

Ethnicity:          Kayah

Place:               (before relocation) Tee Ta Nga Village  – forced to move to Hti Po Klo

                       Village, Deemawsoe Township, Karenni (Kayah) State, Burma

 

Relocation

 

“I do not remember exactly when the order to move from the village came, it was some time in June of 1996. It happened after the soldiers ordered the headman to come and see them. They killed him.  A little bit later the whole village was ordered to move by the 72nd LIB.  He was killed because there had been fighting between KNPP and SLORC.  The SLORC suspected the headman of supporting the KNPP.  The soldiers came to the village and ordered them to move.  We didn’t know why, they didn’t say. We couldn’t take all our belongings.  We had only 2 hours to move – no, not 2 days, only 2 hours.  We started to leave the village at 7 am in the morning, and we arrived at the new place at 5 pm. We got there by walking. There was no transportation provided. We didn’t have any warning that it would happen.  We heard before the soldiers came to our village that some other highland villagers were forced to move, but we didn’t think it’d happen to us. The soldiers said the move would only be for 3 months, but it has now become years.

 

“Before the three months were finished one of my sons went back to the village but he stepped on a mine.  The mine didn’t kill him, he is still alive.  However my husband is dead – for more than 4 years now.  He was killed by the Burmese soldiers when he was taken as a porter. He was very tired and weak from the bad food and little rest. He collapsed, he just couldn’t carry his load any more.  The soldiers beat him to make him move. When he couldn’t they kicked him off a cliff.” 

 

Her husband was taken as a porter when the headman received an order for 3 porters to go to serve 72LIB.  It was his turn to go.  There were many people doing portering with her husband.  He was killed on a trail going up a mountain between Pawn River and Salween north of Bawlake.  She heard of his death from some of the porters who managed to escape from the column, and then again from those who returned when they were released at the end of the forced labour.

 

Asked if she knew details of the army unit responsible for his death she said she knows only one name – “Tun Shwe.  He is a 3 star rank”. 

 

“My husband was about 45 years old when he died, younger than me.  We held a memorial service in the traditional way – killed a buffalo, and buried his clothes and some other possessions.

 

“I have 8 children – all sons.  My son who stepped on a mine already had two children – he is about 30.

 

“When we were made to move at first we stayed under some other people’s house when we arrived in Hti Poh Klo – they said we could stay with other people.  It is a big village.  It was the rainy season.

 

“30 families were moved from my village.  The other villages that were forced to move had to go to Nwa Leh Bo village in Shadaw Township. The villages that moved were Loi Soe, Daw La Leh, Daw Sa See, Daw Ee Soe, Maneekhu, Saw Soe Leh, Kuh Leh, Daw Dah Dah, Daw Khraw Aw. That’s all I know about.

 

“Our villages are close to Pawn River, the others (that moved to Nwa Leh Bo) are east of Pawn River.”

 

Other villages that were also relocated (that she knew of) were “Daw Pu, Daw Peh, Law Pi Hto, Tha Poe (Tapo), Bu Lei, Daw Lo Khu.  These are all in the eastern part of Dee Maw Soe, mostly south of Baluchaung – half a day’s walk from Baluchaung.”

 

Life since relocation

-          further movements, attempts to find sufficient work/rice

-          dangers for her sons from arrest, interrogation, torture

 

“I came here last month after deciding last March to leave,” when she could take her family.  She decided to leave because she had to work every day, often had to walk to find work.  She learnt about the refugee camp from some people she met when she was looking for work who said the situation may be a little better in Thailand.  She came with 5 of her 8 children – 3 remained.  The youngest is 17.  The others stayed behind – they are married, have families.

 

“My injured son is in Loikaw with his family, trying to find work.  Sometimes he does gardening. 

It’s very hard – everyday they find a job from the people in the village – a tin of rice for 3 days work (biscuit tin-size, 20 litres).  They also get some corn.  Sometimes I have to go house to house to ask for rice when there is no work.  I made my children spread out to look for work or ask for rice.

 

“We stayed in that area (Hti Poh Klo) for 3 years. Over one and a half years ago I moved back to Loikaw area because it (Hti Poh Klo) is very dangerous, especially for my sons. They are often stopped and interrogated by the soldiers. My son has been tied up like this (stands like a cross) and the soldiers twisted a stick into his belly-button until it bled.  This has happened often, not just once.  When the soldiers are involved in fighting, they suspect everyone.

 

“Since moving to Loikaw the security was a bit better, but it was still hard to find rice. Life was getting worse and worse – there was no firm work. Sometimes I had to offer to clean people’s houses for whatever they choose to give her.  Sometimes it was very little and I was very disappointed.”

 

…..”We only came in the night time – we were afraid of being seen by the Burmese military.  It took ten days walking to get to the border, but if you count the time it took to get from Loikaw up to the refugee camp, it was actually about 15 days travel.”  She came with  other refugees – (she guessed there were about 88 in the group). The group arrived March 9th.

 

“Yes, the Karenni soldiers helped us, escorted us from the Salween to here. They helped us cross the Salween in a small boat.  We met the KNPP soldiers on the way between Pawn and Salween.  The soldiers are active in that area.

 

“All the people in the group came together from different places, joined together on the way.  My temporary ‘boss’ from Loikaw had asked me to go to Dee Maw Soe to get some things to sell. When I was there I met and talked with some people in a place near the forest, they said they were leaving and would wait for 2 days for her to go back and get her family.

 

Asked about being in Thailand:

“I feel safer here – I don’t need to worry more about the military giving trouble to my sons. Also my son can go back to school.  He lost many years – even though he is 17, he is happy to go back to primary school.

 

Lawpita, forced labour, flower planting

“I heard from people I came here with about ‘loke a pay’ (forced “voluntary” labour) at Lawpita.  They make people clear the plants from below the power lines.  Others are made to build high bamboo fences around the army positions.  Some have to work to plant yellow flowers that the soldiers can sell.  These flowers are being planted by the Lawpita road that goes to Loikaw.  If you travel by truck you can see them from the road.  They are “Pa Khi Di” flowers.  They are very bitter-leaf flowers – people boil and eat the leaves.

 

“Five villages remain in the Baluchaung / Lawpita area that I know:   Gar Nee, Saw Law Gyeh, Maw Taw Khu, Mai Garn (Shan), She Meh.  In She Meh there are mostly Burmese.  The first 4 villages are above Lawpita, north of Baluchaung.”

 

(When asked to elaborate on other villages in the area Maw Xxx Meh said she had “heard of Dawtacha near (south of) Mai Garn – but I have not been in that area so I don’t know.”

The majority of the villages are Karenni, a few Shan, some Pa Oh.)

 

Life before relocation –paddy farming, tax

Before relocation, Maw Xxx Meh worked on her farm with her husband and sons, growing paddy. When asked how big their lands were she was unfamiliar with measurements. She said “I don’t know exactly how much land we had, but we had plenty of land to grow all we needed.  Every year we still had a little rice left. In a year we could harvest 10 full bullock carts of paddy.”

(total of around 300 sacks of paddy per year.)

 

“We had many buffalos – don’t know what has become of them now. They have probably become wild, been shot or eaten.”

 

Tax:

“We used to have to pay rice tax, but got a very low price for the rice.  Every year we had to give 20 biscuit tins in tax to the tax collectors. These were civil servants, not soldiers.”

 

Lawpita Dam and Village

“No, I haven’t been to the Lawpita falls, but have been to Lawpita Village.”

She said she could see the pipe and hear the sound of the falling water, but she couldn’t hear the turbines as they were a long way down.

 

“Most of the water goes through the pipe to the power plant.  There is no waterfall any more.  From the distance you can see the big white pipe – I never went and touched it but went past it many times.  I could hear the water from the pipe.”

 

Lawpita Village is about 4 miles from the power plant.

 

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8. DAM MISINFORMATION AND THE PARADIGM SHIFT

 

Tyson R. Roberts

Bangkok Post,  April 29, 2001

 

Large hydropower dams and large irrigation projects with dams, weirs, and water diversions are part of the syndrome of over-population and over-development that is threatening the global ecosystem and causing social disintegration

 

[This commentary is a response to Martin Wieland's article titled 'Don't damn dams out of hand' in the Bangkok Post on 29 March 2001. Wieland's article, it may be noted, was in response to a banner with anti-dam slogans in different languages hanging from a bridge on Thailand's Menam Chao Phraya that appeared in the Post's issue of 15 March.]

 

 

Wieland presented his pro-dam arguments forcibly and in a well-organised fashion. Many of his statements are slanted or biased, or half-truths. Others are subjective over-simplifications of complicated issues. The main problem, however, is that his entire essay represents an archaic point of view. The thinking in it is based upon a failed paradigm of development. This expansionist, no-limits-to-growth paradigm has resulted in global environmental deterioration and diminished quality of life for everyone. It is the root cause of social, political and economic instability and insecurity.

 

Fortunately the world might be in the early stages of a major paradigm shift in global economic development. The new paradigm has not yet been officially adopted by organisations such as the World Bank or the Asian Development Bank, and certainly not by Wieland's International Commission on Dams. The ICD is not to be confused with the WCD or World Commission on Dams. WCD is supposed to provide a balanced evaluation of dams and particularly of hydropower dams. ICD is a purely pro-dam lobbying group. Its membership is composed mainly of engineers, consultants and others professionally and financially interested in promoting dams.

Wieland and others holding views similar to his should try to adjust their thinking and behavior to the new paradigm if they can. The problem with paradigm shifts is that most people in the middle of one are unable to recognise it, and others who comprehend the shift are so habituated to old ways of thinking and old ways of behaving that they are unable to adjust or adapt to the new paradigm. Instead they try to detract from the new paradigm and its supporters. They cling tenaciously to the old ways and rail against the new thinking. Thus it is up to succeeding generations to take up the new paradigm. This is starting to happen in many parts of the world. It is in mankind's best interests that the new paradigm prevails. It involves environmentally-and people-friendly regional and global development based on intentional population reduction. It involves conservation and preservation of wilderness and of biodiversity, and increased quality of life for all human beings. It is an elitist concept in which Homo sapiens, the elite species, establishes a rational relationship to the biosphere. In economic terms it means development that is truly sustainable, based on resources that are truly renewable. It means living within the means provided to friendly-users by our user-friendly planet.

 

Contrary to the statements of Wieland and others stuck with the old paradigm, the new paradigm is not idealistic or utopian thinking. It is pragmatic, rational and realistic. It is also beautiful and challenging. The old paradigm is ugly, boring, destructive and ultimately obscene. It is not idealistic, not rational, and not pragmatic. It is based on the self-defeating and nihilistic assumption that mankind cannot escape from the loop of over-population and over-development.

 

A close reading of Wieland's commentary reveals the faultiness of his thinking. In the first paragraph he states: "World Anti-Dams Day on March 14 may be just the invention of small groups of dam opponents trying to draw public attention and block future dam projects." More likely the March 14 occasion represents an expression of numerous people of diverse backgrounds motivated by their (perhaps limited at this point) perception of the new paradigm. It is characteristic of paradigm shifts that proponents of the old paradigm cannot grasp the rate at which the new paradigm is taking over.

 

In the second paragraph is the statement that: "There is a growing need for sustainable and environmentally friendly sources of energy, which [hydropower] dams can provide." Increase of quality of life for everyone may mean that many people will consume more energy in the future than they do today. But that does not mean that any of the increase should come from hydropower dams. Most hydropower dams are not sustainable sources of energy and they emphatically are not environmentally friendly. There are very few exceptions to this statement, and the exceptions do not occur in tropical Asia, India or China.

 

In the second paragraph Wieland's article also states that dams have contributed significantly to flood control all over the world. This is certainly true. But it is only a half-truth. Dams also have contributed significantly to floods and aggravation of flooding all over the world. Dam failures have been responsible for substantial loss of life. The floods in India's West Bengal and in Bangladesh in September-October last year were certainly aggravated by dams. The floods in Cambodia and Vietnam during the same time also probably were aggravated by dams including Vietnam's new Yali hydropower dam and China's 1993 Manwan Hydropower dam on the Mekong mainstream in Yunnan. Dams might be utilised more successfully for flood control if they were not used for hydropower. Unfortunately the people who build dams are interested in making money. They know how to make money converting hydropower into electricity (thus leaving behind a dead or dying river) but they do not know how to make money out of flood control. Wieland asks: "Why are so many people from the dry northeast of Thailand migrating voluntarily Bangkok? Are there too many dams with a negative impact? We know that dams contribute only very marginally to the migration of poor rural people." This is a simplistic and therefore untrue assessment of a complex issue. First of all it is inaccurate to describe northeast Thailand as dry. There is a dry season, of course, and some parts are drier than others. People are leaving Isan and trying to find a better life in Bangkok because they are the victims of multiple environmental impacts. Dams, especially irrigation dams but also hydropower dams, have contributed substantially to widespread environmental deterioration in Thailand's northeast. The main concerns of the dam opponents are related to environmental and socio-economic impact mitigation. These also are serious concerns for dam developers and owners. Dam proponents are keen on promoting mitigation measures because they help to get governmental and public approval for environmentally and socially damaging projects. Most so-called environmental mitigation measures such as the Pak Mun fish ladder fail to mitigate. Most resettlement efforts (socio-economic mitigation) don't resettle. Environmental mitigation measures often have their own negative environmental impacts. Resettlement schemes often are forced or fraudulent and almost always seriously flawed. Mitigation and resettlement are part of the old way of thinking. They belong to the old unhealthy and unworkable paradigm of economic development that must be abandoned. Nobody in the dam community is interested in intentionally destroying the environment or in disregarding the interests of people living in a reservoir area. Members of the dam community (including Wieland) simply do not have an adequate understanding or feeling for the environmental and social problems involved. For them these are only impediments in the way of development and progress. Wieland gives himself away by implying that only people in the reservoir area are impacted by dams. Dam proponents habitually resist assessments that try to take into account environmental and social impacts downstream from the reservoir of a hydropower dam.

 

India and China, the two most populous countries and with the highest undeveloped hydropower potential, although planning to develop their water resources, have vigorously opposed any anti-development policies supported by anti-dam interest groups. This is a highly subjective and carefully-hedged statement. As the two most populous countries, India and China urgently need to adapt the new paradigm for environmentally-friendly economic development. All of the over-populated countries in the world, including the United States of America, need to implement programs for gradual population reduction over the next 20, 50, 100 and 200 years. The environmental, economic, political and social benefits will be incalculable. Of course, population reduction is only one ingredient of the new paradigm. Increasing the quality of life is another ingredient, one that is particularly needed in India and China. It will not be achieved by building more dams. The stand of the Indian government on new dams is complicated. The federal government does not support Gujarat's massive Sardar Sarovar Project. It imposed a moratorium on a large hydropower dam on the Teesta River. India is in a state of denial regarding the horrendous environmental and social problems in West Bengal and in Bangladesh caused by its Farraka barrage. This project shows how impossible it is to predict the environmental and social impacts of a large dam.

 

China is the most backward country in the entire world when it comes to promoting large hydropower dams. The government strongly supports massive projects such as Three Gorges on the Yangtze and a cascade of eight super high dams on Yunnan's Lancang or Mekong mainstream. Yunnan, like Laos a few years ago and Thailand before that, is today a dam promoters paradise. Most people in Thailand do not have even an inkling of what is going on in Yunnan regarding hydropower development and the immense political, social, and environmental implications.

 

"It is in the interest of countries to only develop projects where the number of people who benefit outnumber those who suffer a negative impact. The people affected by large infrastructural projects are not to be considered automatically as losers. Everybody's life is affected by unforeseen decisions and circumstances. Usually this leads to new opportunities and most people do not want to return to the past once they get used to their new environment."These remarks border on the ridiculous. They could equally well be used as a good rationale for another world war. Its not an acceptable trade-off that thousands of Cambodians or Laotians lose their lands and way of life so that a million people in Bangkok can purchase electricity for a few years for 0.1 baht/kilowatt-hour less than they would otherwise pay. Wieland presumes to know the innermost thoughts of people he has never met and whose language he cannot speak. This is typical of the paternalistic and culturally-biased thinking of pro-dam engineers, bankers, and investors. Successful hydropower dams initially benefit large numbers of people. But in most tropical countries the reservoirs of many hydropower dams fill with sediment after three or four decades and then electricity can no longer be generated. At this point they are not much use for flood control or irrigation either. Pre-project cost-benefit analyses by dam proponents invariably show that the economic benefits from the use of electricity generated by the projects and the supposed multipurpose benefits will be much greater than the project installation costs and the environmental and social costs. Post-project cost-benefit analyses, if they are done, provide a reality check. Reality is that social and environmental costs are permanent or extend far into the future, while the benefits from the electricity that was produced are as evanescent as the electricity itself.

 

Tyson R. Roberts, PhD Stanford University 1968, is a Research Associate of the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute. He has studied the fishes of the Mekong basin since 1970 and has done environmental impact assessments of various hydropower projects in the Mekong basin including Thailand's Pak Mun Dam.

 

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9. A REGION AT RISK: MEKONG'S FUTURE MUDDY

 

The Nation: May 3, 2001

 

A NEW report dealing with Southeast Asia's Greater Mekong Sub-region paints a gloomy picture of ecosystems and ethnic minorities under threat from development.

 

The report, released recently by the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI), divides the Greater Mekong Sub-region into five areas considered to be threatened both by hydro-electric plants and new roads. One of these areas is the Tonle Sap, one of the world's most unique river and lake systems. The Greater Mekong Sub-region includes the Upper Mekong, the Golden Quadrangle, the Central Greater Mekong, the Se San and Se Kong Basins and the area taking in Cambodia's Tonle Sap. The region, which takes in Cambodia, Laos, Burma, Vietnam, Thailand and China's southern province of Yunnan, has enormous potential to generate electricity.

 

Yunnan province has the greatest number of hydro power plants already established, followed by Burma, Laos and Vietnam.

 

However there is much at risk in the region, and the plants could prove a threat to the area's natural diversity. The Upper Mekong area has rich, but increasingly degraded natural resources - the diversity of its forests and wildlife is challenged only by that of its ethnic minorities.

 

There are five dams currently operating, or nearing completion, in China's Yunnan province.

 

They are the Manwan Dam (1,250 MW), completed in 1996; the Dachaoshan Dam (1,350 MW), to be finished early next year; the Xiaowan Dam, (4,200 MW), to be built in 2002; the Jinghong Dam, (1,500 MW), to be built in 2006; and the Nuozhadu Dam (5,000 MW), to be built in 2005. Panellists at a seminar called recently to discuss the report warned the dams could cause significant environmental and social impact, because they will impede the flow of the Mekong to downstream areas that currently support vast plantations.

 

Biodiversity in the lower reaches also faced a major threat.

 

The second area facing major changes is the Golden Quadrangle. In that area it is not so much dam development as the construction of a super-highway expected to span from Chiang Rai to China's Kunming, via Burma and Laos.

 

The area is highly regarded for the ethnic diversity of its indigenous peoples. However, they rely on increasingly degraded natural resources. While governments eagerly await the great economic benefits expected as a result of opening the area up, the risks posed to communities ill-prepared to handle rapid change are staggering.

 

Not the least of these were drug abuse and prostitution, said the report. The third area, the Central Greater Mekong, is home to some of the most untouched wilderness in Asia. As such it is highly vulnerable to ecological risks, and there are 29 hydro power plants either planned or already operating in the region, including Nam Theun and Nam Ngum in Laos. The area stretches from the Mekong plain across the Annamite Mountains, to the coastal plains of Vietnam.

 

The fourth area's main water sources are the Se San and Se Kong Rivers, which flow from Vietnam to Cambodia. Cambodia non-governmental organisations are already claiming the dams have caused widespread flooding and killed many fish.

 

The last area the report discusses is the Tonle Sap lake and river system, the main body of which is adjacent to the Angkor Wat. The great lake is unique, the flow of water in the Tonle Sap at times reverses, depending on the Mekong's flow.

 

Because of its uniqueness, the repercussions for the lake an impeded flow in the Mekong, or its tributaries, are unknown.

 

Jeerawat Na Thalang

 

THE NATION

 

LAST MODIFIED: Wednesday, 02-May-01 14:21:41 EDT

 

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