The Mon
forumContents
The Mon Forum
3/2003 (
Contents
News
(1) Farmers along Kanbauk-Myaingkalay Gas pipeline are in trouble,
(2) The government school building with the students’ money,
Reports
Special Report: Buddhist Mon monks confronted Police on Human Rights Abuse in
Report: SPDC’s Implementation
of Assimilation Policy in Mon Areas
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Commentary:
In February and March 2003, SPDC authorities in
What does really
happen in the training? The village
headmen, members of USDA (Union
Solidarity and Development Association), members of fire brigades and other
government control organizations attended the training and in training
During these two
months, Amnesty International, UN Human Rights Commission Special Repporteur, and ILO Permanent Liaison Officer tried to
collect information on the human rights violations including labour rights
violations in
According to a USDA
member, he said the authorities from
SPDC and their authorities have not eradicated any forms of
forced labour and the civilians in
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News:
(Mudon/
On March 16, 2003, the Burmese Army’s IB No. 31 commander,
Lt. Col. Naing Win, ordered the farmers near the Kanbuak-Myaingkalay pipeline route in the southern part of Mudon Township and in Thanbyuzayat
Township of Mon State, to take security along the pipeline and if there is
explosion near their farms, they must be punished.
The gas pipeline is coming from Kanbauk
gas field in Tenasserim and the regime in
It passes into many crop tree and rubber plantations and
paddy fields in these townships. The
bad constructed gas pipeline has sometimes exploded and sometimes it was
demolished by the rebel force, KNLA (Karen National Liberation Army). Due to this demolition of the gas pipeline,
the Burmese Army in the area concerned has instructed the local civilians to
take more security in the area.
According to the March 16 order, the commander instructed
the farmers in the area concerned to fence the pipeline, to cover the pipeline
to be underground and to take security along it. If they failed to do these works they must be
punished.
There are about 500 farmers in the southern part of
It is a hard work to cover the pipeline with dirt to have
under ground. The army believed that if
the pipeline is on ground, the rebel soldiers could set the explosive materials
and could easily explode. According to
the order, if the pipeline is passes through into one farmer’s farm, that
farmers had to take responsibility to cover the pipeline with dirt, to fence it
and take security both day and night times.
Because of this order, some farmers have to hire
day-labourers from the village and paid them to dig earth and then cover the
pipeline with dirt. If the more pipeline passes into their farms, they have to pay more labourer cost. The
labour cost for one day is about 1000 Kyat (~ one US Dollar) and the farmers
have to pay for all labour cost.
One farmer from Kwan-hlar
village, as the pipeline passes very long in his farm, he has to spend about
80000 Kyat for the labour cost to dig earth and cover the pipeline route. But one farmer spend
about 20000 Kyat only as the pipeline passes shortly in his farm. Many other farmers also have to spend, 50000
Kyat, 40000 Kyat and 30000 Kyat respectively depending on the route of the
pipeline.
While many farmers are busy to collect materials to send to
their farms such as natural fertilizers, fire-wood, and other ploughing materials, they are again busy with additional
works of taking security for the gas pipeline.
One farmers from Doma village in southern part of
The Burmese Army in the area did not have enough force to
take the security of the gas-pipeline and they have totally forced the
civilians in the area to involve in the taking security along the
pipeline. Since the construction of gas
pipeline, the civilians are not only suffered from the land loss, but they also
suffered from the constant conscription of forced labour and paying money for
the security of the pipeline.
However, the SPDC and a Japanese company, which invested in
production of cement in the Myaing-kalay factory get a lot of profit.
The
government school building with the students’ money
(Ye
Township, March 2003)
With objective to rebuild and repair No. 2 State High
School in Ye Town,
According to the source of a student’s parent, she said her
son had to pay school principles and education authority with 13, 000 Kyat to
rebuild and repair the school. The
order to collect money came out from Township Education Department and they
ordered the teachers and school principles to collect money.
The rebuilding and repairs of school was instructed by MOMC
Commander Brigadier Ye Win in the early of this year and the student parents
expect that they would receive government support for the school. Although they have waited for some month, the
education authorities did not allocate any amount of money for the rebuilding
and repairs of the school building.
Township Education Department just ordered to do just the
‘self-help’ program for the school building and they have to pay for all
costs. But there ‘parents-teachers’
association, and however, the authorities did not give responsibility to that
association to build or repair the school.
No. 2 State High School have over
700 students and the Education department received about 6 million Kyat from
the collection of money from the students.
It is always hard for the student to find 10000 Kyat
urgently to pay to Education department as there is low income in every house
and no employment.
A parent from Aung-min-gala town ward said, ‘it is not easy
for me to find 13000 Kyat for my son.
But I worry my son must be punished if we could not pay and so I just
borrow with high interests. I know if I
could not pay, my son can fail the final exam.”
In 2002, the students also have to pay for purchasing
computer in schools in order to equip computer system in the school. The authorities also collected 5 millions
from students.
Many student parents believed, they would not spend all of
this money and some corruption among the educational authorities would be taken
place. The
authorities and school principle never be accountable for their money
collection form the students whether to build schools or purchasing computers
or other purposes.
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SPECIAL REPORT
Buddhist Mon monks confronted Police on Human Rights
Abuse in Mon State, Burma
Presented by
Human Rights Foundation of Monland
(
Introduction:
Human rights defenders are only known in the concept of
western world. Local Mon Buddhist monks
community have challenged it in recent weeks after they have confronted to
Burmese police officials and army alike in Mon State for a protection of
ordinary citizen of Burma.
Rev Wareinda, Secretary of the
Buddhist Monk Association; an official government body of the State Sangkha Council (than-gka ma ha na ya
ka) confronted to Police Chief Aye Thaung in Kyeik Ma
Yaw Town in
The Story of the Case:
Mr
Nai La of 78 was sent to Kyeik
Ma Yaw hospital on March 8 after he was seriously tortured by local Deputy Subinspector of Police (du yey oah) Maung Toe unlawfully acted in police
cell. Local headman and militiamen
arrested Mr La on March 7 with a wrongly claim of
fail to provide full amount of paddy to the government (State Peace and
Development Council). Mr La is a farmer and his farm was destroyed by flood in
the last crop season.
According to a letter dated on March 21, posted to Chairman
of Mon State Peace and Development Council by Rev Silawanta,
local priest of the
The letter on paragraph two stated as:
After they were detained over three nights at Tarana police box they then transferred to Nyaung Pin Zoet Police Statio by Local militiaman Mr Nai Kyan Yit
under the hand of Maung Toe. They again
detained Mr La for one night and his wife Daw Ma Toh for two nights.
Twelfth personal of the Buddhist monks signed the letter and
posted to Chairman of the Mon State Southeast Command General Myint Aung.
Letter of New
The New Mon State Party also has seriously conducted a
campaign to sue violator and officially lodged a complain letter to the local
Burmese Military Official dated on March 23.
The letter said, Mr Nai Kyit, a local headman and his
three militiamen arrested Mr Nai
La age 78 to Nyaung Pin Zoet
Police Station on March 7. At the same
night, head of the police Maung Toe (La-120798) hand-cuff him and beat, kicked
until he was fall-down and unconsciousness.
Appealed by family:
As it is a matter of family, family of Mr
La also lodged letter to Chairman of the Mon State Peace and Development
Council dated on March 25.
The letter stated that Mr La is an
honest farmer and lives in Kaw Thet
village that owns (14) acres of farm over (38) year. He has not failed to
provide paddy to the government within exist law and order for the last three
decades. Mr La is 78 but he is still strong and works
in the farm until today.
Local headman and his three militiamen threaten Mr La to provide fix amount of paddy (168) rice basket for
total (14) areas of farm. As Mr La’s farm was destroyed by flood this year he only
brought home about (20) rice basketof paddy after the
season. Mr La
provided paddy to the government and reported to the local headman that his
farm was destroyed this year and no more paddy left in farm. However, he claim was denied and he was
bitterly abused orally by the militiamen.
According to the letter written in Burmese language on
paragraph (3) from page (2), the local headman unlawfully imposed to U La to
bring cash Kyat (560000). However, Mr La could not accept this unlawful act. He said that he only could bring cash for
(100) basket of paddy that value Kyat (250000).
The local headman refused to his proposal.
Police Official Hearing:
After a massive human rights defenders’ campaign for social
justice for a week, Police Force of Union of Myanmar in Kyeik
Ma Yaw Township of Mon State called a Police Hearing on Mar 11 that where
member of the force have attended including Maung Toe, the violator.
According to a confidential report from the Kyeik Ma Yaw Police Station dated on March 11,
Sub-inspector of police force (yey oah) Aye Thaung, Deputy (du yey oah), Tun
Than and Deputy (du yey oah) Myint Tun were chaired the
hearing.
The Hearing was conducted as following procedure:
Witness’s Statements:
Witness (1) Mr U La age 78
Witness (2) Daw Myaing age 58
Witness (3) Coporal Police (yey tat kyat) Thein Aung (No-La-81084)
Witness (4) Police (yey tat thar) Soe New
Witness (5) Police (yey tat thar) Aung Thein Myint
Witness (6) Police (tey tat thar) Aung Maying
After a comprehensive hearing, the hearing officials believe
the case as:
“Maung Toe (Membership No
La-120798) was drunk. He acted
unlawfully to detained farmer Mr U La who is detained
at Nyuang Pin Zoet Police
Station. He also sways to detained Mrs Mi Daw Myaing with unacceptable words (such as F-U-C-K). As the testimony has proved that Maung Toe
acted unlawfully and the hearing officials believe to take legal action toward
violator and signed as followed:
Hearing
Official Members:
Chairman Aung Thaung (Membership No La-102825)
Member Tun Thein
(Membership No La-131217)
Member Myint
Tun (Membership No La- 131231)
The opinion of the Hearing Officials is that according to an
article of “Police Disciplines Control” he is deserved to be detained with
fixed period of time.
This confidential report is written by Deputy Sub-Inspector
of Police Ngwe Soe (Membership No La 57299) with
signature.
Additional report by Nai La’s
family: (based on Interview by staff)
Mr
Nai Kyan Kyit local headman is uneducated person in the community and
he works as a headman to find his personal profit. He was advised by the Chairman of Kyeik Ma Yaw Township of Peace and Development Council that
the chairman is behind him any things happen about the case. Local official of the New Mon State Party detained
Nai Yit for a week for
investigation in regard to unlawful act.
After this confidential report leaked to the hand of local Buddhist
monks, Chief Police of the Kyeik Ma Yaw visited to
the residence of Mr La for questions and further
interrogation. During a pending period
of time, violator Maung Toe visited to the hospital and pleaded Mr La for not taking legal action against him but the Mon
Buddhist monks community refused his request. Family of Mr
La is now under strict communication access to other member of the Buddhist Mon
community after an internal police report leaked to the community.
------------------------------------------
Decade-long Assimilation Policy in
Before
The non-Burman ethnic
leaders have not dissatisfied on the Burman who failed to improve the
development in the remote areas and created
In civil war, the
force of Burmese Army had been strengthening and Gen. Ne Win seized the
political power from the parliamentary government in 1962. From 1962 until 1988, during 26 years of
Gen. Ne Win rule, he put an agenda of ‘assimilation policy’ and planned to
assimilate all non-Burman people to be Burman people. He banned all ethnic language teaching
schools, the use of ethnic language in the government office, banned teaching
of Buddhist scripture taught in ethnic language and other restrictions.
The non-Burman people
who dissatisfied
Banning
of teaching Mon language
Since
before
Therefore, when the
Mon armed group, New Mon State Party (NMSP) and its army, Mon National
Liberation Army (MNLA) have influence in the rural areas during the
revolutionary period, NMSP’s Education Department and
the Mon community in the rural areas established many Mon national schools and
tried to provide the Mon children with Mon education, which the teachers taught
the Mon students in Mon language.
However, when the
Burmese Army had more control in the rural area, they closed down the Mon
national schools or changed the Mon national schools as government
schools. Then they brought their
teachers and let them teach Burmese language in all main subjects in
schools. This plan is also directly
relating to the military regimes’ assimilation policy.
During the
NMSP-SLORC/SPDC ceasefire, although NMSP officially proposed to the regime for
the teaching of Mon language in schools even outside of school time, but it was
rejected by the local authorities later.
But in some area,
there are some schools called ‘joint-schools’, which was built by the Mon
community and allowed to teach both Mon and Burmese languages by sharing time
among the teachers. The teachers agreed
each other and they could share their times.
Later, the authorities or the commanders of Burmese
Army has tried to dominate those joint schools and found the way to dismiss
the teachers from the schools.
Not only the SPDC’s local authorities have involved in banning the
teaching of Mon langauge or dismissing the Mon
teachers from Mon schools, even the military commanders at
As an instance,
“In an order dated on
“The joint-school
that teaching of Mon language was in Kadoe-kyun
village, in Kaw-ton villag
tract and the village had only about 100 household. The school was established by the Mon
community in the village and the villagers agreed to all both Mon and
government teachers to teach in the school.
Although the teachers have taught and shared the time
for many years, but the authorities have not noticed on them. In 2002, the authorities started noticed to
the teaching of Mon language in the area and therefore, they ordered the
authorities concerned to ban the teaching of Mon language.
“Then the authorities
from Mon State Education Department also ordered
This is a clear
policy of
In some places, after
the villagers built the joint school to allow both Mon and government teachers,
but the Mon teachers were forced to leave by the local Township authorities or
military commanders nearby.
As an instance,
“As the school
building was too old in Kun-doo village, the army
commander from LIB No. 587 ordered the villagers to build a new school in May
2002. The headmen had to collect money
from 3000-4000 Kyat per household to build the new
school. The school was allowed both Mon
and government teachers to teach both Mon and Burmese languages at school. Before the ceasefire, the school was built just
for the teaching of Mon language and but later after ceasefire, the government
teachers tried to take the time for the teaching of Burmese language. By the negotiation of the village headmen,
the teachers shared the time in teaching the own language. But in May 2002, the commanders ordered if
the school was completely built, only the government teachers have rights to
teach in the school.
“The commanders also
added that if the Mon teachers would like to continuously teach the Mon
language they must go far from the schools.
Therefore, the Mon teachers moved to the monastery and arranged to run
the Mon national schools.”
Normally, the Mon
village community always prefers for the teaching of Mon language in the
villages because all villages’ children are
In some schools in
Mon areas, where the government teachers are teaching, the teachers always
forced the Mon children to speak Burmese language and if they failed speaking
Mon language, they could be punished by teachers. Sometimes, the teachers and parents also had
problems concerning to forcing of school children.
In most Mon villages,
where the joint schools are operating, the government teachers have not hardly worked for the students as they believed the Mon
teachers could fulfill the teaching. On
the other hand, most government teachers are forced by the authorities to
compete with Mon teachers and so that they have less willingness to teach the
children.
As an instance,
“Many Mon parents in Kywetalin
“The villagers said
that the government teachers took a lot of school entrance cost from all
students when the school started opening and later they disappeared when they
could not get money from the students. “
The SPDC’s local authorities or army in the rural Mon areas not
only forced the teachers and village leaders in the village concerned to close
down the Mon national schools, but they also sometimes make problems against
Mon educational authorities. NMSP’s Education Department also appointed their
authorities to operate the Mon educational system. Those Mon education authorities have to
travel around to many Mon villages for the education activities: such as paying
teachers’ salaries; providing school stationary; calling the regular meeting
and others. During the Mon education
authorities are traveling or basing in villages, they are also disturbed by the
army or military intelligence. Sometimes
they arrested those authorities and sometimes they arrested and used the
authorities as porters.
As an instance,
“While a 60 years old Mon education authority from Ye Township Mon
Education Department, Nai Manate
Ong, was traveling around the villages in Southern
part of Ye Township in late November 2002, LIB No. 282 troops arrested him and
used him as porters. They arrested him
on
“The Burmese Army’s
soldiers brought him for three days and forced him to carry a heavy load of
ammunitions. Although they treated him
like many porters, but they threatened him all the time to resign from Mon
education works.
“Many Mon teachers
and Mon education authorities believed that the arresting of their education
authorities was similarly challenging to Mon national education and the
operating of Mon national schools in the area. That was the first time the Burmese Army
was arresting the Mon teacher and used him as porter after ceasefire, said a
Mon teacher.”
This is a clear evidence that the SPDC and the commanders of Burmese
Army did not want the existence of Mon national school in several Mon villages
and they also believed that these schools are competing against the regime run
government schools. For many poor Mon
children in the rural communities, the Mon education and the existing of Mon
national schools are reliable.
Besides closing down
of Mon national schools and arresting of Mon education authorities or teachers,
the SPDC’s local authorities also closed down the Mon
community’s libraries, which use to increase the knowledge of the people. The authorities also did not want to see
anyone to read Mon books in libraries.
As an instance,
“In April 2001, the
authorities from Ye Township in Mon State, went to Duya
village, a village in the northern part of Township and forced the village
headmen to close down a Mon library, which is operated for nearly 10
years. The library was built and the
books were collected by young Mon educated students and young monks. Nearly 300 books including many Mon books
were collected and it was totally closed by the authorities. The reason that showed by the authorities
was that the library did not use any Burmese language in its signboard.”
Military intelligence
in other Mon areas have also restricted for the establishment of library. They also ordered the village headmen
concerned if the villagers or youths planned to build libraries, they must need
to inform them. In the information, the
MI also wished to know why the villagers planned to build libraries and who
support them.
The Mon people always
tried to preserve the Mon language and Mon literature, as they know that the
regime is implementing ‘assimilation policy’.
The Mon communities in various parts of
As an instance,
“In April 2002, when
village literacy training committee of Morkanin
village in Ye Township planned to teach Mon language to about 1500 Mon children
in their village, they required a big building to have enough for all
students. The village has a big high
school and training committee asked permission to use that building. The high school was built with the villagers’
fund and so the committee expected the authorities and army commanders would
allow for the teaching. However, the
village authorities informed to Township authorities and they have barred the
Mon children to not use that school.
Therefore, literacy training committee separated the children into many
places, at houses and monasteries and 25 teachers had to manage for the
teaching. The villagers felt unhappy
for this action made by the authorities.”
By learning from this
case, the local authorities including even village authorities who have to
listen to army and intelligence always barred the teaching of Mon language as
much as possible.
Normally the school
children from the government schools attend the Mon literacy training during
their long school holiday in dry season during April to May to learn how to
read and write Mon language. The local
authorities and school teachers do not like the children are attending the Mon
literacy training and therefore, they forced the children’s parents to not send
them to the Mon literacy training.
As an instance,
“In March 2002, the
government school teachers in primary school in Donkani
town ward of
In villages or towns,
most buildings were built by the villagers’ fund and money. Thus, the Mon village communities also wanted
these buildings for their own community purpose. Although the buildings were
built with the civilians, but the authorities totally barred the civilians to
use for their purposes. But the
authorities could use for their purposes.
The Mon people in
various parts of
In
However, the
authorities always tried to ban the celebration in public places, such as in
gardens, football grounds, city halls or others, and let them celebrate in the
places where no people or in the small street where the people could not get
access. Some MND celebration is totally
barred in football grounds, then forced the committees
to celebrate in the theaters or some places where the people could not get
access. Again, if the authorities could
do, they totally banned the MND celebration.
As an instance,
“Before 1990 , the Mon community in
“Again in 2000, the
authorities barred totally barred the celebration of 53rd
Anniversary of MND by ordering the committee that no MND celebration was to
hold in
The Mon community in
However, the Mon
community in
While the Mon people
are celebrating MND celebration, the authorities, police officers and military
intelligence officers always tried to disturb the people in the
celebration. Sometimes, even the
authorities allowed the MND celebration, but they did not allow to put posters in the middle of the towns, in public places
and other places where the majority of the people have access. Or, sometimes the authorities ordered to
take away the MND stage or MND posters soon after the ceremony is held.
As an instance,
“During the 56th
Anniversary of MND, the Mon people in Mon State, Karen State and Pegu Division
with an objective for the remembrance of the prosperous Mon kingdoms and to
recognize the role of Mon women in the administration of Mon countries in the
past, the all MND committees in all Townships agreed to put up a poster with a
picture of a Mon Queen, ‘Mi Jao Puu’. The Queen ruled the Mon kingdom, ‘Hongsawatoi’, for about two decades. The posters with the picture of the Queen
were put up in many places in
“For SPDC in
“In many Townships in
In some places, the
authorities, military intelligent officers and police officers always tried to
disturb against the celebration, by barring the people to not attend the
ceremony and creating quarrels and violations during the celebration and other
methods. For example, in 1998, when the
New Mon State Party, a Mon political party, which deals ceasefire with SPDC, hold a golden jubilee of the MND in a village in eastern
part of Ye Township, many villagers from the northern, southern and western
part of the Township wanted to join the MND.
But when many buses arrived at the entrance of Ye town to proceed to the
village where the MND was held, the villagers were threatened by the police and
army in towns that if they joined the MND, they must be arrested and
imprisoned. Because of this threat, many
fear Mon villagers returned without joining MND celebration.
Disturbing the MND is
still continuing and whenever the police, army and military intelligence have opportunity, they tried to stop the celebration anyhow. Even this year’s 56th Anniversary
of MND, some places are disturbed by the police or
army.
As an instance,
“On February 17 night,
when the Mon community in Ein-duu village, Pa-an Township of Karen State, held the MND in the village, two
police officers also came and created violence among the people with objective
to let the people attending the celebration run from the places. Two young policemen, Soe Min Aung and Yan Naing Soe, from Kwan-taung police station, which is about 2 miles far from the
MND celebrating places, they tried to disturb the MND celebration in Ein-duu village.
“They arrived at
night time about
“After the quarrel
intensified, one police officer stabbed a committee member, Nai
Gone, with a knife. Then another
policeman stabbed Nai Min Naung. Both committee members get injuries. Nai Gong got
injury in his left side of stomach and Nai Min Naung got injury in his head and tight. As the violent fighting happened, many
villagers fled from the celebration. Two
celebration committee members were brought to hospitals for treatment. The village community believed the police
officers just came to disturb the MND celebration.”
Sometimes, the
authorities also conducted other activities and invited the people in the town
to participate with objective to have less people in the MND celebration.
Banning of printing of Mon books and publications
The monk community,
university students’ organizations and Mon literature and culture organizations
have regularly published Mon books, journals and magazines for the Mon people
in Mon areas in general to know about the religion, politics, economics, social
and other general knowledge. Most of
the organizations, which produce the books and other types of publications have main objectives for the protection of Mon
literature and language.
These civil society
organizations have a great concern for the disappearance of Mon literature and
speaking of Mon language in the world under the Burmanization
or ‘assimilation’ policy of
To protect the use of
Mon literature and language from the disappearance, those organizations have
tried to produce books, magazines, journals and other publications for
reading. However, these groups faced
serious restriction from the ‘Press Scrutiny Board (PSB)’ of the successive
government from BSPP (Burmese Socialist
Programme Party), SLORC until the current regime SPDC.
During the era of
BSPP and SLORC, the Mon organizations that proposed for the printing of Mon
books, magazines and journals and even for Mon songs, they had to translate
from Mon language to Burmese language.
This was just the first step and if they members of ‘Press Scrutiny
Board (PSB)’ does not under the Mon style writing or
poems they called the applicants of the publications and asked many questions
to ensure the writing or poems were not against the regime and its policy.
Currently in SPDC
time, the regime has adopted more restrictive rules against the publication
groups or the ethnic organizations.
Besides they have to translate all articles, poems, stories and features
from Mon language to Burmese, they also needed to enclose the biography of each
writer, their address, and the photos of every writer. This restriction is to make sure that if one
writer is writing against the government or attack the military rule, they
could arrest that writer easily.
From the experience
Mon literature activists, they could get permission for only one to two issues
of Mon magazine or journals each year while over 80-100 magazines or journals
in Burmese language from various publishing groups get permission every week or
every month.
Under the rule of
military regime, although Burmese writers are disappointed because
of various censorship and restriction in their writing, however, the
magazine or publishing groups still continues produce their magazines or
journals on the regular basis, monthly or weekly. However, the regime’s Press
Scrutiny Board (PSB) delayed the publications in Mon language for over 6 months
to one year. Sometimes, some Mon magazines
or journals were totally rejected for printing and production.
In late 2002, SPDC’s Press Scrutiny Board (PSB) totally rejected all
printing of Mon books, journals, magazines.
According to a Mon literature activist from
“Except the religious
books (on Buddhism) in Pali language, the Press
Scrutiny Board (PSB) does not allow any printing of Mon magazines, journals,
and books. Although we applied with
translations (from Mon to Burmese), now we have been waiting for over one year.
They did not give permission. Recent years, if we provided them
translations (of all Mon poems, articles and stories), we can expect the board
would give permission except taking out some articles or poems that they
thought attacking the regime’s policy.
This year (2002), they totally restricted the production of Mon journals
and magazines. We have to wait for the
permission for over one year. But no
reply have been come out and at the end, we inquired why the PSB did not give
the permission. At the end they said
except books on Buddhism, they would not allow any Mon publications to be
printed.
In Mon community, the
monk organizations, student organizations and Mon literature and culture
organizations have published about 4 types of magazines and it have been banned
since the early of 2002. Those
organizations are disappointed much for the restriction and ban of PSB,
although they followed every rules and regulars adopted by the authorities. Similarly, the PSB banned some Mon CD songs,
the small sizes of poem, and the biography books of Mon leaders or Mon monks.
Following the ban and
various types of restriction, the SPDC authorities and military intelligence
have also tried to ban the Mon publishing houses and publishers. In
The military
intelligence always believed that the ethnic publishing houses could have links
to the ethnic armed force and they have concern those publishing houses would
print books for armed oppositions and other underground groups in the country. If they suspected the publishing houses, they
closed down and banned all publishing activities.
As an instance,
“In late December
2002, the authorities and military intelligence (MI) suspected one Mon
publishing house ‘Kaung Mon’ was publishing a Mon poem book without permission
and so they ordered to close down the publishing house and they also arrested
the manager of the publishing house, Minn Soe Aung
(about 30 years old) and one of his staff.
The publishing house based in
“He is also the
General Secretary of Rangoon Mon Literature and Culture Committee and they
believed he is involving printing of illegal poem books. After confiscating the publishing house
equipment including computer and photocopier, it was totally banned to not
operate. The publishing house is
reliable for the Mon literature activists to print books and even a small
invitation documents in Mon language.”
The SPDC’s oppression against the promotion of Mon literature
is systematic and the whole plan is to crack down all activities of Mon
organizations in the protection and promotions of their language. While PSB is banning all Mon publications,
at the same time, the military intelligence also closed the Mon publishing
house down, where the Mon literature activists made and printed their books,
magazines and journals.
The ban of printing
of Mon books, magazines and journals is the key plan of SPDC in their
implementing their ‘assimilation policy’.
If the Mon people could not get and found the Mon books, magazines and
journals, they might not have opportunity to read and learn Mon language. Therefore, although Mon students learned the
Mon language in the dry season literacy training could not get access to books
for reading.
Conclusion
Under the rule of the
military regime, SPDC, not only the preservation of Mon literature, language
and culture are oppressed by the regime, other ethnic nationalities’ literature
and language are also oppressed similarly.
Geographically, the Mon
areas are living in the plain areas along the seacoast to where the Burmese
people, army and government servants could easily came, the successive military
regime could more successfully implement the assimilation policy than the
ethnic areas in the mountain tracts.
Besides banning of
the teaching of Mon language and the promotion of Mon literature, the military
regime, SPDC, also implement ‘popular transfer’ by bring Burmese people
especially the soldiers, civil servants and business people into Mon areas. First they bring those Burmese soldiers into
Mon village and appointed them as village headmen and the leaders of militia
force. Those people are the main
supporters for the regime in the implementation of ‘assimilation policy’ or ‘Burmanization policy’.