KAO WAO NEWS No. 56

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

 

November 1-15, 2003

 

READER’S FRONT

LAND OWNERS PROMISED COMPENSATION

KANBAUK MYAINGKALAY GAS PIPELINE

BURMESE MIGRANTS: A THORN IN THE THAI SIDE

CONFISCATED LAND CANNOT CHANGE THE SOUL OF A NATION

STRONG CIVIL SOCIETY AND A WEAK STATE

DISPLACEMENT OF MINORITIES IGNORED

MONKS UNDER CURFEW

SUU KYI REFUSES TO ACCEPT FREEDOM

MYANMAR UNMOVED BY US SANCTIONS

 

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READER’S FRONT

 

2nd Anniversary of Kao Wao Newsgroup

 

Dear Readers,

 

On November 13 in 2001, the first issue of Kao-Wao was released to inform the international community about the situation and life in Mon State, in particular, about the struggle for freedom and social justice in Burma. Kao-Wao is a product of the global information age, news on what is happening in any region of the world is now world news, practically unheard of 10 years ago. We are a community-based organization, founded by Mon activists and volunteers, who intend to illustrate the commitment of the ethnic nationalities in promoting an open society in Burma. Our overall task is to provide information on the peace building and national reconciliation process, which takes place within and outside of the country.

 

Believing the media plays a vital role in creating a democratic society, we are committed to promote a sense of civic culture of positive social interchanges among the ethnic nationalities to counter violence, deception, suspicion, and force.  The premise of our news coverage is based on a belief in the value of creating a new standard for cultivating self-aware citizens in order to foster long-term co-operation, security, stability and peace in Burma.

 

With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to better serve better the needs of those seeking social justice.  And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help our readers to keep abreast of issues and news.

 

Regards,

Editor

[email protected], [email protected]

www.kaowao.org

 

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Life in Mon State

 

SAME OLD LINE: LAND OWNERS PROMISED COMPENSATION

(Kao Wao: November 3, 2003)

 

The Burmese Army promised they would compensate farmers for confiscated lands at a meeting held in Ye, southern Mon State.   

 

The Military Operational Management Command (MOMC) No. 19 called a meeting with landowners who lost their lands to military deployment, the commander said they would compensate the farmers with some small amount of money.

 

The Thailand-Burma border based Independent Mon News Agency reported that the landowners were very upset when informed that the compensation from the junta is only Kyat 250 for one rubber tree (which of the current value is at 10,000 Kyat per tree).

 

After attending the meeting in Morkanin village of Ye Township on October 30, a landowner protested, “the compensation is so little and it’s meaningless for us.”

 

The BA confiscated thousands of acres of lands in Mon area from 1988 to 2003 for both military deployment and to build profit for the army battalions.  The BA paid only a small pittance to local farmers in 2002 when they confiscated lands to clear the way for the construction of the Kanbauk-Myaingkalay gas pipeline.   

 

Human Rights Foundation of Monland reported about 7780 acres of lands were confiscated and civilians lost about $1.5 million US worth of properties and real estate for military purpose in the Mon areas.    

 

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Environmental destruction and human rights violation

 

KANBAUK MYAINGKALAY GAS PIPELINE

(By Banya Hongsar)

 

November 4, 2003 -- The ruling military authority of Burma has boosted its budget after gaining a contract with foreign investors to do business in the Yadana Gas Fields in Burma.

 

Currently, the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a business body of Ministry of Energy, built its own natural gas production project from Kanbauk village of Tenasserim region to Myaingkalay village of Karen State. Local human rights organizations and news agencies have reported the occurrence of human rights violations resulting from the development project managed by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the current ruling authority in Burma.

 

Human Rights Foundation of Monland reported that people who have fruit trees, rubber plantations, and farmlands in east part of Moulmein-Tavoy motor road in Ye Township, Mon State, are ordered to stay away from their farms for security reasons, the report released in November 2001.

 

According to the report, the SPDC plans to bring gas from the Yadana gas field through Kanbauk’s onshore pipeline in Yebyu Township of Tenasserim Division to provide energy for a cement factory in Myaingkalay, Pa-an Township of Karen State.  However, Total FinaElf in Myanmar proudly declared to the world that "Total has allowed us to sleep without fear" reported by Collaborative for Development body.

 

The "Mon Forum", a monthly report of Human Rights Foundation of Monland, covered a second report related to human rights violations on the gas pipeline construction. According to the paper, on June 11, 2002, the commander of LIB No 586, Col. Ngwe Soe forced villagers in the southern part of Ye Township to clear the weed and small trees along one part of Kanbauk-Myaingkalay gas pipeline. The southern part of Ye area is still regarded as a "brown area" by the Burmese troops where no outsiders or NGO workers are able to visit for human right monitoring.

 

According to the Mon Forum, on July 29, 2002, Burmese Army’s LIB No.31 commander Major. Lu Aye called a meeting with headmen from thirty villages in the southern Mudon Township and Thanphyuzayat Township in their (military) base in Thanphyuzayat Town. They discussed the security of the gas pipeline. Mudon and Thanphyuzayat areas are regarded as "white areas" by the government.  A local Mon mini-administrative committee under New Mon State Party has little power in dealing with human rights prevention matters. The party has no benefit on the project and has failed to protect the rights of farmers and landowners.

 

In January 19, 2003, Mudon Township authorities ordered the villagers from all villagers along Kanbauk-Myaingkalay to increase the number of guards along the route. But the village headmen from the area collected money from the civilians and hired the villagers to guard in the pipeline, The Mon Forum reports in January 2003.

 

Mon Human rights workers and defenders working inside Mon State have reported back to border based news organization. Similar human rights violations continue in the community.

 

In February 2003, Burmese Army’s IB No. 62 based in Thanphyuzayat Township ordered the villagers in southern part of Township areas to clear bushes along Kanbauk-Myaingkalay gas pipeline route and to fence in the area along the route to prevent attacks from the rebel soldiers. The villagers have to find bamboo and other materials, said the report.

 

Violence against women is among the worst reported HR cases in Mon State along the gas construction site. In late February 20003, when a Mon woman, Miss Ma Po (17 years old) was performing the duty (as unpaid security guard for the gas construction), she was raped by a commander from the Burmese Army.

 

Human Rights Foundation of Monland has followed the development of Kanbauk-Myaingkalay gas production for over three years.  

 

The Tatmadaw Oo Pine Ltd of Burma Army deals with a Japanese company, drug lord U Khun Sa and Zakabar Company to invest in the operation of the Myaingkalay cement factory which raises serious human rights and environmental concerns in Mon and Karen States.

 

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Migrant Watch

 

BURMESE MIGRANTS A THORN IN THE THAI SIDE

(By Bop Htaw)

 

November 3, 2003, Bangkok—Burmese migrant workers in Thailand have become a critical issue to the Thai community as a result of political instability in Burma. Thai civil rights advocates launched a news report with the present senior civil rights groups including the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand and leading Thai academics at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok.

 

A news report, written in the Thailand language titled: "The Plight of Undocumented Burmese Migrant Workers in Thailand", launched by the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma and Mr. Suluk Sivaruk, a citizen of Thailand on his opening address, urged the Thai community to understand the circumstances of Burmese people who flee or escape from their home country, adding that the Thai should support the people of Burma who are trying to free the hand of military rule.

 

The plight of undocumented Burmese migrant workers is a misery for the people, as regularly reported, Burmese migrants are threatened, experience unfair labour practices, are forced into human trafficking and repatriation, and corruption, said a member of the Panel.

 

Ms. Sunee Chaiyarose, Commissioner, National Human Rights Commission of Thailand said that both the government of Thailand and Burma have not systematically managed the labor force for many decades.

 

The Royal Thai Government and Government of Union of Myanmar reached a common ground to tackle the problems of illegal migrant workers in June this year after a meeting was held in Chiang Mai city. Representatives of both governments issued a "Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)" for further cooperation on returning illegal Burmese migrant workers to original country.

 

According to the Memo, Burmese workers need to hold valid passport and work visa to gain employment in Thailand within conditions and are instructed to follow the new regulation accordingly. No Burmese worker is allowed to remain in employment any longer than four years and a new contract only applies after a three year waiting period.

 

Ms. Arunee Sitho, Representative of Thai Labor Organization said the current Thai government is not seriously focusing on the labor sector despite the Ministry of Labor attempt in solving the problem. There is no sufficient budget allocation to the labor department by the government, she said.

 

Recently, Refugees International and the Open Society Institute released several internal reports to concerned organizations with a title of "Pushing Past the Definitions: Migration from Burma to Thailand. According to this report, a total of 448,480 registered migrants underwent the health tests, of which 62,082 were from Burma.

 

New illegal migrant workers who hold no Work Permit Card face a range of human rights violation in the workforce.  In July 2002, a "National Tripartite Seminar on Future of Migration Policy Management in Thailand" was held at United Nations Conference Centre in Bangkok. According to a report from this seminar, Mr Nakorn Silpa-Archa, Deputy Permanent Secretary of Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare said that the migration policy should clearly spell out the criteria for working in Thailand.

 

New arrivals from Burma normally lack a support system and face insecurity, compared with other Burmese communities based in Bangkok. Many have formed their own non-profit association recently with the staff of the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB).  Social Welfare Association of People from Burma (SWAPB) was formed in September in Bangkok. Members of the association hold valid work permit cards issued by Ministry of Labor of Royal Thai Government.  Members of SWAPB have published a monthly newsletter for Burmese migrant workers; the ‘Labor Affair Newsletter’ is published by the TACDB.

 

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Political view: a youth’s perspective

 

CONFISCATED LAND CANNOT CHANGE THE SOUL OF A NATION

(By Lawi Weng)

 

Recently a friend of mine sent me a report titled “No Land to Farm” from the Human Rights Foundation of Monland. When I read the report it made me very sad to see photos of the Mon farmers without a place to live, no food, no home or community, their land and life confiscated by the Burmese military.

 

The Mon farmers cannot live without their farms, their lives are in total harmony with the land, it’s a labour of love; they love to see the huts and the paddy on the farms and to see the rubber plants growing day by day. They believe their farms to be the center of the universe, like heaven, because they get income from their farms every day. They rely on their farms to feed their family and contribute to the surrounding community. Why does the military regime confiscate their land without paying them any compensation or give them justification for doing so? I am confused about the military regime’s motives. Why is the military regime confiscating the land of the Mon people?

 

The military regime has arrested Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and put her under house arrest many times in order to hide her from the outside world and the political arena. They arrest thousands of political prisoners and shut them up in prison because they fear those who will undermine their power. They kill torture and intimidate the people who are pro-democratic as an example to all to shut up.

 

But our Mon people are not members of NLD (National League for Democracy) and don’t resist the military regime either. So, why does the military confiscate their land and treat them so badly? I believe the political prisoners' lives are better off than the Mon peoples' lives because they have a place to live and food to eat.

 

I wept when I read the land confiscation news, because I know their suffering. Despite the fact that they are human beings, their right to own property has been stolen from them. I pity them a lot. I think their passion and feelings are very strong to avenge the military regime, maybe even consider producing suicide bombs to sacrifice their lives to protect the Mon people against the military regime.

 

Israel and Palestine’s conflicts are very complex in the Middle East. It is the main challenge to peace and security; others feel more immediately menaced by suicide bombings. The problems therefore remain and no one it seems can solve them.

 

The lives of the Palestinian people are growing desperate daily, they have no place to live, no place to farm, and no place to struggle for their revolution. They may believe that instead of getting back their lands, which seems impossible, using suicide bombs is the best way to solve the conflicts. Thus, the conflicts in the Middle East will get bigger by the day. It is passion that ignites and unifies them.

 

How about our Mon Farmers? At the moment, they can’t react with any kind of violence because they are living under the strict control of the military. Even though we are passionate about our land and freedom, I hope it never comes to suicide attacks, another tactic of the military to force people into despair.

 

Recently, John Miller, the brother of James Miller a cameraman shot by the Israeli army said: "Sincerity isn't a word I would use in conjunction with the Israeli military; I have absolutely no confidence in what they tell me. I think the Israelis operate a war of attrition that just grinds you down in the hope you'll give up."

 

The regime is using the same tactics in order to tire Aung San Suu Kyi from the political table. However, she still has great energy and is in good spirits.

 

Furthermore, the regime is using the method of confiscating the land from the Mon farmers in order to create problems between the Mon people and New Mon State Party.

 

After the NMSP signed a ceasefire agreement with the regime, many of the Mon peoples' land was confiscated. Before the ceasefire, land was confiscated as much as today. The regime obviously used the ceasefire agreement to their advantage and uses any opportunity to stir up conflicts between the Mon people and NMSP. This was also the policy of Hitler. He made the Jews in Germany scapegoats. He created propaganda to gain support from the German people and forced the German soldiers to "cleanse" all Jews from Germany.

 

The regime is trying to force the Mon people to make a scapegoat of the NMSP. If the Mon people and NMSP fight with each other, the NMSP will be forced to step down from the political arena. The NMSP is very sad to hear that the Mons are losing their land, some of the Mon farmers urge the NMSP to demand their land back from the military regime, but the NMSP is powerless.

 

Unity and stability between China and Tibet should not come by gun and force. It should come by compassion, the Dalai Lama said. If the Burmese military would like to have unity and stability in Burma, they should not tackle problems by confiscating lands and oppressing the ethnic people.

 

Confiscating lands and repressing the Mon people cannot change the soul of a nation. As Czech Republic Vaclav Havel says, “It may dampen it and disguise the reality outwardly, but history has repeatedly taught us that change often arrives unexpectedly.”

 

We can see change in East Timor. After Suharto’s regime killed thousands and relocated Timorese people, he was finally forced to hand over power to the President in East Timor. I think of the situation in this _expression “The mad dog can run the whole village the first time. Later, someone will beat him.

 

If the military regime fuels clash between the Mon people and the NMSP, the Mon people will have to work for unity and strength. They have lost some opportunities, but they have gained some, too, as they say, ‘No Pay, No Gain. The NMSP has a chance to work with their people in politics, they can promote education in the Mon state and in the rural areas, their political ideas have reached the politicians and the patriotic monks who live inside Monland and overseas. So confiscating lands and repressing the Mon people cannot change the soul of a nation.  The Mon Spirit is very much alive in the form of the diasporas in many countries, such as Canada, the USA, Finland, Germany, Japan, Australia, and Thailand.

 

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Perspective

 

STRONG CIVIL SOCIETY AND A WEAK STATE

 

Role of Civil Society in Mon State, Union of Burma

 

(By Banya Hongsar / Kaowao Newsgroup)

 

November 12, 2003; -- At the end of the raining season, local Buddhist communities and other religious groups celebrate various religious events throughout Mon State in southern Burma. Hundreds of thousands of young people gather at Kyeik-kha-mee, kyeik-ka-moh and other pagodas in their respected villages and towns. One cannot ignore local civil society in the Mon territory while the community is ruled by the military.

 

There are at least three categories to be examined in the field of civil society in Mon State: the Buddhist monks; language and cultural groups; and local youth groups.

 

There is no doubt that the role of senior Buddhist monks in Mon society has had a strong influence in the community. For example, Rev Palita, senior monk of Kamawet Dhatdaw Monastery, the author of over thirty books, Rev Ketu Matee, author of Mon, Burmese, Pali and English books, senior monk of Khareik-some monastery in Ye have led the community for social and cultural harmony for over fifty years.

 

The Mon Language and Cultural Committees both in Rangoon and Moulmein have maintained the teaching of Mon language during summer school holidays. The Government of Union of Burma disregards the role of Mon civil society, but community leaders, both monks and laymen, manage the tasks with self-help programs. The Rangoon government only grants cultural access to non-Burman ethnic nationalities for government sponsored public events such as Union Day and other State ceremonial events.

 

When the Burmese Socialist Government banned State Buddhist Examination in Mon language for the Pahtamapyan monk students in 1985-90, the Mon monk community was divided into two camps. Mahayin Nikaya accepted the proposal of the government while Sudhamma nikaya rejected this kind of discriminatory policy, which disallowed them to use their language. Soon after, the Mon monk community split into two camps. Mon people and their culture were threatened by the military but Mon students from Rangoon and Moulmein universities continued to play a positive role to counter the activities of the local authority, running free Mon language classes in the rural areas with the support of local monks. At the end of 90s, the successive Rangoon government allowed the Mon monks to continue the Patamapyan examination using their own language. Such achievement is a classic example of the strength of civil society in Monland.

 

Department of Sasana (Religious) Affairs based in Rangoon built the State Sasana University in the 90s and also opened the Monastic Administrative Training in Rangoon. After the Rangoon Government opened Universities and Training Schools to junior monks, the struggle of Mon civil society changed its look because the community generally admired the monks who received a Bachelor Degree from the Institutions. Currently, there are over thirty Mon monks who completed B.A. including M.A. from the State Sasana Universities. Local Mon monasteries have turned to an Institution to teach and learn modern studies of Mon language culture and literature.

 

The Mon monk community serves fellow Buddhist people while promoting the role of civil society in Mon State. Financially, the monk community raises funding through voluntary contribution and holds no special public events for funding. According to a student from Mon State, local children enjoy contributions from World Vision, Save the Children (UK) and other major non-Government services in their local community. A few NGO services have hit the heart of local poor people while they provide them goods in kindness and family supplies.

 

Mon Youth Monk’s Union was formed in 80s in Rangoon. Over twenty Mon youth monks led a campaign to run free Mon Language Class during the summer in Mon territory. Typically, senior men opposed the campaign as they regarded it a campaign to launch political attacks against the ruling authority. Many senior men perceived that the Buddhist monks were obligated to only preach and chant local Buddhists on good will and funeral services. Now they support the teaching of Mon language programs in the community.

 

Language and Cultural groups are the second force in the role of civil society. Currently, the Mon youth community based in Rangoon and Moulmein published quarterly bulletins, magazines and other feature books both in Mon and Burmese languages despite being strictly censored by the Press Scrutiny Board. The Martyr’s Stride Magazine (La-gam-aja-noiin Mon text) is distributed widely to the young audience. Borderland based youth publishes an independent newspaper, the Guiding Star (Northern Star) and Our Times Journals while they also report news in English via Internet. Independent Mon News Agency is established in 1999.

 

Although, the Mon literature lovers have very limited financial resources in the country, they use their own pocket money to publish books and magazines without making a huge profit. From 1974, after the creation of Mon State, to 2000, several Mon Language and Cultural Associations were established.  The social force is the strongest ever in the modern Mon history.

 

There are insufficient libraries in a Mon village so local Mon youths have organized reading groups and opened a home library in Mudon Township but the library is banned pending approval from the local authority. Students are also banned to communicate with border based human rights organizations and other news groups for exchanging information. Furthermore, many graduate students from Moulmein University are not able to find jobs in the urban area and return to the rural village to work as volunteer teachers at local schools.

 

New generation and local youth groups have challenged the notion of the old vision in the Mon territory. After the 90s, the production of Mon music and other related entertainment venues have increased in the community. Despite local musicians having a lack of both financial and human resources they have managed to produce their own music series with community funding. A few work in Thailand for saving and return money to the country for music production. Popular Mon entertainer, Mon Chit Soe has gained a huge following and puts on top shows in the community. In the past thirty years, the Mon communities were not able to watch Mon language drama. However, after the 90s, a few young talents entertainers have joined hands for the promotion of Mon music and entertainment under leadership of Zahan Mon, Chairman of Mon Music Union based in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State.

 

The Mon Unity League formed a ‘Committee for Public Relations and Civil Society Affairs" in 2001. The Committee has done two workshops in the border camps in promoting the role of young people in community development. The Committee has published a handbook in the Mon language for the workshops. The initiative was very much supported by everyone as a sign of progress in the community after two workshops were conducted in 2002.

 

"The importance of civil society is the capacity to act or advocate, autonomous of the state, for the common good," said David I. Steinberg, Director of Asian Studies at Georgetown University urged on in 1999. Unless the Mon community can freely publish their own newspaper, broadcast own radio stations, release public owned television and form a labor union in the territory; a question of democracy and human rights in Burma is still unanswered.

 

The Mon community remembers well from history that Burman troops cut the fingers of Rev Uttamarumbha (Kyeikjanoh Ajoh -in Mon text) for writing the Mon history after Burman king invaded the latest Mon Kingdom Pegu in late 1757.  He had written over fifty books both in Mon and Pali text that current Buddhist Mon fellows use to learn about Mon history and Buddhism. The Mon community can take pride knowing of the powerful role of civil society where Mon authors can write in their own mother language without restrictions in Burma.

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DISPLACEMENT OF MINORITIES IGNORED

(Reuters)

 

International community ignores large-scale displacement of minorities by Burma’s military regime

 

Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) - Norway

 

Geneva, 13 November 2003 – Although there has been considerable attention on Burma’s political crisis and the suppression of Aung San Suu Kyi’s democracy movement, the brutal displacement of hundreds of thousands of people by the military regime has gone largely unnoticed by the international community, says a report published by the Global IDP Project of the Norwegian Refugee Council today.

 

“Exposed to ongoing violence and systematic human rights abuses at the hands of government troops, these people are without protection from either their government or the international humanitarian community”, says the report. “With their traditional livelihoods ruined and humanitarian assistance blocked by the army, the situation of Burma’s displaced people is desperate.”

 

The regime has forcibly displaced between 600,000 and one million people in its campaign to fight rebel groups operating along Burma’s eastern border with Thailand. Ethnic minorities seen as supporting the insurgents are among the main targets, including the Karen, Kerenni and Shan ethnic groups.

 

There are numerous reports of arbitrary executions, torture, and other human rights abuses committed by the military. Women are particularly at risk, as rape is increasingly used by the army as a tool to create fear and punish civilians in the conflict areas. “The counter-insurgency operations have created a human rights situation […] that is considered one of the worst in the world”, the report says.

 

Most of the victims of internal displacement have been forced into relocation camps or are hiding in the forests and mountains of eastern Burma. Humanitarian conditions are worrying, particularly for those in the jungle, where often even basic foraging for food is constrained by the presence of government troops. With the government blocking access by international aid agencies to the border regions, very little foreign assistance reaches the displaced populations.

 

The report calls on the international community to pay more attention to the humanitarian emergency in minority areas, and properly reflect the regime’s ongoing human rights violations, including forced displacement, in the international response to the crisis in Burma.

 

The Geneva-based Global IDP Project, established by the Norwegian Refugee Council at the request of the United Nations, is the leading international body monitoring internal displacement worldwide.

 

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MONKS UNDER CURFEW

(AFP: November 4, 2003)

 

YANGON, Nov 2:  Myanmar’s monks have been ordered to observe a curfew, monasteries and mosques are under surveillance after violence between Buddhists and

Muslims left a dozen dead, including a pregnant woman.

 

The unrest broke out in Kyaukse on Oct 19 during festivals to mark the Buddhist Lent, including competitions and festivities centered on Buddhist monasteries, and spread to the city of Mandalay and then here, unnerving the ruling military.

 

Eyewitness reports obtained by AFP said after a minor dispute over one of the competitions a stone was thrown into a monastery compound, sparking anger among the monks who wrongly believed the occupants of a nearby mosque were responsible.

 

Several Muslims were injured in the ensuing rampage. Others were taken into the homes of their Buddhist neighbours for protection.

 

Despite the resolution of that conflict, exaggerated rumours spread to politically active monks in Mandalay who traveled to Kyaukse, sparking deadly riots and fires.

 

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SUU KYI REFUSES TO ACCEPT FREEDOM

(Reuters, Yangon: November 8, 2003)

 

Myanmar's generals have freed democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, but she is refusing to accept liberty until 35 of her colleagues are released from detention, said U.N. envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro.

 

''She will not accept any privilege or access to freedom of movement until everyone detained since May 30 has been released,'' Pinheiro told a news conference.

 

The U.N. human rights envoy said the ruling generals had told him during talks in Yangon this week that Suu Kyi, detained after a bloody clash between her followers and government supporters, was no longer under house arrest.

 

Pinheiro, who talked with Suu Kyi for two hours on Thursday, said she demanded the release of 35 of here colleagues in the National League for Democracy before she would even consider herself free.

 

She also demanded an inquiry into the May 30 violence, where each side blames the other, and for those responsible to be held accountable, she said.

 

''She wants justice, not revenge,'' the Brazilian academic added.

 

He quoted her as saying: ''Let's move forward. Let's work so it doesn't happen again.”

 

However, Pinheiro said, the generals who have ruled Myanmar since 1962 ''have not yet agreed'' to his offer to conduct ''an independent assessment'' of the May violence and gave no indication on when Suu Kyi might move around again.

 

She has made similar pronouncements before during the long periods she has spent confined to her lakeside house in Yangon, including the last time when she emerged just weeks before the May violence.

 

Diplomatic sources said Suu Kyi emerged then because she was confident U.N. efforts to get the so-called national reconciliation talks restarted were going to be successful.

 

Instead, she was detained at a secret location after the violence -- for her own safety, according to the government -- from which she was allowed to go to hospital for surgery, then to house arrest in September.

 

Pinheiro made his own calls on the government to clear the way for talks with the NLD on moving towards democracy by freeing all political prisoners and re-opening political party offices.

 

He said the government should give ''credible indications'' on how and when the reforms it has long promised would be implemented.

 

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MYANMAR UNMOVED BY US SANCTIONS

(By Lee Kim Chew / The Straits Times: November 8, 2003)

 

America’s economic sanctions on Myanmar are biting hard but the military regime shows no sign of dropping its repressive policies against pro-democracy dissidents.

 

Instead, the junta is working overtime to endure the sanctions by canvassing for more aid from its neighbours.

 

From Thailand and India, the generals are securing soft loans to supplement the enormous aid they get from China.

 

These lessen the difficulties of the cash-strapped junta, which will lose US$356 million (S$624 million) in exports this year because of a US ban on Myanmar products.

 

Some 40,000 garment workers, mostly women, have lost their jobs in Myanmar and the industry, which sells most of its products to the US, and could lose 100,000 more jobs, says the US State Department.

 

To overcome its predicament, the junta has appealed for more aid and investments from Asean countries.

 

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra plans to finance a new road costing 122.9 million baht (S$5.43 million) from Thailand's Mae Sot district to Myanmar's Myawaddy town.

 

This will help Thailand achieve its ambition of becoming a commercial hub for Indochina.

 

Thai press reports say Mr Thaksin will also offer 1.78 billion baht as a soft loan when he meets his Myanmar counterpart, General Khin Nyunt, in Bagan on Monday.

 

To promote cross-border trade, the Thais are seeking joint ventures with Yangon and they are thinking of scrapping import tariffs on Myanmar's farm products.

 

Other measures to promote tourism are in the works. Thailand has also agreed to Myanmar's request to study the feasibility of building a deep-sea port and export zone at Tavoy.

 

From India, Myanmar is to get US$57 million in credit to upgrade the Yangon Mandalay railway.

 

The Indian Express newspaper reports that Yangon has assured Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat that it would not allow its territory to be used for anti-Indian activities by insurgents along India's north-east border.

 

India is optimistic that trade between the two countries can double to US$1 billion in the next three years.

 

This week's visit of Mr Shekhawat, the first Indian Vice-President to get a red-carpet welcome in Yangon in 16 years, underlines the growing ties.

 

In an apparent move to counter China's burgeoning presence in Myanmar, Admiral Madhvendra Singh visited Yangon last September to seek access for Indian frigates to Myanmar ports.

 

The Indian Express said Delhi provided military hardware to Yangon one year ago.

 

It said Myanmar's air force chief was in the Indian capital last Monday to seek Delhi's help to beef up its air force.

 

To woo Yangon, India has muted its criticisms of the junta. Like China, it says the detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is 'an internal problem'.

 

Myanmar's military leaders have been politically adroit at promoting ties with India to balance the influence of China, upon which they rely heavily for aid and trade.

 

Last January, Beijing helped the junta with a US$200 million soft loan and forgave part of its debt.

 

The US has warned it will impose more sanctions on the regime unless it frees pro- democracy dissidents and starts reconciliation talks.

 

But the warning has fallen on deaf ears. British American Tobacco, the world's second biggest cigarette maker, yesterday announced its withdrawal from Myanmar because of pressures from the British government and lobby groups, but its stake has been taken up by Singapore's Distinction Investment Holdings.

 

Clearly, Yangon's neighbours are not fretting over US admonishments as they pursue their strategic interests.

 

Moreover, the junta has proved to be adroit in deflecting pressures from Asean countries. Its recent proposal for constitutional change has got it off the hook.

 

Myanmar's road map to reforms envisages a new constitution, a referendum and free elections. But for years, the junta has talked about a creating new charter without ever coming close to doing it.

 

Its road map has no timetable for fresh elections. Nor is there any role envisaged for Ms Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy.

 

Myanmar's poor masses are suffering more than ever before as the impact of Western sanctions reverberate through the economy.

 

All this is depressing news for the pro-democracy movement. As one Myanmar economist puts it, the junta has 'a road map for eternity'.

 

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