KAO
WAO NEWS No. 43
An
electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma
No. 43, April 23- May 13, 2003
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READERS' FRONT
VILLAGERS CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE
OF BATTLE
OVERSEAS MONS
URGED TO STUDY POLITICS
PORTERS USED FOR ARMY TRANSFER
GROUP FORMED TO BLOCK
DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT
RAINSTORM WIPES OUT REFUGEE
CAMP
FORCED LABOUR FOR ARMY CAMP
KAO WAO VIRTUAL ROUNDTABLE:
DOES BURMA
NEED THE U.S?
INTERVIEW WITH PON NYA MON
A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS: BY KUN
BOP HTAW
RUN AWAY WORKER HIT BY TRAIN
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READERS' FRONT
Dear Readers,
We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of
those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we
hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help
readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter
will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and
experiences. We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without
prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your
full name and address.
Regards,
Editor
[email protected]
http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1215&lo=d&sl=0
Dear Editor,
Your article about "Civilians Killed at Pro-regime Concert, Kao-Wao No. 42" is interesting. Could you provide
more detailed, in-depth information on who was killed and who committed such an
inhumane crime? If committed by Karen or any other armed group, what
should we do to avoid such a tragic lose of civilians.
Mon Than
_________________________________
Your article "Burma needs US
not the UN: By Kanbawza Win" is very interesting
and thought-provoking.
Janelle A Saffin
Australia
_________________________________
I am glad to have news from you. However, I would appreciate it if you
could send more in-depth news on rape committed by the Army and the situation
in the gas pipeline area.
Best regards,
Francois Dominguez
**************************************************************
Mon
State
at War
VILLAGERS CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE OF BATTLE
(Kao-Wao: May
2, 2003)
Ye Township -A village was caught in the middle of an offensive recently
launched by the Burmese Army in their attack against Mon rebels in southern Mon State, Burma.
According to a local reporter, the Mon armed group led by Nai
Hloin clashed with the Burmese Infantry Battalion No.
31 at Yong Deen village of southern Ye. Local villagers reported fatalities from gun and
mortar fire, a 50 year old woman, Mi Kyi, was wounded and sent to Ye hospital
after the fighting was over. The fate of
the victim who was severely wounded is unknown and no causalities from both
armed groups have been reported.
No one is trusted and everyone is the enemy. Every dry season the army
launches an operation against the opposition groups and frequent fighting
occurs without warning, reported the village headman.
Last December, the Burmese army forced Buddhist monks at gunpoint to walk ahead
to set off hidden landmines and to provide cover against ambush attacks by the
rebels. The rural community is often subjected to indiscriminate attacks by the
military in their offensive against Mon guerrillas. Forced portering, looting, torture and extortion are very common
practices conducted by the army in the southern Ye
township. Due to the armed conflict, many villagers have chosen to
migrate to Thailand because they are prevented from working outside their villages, said a
youth leader from KhawZar village.
Sources added that a joint operation was planned and launched since the
beginning of the dry season to wipe out the Mon splinter group led by Nai Hloin and Nai
Bin, which broke away from the New Mon State Party.
Even though the New Mon State Party reached a cease-fire deal with the ruling
military regime, the Mon armed group led by Nai Hloin and Nai Bin is sporadically
active around Ye and Ye Phyu
area of southern Mon State.
****************************************************
Mon national affairs
OVERSEAS MONS URGED
TO STUDY POLITICS
(Kao-Wao: April 29, 2003)
The leader of the Mon National Democratic Front, based in Mon State, urges Mon communities worldwide to upgrade
their education in order to prepare for the future of Mon people.
In an interview recently conducted by the Democratic Voice of Burma (Mon language program), the President of the
MNDF Nai Tun Thein showed his appreciation by publicly stating his
support for the overseas Mons and the international community. He
has encouraged the younger generation in exile to focus more on Political
Science and International Relation studies abroad.
Regarding the political situation in Burma and Mon people, the prominent and respected
Mon leader said a tripartite dialogue is the main issue of the political crisis
in Burma. He also recommended the overseas Mon to support Mons back home and the Committee Representing of
People's Parliament (CRPP).
Other MNDF leaders Nai Ngwe
Thein, Dr. Kyi Win and Dr. Min Soe
Lin are in Moulmein prison serving in
their fifth year despite the Burmese government's release of some political
prisoners.
Nai Ngwe Thein, the Vice-President of MNDF, was admitted to Moulmein public hospital in April after suffering a
stroke. The source reported to Kao-Wao that he
continues to be under strict prison security overseen by the military
intelligence during his medical treatment, after treatment he will be sent back
to Moulmein prison.
"He is recovering from the stroke, mentally our leader is quite alert but
he will continue to have health problems", said a Mon women able to meet
with Nai Ngwe Thein briefly at the hospital.
The MNDF was founded in 1988 and won five seats in the 1990 general election in
Burma. The
State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) disbanded the Front on March
18, 1992;
three leaders were arrested in 1998 for supporting the Committee Representing
People's Parliament (CRPP) and sentenced to seven years imprisonment with hard
labour at the Moulmein Prison, Mon State.
MNDF President, Nai Tun Thein is a member of CRPP and other key leaders are in a
desperate situation, among its 5 MPs two are imprisoned, one has since died and
the other one lives in exile.
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PORTERS USED FOR ARMY TRANSFER
(Kao-Wao: April 19, 2003)
Three Pagodas Pass - The Burmese Army is forcing villagers to
porter weapons and personal supplies in the army's transfer from the border
town.
The Light Infantry Battalion (LIB No. 234) stationed at the Three Pagodas Pass
Thai-Burma border town is transferring to another camp and the border security
is being replaced with another battalion, LIB No .344 on the Eve of the Burmese
New Year.
A witness reported Lt Colonel Win Myint of the LIB No. 234 issued an order to
local people around the Three Pagodas Pass area to provide labor. At least two persons
from each village were ordered to be available to provide immediate labour in
transferring army supplies from the border. Village headmen from Jao Ja-Blu and Kwan Ta-Moih also were ordered to collect cash from their villages
to pay for the porters' expenses, a local source said.
According to a local resident, the village headmen went around knocking
the doors of every household to collect cash on the Burmese New Year day and to
round up porters demanded by the army. Each household was forced to pay Thai
Baht 50.
"They (the Burmese Army) illegally allow the Thai businessmen to open TV
game shops and other gambling outfits at Three Pagodas Pass to collect under-table taxes from these
services. But they never use this money for the porter fees and they
charge on us", said Mr. Rein, a community worker from Three Pagodas Pass.
The Burmese Army based on Thai-Burma border routinely seizes goods and other
materials from local traders such as timber, chairs and other furniture, which
in turn is sold. Despite all this money collection and thievery, they continue
to harass and demand money from civilians to pay for the portering,
a local trader added.
However, some porters escape by paying bribes to their captors, like Zaw
Maung who was freed after he paid a Burmese Corporal Baht 300. Zaw Maung earns
about Baht 1000 (25 US) a week as a labourer
and was able to pay the officer to avoid portering.
The Burmese army quickly finds replacements and search villagers for an able bodied
person to do their dirty work.
In many cases, villagers are used as human shields to protect the army, ordered
to walk ahead of the army column to set off hidden land mines in the jungle.
The army goes through the jungle to avoid the motor route until they reach
their destination. If a mine is stepped on, the army column leaves the injured
porter to die, or, if lucky, the injured villager will find a way through the
jungle, but most often they die from loss of blood if a village is not close by
to help them.
The Burmese Army's Regiment routinely exchanges soldiers to the border area
every three months but the Burmese soldiers do not use the ordinary route for
safety, fearing attack from the rebels if they use the main motor road between
Three Pagoda Pass and ThanPhyu ZaYat,
which is only a seven-hour drive by truck.
The Burmese Army Border Unit, also stationed at Doe Ha Gay, near Three Pagodas Pass operates as the watchdog for the Thai Army.
Local villagers from the surrounding areas provide free labor to the army
fortnightly without protest. Poor villagers are mostly targeted, have no say if
ordered to clear the bush near the army camp, when ordered to work they must
bring their own food and supplies for sleeping out in the jungle at night.
Villagers from Hta Wai
village composed of the Karen, Mon and Tavoyan are to
provide at least four people from their villages to work for the Burmese Army
Border Unit, if they fail to report they are arrested or beaten. They are
guarded while they work, guns pointed at them while they slave for the army.
The Burmese soldiers, have widely ignored the prohibition on forced labour, and
continue to use local portering as payment to avoid
legal punishment by the Ministry of Home Affairs in line with Order No (1/9) in
1999 prohibiting the use of forced labor and portering
in the country "Under Certain Provisions of The Towns Act, 1907 and the
Village Act, 1907".
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GROUP FORMED TO BLOCK
DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT
(Cited from The Irrawaddy: May
13, 2003)
Local military authorities in Burma are organizing a new pro-government group to
curb opposition movements, sources inside the country say.
In recent months, the military has recruited civilians to participate in
a militia-like organization called Swan Arr Shin in
townships across the country. Sources say members have been given bamboo clubs
and slingshots.
"The junta's Township Peace and Development Councils recruited members
from the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association [USDA],
the fire department and from the general public," a Rangoon resident said. The
USDA is the junta's de facto political party.
Residents in the Mon State capital of Moulmein and in the Thai-Burma border town of Tachilek say Swan Arr Shin
groups have also been formed in their areas. They say local authorities have
organized people in the villages and that Swan Arr
Shin members have been spotted on roads and highways wielding bamboo clubs.
While little is known about this new group or its real motives, people in
Rangoon say Swan Arr Shin
groups have been formed to disturb the work of dissidents, particularly
movements organized to support democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi on her trips
around Burma.
Swan Arr Shin groups were reportedly formed in Monywa and Aung Lan
just before Suu Kyi was set to arrive in Chin state in April. "They [junta leaders] are afraid of the
huge gatherings that come to see Aung San Suu Kyi when she travels across the
country," says a resident in Rangoon. He says the groups were organized to attack
and disperse the crowds who come to welcome Suu Kyi.
In Nov 1996, Suu Kyi was attacked by a mob of around 200 people in Rangoon. The mob, believed to be full of USDA members,
threw stones at her motorcade and attacked some of the vehicles with iron bars.
***************************************************
RAINSTORM WIPES OUT REFUGEE
CAMP
(Network Media Group: May 9, 2003)
A powerful storm followed by heavy rains flooded out and demolished over three
hundred huts and wounded five people including one infant in Mae-Khong-Khar Karen refugee camp near Maesarian
in northwest Thailand on the evening of May 8.
The rainstorm started after 9 pm on May 8 in the refugee camp that destroyed
almost 300 homes including the residence Head of the Camp as the storm tore up
trees and houses recklessly.
"The storm destroyed our houses and wreaked all of our furniture,
everything including kitchen utensils, almost all are in ruin. The wind was
relentless; some trees were ripped right out of the ground and were smashed
into our houses. As far as I know we lost not less than 300 homes," said Naw Khay, former secretary of Camp Committee who just came out from the refugee camp.
"Among a total of 13 wards in that refugee camp, almost five wards
including No. 9, 10 and 11-B were victims of this rainstorm," she added.
Mae Khong Khae Camp
authorities formed an emergency rescue committee in order to take care of
double-burden peoples at that refugee camp. Karen Rescue committee (KRC) and
Burma Border Consortium (BBC) teams also rushed into the storm-affected area
this morning.
However, vice president of Refugee Camp authority Naw
Shae Maree said that there
is no need to worry for the lives of casualties.
Last winter on September 2, 2002, this camp situated in an insecure area was
hit by a mountain torrent of mud and rushing water that caused thirty deaths,
with many casualties and fatalities, several lost their homes only to lose them
again in this rainstorm.
******************************************************
Human rights violation in the Palaung area
FORCED LABOUR FOR ARMY CAMP
(Based on the Palaung Youth Network Group, April
26, 2003)
The Palaung youth group reported the Burmese
Army, LB (22) led by Zaw Moe in Man Pa village in Man Tong township, Northern
Shan State, ordered every house in Man Pa village and Man Kang village to cut
firewood for use in the army camp.
According to the order, anyone who does not provide the wood will be forced to
pay 5000 kyat (Burmese currency) per tether. Villagers complained that the army
was not using the wood for their camp but selling it to a coffee company in Namtu township at 4,000 kyat per
tether.
On April 28, 2003, SPDC LIB (324) column (2), led by captain Aung Myint based
in Namtu township forced villagers of Man Kang, Nam
Lang and Na Lin villages to come with their own foods and tools to repair the
road between Man Kang and Nar Lin.
The army ordered the villagers to finish all of the work within three
weeks. That evening, the Captain ordered
his soldiers to steal two cows from Man Kang village to feed the forced labourers. When the cows' owner, U Yee Lea complained, he
was told that the cows had been slaughtered as food to feed the villagers who
were working for the road. However, the soldiers themselves had eaten the
beef.
*******************************************************
Kao-Wao's
Virtual Roundtable:
Discussion on Burma
needs US not the UN: By Kanbawza
Win
DOES BURMA
NEED THE U.S?
Kanbawza Win's long article misses three very
important points re: American involvement in Iraq: One, Iraq posed a threat, real or imagined, to
regional (Israel's) security. Two, there is a very powerful Jewish lobby in the US. Three, the US needs cheap oil to run its economy.
Burma is too far removed from the American
consciousness. Most young Americans have
never even heard the name. There is no Burma lobby worth the name in the US. Burma does not pose a threat to its neighbors. Burma has no strategic or economic value for
the US. Consequently, all the statements, calling for democracy in Burma that you hear from American leaders are to
appease their own bleeding-heart constituency (a small number, at best) who are
vocal about their dislike of what has been going on in Burma. Words are cheap.
The only foreign
power that has real economic and strategic interest in Burma is China. This goes back to more than a thousand
years. But, from 1281 to 1287 Kubla Khan's Tatar
troops razed the capital of the Burmese empire, Pagan, to the ground. Their
objective was to force open China's economic backdoor to the West. It was only
because of diseases and their inability to bear the heat that the Chinese were
forced to withdraw from Burma. In 325 BC, Alexander had to retreat from India for the same reason.
600 years later (1885), when the British completed their occupation of Burma, there was only one foreign power that
objected. That power was China. China's objection was based on the notion that in
occupying Burma, the British were, in fact, stepping on China's toes. How the British
APPEASED China
and what the terms of China
PERMITTING the British to remain in Burma
is another long story.
In 1949, when Chiang Kai Sheik’s KMT troops were asked by U Nu's
government to remove themselves from Burmese soil, they reminded the Burmese
government of Imperial China's historic claim to Upper Burma. Senior Taiwan diplomats based
in Canada have
personally reaffirmed this claim to me. In addition, they found fault with the
People's Republic of China for being
tardy in asserting China's historic
claim to other South-east Asian lands, as well.
I am writing all this to remind you that China has realised its
historic ambitions, and it's now firmly entrenched, in Burma, thanks to the Burma Army. The UN can do
nothing serious in Burma because Burma's military regime enjoys the confidence of
the Chinese veto in the Security Council.
When it comes to international power politics, the Americans know too
well that the Burma belongs to "China's sphere of
influence." The US will do
nothing serious in Burma so as not
to upset the Chinese because of the strong economic linkage between the two.
Plus, what economic or strategic advantage would any US action in Burma bring to the American economy. You must not
forget that the Americans pride themselves for being PRAGMATISTS. Altruism is
not part of their national philosophy.
I have heard, confidentially, from diplomats and political leaders, I
have interacted with, that Burma's problems are Burma's. It is the Burmese themselves who have to
find a solution to their problems.
What the activists (with myself at the
forefront) have been doing for a very long time for restoration of democracy in
Burma has
degenerated into a pathetic circus. Do you have an end in sight?
My personal view is that change will come to Burma from within. To be precise, an uprising form
within the ranks of the army itself. In other words, another coup. Bear in mind that some of the
top NLD leaders are retired army men. What bothers me is why it has taken
so long for this counter-coup to occur. Perhaps because there are no heroes
left in the so-called Burma army.
That is reality as I see it. I would be very happy if the assertions I
have made above turn out to be incorrect.
With best wishes,
Bush Gulati (Toronto, Canada)
*****************************
Thank you for sharing these two important articles (by Kanbawza
Win and Bush Gulati), both written by well-known and
prominent democracy activists, and such that both need to be discussed more in
depth within our movement. This debate could effectively become the focus of
discussion for our next strategic policy matter, which is now open to the grass
root members of the movement, charting for our next course of action. This
is a rare opportunity for ordinary members to participate in the formulation of
such important policy matters, in other words, an introduction of 'Internet
Referendum', making the most out of 21st century information technology,
unfortunately has yet to reach out to ordinary people of Burma.
I do not disagree to the three points that Mr. Bush Gulati
had pointed out in his comments, and the proposition of America's conception that Burma belongs to 'China Sphere of Influence'. And,
I must also agree to those arguments explicitly portrayed by Professor Kanbawza Win, particularly on the weaknesses and
ineffectiveness of the UN, played in many conflicts around the world, and the US military interventions in various world and
regional conflicts over the last 50 years.
Personally, I have never envisioned US marines landing on the shores of the Gulf of Martaban and Arakan coasts,
and dropping Special Forces in the Pegu Yoma. Even as a non-military person, I can see that the
geography and topography of Burma and Iraq are totally different, even if the US decided to intervene militarily in Burma against so many odds, the invasions would
certainly be very costly to the Americans if the Burmese army is prepared to
fight on with so inferior weapons at hand. Many Americans would like to feel
that they have finally discarded the 'Vietnam Ghost' with those victories in Iraq, both in 1991 and 2003.
Regards to the China Policy on Burma, I have been told by some China Experts (one
had presented his views at the recent John Hopkins Conference in DC), to
distinguish between Beijing and Kunming policies, regional capital of Yunan. Many of those living in the China border regions and upper Burma would testify of the strong trading
relations between Yunan and Burma, which is far greater than the other regions
of China, except of Hong
Kong. The bulk of
Chinese imports and goods mostly come from Yunan, and
the majority of Chinese trading and investments are also from the Yunan as well.
It is quite obvious that the vast economic interests of the Yunan
province would have a strong influence on Beijing's foreign policy in Burma. To counter such influences, Burma's western neighbor, India, has changed from its pro-democratic to the
current pro-engagement policy on Burma. And the Burmese Generals while playing
smartly of this economic balancing act between the two giant neighbors, making
political mileages out in the regional geopolitics. Although, the
pro-engagement ASEAN countries, have suffered many losses of their investments
in Burma, due to many reasons that all us have known, they are still hoping
that the recalcitrant Burmese generals would soon change their minds on
political reform and perhaps, continue their dialogue with Daw Suu and NLD, and
eventually with CRPP, reinvigorate and resuscitate the failing Burma economy to
recoup their losses.
If one read through Colin Powell's recent statement on Burma carefully, he clearly indicated to work with
the ASEAN partners to solve the current political deadlock in Burma. I would comment that this is quite a good
move, if the US could lend its weight behind the ASEAN countries, to pressure those
Burmese Generals to get back into the political dialogue with Daw Suu and NLD,
it could develop significant shifts within the Junta, between the pro and
against prolongation and reformation, which Mr. Gulati
has hoped for.
As for the Chinese, there is evidence that both the US and China have a more important game to play out in
the East Asia region, i.e. the North Korean issue. And, by
mentioning Daw Suu in recent article in China, no more economic aid but loans will be
given to the SPDC, and witnessing the regular attendance of Chinese Ambassador
at the NLD functions, one could not help but to assume that Beijing could be betting on both horses.
Thus, we must conclude that although we need to keep China in our views, we
should also explore other options including the US assistance in the mediations
between the SPDC and NLD, together with the leading ASEAN countries, while
maintaining the international and domestic pressure, economic sanctions and
other measures, to keep the military regime from back- tracking from the
political reform process.
Best regards,
DSM
**************************
Dear all,
I would like to comment on the preceding viewpoints regarding Kanbawza's editorial: "Burma needs US not the UN.
Does Burma desperately need US assistance? To address Kanbawza
Win: the Burmese should thank the gods, Buddhas,
Bodhisattvas and all the deities that the US does not have any interests in Burma. American presence would be disastrous to
the culture and people of Burma. Before you write up policies on Burma’s
future take a closer look at Africa, South Korea, Japan, and Thailand, to name
a few, and how American freedom and democracy has affected those countries.
Koreans are ambivalent about their so-called 'friendship with the Americans',
while some openly protest against the American presence; others stand by and
put up with the drunken Americans roaming the streets of Seoul. In Itaewon, a
popular shopping district, off-duty soldiers and American tourists are
consistent at being obnoxious, one can observe them walking the streets
swinging their bottles of alcohol and drinking in public, swearing and acting
as if they own the city. They are horribly disrespectful to the Korean people
and are constantly extolling the effectiveness of their weapons and freedom and
democracy on the US military TV channel, humble they are not, but as Bush Gulati remarks a pragmatic people. The 'Ugly
Americans’, a term aptly coined by the Europeans after the Second World War,
used to describe how Americans acted in their countries. Some might argue that
the US has been a big factor in making S. Korea prosperous, but much of Korean policy, both
domestic and foreign has been dictated by the Americans, which the Korean
people resent very much. Thousands of
Koreans were killed in the Korea war, 50 years later! American relations with
South
Korea are indecisive, especially on how to deal with North Korea, nobody agrees on anything. Many observers
rightly pointed out that 9/11 demonstrates the Americans to be openly
supportive and friendly, but also singularly vindictive if things don't go
their way. The US historically has diverted all its resources
to WAR and its related business, so be prepared to sacrifice some of your
culture to the business of war.
In Thailand there is a strong US economic presence, controlled by Washington D.C. and a wasteland of multinationals; you must have noticed the thousands
of billboards in Bangkok, around the airport for example. Thailand is
manufactured by the US, over the
past 30 years forests have been ripped down on a massive scale to grow and
export rice, now it's manufactured products. Thousands
of rural people are displaced to work in Bangkok, an enforced hierarchy is the way of life in
Thailand, the poor are locked out from achieving any
equal rights, that’s another long story, but it's related to the US’s freedom and democracy.
African democracy activists predict that Africa will continue to suffer from American
policies. 22 African countries are indebted to financial institutions,
most notably the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, the Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. HIPC launched in 1996 has down little
if anything to address debt relief and poverty; some argue the situation may
get worse. Canadian Finance Minister Paul Martin at the International Monetary
and Financial and Development Committees in Prague on September 24 and 25, 2000, argued that
the current HIPC process, including Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), overburdened African countries with a huge quantity
of conditions to fulfill before receiving debt relief. Martin pointed out that the HIPC's policy set forth "unrealistic conditionalities", and an excessive concern among
creditors with the "quantity of conditionality rather than its
quality." Financial institutions are more concerned about their interests
rather than the social situation in the target country, a scenario the Burmese
should take note of because many observers are criticizing Bush’s doctrine that
will force countries to adopt a unilateral approach or face an aid shortfall.
Many seriously wonder if a more inward approach to development rather than
relying on external aid will help more to alleviate poverty, by confronting
their respective national and geo-strategic interests within the community in
line with their health and development issues.
Keep in mind that the Americans are known to be among the worst offenders of
human rights in the world, so don't expect peace if the Americans show up.
Let’s hope that democratic change will come from within Burma, it would be terrible if it came through
protests in the streets or a military coup, measures which are passé. There are
many heroes in the Burmese democracy movement; they have shifted to the
sidelines actively working on promoting the benefits of a democratic government
to the people of Burma, an educational process.
Lita Davidson
Vancouver, BC
9/05/03
*****************************************************
Viewpoint from a young Mon leader
INTERVIEW WITH PON NYA MON
Kao-Wao recently conducted an interview with Pon Nya Mon, the Chairman of Monland Restoration Council (MRC) based in the USA. Pon Nya Mon was a leader of the
Overseas Mon Young Monks Union (OMYMU) and served on the Foreign Relationship
Committee in Thailand.
Pon Nya Mon holds a B.S.
degree in Business Administration, a B.A. in Political Science from Indiana-Purdue University and a M.A. in
Development Economics from Williams College, Massachusetts. Currently, he is a
Ph.D. candidate in Political Science at the Washington State University.
KW: When were you elected as Chairman
/ President of the Monland Restoration Council (MRC)?
PNM: I was first elected in 1995. I was
re-elected for three terms (every two years), I have been serving as the
Chairman for the last 7 years.
KW: Can you tell us the aims and
activities of your organization? How was it formed and when?
PNM: MRC was founded by a group of Mon
exiles in the U.S.A. in November 1993, named Indigenous Mon
Council of Burma (IMCOB). It was changed to Monland
Restoration Council (MRC) at the first annual conference in 1994. Our main
objective is to restore self-determination for our country, to promote Mon
culture and literature both inside and outside of our homeland, and to restore
democracy and human rights in Burma.
KW: What is your impression of Mon
communities in the USA and in
exile?
PNM: I am very impressed with the
progress of our Mon community in the U.S.A. It's a
success story, in Fort Wayne, Indiana and Akron, Ohio; everyone is working
very hard to build a strong Mon community although they face linguistic,
cultural and environmental differences in this country. In order to promote the
Mon culture and literature here, we established a Mon Buddhist temple in Fort Wayne in 2001 where all of us can meet, it made a
big difference; it gives people a chance to be together. Now we are able to
offer Mon literacy training classes every year at the temple.
Since I don't have close contact with other Mon groups in other countries, I
couldn't say much about how they are managing. I believe they also work hard at
maintaining Mon culture for our people. I have a general impression that Mon
exiles around the world are working together for the Mon cause.
KW: Can you tell us your experience as
a young monk in Burma and Thailand? How did you get involved in the Mon national
movement?
PNM: My experience as a young monk in Burma was not
much different from Mon monks in Burma. Mon monks
have been oppressed and discriminated by the Burmese government in many ways.
For example, in 1986, the Ne Win government banned
the use of the Mon language in the government's Buddhist literature
examination. As many of us know, Buddhist literature was introduced to Burma originally
in the Mon language and has since been taught in this language in Mon
monasteries for centuries. For that reason, the Mon language had been
recognized by the government as an official language, along with the Burmese
language, used in the government's Buddhist literature examination since Burma gained her
independence.
Nevertheless, in 1986, Ne Win's government
announced that all Mon monks in Burma were
required to take government's Buddhist literature examination in Burmese
language instead of Mon. This outraged
Mon Monks all over Burma, we believed
it threatened our language and literature. To protect our language, literature,
and culture, however, Mon monks, including myself, in Burma boycotted the examination held only in the
Burmese language.
Since then, I have been active in the Mon national movement. In 1987, I joined
the Mon Young Monks Organization in Rangoon to promote Mon culture and literature in Burma. I involved in 1988's general uprising to
fight for a democratic change in Burma. After
1988, I fled to Thailand and joined
the Overseas Mon Young Monks Union (OMYMU).
Being a young monk in Thailand was
different from Burma. As refugee
monks in Thailand, we were free to express our political views, which we couldn't do in Burma. We staged demonstrations against the
Burmese military regime in front of the Burmese Embassy many times. We never
were arrested. This was one of the advantages of being a refugee monk in Thailand compared to a normal refugee. However, in
1993 after I received a scholarship to study in the U.S, I disrobed. Right after
I disrobed, one of my friends, Nai Thet Lwin, and I were arrested by
the Thai police and deported to the Three Pagodas Pass, where the Burmese military camp was
located. Fortunately, we escaped deportation by jumping off the truck that
carried us to the Burmese territory, close to the Burmese army camp.
KW: Do you see any change in the Mon
politics after the death of New Mon State Party leader Nai
Shwe Kyin?
PNM: I don't see any major changes in
Mon politics soon after the death of Nai Shwe Kyin. From my point of view,
an individual leader or elite does not dictate Mon politics. It is based on the
will of our people. Unless there are major changes in the will of Mon people, I
do not think there would be major changes in Mon politics.
In this case, the death of Nai Shwe
Kyin will not affect Mon revolution or Mon politics.
But he left us a very strong Mon political platform and foundation. Even though
the founding father died, our Mon revolution is alive and will continue.
Therefore, Mon younger generation must prepare for the future leadership role
of our revolution.
KW: What is your campaign for the Mons back home?
PNM: MRC has done a lot of campaigns for
the past ten years to raise awareness on human rights abuse both in Mon state
and in Burma. We joined
other Mon organizations around the world; we wrote letters to the United
Nations and issued many statements. We often staged demonstrations in front of
the Burmese Embassy in Washington DC and in front of the United Nations in New York to raise awareness on the cause of Mon
people in Burma.
From 1995 to 1998, our campaigns mostly concentrated on human rights abuses in
the Unocal-Total gas pipeline areas. In 1996, I attended the Unocal
shareholders meeting in Los Angeles to encourage the company to withdraw its business from Burma. We joined other NGOs and held
demonstrations in front of Texaco shareholders meeting in Huston, Texas in 1997.
However, in the last couple years, our campaigns have concentrated mostly on
the land confiscation in Mon areas, the release of three Mon political leaders
who have been imprisoned in Mon State and the tripartite dialogue in Burma.
KW: Do you see the possibility of a
tripartite dialogue in Burma?
PNM: I don't see a tripartite dialogue
any time soon in Burma unless the international communities,
Burmese democratic forces, and ethnic nationalities apply a much more tougher stand against the SPDC. So far, the SPDC is not
interested in dialogue with the NLD and non-Burman
ethnic nationalities. Even though the SPDC has released some political
prisoners, it does not mean they are moving toward a tripartite dialogue.
The SPDC uses political prisoners as a political tool to play games with the
international community in order, for them, to stay in power as long as possible.
In other words, the SPDC is buying time by releasing some political prisoners.
But there is a lack of will to maintain the pressure and to get on with real
democratic change in Burma.
KW: Has the international campaign
work for "Mon or ethnic issue" developed during the past years?
PNM: The international campaign has
worked very well in terms of raising awareness of human rights abuses in Mon
and other ethnic nationality areas. The
campaign brought the ILO, Red Cross, and UN special rapporteur
to Burma to monitor human rights abuses in ethnic areas. Of course, the human
rights situation has not yet significantly improved in Burma.
KW: What is your opinion on the
current cease-fire deal of the NMSP with the military junta?
PNM: I think the SPDC does not fully
honor, as it should, the cease-fire agreement. Since the two parties reached a
cease-fire agreement in 1995, thousands of acres of land have been confiscated
and thousands of Burmese troops have been deployed in Mon state. These operations
violate the cease-fire agreement and also threaten the securities of both NMSP
and Mon people.
The NMSP has become increasingly dissatisfied with the SPDC on these matters.
If the SPDC continues such violations, the cease-fire between the two parties
could not be sustained very long.
KW: How do you see the Mons conflict during the
previous years (HRP, NMSP)?
PNM: It was very unfortunate for us.
Because of the conflict, many Mons died including a respectful Mon leader, Nai Min Htut. Moreover, the unity
of among Mon people was also affected.
KW: What plans should we work on to
obtain or increase the Mon movement?
PNM: First and foremost, we need to
strengthen our unity. Unity among our Mon people is very important for the
movement. Once our unity falls apart, so does our movement.
Second, Mon national
movement should be mobilized at all local, national, and international levels.
To do so, all Mon political parties and organizations inside and outside Burma need to work together. Finally, we should work
with other ethnic nationalities and Burmese democratic forces, and
international communities.
As most of us know, human rights situations in Burma, especially in Mon and other ethnic areas,
have not yet improved, and the SPDC is not willing to initiate the tripartite
dialogue with the NLD and the non-Burma ethnic nationalities for a peaceful
change. Any effort to pressure the SPDC on these matters will be significant.
**********************************************************
Imprisoned Mon leader's political mandate over fifty years
A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS: BY KUN BOP HTAW
Vice-president of the Mon political party, Nai Ngwe Thein was sent to Moulmein General Hospital in the first week of April after suffering a
stroke in his prison cell in Moulmein Prison. The
news spread quickly to Mon communities all over the world--over the radio
stations from abroad and the E-new over the Internet. Nai
Ngew Thein personifies
political activism in Burma and has been an inspiration for many
activists and political leaders in Burma.
Moulmein Prison, in Mon State, has been home to many Mon leaders and
students for the past fifty years. There is a saying in Burma that a politician is 'born from the prison
cell' in the country. Nai Ngwe
Thein is now eighty and was imprisoned in 1998,
accused of 'undermining military authority in Burma' when he wrote up an open
letter to the New Mon State Party, a Mon national political party with its
armed wing Mon National Liberation Army in Mon State, Union of Burma.
Nai Ngwe Thein is one of the most enthusiastic politicians in the
Mon political movement; he has persisted in a harsh, oppressive environment for
over fifty years. His history goes back decades when, with other patriots, he
founded Mon Affairs Organization (MAO), which was superseded by the Mon United
Front in 1947 where he served as secretary of the party, a year before Burma gained independence from Britain. It was a time of inspiration, a
growing movement among the ethnic groups, the Mons and Karen jointly
worked together to fight for their rights denied by the Burman's
central government. The post war Mon armed resistance group started when
a group of patriotic young men seized Zar-tha-pyin
police station in Moulmein District in August 1948.
Consequently, the Burman authorities arrested Mr. Thein along with his colleague Nai
Shwe Kyin (NMSP's president- deceased). It was his first taste of prison life and the
beginning of a long political journey. After the Mon armed group occupied
Tha-dhom and Moulmein districts in the same month, they were
released from after ten days of detention.
The Mon national movement grew stronger when Mr. Thein
and his colleagues moved to the Kaw-ka-reik area in
1949 to form a new central committee for the Mon political party where he
served as General Secretary. Three Mon
Regiments and Karen regiment joined forces in the same year and established a
new Brigade called: "Zin-phyu-daw or Ka-zaw-war Brigade.
He sought other alliances as an elected delegate for both the Mon Affairs
Organization and Mon National Association as a Foreign Secretary, and remained
the outspoken Mon representative stationed in Bangkok and representative
for the Karen Foreign Affairs delegation. After the Karen regiments seized Taung-ngu Town in 1950, he returned to Mon State and Nai Tun Thein,
the current leader of Mon National Democratic Front, took over the post.
As a member of both the Mon Affairs Organization and Mon National Association
led by Nai Tun Maung, Mr. Thein established the United Mon National Front at Taung-pough village and was elected as temporary President
of the organization. He was elected as a Foreign Affairs Secretary to Mon State Government in 1953 after the organization
formed the government body at Weh-kha-mi village in Than-phyu-za-yat Township, northern of Moulmein, the capital city of Mon State.
To foster political change, the Mon nationalist leaders called a
conference in 1955 at Taung-zone village and
established the "Mon People's Front" where he was elected as a member
of Central Executive member.
As a strong
political thinker in modern Burmese politics and a concerned Mon patriot, he
observed national and international political environments since the 1950s. The
Rangoon government led by U Nu
approached anti-Rangoon armed groups rallying for peace and democracy in 1958.
The Mon People's Front accepted a proposal of U Nu's
government and returned home state with (1111) military personnel for the sole
purpose of peace and democracy in the country. Mr Thein left the jungle and joined in the front for peace.
The Mon People's Front arrived home in Mon State in July 1958 with a political mandate for
the establishment of self-determination. The front established "The United
Mon People's Front (ma-pa-nya-ta) with a cooperation
of Ramanya Mon Association, Mon National Association
and Hita-ga-wai-see Monk Association. A hard
working and down to earth leader, Mr Thein again was elected as member of Central Executive
Committee for umbrella organization.
After years as a political campaigner in Rangoon and Pegu, Mr Thein was elected as a Central
Executive member of United Committee for Mon State Creation in January 1961 and served as a
communication officer. His political work raised awareness of the Mon cause and
Prime Minister U Nu appointed Nai
Aung Tun as Minister for Mon Affairs in the same
year. The committee completed its Draft Constitution of Mon State and presented
it to parliament in August 1962, with Mr Thein playing a key role on the drafting process.
Under the U Nu's parliamentary government the ethnic
people gained momentum in achieving their goals to form a federal union of Burma. As a
respected politician in the Mon community, he was elected as president of
United States Assembly held in Taung Kyi in Shan State in June 1961. He
offered his consent on the motion to propose to the government to Redraft New
Constitution of Union of Burma by a delegate from Ka Yah State, the assembly
passed the motion. Mr Thein
and Nai Ba Saw were elected
as representatives of Mon State to further
cooperation among the states in Burma.
A dark day dawned on the Mon Nationalist leaders when General Ne Win seized state power in a coup d'etat
in March 1962 and silenced the Minister for Mon Affairs Nai
Aung Tun to the prison walls, the Mon national
movement was repressed from that day to the present.
General Ne Win arrested Mon leaders Nai Non Lar, Nai
Tun Thein, Nai Chan Mon, Nai Tin Aung, Nai Bo Kyaung and Nai Kun Blai in 1963 and all were
imprisoned in Moulmein. Mr Thein was to carry out his
sentence in Inn Sein General Prison in Rangoon.
After being released in 1968 he immediately involved himself with the Mon
issues, serving as president of Mon Literature and Culture Committee (Rangoon)
which was strictly controlled by General Ne Win who
oppressed the Mon political movement.. Mr. Thien was
the voice of reason among indecision and was well respected for his down to
earth approach to issues and his commitment to the Mon national cause by the
Mon community and university students especially.
A new era evolved after the Ne Win government
announced the formation of a multi-party system in Burma after 1988,
the year when there was a nationwide democracy uprising in Burma in which
many thousands of students and civilians were killed. Mr. Thein
along with his former colleagues established Mon National Democratic Front
(MNDF) in 1989 serving as Vice-president, at the same time he served as a
Presidium of the United Nationalities League for Democracy, an umbrella
political platform for non-Burman political parties
in the country.
The State Law and Restoration Council (SLORC), the current Burmese regime,
arrested leaders of the Mon party in 1991 and were sentenced to serve a
(21)-year imprisonment, found guilty of undermining peace and stability in Burma. Mr Thein returned to his familiar
place, Moulmein prison, after working
for over twenty years for peace and democracy for Burma.
Along with his personal secretary Nai Ba La, he was released in 1994 to pave the way for
cease-fire talks between New Mon State Party and the Burmese military authority
in 1995.
Mr Thein political activism
in Burma and his
dedication to his country, Mon State, led him
straight back into prison after being arrested in 1998 along with his two
colleagues Dr Soe Lin (MP) and Dr Kyi Win (MP) in Moulmein prison, where they
remain to this day.
******************************************************
Migrant Watch
RUN AWAY WORKER HIT BY TRAIN
(Kao-Wao: Bangkok, April
22, 2003)
A migrant worker was hit by a train and severely injured after he was chased by
the police in the fishing sites at Maharchai, west of
Bangkok, the capital city of Thailand.
Many migrant workers from Burma face an
annual crack down by the Thai authorities after the Songkran
New Year, reported KrakMon from Bangkok. Nai Phuey who tried to escape from the Police was hospitalized
in the local hospital after a train, which runs from Maharchai
to Bangkok, hit him. A
friend of Nai Phuey, the
Mon migrant worker said, "what seems to have
happened is that he was hit by a train when he was being chased by the
police". Nai Phuey,
27 years old, is among other migrant labourers who
have tried to escape the risk of crack down during the New Year evening April
19, migrants are in transit more often at this time visiting friends and family
and run into the Thai police.
Even though the registration of alien workers in Thailand has brought
a sense of relaxation to the Mon community of Samutsakhorn
(Maharchai) in the last few years, extortion by
police is incessant, said Nai Saem,
a social worker and a community leader from Maharchai.
"Normally, we enjoy this new year with joy and
peace, we went to the temple and pray for good luck but this kind of unwanted
accident is expected to happen to us", he added.
According to Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N) on May 12, despite recent
measures taken by the Burmese government to check the flow of migrants into
Thailand, aid
workers in Thailand are
witnessing a significant increase of refugees coming to the border. Beginning
March, thousands of people fleeing to Thailand from
Southern Shan State have been stranded in villages and towns between Mongton and Poongpakhem, opposite
Chiang Mai province, by the Army's order to put all non-local wayfarers to
close scrutiny and interrogation.
As the situation back home in Burma is worse
many new workers from Mon state arrive to Thailand for a
better human rights situation, and consequently a better life. Most new
arrivals do not have work permits but many migrant workers who have lived in Thailand for a few
years are registered with the Labour Ministry, even though fishing fleet owners
refuse to assist with the registration fee. Most workers pay out of their own
pocket, very few employers will advance money for permit fees.
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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP
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