KAO WAO NEWS  No. 35

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

No. 35, January 5-15, 2003

 

JUNTA’ RICE STOCK BURNT BY MON ARMED GROUP

MON GROUPS URGED TO REFORM

FORCED LABOUR FOR NEW HELICOPTER FIELD

MIGRANT WORKERS ARRESTED ON HOLIDAY TRIP

THAI ARMY FIRED WARNIGN SHOTS AS BORDER WAR HEATED UP

WOMEN FURSTRATED OVER DISTURBING SUU KYI

PALAUNG CELEBRATES FORTY YEARS OF ARMED RESISTANCE

VILLAGERS THREATENED BEFORE ICRC VISIT IN SHAN STATE

MU DANE TATMADAW: BY KANBAWZA WIN

READER’S FRONT

 

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Mon State at War

 

JUNTA’S RICE STOCK BURNT BY MON ARMED GROUP

(HRP, January 4, 2003)

 

Ye, January 4, 2003 - The Mon guerrillas set a blaze a rice stock belonging to the State Peace and Development Council at Han-Gan village, Ye township, in Mon state

 

At about 2:00 P.M. on Burma’s Independence Day, about thirty armed Mon guerrillas led by Nai Bin and Hong Kon from the Monland Restoration Army (MRA) ambushed and fired upon a Burma Army camp IB. No. 61, IB No.31 burning their rice stock to the ground.  The MRA source said that when the Mon guerrillas approached the rice stock, they engaged in heavy fighting with the Burmese troops from IB. No. 61, No. 31. Five soldiers were killed and 5 were wounded. Two soldiers from MRA were wounded and a small child was killed after being caught in the middle.  The Mon armed group burnt 2000 sacks (gonny) of rice paddy, a truck, and the whole campsite.

 

The State Peace and Development Council authorities buy paddy from farmers at a low price for export and which is also distributed to the army and the civil servants.  Local farmers in this area are forced to sell their rice to the authorities and are arrested by the army if they fail to show up and sell it to the rice purchasing camp.  As in other parts of Burma, in southern Mon State, the authorities comprised of the Burma Army, State Peace and Development Council, and the local Police Force and Militia (PyiThuSit) are teaming up to hound farmers to collect paddy targeted for the government's distribution quota.

 

According to a village headman from Han-Gan, the Burmese Army can easily gain access into their area and then force farmers to sell their rice to the regime. This type of activities started after the New Mon State Party reached a cease-fire agreement in 1995.

 

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Mon national affairs

 

MON GROUPS URGED TO REFORM

(Kao-Wao, January 5, 2003)

 

The Australia based Mon National Council and Mon migrant workers in Thailand urged the New Mon State Party and the Hongsawatoi Restoration Party to reconcile and consider their positions for the New Year 2003.

 

Open letters from the MNC with the support of Mon workers in Thailand urged the two-armed groups to work toward achieving reconciliation and promote forgiveness.  It asked the NMSP to review its policy of the cease-fire agreement with the military regime and to fight corruption among the Party leaders, mismanagement and over taxation to the Mon civilians.  The HRP group was also urged to fight warlordism and cooperate with other Mon groups.

 

Colonel Pan Nyunt, a former member of the NMSP, formed the Hongsawatoi Restoration Party in November 2001 after accusing the NMSP leadership of colluding with the Burmese military regime in signing the cease-fire agreement in 1995.  The breakaway group was well supported by the Mon majority at the beginning but the support has fallen after fighting occurred between the two groups.  Since splitting from the NMSP over one year ago, more than one hundred followers of the HRP, including some family members, have rejoined the NMSP in the past three months according to the source from the Thai-Burma border.

 

The overseas group also urged Mons worldwide to increase action for the mass movement inside Monland (Democratic Movement) and build up a peaceful international campaign for the future of Mons in pursuing national sovereignty.

 

Last year in May, the overseas Mon communities had urged the umbrella organization, Mon Unity League, to lobby between the New Mon State Party and the Hongsawatoi Restoration Party after the armed conflict in Mon State.

 

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Forced labour continues

 

FORCED LABOUR FOR NEW HELICOPTER FIELD

(Based on IMNA and Kao-Wao, January 9, 2003)

 

The Burmese Army forced local villagers to build a helicopter field at Kalakoke Island, southern Mon State.

 

The local villagers reported that the Burmese Army local battalions of IB No. 62 and 31 forced one person from each household on a daily basis to prepare a landing ground for army helicopters on the island, which is comprised of 3 Mon fishing villages.

 

The two battalions have forced villagers to work in the construction since the beginning of January 2002.  More than 60 people have been forced to work without payment and food. They are ordered to start from 7:00 A.M to 4:00 P.M every day.

 

The helicopter pad is for the artillery regiment, which is equipped with five 81mm mortars that were built on the island two months ago.  Villagers are forced to dig and build a hill creating an air ground for the helicopter landing and installation of the air force, reported a villager from Kalakoke.  The field is being built on the hill near Sanik Ladoor (middle pier village) of the island.

 

It is reported that the purpose of deploying more troops including the building of a helicopter pad and artillery regiment is to protect the joint fishing business ventures between a Thai company and the SPDC.

 

According to the IMNA report, the plan was unveiled at the recent opening ceremony of Thai-Myanmar (Burma) Culture and Business Committee’s booklet. Since 1996, Thai business companies, especially trading firms, have been planning to build a highway crossing over the Thailand-Burma border, through Three Pagodas Pass, to the island, which is a gate way to the Andaman Sea from western Thailand.  But the project was postponed due to the economic crisis in Thailand.  Thai companies are aiming for an easy short cut access to South Asian countries and Burma if the high way and the new seaport on this island can be built.

 

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Migrant Watch

 

MIGRANT WORKERS ARRESTED ON HOLIDAY TRIP

(Kao-Wao, Bangkok, January 5, 2003)

 

Over two hundreds Mon migrant workers were arrested on their holiday trip to Cha Am beach on December 29 said a local source from Maharchai.

 

Valid work permit cards holders were arrested under the charge of entering into restricted territory, according to Thai police.  “We have gone there every year on our New Year’s holiday… we have never been arrested in the past,” said Mi Yin, a migrant woman. Her daughter was also arrested within the group.

 

The police were watching Mon migrant workers including a few other ethnic Burmese while they were swimming close to the beach; they were rounded up by the police force before returning to Samutsakhon (Maharchai). The police checked their ID cards and found that almost all of them had a valid work permit card from Samutsakhon District.

 

Under the conditions of the document, card holders are not allowed to travel to other districts without notification by the Office of Labor Ministry by the Royal Thai government.

 

Nai LaHoen, a leader of the Mon community in Maharchai area organized the trip for the Mons; New Year’s Eve being one of the few times Mons have a chance to celebrate together and have some free time for fun.

 

According to remaining family members in Maharchai, the arrestees were not provided with food and drink on the first day of detention. The holding cell was cramped with not enough space for the more than 200 detainees at Cha Am police station.

 

“I believe they hired three vans belonging to the local police officer, workers were quite concerned for their safety,” a man whose sister-in-law is also in the group said.

The detainees were transferred to a Detention Center in Bangkok, after being held for two days at Cha Am, and then were swiftly deported to the Burmese border; the migrants had to pay for this transportation, which cost 200 Baht.

 

According to a man in Maharchai, some of the deported migrants, who had the money, returned to their factory in a few days with the help of a people smuggling group. For re-entry into Thailand they had to pay 7000 Baht (250 US), 2 to 3 months wages for a migrant worker.

 

“My daughter only enjoys one day of fun and that’s during the New Year, but the Thai see it as chance to arrest us or extort us,” an upset woman said who lives with 3 other families in a room sized apartment in the large migrant working community in Maharchai.

 

Most Mon migrant workers earn less than Baht 200 a day while the penalty is Baht 500 per day if they take leave. Most factory shifts start at 7.00 A.M. and finish up at 11.00 P.M.

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At the border

 

THAI ARMY FIRED WARNING SHOTS AS BORDER WAR HEATS UP

(Cited from KNU, 9 January 2003)

 

At least 10 people were killed as Burmese soldiers launched an annual dry-season offensive against the ethnic rebel Karen National Union (KNU) based on the Thai border yesterday, according to Thai military sources.

 

The offensive began Tuesday night when Burmese soldiers attacked a KNU army camp opposite the Phop Phra district in Thailand's Tak Province, about 500 kilometers northwest of Bangkok.

 

Democratic Voice of Burma reported that clashes between the Burmese army and the KNU have been going on for a while and within the last two days five offensives have taken place.

 

Bado Mahn Shar, Secretary General, in a telephone interview said that there were a number of SPDC deaths, including a low level officer, and some wounded soldiers, but details were not yet available. He also added there were no causalities on the KNLA side, so far.

 

According to an inside source from the KNU, a column from LIB 881 Tactical command attached to Kanalay was intercepted by the KNLA 201 Headquarters battalion near U Potha village which is now firmly under KNU control.  In this encounter, the Burmese army suffered 8 wounded of which 2 are in critical condition.

 

The battle lasted for about one hour and in the course of the retreat, the Burmese soldiers wildly fired a few 81-mortar rounds of which two landed on Thai side, prompting the Royal Thai Army to fire warning shots.

 

The KNU source added, "We know that the enemy is not happy that we have retaken control of Lay Gaw with over 800 villagers and displaced persons. The fact that a Karen flag is flying over the village and that there is a KNU check point at the entrance is a face loosing situation for the Burmese, but all their probes to approach the parameters have been costly and if they want to retake control of Lay Ghaw let them do so because we will be ready for them ".

 

“KNLA 201 battalion have not only interdicted SPDC control over most of the Lay Gaw - U Potha - Walay - Kanalay area, but also has placed its units, near the Thai border and deep inside Karen territory, which have been an effective blocking force of the flow of amphetamine and other kind of drugs, which the SPDC and its proxies, the DKBA, have been smuggling into Thailand.”

 

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WOMEN FRUSTRATED OVER RESTRICTIONS TO SUU KYI

(Kao-Wao, January 9, 2003)

 

A women’s group from the Thailand-Burma border issued a formal statement on the obstruction and limits to freedom to democratic leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi during her organizing trip in Burma.

 

The All Women's Movement Committee of Burma protested to the ruling State Peace and Development Council on the disdainful treatment given and women rights violations to Burma's democracy leader Suu Kyi during her trips to Irrawaddy, Magwe Divisions and Arakan State.

 

The group said in addition to the obstruction of vehicle access around the country, limitation to vehicles and physical blocking of visiting pagodas and monasteries, the SPDC junta has distributed pamphlets, caricatures and the playing of loud music scorning Suu Kyi with the aim of personally or politically harassing the noble peace laureate.  The women group urged the regime to allow freedom of movement and association for promoting democracy for Suu Kyi’s democratic party, which won a landslide victory in 1990 election.

 

The border-based women’s group was organized to work together to prevent violations to the politics, education, economic and culture freedom and values of women, emphasizing co-operation without discrimination against religion, ethnicity, language and class and to encourage Burmese women to participate in Burma’s political affairs.

 

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PALAUNG CELEBRATES FORTY YEARS OF ARMED RESISTANCE

(PSLF, January 13, 2003)

 

From a liberated area near the Thailand border, the Palaung State Liberation Front issued a statement in commemorating the 40th anniversary of armed struggle today, on January 12, 2003.

 

To gain their rights for self-determination, the Palaung, an ethnic group in Burma, fought against the military regime in Burma over the past four decades but its leading armed force, the Palaung State Liberation Party reached a cease-fire with the military regime in 1991.  The PSLF claimed the cease-fire was reached because Palaung civilians were severely pressured and suppressed by the regime.

 

According to Mai Aik Phone, the General Secretary of the PSLF, the cease-fired Palaung group has also been active in the tripartite dialogue and has continued to oppose the junta by cooperating with other allied forces even though agreeing to a cease-fire with the regime inside Burma.

 

The PSLF was active along the Thailand Burma border and became a member of the ethnic armed umbrella organization; the National Democratic Front (NDF) after the PSLP reached a cease-fire agreement in 1991.

 

In recognition of their four decade long armed struggle, the PSLF urged the regime to enter into a tripartite dialogue, composed of the ethnic nationalities, Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese democratic forces, and the junta, and to release all political prisoners in conjunction to a nation-wide cease-fire peace process in Burma.

 

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VILLAGERS THREATENED BEFORE ICRC VISIT IN SHAN STATE

(Cited from Shan Women's Action Network, January 6, 2003)

 

Before the visit of an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) team in Shan State on December 9th, 2002, village elders were threatened by the military authorities, according to reports from Shan refugees who recently arrived at the border.

 

The ten-member ICRC team conducted a ten-day assessment visit to Central Shan State, from 2-12 December, traveling by road east from Taunggyi to Loilem, Namzarng, Murng Nai and Laikha.

 

Two days prior to the visit to Laikha, police and military authorities ordered some of the local teachers, headmen and ex-government officials to come to the Laikha police station, and commanded them to form a civilian "committee" which would liaise with the ICRC. They were ordered to accompany the ICRC team and note down all questions asked, and were warned to be "careful" when answering any questions.

 

The ICRC has only recently been allowed by the regime into this area of Central Shan State, where over 300,000 villagers were forcibly relocated by the military regime since 1996, and where the majority of the 173 rape incidents documented in the June 2002 report "License to Rape" by SWAN and the Shan Human Rights Foundation were committed.

 

The military regime has repeatedly rejected the findings of the License to Rape Report, citing the presence of international agencies, including the ICRC, in Shan State as evidence that the rapes could not have taken place. On December 26, 2002, it again denied it had been using rape as a weapon of war, in response to a US State Department report repeating the allegations in the international media.

 

"It is very clear that the military regime wants to use the presence of ICRC in Shan State to silence the rape charges against ethnic women," said Mo Lao of the Shan Women's Action Network. "But if they really have nothing to hide, why are they threatening villagers to be "careful" when answering questions?"

 

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Army use rape as a weapon of war

 

MU DANE TATMADAW: BY KANBAWZA WIN

(January 8, 2003)

 

“Mu Dane Tatmadaw” is a Burmese word, when literally translated means the Rapist Burmese Army. Gathering evidence by the Thai NGOs and also by the international community, a consensus was reached that the Burmese army is using rape as a weapon of war. Obviously, the Burmese Generals, who are so tricky at the very concept of truth, will continue to deny this worldwide accusation. A US State Department investigation corroborated reports that the Burmese military officials have systematically raped ethnic women and girls, according to a recently declassified copy of the investigation report, that were vividly printed in the Washington Post (26th Dec.02).

 

When the stories of rapes became known publicly, the State Department together with the world community were appalled and called for an independent investigation but the Burmese Junta would not listen, justifying itself that it was a groundless fabrication intended to sow discord between the patriotic Tatmadaw and the ethnic nationalities. This left no choice, and the State Department was forced to send its own investigation team and the end result was that the above news was highlighted in media. This probe has helped spur the U.S. government to seek an international investigation of the rape charges and to draw the conclusion that the rapes have occurred on a widespread basis. "The international community cannot stand by and allow these heinous crimes by the Tatmadaw to continue with impunity and that continued pressure must be used on the regime to end this violence and punish the perpetrators," the US department report concluded.

 

Last December, Assistant Secretary of State James A. Kelly blasted the regime's handling of the rape allegations, including an effort to claim that a field trip into the region by the International Committee of the Red Cross as somewhat similar to an independent investigation. This shameless trick was caught red handed when for the first time the Junta was forced to confess publicly, that it was a mistake to mention the International Red Cross field trip which has nothing to do with the rape case.

 

In November last year, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, reported to the UN General Assembly that even though the regime has given him "detailed briefings" on its investigations into the rape charges, he said he sought to explain that probes undertaken by the military lacked independence and are not convincing and credible. And that an international probe, either under UN control or with UN technical assistance, was required to address the charges. Hence the investigation conducted by the Junta’s Deputy Home Minister Thura Myint Maung was something like a joke to the international community.

 

Dictators everywhere are afraid of the free press and an independent inquiry and the Burmese Junta is no exception. The Burmese soldiers are behaving like robbers and dacoits for decades and people are too afraid to report. In their vain attempt and desperation to save their crumbling image the generals have seemingly lost their senses. So it resorted to forcing the Shan villages to sign a petition that the rapes have not occurred. In other words it was struggling not only for its survival and the image of the Tatmadaw but against the international community and most of all against Truth itself.

 

The cream of the Tatmadaw such as the majors and captains are initiating rape with an unwritten order from above. These "rape commanders" are merely the most prominent figures as a systematic programme of assault designed to terrorize and subdue ethnic nationalities into submission. The Tatmadaw soldiers are barely educated, young, harshly disciplined, isolated, sometimes half-starved and taught to despise the ethnic nationalities as inferiors. The army could not pay them enough and so naturally they live off the land and obviously rape is considered as the spoils of war. So these rapes cannot be blamed solely on lowly soldiers enjoying the "fruits of war", but rather it is a crime against humanity, a war crime with a strong case of a clear policy of command responsibility.

 

Dictatorships habitually find telling the truth difficult, which is one reason why they always suspect others of lying. Colonel Hla Min denied that rape "is not, nor has it ever been an instrument of government policy and that prompt legal actions have been taken against servicemen as well as civilians in isolated cases which occurred not only in the Shan State but elsewhere in the country. We are committed to finding and severely punishing the individuals guilty of committing these heinous crimes, if the allegations are true”. The regime confronts the world in a brittle, unbending posture that does not allow it to make even the more sophisticated excuse that there are a ‘few bad apples' in every organisation. In a closed military society denial is the first reaction when it faces criticism. As thousands of rapes cases are known we are wondering of what the Australian government is thinking about as human rights courses now being taught to the Burmese military officers who themselves are involved in the very crime they are supposed to protect.

Obviously, the Junta was so afraid that the truth might be known that it hopefully prayed that the matter would die its own death and instead of ordering their soldiers to stop raping ethnic girls hired a Washington based lobbying firm the DCI Associate group to lobby for them. In Burmese the saying “A Nar Ta Char Hsae Ta Char” which means giving a wrong dose of medicine for the ailment. This action authentically proves that the regime would go to great lengths to lie the international community and have paid half a million dollars just to be presentable.

 

The rape report should have reminded the world community of the real nature of these marauding Generals who have ruled the country with an iron fist. It is ironic that some democracies are still providing financial assistance under various guises to help the Junta justifying that the aid is for the Burmese people. Some American lobbyists for the Junta are also working very hard to ease sanctions by the US government. Of late they have been pushing for an aid package to help Burma deal with its HIV/Aids epidemic better known as Na Wa Ta disease (previously the Junta calls itself Na Wa Ta meaning State Law and Restoration Council and opened up the country and AIDS was the first to come into the country. Before 1988 there was no HIV/AIDS) while rape committed by the Burmese soldiers are themselves helping to spread this Na Wa Ta disease. It is likely that the Junta will continue this pattern of behaviour and further delay the political dialogue with the pro democracy forces. After all, the world attention is focused now on the coming war with Iraq and problems with South Korea, the Burmese soldiers can afford to rape the women as a reward for their loyalty as they have done in the past, which seems to be their rationale.

 

The world now realizes that the Junta as it can be seen that even after the publishing of “Licence to Rape” there were 173 reported rape cases committed by the Tatmadaw soldiers in Shan State alone. On 6 October 2002, Pa Kham aged 51, was killed and her daughter, Naang Man (not her real name), aged 15, was raped by 2 Tatmadaw soldiers from IB245, at their house in Paang Hung village, Paang Law village tract, Kaeng-Tung township. The story is that the girl was cooking alone in the house and seeing nobody was there, the Tatmadaw soldiers grabbed the opportunity to rape her. When she shouted her mother rushed in to rescue her and she was instantly beaten to death. Another case was that a woman aged 26, Nan An Dip was weeding her garden at Zurng Tai village in Murng Lang village tract when two Tatmadaw soldiers from LIB314 approached her and asking for some garlic. She agreed and then was raped on the spot.

 

The Washington Posts printed, "We were able to locate many victims and record chilling new stories of rape and other atrocities, all of the victims had been gang-raped by Burmese soldiers within the past five years, including a 13-year-old girl who had been raped two months earlier," Again a statement from Burma’s Foreign Affairs Ministry charged that the rape allegations are being repeated with ulterior motives and are aimed at tarnishing the image of the country and its armed forces. For a regime spokesman to deny categorically all charges of rape without any investigation does more than strain credulity. “The approach by the military regime devalues the representations of the regime to the point that does even tentative concrete steps to acknowledge that rapes had indeed been committed by Tatmadaw soldiers -- are submerged in the outrage over the indefensible." commented by Assistant Secretary of State, James A Kelly.

 

It seems that the unwritten understanding in the Burmese Tatmadaw is that rape has been characterized as somewhat an honour and dignity to the armed forces as the most extensive development in the increased recognition of sexual violence. But it must be remembered that the International Statutes of the Tribunals created to address crimes explicitly incorporate rape as a crime against humanity. It expressly includes rape, enforced prostitution and any form of indecent assault as a violation of article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II. Both Tribunals have issued indictments relating to sexual violence and defendants found guilty of such violence have been convicted of crimes against humanity, including as a result of rape, enslavement and torture; violation of the laws or customs of war, including the result of rape, torture and outrages upon personal dignity; and genocide, through rape and sexual violence committed with the specific intent of destroying in whole or in part a particular group.

 

The Statutes of the Tribunals have been built on by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court whose jurisdiction will include genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression. The Rome Statute makes explicit that rape and other gender violence are among the most serious crimes of concern to the international community by specifically defining them as constituent acts of crimes against humanity and war crimes. The Court, to be based in The Hague, Netherlands, is expected to be established this year. The Court is expected to draw upon the jurisprudence of the international tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and Burmese Tatmadaw.

 

Examining the jurisprudence to date gives a clear indication of what international crimes are currently being committed throughout the country especially in the ethnic nationalities area of Shan and Karen State and in the event an ad hoc tribunal were established to investigate and prosecute serious crimes committed within a certain time period such as genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, murder, sexual offences and torture, the jurisprudence of the two ad hoc international tribunals and the Court will have to be drawn upon.

 

Of course not all of the Geneva Conventions apply to internal armed conflicts. In the case of rape, however, international humanitarian law does forbid acts of sexual violence in internal armed conflicts. Article 4(2)(e) of Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions, governing the protection of civilians in internal armed conflicts, explicitly outlaws 'outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment, rape, enforced prostitution and any form of indecent assault. The aim of the Geneva Convention is to prevent and punish those persons who act upon their hatred of a particular group by physically harming the group members, with a view to ultimately eradicating them. And this is exactly what the Mu Dane Tatmadaw is doing to the ethnic nationalities of Burma. Sexual violence constitutes an element of genocide and an international crime with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such that the Burmese army must be labelled as the Mu Dane Tatmadaw by the international community and bring them to court.

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READER’S FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

 

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

[email protected]

 

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Dear Editor,

 

A New Year, it is said, is a time for new hope and life, and more so if the country is celebrating its independence on no less than the New Year’s first week, but even the most cursory look at the news coming from Burma as 2002 draws to a close would not fail to douse whatever hope the new year is supposed to usher in.

 

We are, for one, deeply concerned about the reports of harassment and intimidation of people before and during Aung San Suu Kyi's recent trips within Burma, and reports of restrictions imposed on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as she travels. There were also reports that officials of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) dissuaded people from meeting with Suu Kyi and, during one event, put up barricades to prevent people from meeting Suu Kyi. Such unfortunate non-cooperation, even if without official fiat from the top generals of the SPDC, jeopardizes the good will between the opposition and the ruling junta, and tips the balance ever so slightly toward open confrontation once again. The much-awaited dialogue between Burma’s democratic opposition and the ruling junta has not yet begun, and now there are dark clouds foreboding a future a little less sanguine than is hoped for.

 

The SPDC during the past year has released political prisoners, and yet more than a thousand remain locked up for crimes as petty and innocuous as handing out pamphlets calling for elections. The SPDC releases prisoners whenever UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail visits the country. The political prisoners, tagged by the SPDC as security prisoners, are being foisted as sweets to be conveniently doled out to a visiting dignitaries. Razali is supposed to broker talks between the opposition and the SPDC, but so far all he has accomplished was the release of a number of prisoners whenever news of his coming was abroad.

 

We hope that the New Year will yield more, if not all, political prisoners freed from Burma’s jails. We also call on the international community and members of the diplomatic community to actively support democratic change in Burma and exert real pressure on the SPDC to make good on its promise to turn a new leaf when Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in May of last year. While terrorism should remain prominently on the agenda as was the case last year, long established political issues should begin to reassume their prior stand. In the case of Burma, the Philippine government and the international community must in the coming year seek more affective and sustainable means to address the democracy deficit and secure for Burma’s people a government whose legitimacy is based not on the firepower of its military but on the popular acclaim of its citizens. Aggressive democracy promotion in Burma must be on the top of everyone’s political agenda this coming year.

 

Because only then can a people truly celebrate its independence: free from the fetters of a colonial power audacious enough to project its power offshore and free from the dictatorship of the generals presumptuous enough to suppose that their benevolent wisdom could sufficiently take the place of the desire of a country’s people.

 

Sincerely,

Merci Ferrer

Burma Program Coordinator

Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)

 

Dear Kao Wao,

 

I wish to express my appreciation to you for the splitting of good shares that you have always shown towards us, audiences and for the up-to-date news of your expressing from which we have benefited so much.

You make reading news a real pleasure and I have always been proud of you, and the high regard I have for you will never diminish.

 

May God give you a very long life so that more and more audiences may benefit from your excellent work.

 

Oo Thein Maung

Arakan League for Democracy

Thailand

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

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