KAO WAO NEWS No. 11

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

February 16-26

 

 

READERS’ FRONT

CEASE-FIRE GROUPS STAND MUTE WITH UN RAPPORTEUR

POLITICAL REFUGEES DENIED FAIR TREATMENT

AN EVENING WITH DR. CHAO TZANG YAWNGWE

MON YOUTH IN ACTION

CHIN NATIONAL DAY

WEARING SARONG AN INVITATION TO ROBBERY

MONS AWARDED FOR ENTHUSIASM

 

 

READERS’ FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

 

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.

 

We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

HAPPY MON NATIONAL DAY TO ALL!

 

Regards,

Editor [email protected]

 

 

Dear Kao-Wao,

It is the time for NMSP and HRP to sit together and talk in front of a third party.  Waging war among them-selves will only benefit the SPDC.  Not only two groups but all Mons and civilian pay the price; before the Mons will learn new lesson and regret one day, they should compromise.  Both parties have learnt the result of the Mergui (Tenessarim Division). The Mons are giving SPDC again (if reconciliation is not implemented).  Why are the other Mons silent?  Where is the negotiation team, third party or mediator?

 

Ko Maung

(February 23, 2002,

Nakhorn Pathom, Thailand)

 

 

Dear Kao-Wao

We are very proud of yours farsighted and excellent works. If it is possible, please share all new sources of our other comrades such as Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Chin etc.

 

I would like to ask is the case of SPDC & NLD is Myanmar issue?  Where is TaingYin Thar (term used for ethnic nationality)?  We really need more strong and unity among us. Besides, we have to substitute by the real doers instead of absolutely talkers. This is prime time to work hard more than before for us.

 

Let there be sunshine in all of your days! Best Regards,

 

Oo Thein Maung

Arakan League for Democracy-exile (Youth Wing)

 

 

Hi Kao-wao,

You have a lot of information and I've been reading your statements, it is interesting. Could you write more what is happening among Mon parties and armed groups?

 

Than

(February 2002, Canada)

 

 

CEASE-FIRE GROUPS STAND MUTE WITH UN RAPPORTEUR

(Kao-Wao, Rangoon, February 20, 2002)

 

The UN special rapporteur, Mr Paulo Sergio Pinheiro met with representatives from cease-fire groups in Rangoon on February 12, the Union Day, his third mission to Burma.

 

According to sources in Rangoon, delegates from the cease-fire groups, including the Wa, Kachin, Karenni, Kayan, Shan, Mon, Pa-O and Palaung were scheduled to meet with the UN special rapporteur on February 12, at 12:00 noon in Rangoon. The delegates, eager to share their views to Mr. Pinheiro, were called in by Brigadier General Kyaw Thein, the senior officer of the DSIB (Defense Services Intelligence Bureau) before the UN meeting and lectured on what to talk about, with pre-conditions.  Ethnic delegates were advised to only brief the UN special rapporteur and not to discuss any issues on tripartite dialogue, not to report on human rights violations, or make any mention of issues that forced labour being committed by the Tatmadaw (Burma Army) in their respected areas, etc.

 

The meeting as a result, got off to a late start, an hour behind schedule, due to the lecture given, when the delegates finally were able to met with Mr. Pinhero, they were refrained from making direct contact as the Burma intelligence officer himself acted as the interpreter for the whole meeting.

 

Not to be discouraged, the seven cease-fire groups got together and cosigned a Union Day message.  In the message, the Kachin Independent Organization (KIO), Shan State Peace Council (SSPC), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Karenni People Liberation Front (KPLF), Shan State Nationalities People Liberation Organization (SSPLO), Kayan New Land Party (KNLP) and Palaung State Liberation Army (PSLA) urged all people of Burma to strive for solidarity, equality, democracy and development.  To demonstrate control over the statement, The Defense Services Intelligence Bureau (DSIB) called on the ethnic leaders for more clarification.

 

On February 17, the humble Brazilian professor, Pinheiro went to Insein Central Jail and met with some political prisoners, including Dr Salai Tun Than, who was arrested in November.  He also met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at her residence on February 18 with other NLD leaders.  According to a Democratic source, Mr Paulo Sergio Pinheiro gave preference to meeting with the SPDC-sponsored Human Rights Commission, Home Minister Col Tin Hlaing, and Police Director-General Police Maj-Gen Soe Win.

 

 

Refugee Alert:

 

POLITICAL REFUGEES DENIED FAIR TREATMENT

(Kao-Wao Reporter, Bangkok)

 

Political refugees have suffered ongoing stress after being forcibly moved to Htam Hin temporary shelter.  “In the new temporary shelter, the refugees are living under duress and insecurity from the irregular quality of services and amenities provided, such as water, food, health and medical care,” said Nai Kadhone (Moe Kyaw Thu).

 

A major problem is the new camp’s location, being situated over a small ravine and being built too high up a hill.  The previous camp in Ratchaburi province had been surrounded on three sides by a high hill, which protected the refugees from strong gusts of wind. The new camp exposes the refugees to strong wind and rain. The children and elderly suffer the most, as the shelter is substandard for refugees, the makeshift huts are built only of nipa water palm leaves.

 

As well, no electricity is provided, if they want to see at night they will need to buy candles; no activities are planned, no TV, no computer access. Being that communication is now restricted with camp residents having no telephone access and no mobile phone as the new location is out of the phone line forces residents to leave the area without permission and pay 200 bahts for motorbike charge to transport them.

 

There are 10 makeshift buildings made out of nipa palm leaves and blankets to accommodate over 400 political refugees. One building is 50 feet long and divided by a path with barracks on either side. Each family is assigned 8 x 8 feet of space partitioned with the blankets. Barracks N0 1, 2, 3 and 4 are for political refugees, the 6 others are for the border and rejected cases. (Editor’s note: UNHCR clarified Burma refugees into different criteria, such as those recognized by UN office as political refugees, refugees for border cases, and rejected status)

 

The computer and English training classes available at the other camp have been terminated and are not allowed in the new camp. NGOs, which had provided educational programs, have not been allowed to relocate with the refugees and are not allowed to contact their students.  At present, the political refugees will have no chance to attend training classes in the new camp.

 

There is also no medical center, leaving political refugees with the choice to travel to the Htam Him war refugee camp clinic, where there is a problem about the quality of services provided, that more attention is given to the war refugees, and the situation being that the medicine supplies are intended only for war refugees. Even children are not prescribed the proper dosage, being given adult dosages instead.

 

“They give us low quality rice, rice that is rejected and broken (over grinded), 16 kilo per person, per month, 5 kilo of charcoal per household, per month was given at the beginning, now they changed the system and give three feet of long firewood for cooking” he added, which is an added burden when preparing food.

 

On 27 December 2001, the Thai authorities assumed control of the political refugees under the supervision of the Ministry of Interior and forcibly relocated the political refugees to Htam Hin temporary camp from the Maneeloi Burmese Student center.  Maneeloi was a more secure camp location, being some distance from the Burma border, Htam Hin is only 10 kilometers, too close to the border.

 

The central committee of Burma Students’ Political Refugee Organization based in Bangkok, Thailand, demanded that urgent attention be given to the political refugees both living inside and outside of temporary shelters and be supplied with better facilities that addressed their needs including health, social assistance and education.

 

 

Interview:

 

AN EVENING WITH DR. CHAO TZANG YAWNGWE

 

Kao Wao recently requested Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, the Advisory Board member of the United Nationalities League for Democracy-Liberated Area, to take time out from his busy schedule to talk about his life experiences as an activist and freedom fighter. Graduated with a Bachelor’s Degree from Rangoon University and tutored English from 1960-63, when General Ne Win seized power in a military coup in 1962, Chao Tzang became one of the leading founders and served in the Shan resistance movement of the Shan State Army from 1963-1977.

 

When resettled in Canada, he attended the University of British Columbia and completed a Master’s degree and Ph.D. in political science. Being the son of the former President of the Union of Burma, Sao Shwe Thaike, Dr. Chao Tzang is committed to social justice, democracy and freedom for Shan State and Burma and has years of hands-on experience in the political arena.

 

Today he works with the Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Cooperation Committee (ENSCC), the Strategy Planning Committee (SPC), and also heads the Program Team of the NRP (National Coalition Committee).

 

Question: Your experience being an ethnic nationality in Burma?

 

CTY:  Personally I have had no problem. I am not obsessed with ethnic identity although I am a Shan nationalist in the sense that I consider it my duty to fight for the Shan people. The Shan people are cultured, peaceful, pious, humble, and aspire only to live quietly as dignified human beings, not subject to oppression by anyone.  They have been unable to do so for more than fifty years.

 

Ethnic nationalism is by definition narrow. It is like racism. It is ugly. I believe that everyone must fight against ethnic nationalism, especially chauvinism or ethnic-racism. The Burma Army and its leaders are ethnic-chauvinists. This is why the whole country is suffering in so many ways for so many years.

 

Some of us choose to fight Burman ethnic-chauvinism with ethnic-patriotism. It is necessary to do so. But one must be careful because the politics of ethnicity can lead to confusion and result in chaotic conflict - and when this happens, the ordinary and decent folks suffer. In chaotic conflict, the people do not win.

 

Most likely the oppressor regime will win because it will manipulate all the chaos and confusion, and it will create and encourage conflicts, the more the better.

 

It is a duty of everyone to love his people, to treasure his ethnic identity. But one should be able to think strategically, to see the big picture of any situation and/or the struggle. It is not useful in any way to be obsessed only with ethnic patriotism.

 

In addition, one has to consider the fact that ethnic patriotism is a useful ideological weapon for politicians and leaders aspiring to be an autocrat or dictator. Slobodan Milosovik was such a leader, as was Adolf Hitler. Ne Win is also of this type. He used Burman ethnic chauvinism to take away the rights and freedom of everyone and to make himself an autocratic de-facto king - thereon destroying the lives of the people of Burma.

 

Q: Your experiences in the Shan armed movement?

 

CTY:  My experience in the Shan State Army/SSA was very eventful. This is more so because we operated in the interior, in the frontlines - far away from all borders. The SSA did not have any border bases, unlike other resistance armies. We were always surrounded by the enemy.

 

We - I and my comrades - built up quite successfully an armed movement and organization that was not wholly dominated by military officers and men. They had to respect those serving in the civil administrative capacity, and were not allowed to interfere in administrative matters. Also, the people were organized into political, youth, women, self-help groups and organizations, and they were also responsible for local security.

 

Discipline in the SSA at that time was very strict. Soldiers and officers were not regarded as superior to the people, or as more patriotic than others. They were not above the law. An army that thinks of itself as a national vanguard, as the savior of the nation, as more patriotic than anyone - this kind of army is a threat to everyone.

 

Q: How you handle the differences between armed struggle and non-violence?

 

CTY:  As noted by many thinkers and democratic leaders - including Daw Aung San Suukyi - if you win by violent means, you will rule with the same violence-prone mind-set when you win.

If we look at successful armed and violent revolutions all over the world and throughout history, such revolutions "eat their own sons and daughters", and the best and the brightest are among the first to be eliminated by the revolution. Because the brightest and the best are no longer around, the revolution invariably becomes corrupt, tyrannical, and self-serving.

 

Armed struggle is a science. Shooting up and killing lowly or low-ranking enemy (government) soldiers is not science. It is also not armed struggle. It is shooting and killing without strategic thrust.

For example, the Burmese communist, CPB, waged this kind of "armed struggle". It said its aim is to kill a lot of Ne Win's soldier - as many as possible. The CPB did kill a lot of lowly enemy soldiers, but it was directionless fighting, a war without strategy and direction. In the end the CPB was defeated.

 

Therefore to wage an armed struggle, the first requirement is to have the ability to fight strategically, ie., to use one's army - and brain power --to change the strategic situation, to immobilize the enemy.

 

As a negative example, I would like to point out to the way war was waged by the CPB. They concentrated on storming government garrisons mainly in the jungles and mountains. It was successful and the CPB killed a lot of lowly soldiers. But there was no strategic value to their victories. Ne Win had a lot of low-ranking soldiers to waste.

 

The CPB almost never staged effective ambushes on army convoys on the roads, near towns - the nearer the better. When a large convoy is ambushed and destroyed near a town, this shakes up the enemy's morale very badly. Fear grips the top officers, and they can’t hide their defeat from the public.

 

Fighting strategically therefore is the key. War is not about killing. War is about brainpower, and it is won firstly up here, in the head. War is about psychology, making the enemy feeling weak although they may be many times stronger, more numerous.

 

As many philosophers of warfare say, war is politics. At the heart of war is politics. If one loses the political war, the armed might that one possess, no matter how mighty, becomes useless. Ten, twenty battlefield victories can be neutralized, cancelled-out, by one political move.

 

Q: What motivated you to carry on the movement?

 

CTY:  I don’t like what the military has done to the country and the people. Military rule is a cancer. And military rule was not necessary, and it is still not necessary. In fact, military rule is never needed nor necessary in any country.

 

It is the responsibility of everyone - every good sons and daughters of all ethnic segments in Burma - to remove this cancer from the body of our politics and our society.

 

I believe we can do this. This is why I am still in the fight. If I did not believe that this putrid cancer can be removed, I would not be doing what I am doing now.

 

Q: Why is the State Constitution so important for the future of Burma? How far along is the Shan State constitution?

 

CTY:  State constitutions are at the heart of any federal arrangement. Federalism means the de-centralization of power so that power is distributed to the people, the local communities, through power structures that empower the people.

 

No one can dispute the fact that the Union or Pyidaungzu was founded because the Panglong Accord was signed in 1947. This country which was created jointly by Burman and non-Burman leaders and rulers in 1947 at Panglong, was granted independence a year later, in 1948. So, the Panglong Accord and its principles or the Panglong spirit is at the very heart of our past, present, and future.

 

The Panglong vision - shared by all non-Burman leaders and by U Aung San -was to establish a democratic, federal Pyidaungzu based on federalism: an arrangement based on the equality of states and their self-determination. Further, no one state was envisioned as being the mother-state (Pyi-Ma), superior to or above other states.

 

One goal of the state constitution drafting (SDC) process is to make leaders, activists, intellectuals, and politicians, etc., examine and explore their own future, their goals, visions, and to work out among themselves the kind of state they would like to live in.

 

When they begin the exercise of actually drafting their state constitutions, they will not only begin to understand federalism, democracy, etc., but to also understand how the people can be empowered to govern themselves through their local governments, their state governments, and the federal government. They will also be compelled to think seriously about ethnic self-determination and will also be compelled to think about how to incorporate this legitimate aspiration of all ethnic groups in their state constitution.

 

In short, the state constitution drafting process is both learning and a working process, and it is needed if the political slogans are to be translated into concrete and rational reality.

 

The Shan State constitution drafting process is in the bottom-up consulting stage. The drafting commission thinks that this is the most important stage, more important than the actual drawing up of the document.

 

I think the Shan drafting commission is on the right track. Consulting with the people (bottom-up), consulting among leaders and political parties, consulting between activists and cadres, discussions on constitutional matters - they are very crucial. The next stage will be discussions between the different drafting committees about the articles, clauses, provisions, etc. of the drafts (or "model" constitutions).

 

Q:  Why do you think the Panglong spirit is important?  What are the challenges ahead?

 

CTY:  As indicated above, the Panglong Accord gave birth to the Union/Pyidaungzu, and it also led to the obtaining of independence. That is why Panglong is important.

 

The Panglong spirit is important because it provides a solid and historical basis for democracy, peace, and real people's power. It is because our leaders aspired to these goals in 1947 - fifty five years ago - that they met at Panglong. The goals they aspired to, and which the people also wanted, is not fulfilled up till now, today. This is sad.

 

The challenges are many - basically because the military and successive military regimes have done much violence to the Panglong spirit, although they pay shallow lip-service to Panglong and the Panglong spirit - every year without fail since 1962. Very hypocritical.

 

It is most likely that the Panglong spirit will be a very hotly contested in the dialogue, if dialogue happens. The military camp will oppose federalism because it is opposed to the idea of equal status for all states.

 

Furthermore, there are still a lot of people, Burmans and non-Burmans alike, who do not understand federalism. Some non-Burmans like to equate federalism with Burmanization or being dominated by the Burman or by the Burman mother-state (Pyi-Ma). Some Burmans equate federalism with separatism, secession, balkanization, and so on. These elements can cause a lot of problems and also inflame emotions. This would be dangerous.

 

Q: How do you want to see the future of Burma? The future of Shan people?

 

CTY:  Like everyone, I would like to see a Union of Burma as a peaceful and prosperous place: a country where the people of all ethnic-belonging can live in freedom under the protection of the law and the constitution - of both the Union and state constitutions.

 

I would like to believe that the future of the Shan people is bright and hopeful. If Shan State leaders are politically skillful, and if they are also wise, there is no reason why the Shan State cannot become the most prosperous state within the new, really federal, really democratic Union. Society in the Shan State will and can become the most free, democratic, harmonious society on earth.

 

On the other hand, if Shan leaders are witless, emotion-driven, hot-headed, and do not know or understand politics, ie., if they are politically illiterate and intellectually infantile, I fear life will be worse. It will be an endless hell, a slide down an endless slippery slope.

 

 

MON YOUTH IN ACTION

(Kao-Wao, Sangkhlabur, February 22, 2002)

 

MYPO (Mon Youth Progressive Organization) which was formed last year at Sangkhalaburi border town joined the meeting chaired by Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB) at Thai Burma border on February 21.

 

SYCB held the meeting to discuss ways to join in the process of the Strategy Consultation Committee. The member organizations from Pa-O, Arakan, Karen, Mon and youths form Burma democratic forces gathered during one day section.

 

MYPO Vice-Chairman Hong Kun, Joint-Secretary Nai Zwel Nyi, and Nai Joon Tameh attended the meeting representing for the first time after MYPO joined SYCB.  Hong Kun told to KaoWao that MYPO was formed to coordinate activities and build solidarity among Mon youths.  In forming MYPO, youth leaders from different regions selected 17 central committee members including seven women.

 

An  English language training and publication of youth magazine will be implemented soon by MYPO office said Hong Kun and they will not only be working at forging solidarity among the Mons but to network with other ethnic youths, democratic forces and the international community as well. Meanwhile, the Chairman of MYPO, Banya Mon is in Europe taking the international training.

 

 

CHIN NATIONAL DAY

(Based on CFIS, Chin Forum, February 23, 2002)

 

The 54th Chin National Day was celebrated in New Delhi, India, organized by the Chin Tribal Associations of Zo, Lai, Cho and Khumi, on February 20.  The celebration committee, hosting the 54th Chin National Day event in New Delhi, India, were in good spirits saying the event is constructive for building unity among the Chin people, as present in the vibrancy and diversity of ethnic groups living in Chin State and its surrounding area. Each of the tribes (ethnic group) Representatives took seats as chairpersons and read a memorandum.

 

About four hundred participants of Chin, NGOs, and Burma democratic forces from ABSL, SYCB, NLD (LA), SSYU, FTUB and BLC joined the event.  The crowd was entertained with traditional events and cultural dances, music by Zomi youth, Falam Union, Chin literature Culture and Committee (Lai) and Matu youth.

 

A statement by the Chin Community of Germany (Chin Gemeinde in Deutschland) spoke of the time when around 60 Chin were arrested in 1972 after they had peacefully submitted a proposal to the military government for the establishment of a federal system, which guaranteed self-determination and equal rights for the Chins and other ethnic nationalities.

 

The Chin National Front (CNF) issued a statement urging for a more conscious effort toward national unity without losing sight of the importance of active participation in the National Revolution.  The statement articulated its approval for a Tripartite dialogue called by the United Nations and supported by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the only way for a political solution in Burma.

 

 

Migrant Watch

 

WEARING SARONG AN INVITATION TO ROBBERY

(Kao-Wao, Samut Sakhon, February 15, 2002)

 

Since February 10, 2002, Thai authorities have commenced their annual campaign of repatriating undocumented (illegal) workers back to neighbouring countries, targeting nine provinces; Tak, Ranong, Phuket, Samut Sakhon, Bangkok, Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Samut Prakan and Sa Kaeo. The workers have been warned to renew their registration cards.  Thailand has requested its neighbors to set up holding centers (camps) for these people who will be preventing from leaving the country again.

 

In Samut Sakhong, the authorities checked workers’ registration cards, about 30 workers without work permits were arrested during the first phase of the crackdown.  On another front, local policemen continue to extort registered workers as a normal part of their working shift in the fish processing Mon community.

 

On February 13, 2002, two police extorted a woman from Pa-An, Karen State, Burma on her way to a nearby grocery store.  The two police on patrol saw Ms. Mi Mae, a registered worker who worked in the seafood-processing factory and asked her if she had registered ID.  She immediately presented the card from her wallet, but after seeing the Thai currency the police officer told Mi Mae she was not allowed to wear the Mon sarong in the street and grabbed the 500 Baht and ran away from the scene.

 

The sarong is a traditional dress worn by women in Thailand and Burma, although nowadays in Thailand many women have switched to wearing trousers and skirts when shopping.

 

Meanwhile, a workshop on Cooperation between Thai Government Organizations and NGOs in solving problems after the ‘2001 Registration of Migrant Workers’ was held on February 14-15, 2002 in Chiang Mai, Thailand. NGOs called on the government to allow more civil participation for groups to address the real issues concerning migrant workers concerning national security and access to health services and education.  Many problems, such as extortion were brought up at the workshop.

 

 

MONS AWARDED FOR ENTHUSIASM

(Chiang Mai, February 16, 2002)

 

On February 14, 2002, the National Health and Education Committee held its completion ceremony of 3-months (300 hrs) of teacher training for 31 teachers. The students were teachers were from different regions in Burma, including the Shan, Karen, Burmese, Mon, and Karenni.  The teacher training focused interactive study with concentrations on history, mathematics, English, computers, critical thinking, and school management.

 

The teacher-students were given exams after each module and awards of excellence were granted to 4 teachers recognized for their encouragement to other trainees, enthusiasm, skills, ability, and for receiving high marks. First prize went to Thaung Nyunt from Karen State, the remaining awards went to teachers from Mon state: 2nd Mi More Jore, 3rd Mi Krak Non, 4th Nai Jaw Mon.  Mi Krak Non and Nai Jaw Mon, both physics teachers awarded for mathematics were pleased with the training, asked about what other subjects are needed in Mon state, both replied that learning English is very important, but they felt that Thai language instruction should also be included in the curriculum.

 

 

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