(X) FREEDOM OF OPINION AND EXPRESSION
Everybody knows that the Burmese still cannot enjoy freedom of expression, although a free press existed before Ne Win’s coup in 1962. SLORC censors the critical statements of poets, novelists, and short-story writers. SLORC, however, on occasions, allows criticism of corrupt civil servants and rising prices.
Seven years after the introduction of martial law by SLORC, the military junta is still holding absolute control over all means of expression of thought. Only the official media workers are authorised to read, listen to, or watch any outside publications: people caught reading underground newspapers are severely punished. Censorship laws require all publications, including movie scripts and song lyrics, to be reviewed by the government.
Minority languages are systematically blocked from print or media by these SLORC boards. Political thought is also suppressed. Those political parties which have not been “deregistered’’ by SLORC must have permission from the military to hold meetings, even in private.
Representatives attending the “National Convention’’ may not use any words that may ‘damage’ loyalty to the state, or ‘disrupt’ ethnic peoples. In addition, delegates can only discuss a SLORC-devised agenda and principals for the National Convention (547 out of 702 delegates were hand-picked by SLORC).
10.1. A Brief Background of SLORC-Controlled Media
State radio and television and the “Working People’s Daily”, official organ of SLORC, have an effective monopoly on information in Myanmar. Only one cosmetic change occurred in 1993: in April the “Working People’s Daily” acquired a new look and was renamed “Myanma Alin” (The New Light of Myanmar).
The original “Myanma Alin”, founded in 1914, was closed down by the junta in 1988 along with the rest of the country’s newspapers except the “Working People’s Daily”. By reviving the old name the authorities hoped to give the daily a politically-neutral image, but in fact its editorial policy is still directly under SLORC management. Burma also has 100 or so non-government literary magazines which publish poems, drawings and many short stories recounting the details and problems of daily life; these magazines also have no freedom to publish what they choose. Officials of the state-run Press Scrutiny Board go through every item with a fine-tooth comb, especially the short stories.
Certain subjects cannot be mentioned, such as democracy, human rights, the events of 1988, and comments about the SLORC leaders, and there is a blacklist of authors whose materials must not be used. Pressure is so strong that the magazine editors actually use self-censorship, rather than attract the attention of the government censorship workers.
Since mid-1991 another sort of publication has appeared in the country and has proven extremely popular. Magazines such as “Guide to Prosperity”, of poor technical quality but containing precious information from the outside world, offer a selection of carefully censored features from “Newsweek” and “Time” magazines, alongside the reports by local journalists.
“Myet-hkin-thit” publishes stories discrediting the opposition movements which operate in foreign countries, and gives vividly detailed accounts of crimes committed in countries that have criticised SLORC’s behavior.
10.2. Profile: The Voices The Regime Tried To Silence
As of December 1995, the following are some of the people who have been imprisoned for no reason other than the peaceful expression of their views.
U Win Tin, a former editor of “Hanthawati” newspaper, served as secretary of the executive council of the NLD, and vice-chairman of Sarpay Thamagga (the writers’ association). He was active in the pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988, and a key advisor to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He was arrested on 4 July 1989, and sentenced in October 1989, to three years’ imprisonment with hard labour on charges of harbouring a woman who had had an abortion (abortion is illegal in Burma). However, his colleagues believe that the true reason for his arrest lies in his opposition activities. In September 1992, he reportedly was in poor health and denied medical attention. His sentence was reduced from eleven to ten years in a 1993 amnesty. But following the visit of Prof Yozo Yokota to Burma in October 1995, he was among the eight political prisoners who were kept incommunicado in "police dog cells under accusation of providing information on prison conditions to the UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur.
U Ohn Kyaing, also known as Aung Wint, was editor of “Bohtataung Daily”, He also worked with U Win Tin on “Hanthawati” before retiring in 1988 to become a member of the NLD’s Central Committee and a Member of Parliament for Mandalay South East. He was arrested on 6 September 1990, and, a month later, was sentenced to seven years’ hard labour for participating in demonstrations in Mandalay in August 1990. He is detained in Tharrawaddy Prison.
Nyi Pu Lay is a satirical writer and artist. He was arrested with six others on 25 December 1990, and was later sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment on charges of being in contact with illegal organisations. The sole evidence brought against him was the authorities’ allegation that, in 1984, he had once sold a ring that originally belonged to a member of the Burmese Communist Party. He was initially held in Insein Prison in Rangoon, but, in December 1991, he was moved to Thayet-Prison in Central Burma.
Myo Myint Nyein is the publisher and editor of the banned cultural magazine “What’s Happening?” which was critical of SLORC. He and his colleague Sein Hlaing were both arrested on 24 September 1990, and both were sentenced to seven year’s imprisonment because of their publishing activities. “What’s Happening?” featured articles about culture and short stories, and contained a poem by a well-known writer, Min Lu, which lamented the killing of innocent civilians and deplored the brutality of the military (Min Lu was also arrested but has subsequently been released). He is detained in Insein Prison.
Ma Thida is a doctor and a short-story writer. She was arrested with ten other opposition activists on 7 August 1993. After a closed trial the following October, she was sentenced to twenty years’ imprisonment for “contact with illegal organisations, endangering public peace, and distributing banned literature to foreign-based opposition groups.’’
San San Nweh, her daughter, and a journalist name U Sein Hla Oo, were arrested around 5 August 1994. San San Nweh is the author of more than five hundred short stories, twelve novels, and over a hundred poems. She has also worked as a journalist on several national newspapers. She was a member of the NLD’s Central Committee and was previously detained between July 1989 and April 1990.
10.3. Burmese Basket
The well-known Burmese comedian Zargana (meaning “Tweezer”, a nick name to a dental surgeon Thura) wore dirty clothes and stood in front of a propaganda billboard that reads “Visit Myanmar Year 1996” showing some traditional Burmese baskets, woven with strips from the toddy-palm leaf stalk or bamboo. The Burmese expression for basket is Hpa, which in Burmese refers to prostitute. After that he arranged the baskets in front of him, in a manner of street-side hawker, with different prices ranging 2-5,000 Ks stuck on each of them. Although the prices were higher than the actual ones, they did match the current price of prostitute in Rangoon. Under the billboard, he raised a big Burmese banner which meant “Burmese Hpa have to be made famous all over the world.” Zargana’s message is that promotion of tourism has made lives harder and Burma is becoming a Hpa country like one of its neighbours.
Many people, who later formed a big gathering, were amused to see Zargana’s quiet one-man-show. But military intelligence officers were angry at him and later took him away for interrogation and detained for one night. [Source: ABSDF/BIG]
10.4. Censorship on Jokes
There are about 15 local traditional Burmese dramatic troupe in Tenasserim Division and most are based in Tavoy Township. According to SLORC order, all of them are under the control of Division-level Traditional Art Council. A new regulation saying to get permission from the local authorities before their performance was recently imposed on the Burmese comedians. No political or forced labour or human rights situation related jokes in the region are allowed during the performance. They are not allowed to make jokes which have not been permitted by SLORC. In December 1995, two well-known local comedians; U O. K (from Thitsa Oo Troupe) and U Pan Pwint (from Shwe Tharapu Troupe) were strongly warned by the SLORC authorities for their jokes about forced labour on the Ye-Tavoy railway. The regulation seems less restricted in the rural area but more restricted in the urban area, according to one comedian from Palaw Township. [Source: ABSDF]
10.5. Inked Over; Ripped Out
10.5.1. The January 1996 issue of Thintbawa magazine was heavily censored by the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB). Approximately, 58 pages — from page 5 to 12, from 35 to 52, and from 133 to 160 — were ripped out by PSB officials. The cover story about Burma’s education system was completely torn out and the cover itself was conspicuously blotted out with black ink.
The main reason was the January issue contained articles and news about the Rangoon University Diamond Jubilee with analysis and comparison of colonial and national education systems.
Thintbawa magazine is one of the most popular magazine in Burma and is closely watched and censored by PSB officials.
In fact, it is not new to Thintbawa. Under the SLORC, privately owned magazines have been facing official censorship. In spite of heavy censorship, approximately 100 magazines and journals in Burmese are publishing. Interestingly, many writers and intellectuals recently said they have been trying to test the water. Even though they dared not ask for freedom of expression they are privately criticising restrictions and censorship laws.
The ruling junta, on the other hand, encourages publishers and writers for less threatening business-related magazines and journals. However, even business magazines cannot escape from heavy-handed censorship laws.
10.5.2. One of the articles in the December (1995) issue of Myanma Dana business magazine made officials mad. This article was about former South Korean strongman Roh Tae Woo who confessed he pocketed $ 221 million as President from 1988 to 1993. Roh Tae Woo wasn’t alone. His corrupt generals and government officials were also brought up in the article calling them ‘former generals’ and ‘former president’.
At least four paragraphs were blotted out with black ink. One caption reads: “Students demanding to punish former president Roh Tae Woo marched to his resident and were blocked by riot police.” This line was inked out. Furthermore, former generals or former presidents were blotted out with black ink.
Observers and writers in Rangoon suggest this article remind the people in the capital of the former president, party chairman and dictator Gen Ne Win and his cronies.
“ You can see they have cold feet,” says a writer in Rangoon. Ne Win and his former generals do not really want to see a “Roh Tae Woo episode” in Burma of course. [Inside Sources/ BIG]
10.6. Everybody is Under Watch
10.6.1. After the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in July 1995, the SLORC re-selected the “in charges” of streets, “in charges” of every 10 households and inquired about their political outlook. Most of the new “in charges” are pro-military USDA members. [Source: ABSDF]
10.6.2. In September 1995, Col Than Tun directed Maj Nay Soe, the head of MI security guards at the gate in front of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s house, to give a warning to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, saying students inside her compound were planning for a poster and pamphlet campaign against the government. [Source: ABSDF]
10.6.3. After Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party NLD’s statement on 22 November 1995 concerning the National Convention, students and youth inside Burma have launched their activities in public. In the first week of November, at St. Mary High School in downtown Rangoon, a young schoolboy painted a slogan across the school saying, “Military Dictatorship Get Out”. [Source: ABSDF]
10.6.4. On 24 November 1995, a statement was issued by a group of 23 veteran politicians (called Dead Tiger). Some of them who signed the statement were: Bohmu Aung, Thakin Chit, Thakin Khin Aung (BCP), U Chit Maung and Thakin Lwin (ex-defence minister of Aung San). They asked the SLORC to move towards the national reconciliation and have dialogue with the democratic forces.
On 26 November 1995, the representatives of the SLORC — Deputy Home Minister Lt-Col Tin Hlaing, Deputy-director of Defence Service Intelligence Col Kyaw Win, People’s Police Forces Director-general U Soe Win, Criminal Investigation Department Chief Col Ba Hein — summoned those 23 prominent politicians and freedom fighters who signed the 24 November letter and tried to intimidate them. Those 23 were repeatedly accused by Col Tin Hlaing of having been influenced by the West and told that SLORC would not tolerate “stooges” meddling in state affairs. [Source: Inside Source]
10.6.5. On 28 November 1995, at 10:00 a.m.( the same time National Convention started), at Wailuwon monastery nearby University Avenue in Rangoon, a gathering of around 60 people came to celebrate the Diamond Jubilee of Rangoon University. Those represented were from the NLD, High School Students Union, and the University Students Union. The ceremony started with the arrival of the Sayadaw (Abbot) who prayed with the congregation. Then four students came to the front and started a ceremony. Statements from New Generation of the Students Union, and Democratic Association of Youth and Students (DAYS) were delivered to the crowd. Then they conferred to Aung San an award of historic honourable university student. Min Zeya (chairman of All Burma Federation of Student Union (Makatha), who was detained in August 1989 and released in July 1995) and Maung Maung Wan, also a leader of student union, who was detained in 1988 and released in 1994, were the organisers of this ceremony. Students then planned to have a special activities during 1-5 December 1995 in Rangoon marking the Diamond Jubilee of Rangoon University, including a ceremony for the martyrs and heroes of Burma’s struggle for independence and democracy. However, SLORC detained 20 student activists before the planned ceremony, and warned them not to hold it. Since the MIS proved a detailed knowledge of the planned ceremony, it had to be cancelled. [Source: ABSDF]
10.7. Diamond Jubilee under Tight Security
SLORC-sponsored celebrations marking Diamond Jubilee of Rangoon University took place on 1 December 1995 and security was tight in order to prevent anticipated student protests, with army troops stationed both inside and outside the university campus.
Although local journalists and various news agencies were invited to the ceremony, only a small number of foreign press representatives were allowed into the campus and all were prevented form taking photographs. Personnel of Military Intelligence Unit moved conspicuously around the assembled students to prevent occurrence of any protest.
A small number of students from ABFSU chanted anti-SLORC slogans and distributed protest leaflets throughout the ceremony, appearing briefly then disappearing into the crowds before security forces were able to take direct action.
Following the opening ceremony, troops withdrew from the campus, but maintained their presence on the streets outside, while MI officers remained inside. It was reported that the students seen at the opening ceremony looked more like forcibly paraded prisoners of war than active celebrants.
On 5 December 1995, a small group of students gathered to read out protest statements near the site of the former student union building, destroyed by Ne Win’s troops in the aftermath of coup d’etat in 1962. But SLORC troops dispersed the crowd. [Source: ABSDF]
10.8. POWER 54
In November 1995, POWER 54, the latest album by Burmese rock star Lay Phyu was released by producer Kyi Thaung. Lay Phyu rose to fame in 1993 with songs such as “Roaring of the Sea” (pinlae or than) and “Moon in the Desert” (kandaa ya la min). To advertise the new album, a large billboard was erected on the corner of 34th street (middle block) and Anawrahta road in Rangoon.
Before released, the new album was scrutinised by the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB) as usual for approval. When it was released, there has been whispering about the significant title of the album among the residents in Rangoon. 54 is of course the number of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s house on University Avenue. At that point, that new album was confiscated from all shops, any people who belonged to even a single copy of it was forced through the loudspeakers to hand over to the authority for burning on a certain date, the producer and the rock star were summoned to show up at the PSB office for explanation while the IRON CROSS BAND was banned during the process. Only after being satisfied with the explanation from Lay Phyu who said that the title itself is nothing to do with Daw Suu’s house as accused by the scrutiny board, just in memory of number of the songs played by IRON CROSS so far, and from the producer with a promise to ink over the 54, all the bans were lifted. The producer then put an advertisement in the SLORC-controlled Myanma Alin [The New Light of Myanmar] newspaper regarding the name of the new album.
As soon as the people saw the new advertisement in the newspaper, they figured out what was happening and were aware very much of SLORC’s censorship regarding the album. Since then, the people were curious to know about the latest songs, which have blazed the album and the vocalist once again.
As a consequence, SLORC applied pressure on producer Kyi Thaung to stop distributing the tapes even in the name once they accepted: POWER, forced to change the name again, and all stuffs in the shops throughout Burma were confiscated. [Source: Inside source]
10.9. Forced Rally for USDA
According to SLORC media, about 4,5000 civilians from the four townships in Mergui District rallied on 27 December 1995 to express unanimous support for the successful conclusion of the National Convention. The rally was chaired by Maj-Ge Ket Sein, Commander of Southeast Military Command and chairman of Mon State, Karen State and Tenasserim Division USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association). The rally, mainly attended by members of the USDA, high school students and teachers, and civil servants, was held to show its support for a constitutional convention which has been boycotted by the National League for Democracy. But the people said most of participants at that rally were forced by SLORC.
“All the students from my school were forced to joined the USDA. We would not pass the exam if we do not join the organisation. I was in the rally but I had no idea what was the reason for the rally. But the authority ordered us to join this rally...”,
Naw Esther, a high school student from Palaw Township recalled her experience.
The USDA was formed on 15 September 1993 by SLORC as a social organisation which established at village tract, ward, township, district and division levels. Its central executive committee members are civilian but its high position in state and division levels are assigned to the high-ranking military officers. Although SLORC announced that USDA is only a social organisation and there is no political platform in its movement, people inside Burma believe that in the name of USDA, SLORC is strengthening its position in terms of grassroots mobilising to gain support for the military.
Ko Myint Oo, a high school teacher from Mergui said the USDA forced the people especially civil servants into supporting the military and National Convention. It is much worse than the BSPP’s programme such as Lanzin youth (a BSPP youth wing during its time). People are threatened by dismissals from jobs and schools, or failure of examination in case of absence to participate the USDA rally. People in Mergui were ordered that one person from each household must attend the rally or pay 100 Ks if failed to do so.
Regard to USDA and forced participation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said in her weekly People Forum that people can be coerced and their support can be paid but their genuine love and goodwill cannot be paid and threatened. She said at one of her weekend public addresses outside her house that the public had been coerced into attending the mass rally. [Source: ABSDF]
[See also under "Personal Accounts", interview 289]
10.10. List of incidents
10.10.1. At the beginning of 1994 musicians had to attend a meeting. They were told that they have to cut their hair short and that for their lyrics words as hell, heaven, kiss are forbidden. They also complain about all the festivals and ceremonies where they have to play. Although they do get paid for the performance they can not refuse the “offer”. Crowd control is strict at concerts, location is outside town, no dancing, barbed wire and lots of armed soldiers, police and MI around tried to take our guide to question him while we were walking around and taking pictures at a concert near Mingaladon. [Source: An Eyewitness who travelled inside Burma]
10.10.2. According to a priest two NLD MPs — U Tin and Mahn Johnie — from Kyone Pyaw Township, Irrawaddy Division, were harassed after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released 10 July 1995. They were visited and intimidated by the police in the night-time and their phone line and electricity were cut. [Source: Inside Source]
10.10.3. On 8 August 1995, a car carrying students from the Middle School at Wan Yin village to the High School in Hsi-hseng Township, southern Shan State, was stopped by the SLORC troops from LIB 413 who were looking for porters. The soldiers interrupted the students to enter the military quiz contest. The students became annoyed and expressed their antagonism towards the soldiers for forced portering by means of refusing to answer any single question asked by the military. [Source: ABSDF]
10.10.4. During the second week of October 1995, students from No. 1 State High School in Mergui, Tenasserim Division, staged a peaceful demonstration as they were dissatisfied with the education system, higher education fees, discrimination in the education sector and high prices of basic commodities.
Ko Sunny, a 10th standard student and also leader of the demonstration, and a number of students were arrested by MI 19 as soon as the protest occurred. That school was closed down for one week without any official announcement. [Source: ABSDF]
I. Extra-judicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions
II. Arbitrary Detention and Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances III. Rights of Child
IV. Forced Labour and Slavery V. Forced Relocation and Internally Displaced Persons
VI. Deprivation of Livelihood VII. Minority Protection
VIII. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, Degrading Treatment or Punishment
IX. Freedom of Belief: Discrimination Against the Right to Practice Religion and Intolerance
X.
Freedom of Opinion and Expression XI.
Freedom of Assembly and Association XII.
Freedom of Movement
XIII.
Abuse of Women XIV.
The Refugees Situation and Forced Repatriation