EBO Burma News 25 June 2003


News Summary:

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1. Japan to freeze new aid to Myanmar over Suu Kyi

2. After Iraq, who will help Myanmar?

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Japan to freeze new aid to Myanmar over Suu Kyi

 

TOKYO, June 25 (AFP) - Japan will freeze new financial assistance to Myanmar

as the junta has continued to detain pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu

Kyi, a foreign ministry official said Wednesday.

 

"We have decided to stop providing new ODA (overseas development

assistance) for Myanmar except for projects already under way," the official

said.

 

"We are going to tell them that we cannot help but step up pressure on the

country unless they release Aung San Suu Kyi," he said. "As one of the largest

donor countries, we will use financial pressure."

 

Visiting UN envoy Razali Ismail, who met the Nobel peace laureate on June

10, held talks with Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi to inform her

of Suu Kyi's conditions, the ministry official said.

 

Razali, a former Malaysian diplomat, told Kawaguchi that Suu Kyi was

detained in a "small, concrete hutch" located in a Yangon prison. The envoy

said she was kept in "poor surroundings."

 

The two agreed that Japan and the United Nations would jointly demand the

immediate release of Suu Kyi," the official said.

 

Razali later told reporters that the United Nations was now losing patience

as the Myanmar government merely repeated their intention to release her for

the past two weeks, according to Jiji Press.

 

Razali also said Suu Kyi's detention must be a factor for Tokyo to consider

in formulating its policies toward the country, Kyodo News said.

 

"Whatever policy Japan has toward Myanmar or whatever future policy it has

would have to take into account what has taken place," the envoy was quoted by

Kyodo as telling reporters.

 

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After Iraq, who will help Myanmar?

The Miami Herald

June 25,  2003

 

By FRED HIATT

 

Almost everyone who opposed the U.S.-led war in Iraq, both here and overseas,

agreed that Saddam Hussein was a monster. ''We're glad the dictator is gone,''

they say now. “But war was the wrong way to unseat him.''

 

Fair enough. But then, what is the right way? Aung San Suu Kyi might like to know.

 

In case you haven't been following the news from the other side of the world,

she is the leader of pro-democracy forces in Myanmar, a lush, predominantly

Buddhist nation of Southeast Asia. At the moment she is thought to be in Insein

Prison, the terror center outside Myanmar's capital, where dog kennels have been

converted to torture cells, and prisoners are forced to beat each other bloody

for the entertainment of guards.

 

If Saddam Hussein's rule was monstrous, the regime of Myanmar's junta is no less so.

Ethnic cleansing, rape as an official tool of repression, heroin and HIV/AIDS as

primary exports, a vast security apparatus spreading fear throughout society,

slave labor -- Myanmar's got it all.

 

But Myanmar has something that distinguishes it from most totalitarian systems, too.

In Iraq, Saddam's apologists could claim, up to the very last minute, that the Iraqi

people loved him. You could scoff at the claim, but you couldn't absolutely prove

it false. In Myanmar, you can declare with mathematical certainty that the regime

is illegitimate: It lost a 1990 election to the National League for Democracy, which won

82 percent of parliamentary seats even though its leader -- the same Aung San

Suu Kyi -- was under house arrest then. Those elected were never permitted to

take their seats. Quite a few, in fact, ended up in Insein.

 

Given all that, you might ask why regime change is not on the world's agenda.

Last week the United Nations General Assembly adopted a $2.17 billion budget

for the coming year for peacekeeping operations. Why nothing for democracy-keeping?

 

It's accepted, now, that the ''international community,'' as we call it when no one

wants to take responsibility, would have been justified if it had violated Rwanda's

sovereignty to prevent genocide there -- that is, it was morally remiss, in fact,

in failing to do so. Many nations supported the violation of Serbia's sovereignty

to save the people of Kosovo.

 

The people of Myanmar have been suffering far longer. Yet somehow, as in North

Korea, it is considered perfectly moral to stand aside and watch crimes against

humanity that just unfold in slower motion than Rwanda's. Burmese generals are

permitted to shield themselves behind a sovereignty that does not legitimately

belong to them. Leaders around the world go on receiving their ambassadors

and embracing their foreign ministers.

 

Is it fanciful to dream of a democracy-keeping force that would liberate the people

of North Korea (where at least two million have died of officially induced starvation)

or Myanmar? No doubt. Jacques Chirac would be upset, Kofi Annan would remind us

of the absence of consensus, George Bush would see no issues of national security

to justify the use of force. But then, what would they do?

 

Sen. Mitch McConnell has one suggestion, and he persuaded 96 other senators

to go along: a ban on imports from Myanmar. Such economic punishments often

have little effect, or end up hurting poor workers more than rich generals.

U.S. business almost always opposes sanctions.

 

But for a couple of reasons, Myanmar might be different. The regime -- which calls

itself the State Peace and Development Council -- controls most of the economy

and so would be immediately affected. U.S. clothing and shoe importers, who account

for most Burmese goods sold in this country, became so disgusted by the child labor

and other coercive practices of the regime that, through their trade association,

they actually endorsed an import ban before the Senate voted.

 

Amartya Sen, the Nobel Prize-winning economist and development expert, said Friday

that sanctions ''are more likely to be effective there than almost anywhere else

I can imagine'' -- provided other countries join in.

 

With which McConnell agrees. ''Our actions will not be truly effective until our European

allies and Myanmar's neighbors also place pressure on the junta,'' he said last week.

 

And that brings us back to all those politicians who bowed to no one in their disdain

for Saddam Hussein -- but who insisted that war could never be the answer.

They have a chance to show that another way might work. Aung San Suu Kyi is waiting.

 

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