EBO Burma News, 6 May 2003

News Summary:

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1. Suu Kyi still politically shackled one year on

2. Road to reform runs into dead-end

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

Suu Kyi still politically shackled one year on

The Straits Times

06 May 2003

 

By Shefali Rekhi

 

HER release from house arrest last May was to have heralded the beginning of

a new chapter in Myanmar's history, with talk of political liberalisation and

a loosening of the political grip of the junta.

 

But a year on, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is still struggling with shackles

that impede her political freedom.

 

There has been no political dialogue and the military junta has made no effort

at reconciliation.

 

Progress in reorganising her party - the National League for Democracy (NLD)

- has also been slow, her supporters say.

 

Members of the public who come forward to attend public meetings at places

outside Yangon have been questioned, and some have had their jobs terminated,

party spokesman U Lwin told The Straits Times from Yangon.

 

The NLD's means to communicate with the masses has also been severely restrained.

The party's request to print a fortnightly journal has been turned down,

and its headquarters in Yangon has been banned from using photocopiers,

the Internet and fax machines.

 

Meanwhile, over a hundred of the party's supporters remain political prisoners.

 

'We don't have any plans for the first anniversary,' Mr Lwin said when asked

about celebrations today, the date that Ms Suu Kyi was released after 19 months

of confinement.

 

'There is still so much to do.'

 

Ms Suu Kyi's release had raised expectations of a move towards democratic

rule and greater freedom in Myanmar society.

 

But little of that has happened. Sharing her displeasure, the Nobel peace laureate

said at a media briefing in Yangon recently: 'When I was released, it was agreed

between the authorities and ourselves that... we should go on to a more advanced

stage of our relationship.

 

'But I do not think there has been any progress.'

 

While the general conditions depress Suu Kyi supporters, there is at least

one piece of good news.

 

Party officials at the headquarters are no longer harassed and Ms Suu Kyi is

allowed to move about the country, after giving 48-hour notice to the authorities

- essentially so that they can ensure her security, he said.

 

But on many other accounts, the NLD is hoping for more.

 

Ms Suu Kyi's priority remains the start of the political dialogue process,

the release of political prisoners and ensuring the security of her people.

 

While she has been able to open 100 offices for NLD in the past year,

she is waiting for permission to open another 100. In all, 300 offices were

needed to be functional, Mr Lwin said.

 

At its peak, the party boasted of a membership of over two million. Today,

there are less than 175,000 members.

 

----------------------------------

 

Road to reform runs into dead-end

Bangkok Post

06 May 2003

 

ANALYSIS / BURMA AND AUNG SAN SUU KYI

 

It is 12 months to the day since Aung San Suu Kyu was freed from her second

spell of house arrest. She has been granted more freedom of movement since

her release, and has held talks with the junta, but there has been no progress

towards democracy.

 

LARRY JAGAN

 

Burma's generals still cling to power one year after Aung San Suu Kyi's release

from house arrest, and there is no reason to believe they have any intention of

starting serious political talks with the opposition leader.

 

Burma has changed little over the 12 months since Ms Suu Kyi was freed.

The country's fragile dialogue process remains deadlocked and in danger

of collapsing.

 

Burma's top generals insist they are committed to economic and political reform

but do little to show their sincerity. The euphoria that surrounded the opposition

leader's release a year ago has given way to disappointment and frustration

as Burma slips deeper into crisis and despair.

 

“Ms Suu Kyi's release is seen as a signal that the military regime is prepared

to move on to the next stage of the national reconciliation process: substantive

talks with the opposition leader on the country's political future,'' one senior

Western diplomat said shortly after Ms Suu Kyi's release. The UN envoy Razali Ismail,

who convinced the generals to free Ms Suu Kyi and helped broker the talks

between the two sides, was sure the military was ready for serious political

negotiations and prepared to cooperate with the National League for Democracy.

 

Twelve months later, these hopes appear to have been dashed. Instead of

progress, the two sides have slipped into a war of words that is being fought

through press conferences and press releases.

 

Only a few days ago, Ms Suu Kyi went on the offensive and told journalists at

a press briefing at the NLD headquarters: “I have come to the conclusion that

the SPDC [State Peace Development Council] is not interested in national

reconciliation.''

 

Throughout the past year, the opposition leader has appealed to the generals

to open concrete talks and stated that she and the NLD were prepared to cooperate

with the army. She has told them repeatedly that the opposition does not

see the military as the enemy.

 

“We do not want to be the enemy,'' she recently told the Bangkok Post in Rangoon.

“We are in opposition to each other at the moment but we should work together

for the sake of the country, and we certainly bear no grudges against them.

We are not out for vengeance. We want to reach the kind of settlement which

will be beneficial to everybody, including the members of the military.''

 

But the generals have so far rebuffed all the opposition overtures. “It's more

than time to proceed from the confidence-building stage to full cooperation,

especially in the humanitarian area.,'' Ms Suu Kyi said two weeks ago.

“The SPDC has shown that it is not keen to cooperate with us in matters

of humanitarian aid.''

 

Colonel Hla Min, the military government spokesman, for his part, insists

“the government actively welcomes meaningful and constructive suggestions

from all its citizens in all areas of national development, particularly in education,

health-care and economic development''.

 

Neither side seems able to take the initiative. The UN envoy's insistence that

Burma's political reform must be a home-grown process has also waned over

the past year.

 

“Neither side is able to talk directly to the other,'' a senior Western diplomat

involved in Burma said.  “And that is the role Mr Razali can play.'' But Burma's

military rulers have continually rebuffed the envoy's repeated requests over

the last three months to return to Rangoon to help restart the talks. He usually

visits Burma every three months or so, but he has been denied access to Rangoon

for more than six months. In fact, it looks as though he will not be allowed back

until early June at the earliest.

 

The process of national reconciliation has clearly ground to a halt. Burma's military

leaders seem keen to drag the process out as long as possible instead of talking

to Ms Suu Kyi.

 

Faced with increased international pressure _ the United States is in the process

of extending sanctions and banning all textile imports from Burma, and the

European Union has adopted tougher measures which will be implemented

automatically in six months time if there is no progress in the dialogue

process _ Burma's top generals are looking to their neighbours for support.

 

Senior General Than Shwe, Burma's top leader, has been busy visiting as many

countries around the region as he can. In the past six months, he has visited

Bangladesh, China, Vietnam and Thailand. He's currently on a state visit to Laos.

Other senior ministers, including intelligence chief General Khin Nyunt and

Foreign Minister Win Aung, have also been active whipping up support for

the regime. Earlier this year, Win Aung made an historic trip to India.

 

Burma's leaders have long told Western government ministers and diplomats

that they did not fear Western-led sanctions as they expected to get all the trade,

investment and aid they needed from their neighbours. The reality, of course,

is that this is not forthcoming. In the last twelve months, the only Asean investment

was the Malaysian petroleum giant Petronas' buy-out of the British company

Premier Oil's interests in Burma. Although Bangladesh and India have some

commercial interests in Burma, the only significant regional investor

in the country is China.

 

It is time Asean governments reassessed their uncritical support for Rangoon.

Privately, United Nations officers say their credibility will be on the line

if they continue to put their heads in the sand.

 

But even after meeting Mr Razali last week in Bangkok, Thai Foreign Minister

Surakiart Sathirathai continued to tell local journalists that the dialogue process

had not stalled and that Bangkok fully supported Burma's national reconciliation

process. But Thai officials privately concede that the government is fully aware

that there are no talks between the two sides and that the whole process

 is in deep trouble.

 

Asean countries have tried to avoid thinking about Burma.  “It's too divisive,''

one senior Asean diplomat said. ``Countries like Cambodia, Laos and

Vietnam _ and Brunei _ will not criticise Myanmar [Burma] or allow pressure

to be brought to bear on issues like human rights and democratic reform.''

 

There currently is no real incentive for the other Asean countries to take the

initiative. But they must change soon.

 

Burma will take over the presidency of Asean in 2006 _ and the annual summit

will be held in Rangoon. ``It will highly embarrassing for Asean to be led by

one of the world's remaining military dictatorships,'' said a senior UN official

privately in New York.

 

But if the 12 months since Ms Suu Kyi was freed are any indication, it is still going

to be years before Burma gets the democratic reform most Burmese people crave.

 

Asean leaders could help speed that process up if privately, at two-way and

multilateral meetings, they began to put real pressure on Burma's generals

to implement economic and political reform.

 

                                                          ###

 

If you do not wish to receive this daily newsletters, please reply

with your e-mail address and the "cancel" in the text section.

 

With many thanks,

Burma News

 

Euro-Burma Office

Square Gutenberg 11/2

1000 Brussels

Belgium

 

tel:  32 02 280 0691/280 2452

fax: 32 02 280 0310

e-mail: [email protected]