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BURMA RELATED NEWS - February - 05, 2001. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HEADLINE
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- IHT - Get Burma's Minorities Talking
AFP - Euro-Parliament committee to hear from
opponents of Yangon regime
AP - Italian Foreign Min Favors Singapore-EU
Free Trade Pact
TI - Myanmar dismisses
coup plot rumour
Bkk Post - Burma policy vital before
visit
The International Herald Tribune Get Burma's Minorities Talking Josef Silverstein Monday, February 5, 2001 NEW BRUNSWICK, New Jersey As representatives of the military government in
Burma continue secret talks with the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,
both sides should be aware that the central problem today, as it was when Burma
gained independence from Britain in 1948, is national unity. It does not exist
because there is a lack of equality and trust between majority Burmese and other
ethnic groups, and between the military and the people.
. Restoration of democratic rule and respect for human rights and civil liberties are, of course, important. But if the talks are to be the first step in solving long-standing problems, then the interests of the ethnic minorities must get high priority. They represent a third of the national population, but most do not feel part of the nation. . After so many years of war, misunderstanding and division, the basic issues of unity, trust and peaceful resolution of problems must be discussed openly, honestly and in depth so that a new social basis can be found and built upon. . The military rulers defend their seizure of power in 1962 and again in 1988 as necessary to preserve national unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty. They claim that any mistrust is a legacy of colonial rule. They say that the cease fires they negotiated with ethnic minorities were first steps toward equality, sharing of power and trust. Such principles, they claim, will be in the new constitution. . In 1989, when the Burma Communist Party imploded and the minority representatives who served as its cadres broke away and formed ethnic groupings, the government offered them cease-fire agreements to end their wars against the state. It allowed those who accepted to keep their weapons, administer their areas and run their economies with a minimum of interference. . However, the government did not allow them to discuss their political future. That was to be put off until a new constitution was in place. . In 1993, the junta created a national convention at which invited Burmese and minority representatives were supposed to develop the principles for a new constitution. The move failed because it was tightly controlled and the participants were denied free speech and interaction. After a walkout by Shan minority delegates, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi withdrew the delegates of her National League for Democracy. . Most of the ethnic minorities contend that the conditions that drove many to fight the central government or resist in other ways have their roots in inequalities inscribed in the 1947 constitution and in the absence of full autonomy, resource-sharing and participation in decisions affecting their future. They also deeply resent the emergence of Burmese culture as the national culture, instead of a multiculture reflecting the diversity of the population. . For half a century the minorities have been victims of rules made in Rangoon, the central government's violence and unwillingness by those in power to discuss the grievances of ethnic minorities and work together to find real solutions. . While the Karens continue their war against the government, their leaders have been on record since 1984 as saying that they no longer seek independence. They refuse to accept a cease-fire because its terms say nothing about the future. A significant portion of the Christian Karens also have religious differences with the Burmese, who are Buddhist. . As dialogue between representatives of the military and the people progresses, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the logical person to speak for the people. She is committed to a free, democratic and peaceful Burma based on equality for all, the rule of law and human rights. She respects the cultural diversity of the nation and the rights of the people to retain their identities, languages and traditions. She trusts the people, as most trust her. . She should have minority leaders at her side to participate in the discussions and speak to the issues which directly effect their people. That would be the best symbol possible of equality, unity and trust as efforts are made again to build a united Burma. . The writer, professor emeritus of politics at Rutgers University, contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune. For Related Topics See: Opinion & Editorial < < Back to Start of Article NEW BRUNSWICK, New Jersey As
representatives of the military government in Burma continue secret talks with
the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, both sides should be aware that the
central problem today, as it was when Burma gained independence from Britain in
1948, is national unity. It does not exist because there is a lack of equality
and trust between majority Burmese and other ethnic groups, and between the
military and the people.
. Restoration of democratic rule and respect for human rights and civil liberties are, of course, important. But if the talks are to be the first step in solving long-standing problems, then the interests of the ethnic minorities must get high priority. They represent a third of the national population, but most do not feel part of the nation. . After so many years of war, misunderstanding and division, the basic issues of unity, trust and peaceful resolution of problems must be discussed openly, honestly and in depth so that a new social basis can be found and built upon. . The military rulers defend their seizure of power in 1962 and again in 1988 as necessary to preserve national unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty. They claim that any mistrust is a legacy of colonial rule. They say that the cease fires they negotiated with ethnic minorities were first steps toward equality, sharing of power and trust. Such principles, they claim, will be in the new constitution. . In 1989, when the Burma Communist Party imploded and the minority representatives who served as its cadres broke away and formed ethnic groupings, the government offered them cease-fire agreements to end their wars against the state. It allowed those who accepted to keep their weapons, administer their areas and run their economies with a minimum of interference. . However, the government did not allow them to discuss their political future. That was to be put off until a new constitution was in place. . In 1993, the junta created a national convention at which invited Burmese and minority representatives were supposed to develop the principles for a new constitution. The move failed because it was tightly controlled and the participants were denied free speech and interaction. After a walkout by Shan minority delegates, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi withdrew the delegates of her National League for Democracy. . Most of the ethnic minorities contend that the conditions that drove many to fight the central government or resist in other ways have their roots in inequalities inscribed in the 1947 constitution and in the absence of full autonomy, resource-sharing and participation in decisions affecting their future. They also deeply resent the emergence of Burmese culture as the national culture, instead of a multiculture reflecting the diversity of the population. . For half a century the minorities have been victims of rules made in Rangoon, the central government's violence and unwillingness by those in power to discuss the grievances of ethnic minorities and work together to find real solutions. . While the Karens continue their war against the government, their leaders have been on record since 1984 as saying that they no longer seek independence. They refuse to accept a cease-fire because its terms say nothing about the future. A significant portion of the Christian Karens also have religious differences with the Burmese, who are Buddhist. . As dialogue between representatives of the military and the people progresses, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the logical person to speak for the people. She is committed to a free, democratic and peaceful Burma based on equality for all, the rule of law and human rights. She respects the cultural diversity of the nation and the rights of the people to retain their identities, languages and traditions. She trusts the people, as most trust her. . She should have minority leaders at her side to participate in the discussions and speak to the issues which directly effect their people. That would be the best symbol possible of equality, unity and trust as efforts are made again to build a united Burma. . The writer, professor emeritus of politics at Rutgers University, contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune. NEW BRUNSWICK, New Jersey As representatives of the military government in Burma continue secret talks with the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, both sides should be aware that the central problem today, as it was when Burma gained independence from Britain in 1948, is national unity. It does not exist because there is a lack of equality and trust between majority Burmese and other ethnic groups, and between the military and the people. . Restoration of democratic rule and respect for human rights and civil liberties are, of course, important. But if the talks are to be the first step in solving long-standing problems, then the interests of the ethnic minorities must get high priority. They represent a third of the national population, but most do not feel part of the nation. . After so many years of war, misunderstanding and division, the basic issues of unity, trust and peaceful resolution of problems must be discussed openly, honestly and in depth so that a new social basis can be found and built upon. . The military rulers defend their seizure of power in 1962 and again in 1988 as necessary to preserve national unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty. They claim that any mistrust is a legacy of colonial rule. They say that the cease fires they negotiated with ethnic minorities were first steps toward equality, sharing of power and trust. Such principles, they claim, will be in the new constitution. . In 1989, when the Burma Communist Party imploded and the minority representatives who served as its cadres broke away and formed ethnic groupings, the government offered them cease-fire agreements to end their wars against the state. It allowed those who accepted to keep their weapons, administer their areas and run their economies with a minimum of interference. . However, the government did not allow them to discuss their political future. That was to be put off until a new constitution was in place. . In 1993, the junta created a national convention at which invited Burmese and minority representatives were supposed to develop the principles for a new constitution. The move failed because it was tightly controlled and the participants were denied free speech and interaction. After a walkout by Shan minority delegates, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi withdrew the delegates of her National League for Democracy. . Most of the ethnic minorities contend that the conditions that drove many to fight the central government or resist in other ways have their roots in inequalities inscribed in the 1947 constitution and in the absence of full autonomy, resource-sharing and participation in decisions affecting their future. They also deeply resent the emergence of Burmese culture as the national culture, instead of a multiculture reflecting the diversity of the population. . For half a century the minorities have been victims of rules made in Rangoon, the central government's violence and unwillingness by those in power to discuss the grievances of ethnic minorities and work together to find real solutions. . While the Karens continue their war against the government, their leaders have been on record since 1984 as saying that they no longer seek independence. They refuse to accept a cease-fire because its terms say nothing about the future. A significant portion of the Christian Karens also have religious differences with the Burmese, who are Buddhist. . As dialogue between representatives of the military and the people progresses, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the logical person to speak for the people. She is committed to a free, democratic and peaceful Burma based on equality for all, the rule of law and human rights. She respects the cultural diversity of the nation and the rights of the people to retain their identities, languages and traditions. She trusts the people, as most trust her. . She should have minority leaders at her side to participate in the discussions and speak to the issues which directly effect their people. That would be the best symbol possible of equality, unity and trust as efforts are made again to build a united Burma. . The writer, professor emeritus of politics at Rutgers University, contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune. NEW BRUNSWICK, New Jersey As representatives of the military government in Burma continue secret talks with the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, both sides should be aware that the central problem today, as it was when Burma gained independence from Britain in 1948, is national unity. It does not exist because there is a lack of equality and trust between majority Burmese and other ethnic groups, and between the military and the people. . Restoration of democratic rule and respect for human rights and civil liberties are, of course, important. But if the talks are to be the first step in solving long-standing problems, then the interests of the ethnic minorities must get high priority. They represent a third of the national population, but most do not feel part of the nation. . After so many years of war, misunderstanding and division, the basic issues of unity, trust and peaceful resolution of problems must be discussed openly, honestly and in depth so that a new social basis can be found and built upon. . The military rulers defend their seizure of power in 1962 and again in 1988 as necessary to preserve national unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty. They claim that any mistrust is a legacy of colonial rule. They say that the cease fires they negotiated with ethnic minorities were first steps toward equality, sharing of power and trust. Such principles, they claim, will be in the new constitution. . In 1989, when the Burma Communist Party imploded and the minority representatives who served as its cadres broke away and formed ethnic groupings, the government offered them cease-fire agreements to end their wars against the state. It allowed those who accepted to keep their weapons, administer their areas and run their economies with a minimum of interference. . However, the government did not allow them to discuss their political future. That was to be put off until a new constitution was in place. . In 1993, the junta created a national convention at which invited Burmese and minority representatives were supposed to develop the principles for a new constitution. The move failed because it was tightly controlled and the participants were denied free speech and interaction. After a walkout by Shan minority delegates, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi withdrew the delegates of her National League for Democracy. . Most of the ethnic minorities contend that the conditions that drove many to fight the central government or resist in other ways have their roots in inequalities inscribed in the 1947 constitution and in the absence of full autonomy, resource-sharing and participation in decisions affecting their future. They also deeply resent the emergence of Burmese culture as the national culture, instead of a multiculture reflecting the diversity of the population. . For half a century the minorities have been victims of rules made in Rangoon, the central government's violence and unwillingness by those in power to discuss the grievances of ethnic minorities and work together to find real solutions. . While the Karens continue their war against the government, their leaders have been on record since 1984 as saying that they no longer seek independence. They refuse to accept a cease-fire because its terms say nothing about the future. A significant portion of the Christian Karens also have religious differences with the Burmese, who are Buddhist. . As dialogue between representatives of the military and the people progresses, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the logical person to speak for the people. She is committed to a free, democratic and peaceful Burma based on equality for all, the rule of law and human rights. She respects the cultural diversity of the nation and the rights of the people to retain their identities, languages and traditions. She trusts the people, as most trust her. . She should have minority leaders at her side to participate in the discussions and speak to the issues which directly effect their people. That would be the best symbol possible of equality, unity and trust as efforts are made again to build a united Burma. . The writer, professor emeritus of politics at Rutgers University, contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune. Monday, February 5 9:15 PM SGT
Euro-Parliament committee to hear from opponents of Yangon regime BRUSSELS, Feb 5 (AFP) - A
European parliament committee on Monday was to hear from supporters of Myanmar's
opposition after an EU delegation last month visited Yangon with an eye toward
improving strained relations with the military junta.
James Mawdsley, a 27-year-old British human rights activitist who spent 14
months in a Burmese prison for staging pro-democracy demonstrations in Moulmein,
capital of Myanmar's Mon state, was one of those to testify before the Committee
on Cooperation and Development Monday afternoon.
He told AFP he would be giving the committee insights into the darker side
of the Burmese justice system.
"I will be telling of the advents of genocide that I've seen in the border
areas, conditions in the prisons, and the absolute mockery the Burmese make of
the law out there," said Mawdsley, who was released and returned to Britain in
October.
A five-member EU team spent three days in Myanmar last week.
They met with Burmese ministers to investigate reports of a thaw between
the junta and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel peace laureate whose
National League for Democracy won 1990 elections, which were subsequently thrown
out by the junta.
She has been confined by the military to her lakeside house since September
22.
But Myanmar's junta started top-level talks with her in October in an
effort to build the framework for a dialogue, the first since 1994, that could
end a decade of political deadlock.
The EU delegation was to officially report their findings to a meeting of
EU foreign ministers in Brussels later this month, but were to give the
committee a briefing at the Monday meeting.
"We had the impression that the contacts were the most interesting thing to
happen since 1990," Borje Ljunggren, representing the EU presidency, said in
Bangkok last week after the three-day mission to Myanmar.
The EU delegation found Aung San Suu Kyi "in a very good mood and well in
all respects," said Ljunggren, adding the mission had been held "at an
interesting but delicate moment."
Nirj Deva, a Euro MP who has been a champion of Burmese democracy and who
was also to address the committee meeting, said he was "keen to put a line, some
sort of wall, between Burma and the rest of ASEAN (the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations".
ASEAN, ignoring EU protests, admitted Myanmar as a member in 1997.
"I feel that bringing Burma into ASEAN without any conditions at all was a
great mistake," Deva said in a telephone interview.
He said pressure from Malaysia and Singapore was largely responsible for
Myanmar's acceptance, calling it "a huge structural mistake for ASEAN.
"Part of their financial problems are due to that," he said. "And so there
are global economic implications as to what has happened with Burma."
Deva said a major issue in any normalization of EU-Burmese relations was
the drug problem.
"Besides chasing people around the streets in police cars in England, or in
Paris, we won't make any difference unless we do something to stop the drugs
from coming over at the source," he said.
"And who are the biggest propogators of the drugs trade? The Burmese
regime."
Monday February 5, 5:47 PM
Italian Foreign Min Favors Singapore-EU Free Trade Pact SINGAPORE (AP)--A free trade
pact between Singapore and the European Union could be the "starting point" for
a series of trade agreements linking Southeast Asia's economies, Italian Foreign
Minister Lamberto Dini said Monday.
After meeting with Singapore Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong on Monday, Dini
expressed support for such a pact between Singapore and the E.U., adding that he
and Goh discussed the idea.
Such a pact "could be the starting point of creating a network of trade
agreements that will, in the end, form a trade area for Southeast Asia," Dini
told reporters after giving a speech to diplomats and business leaders in
Singapore.
Singapore's trade minister last month said that his country wanted to
establish a free trade agreement with the European Union.
The affluent Southeast Asian city-state recently signed a free trade deal
with New Zealand and is working on similar agreements with the United States,
Japan, Mexico, Australia and Canada.
Dini said he "would certainly be in favor" of a Singapore-E.U. free trade
pact.
Regarding an E.U.-Southeast Asia free trade agreement, however, he said
that "the other countries in the area are not ready for that yet."
A greater degree of political stability was needed for Asia to take full
advantage of international trade, Dini said in his speech.
"Political stability means being free of the kind of ethnic, religious and
cultural tensions that are all too often present," he said, citing the examples
of strife in Indonesia, the Philippines and southern Asia including India,
Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
"But I am also thinking of countries where dictatorial political regimes
have too long denied their people the enjoyment of even the most elementary
rights and values," Dini added.
He gave no examples, but spoke later about military-ruled Myanmar, which
has often drawn fire from Europe for its human rights abuses and suppression of
political opposition.
Responding to audience questions after his speech, Dini said it was far too
early for Asia to consider using a common currency like the European euro.
Based on Europe's experience, "a single currency or monetary union in
Southeast Asia is not for today, or tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow," he
said.
He noted that Europe formed a common market in 1957 and that it took nearly
40 years to establish a single currency.
"They (Southeast Asian countries) had better start with a free-trade area,"
he said. "That would be a starting point."
Dini was on a two-day official visit to Singapore. He was to leave Tuesday
for visits to Australia and New Zealand.
The Times of India - February 05,
2001.
Myanmar dismisses coup plot rumour BANGKOK: Myanmar has dismissed rumours of a coup plot that appeared in a
Thai newspaper on Sunday.
The Nation newspaper, quoting an unnamed source, reported the rumours in
its Sunday edition, adding they had been circulating for some time.
A Myanmar spokesman said such rumours were unfounded.
"Recently there has been positive news reporting by the international media
on the political developments taking place in Myanmar", he said.
"Maybe this rumour of a coup is created by certain sectors with vested
interest with the ill intention of putting a negative spin so that news
reporting on Myanmar can continue to be negative as before," he added.
Myanmar's junta started top-level talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi last October in a effort to build the framework for a dialogue, the first
since 1994, that could end a decade of political deadlock.
A European Union (EU) delegation last week completed a three-day mission to
Yangon and found that the recent developments were the most "promising" in a
decade. (AFP)
The Independent - February 05,
2001.
Myanmar Cell’ to be set up in Ctg soon
to boost trade, business
by Economic Reporter
In order to create a new avenue of increased trade and business, a cell
titled Myanmar Cell’, would be established immediately at the Chittagong Chamber
to conduct all the business activities to be done through Myanmar-Bangladesh
border. This was disclosed at a meeting of the Chamber leaders with Md Abdul
Mojid, Director, Board of Investment (BOI) held at the Chamber office at
Chittagong yesterday, says a press release. Earlier, President the Chamber
Saifuzzaman Chowdhury Javed welcomed the guest. Urging the visiting government
official to update and to well equip the Chittagong based BOI office Javed said
that the entrepreneurs has to rush to Dhaka to get permission from the concerned
ministries and departments together with the Department of Environment for
establishing new industries which causes the entrepreneurs waste their time and
money.The Director of BOI informed that some Tk 100 crore has been earmarked for
equity finance to develop information technology and agro processing industry.
He also revealed of the consent of Japan to resume the project work such as
construction of a tunnel under the river Karnaphuli and establishment of a
special economic zone as earlier proposed by JICA. The visiting BOI official
also informed that a two-day international standard seminar regarding the matter
will shortly be organised in Chittagong. SM Nurul Hoque, Senior Vice-President
of the Chamber spelled out the various hindrance being faced by the RMG sector
and observed that a complete list of industries along with relevant data and
information of those should be kept with the BOI for the ready reference of new
entrepreneurs. He said that this will facilitate investment process with less
time consumption.MA Latif, Vice-President of the Chamber said that investment of
Tk 200 crore was required to flourish the hatchery sector. But Tk 500 crore has
already been invested in this sector. From which a lot of industry has become
sick. He pointed out that Tk 100 crore has been wasted due to negligence of the
government recently. Chamber member Syed Mahmudul Hoque said that Bangladesh
shall have to strengthen the regional cooperation to cope with this age of
globalisation. In future the economy of Bangladesh will be more prosperous if
the country could be linked up with trans Asian Railway and ASEAN countries. He
also gave importance to boost up Bangladesh’s business and investment with
Myanmar, which has huge natural resources.
Bangkok Post - February 05,
2001.
Burma policy vital before visit Senator tells Thaksin to tread carefully The Thai Rak Thai-led coalition government's policy on Burma must be
carefully thought out, given the sensitive nature of problems between the two
countries, the chairman of the senate foreign affairs committee said
yesterday.
Kraisak Choonhavan said Thaksin Shinawatra, the Thai Rak Thai party leader,
should work out his government's foreign policy in detail before undertaking his
planned visit to Burma.
Mr Kraisak said this is because the sensitivity of issues between the two
neighbours touching on drug trafficking, illegal immigrants, minority groups and
fishing disputes could not be taken lightly.
He said unlike many of the party's other policies spelled out in detail
during the election campaign, its foreign policy initiatives were not clear-cut.
The party also has not made it clear whether Surakiart Sathirathai or Pitak
Intrawityanunt will be the next foreign minister.
"I can't say whether Mr Thaksin will choose a policy of friendship first
with Burma like when Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was the prime minister. But such
a relationship benefited only a small group of businessmen, such as log
merchants and hotel and casino operators.
"In the long run it won't be good for Thailand because it increases our
social problems," Mr Kraisak said.
The Nakhon Ratchasima senator said the Chuan Leekpai government's foreign
policy which was decidedly "cool" towards Burma was responsive to the US
position and forced Rangoon to negotiate with Aung San Suu Kyi.
But it also had its drawbacks as it failed to solve drug and illegal labour
problems.
"By just saying that we will pursue a good and close relationship with
Burma is not sufficient," Mr Kraisak said.
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