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-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BURMA RELATED NEWS - January - 20, 2001. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HEADLINE
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Xinhua - India, ASEAN To Promote
Cooperation
The Dawn - Myanmar has no 'money to print money'
Asia Times - God's Army leaders highlight plight of child soldiers
The Nation - Arroyo sworn in president as
'people power' topples Erap
The Nation - Estrada's downfall is a
lesson to all
The Japan Times - Avoiding generalizations about ASEAN
India, ASEAN To Promote Cooperation 2001.01.19 22:43:12 NEW DELHI, January 19 (Xinhuanet) -- India and the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Friday agreed to promote cooperation in
the fields of human resource development, tourism, culture, transport and
communications.
The two sides set four working groups to act as building blocks for
cooperation in each of the four sectors, S. T. Devare, secretary in charge
of economic relation under the Ministry of External Affairs informed the
press here following the conclusion of the a two-day ASEAN-India Senior
Official meeting.
"ASEAN members are keen that New Delhi shared its expertise as a
leading power in information technology (IT) sector," Devare said after
the meeting, participated by senior officials from the Philippines,
Thailand, Vietnam, Myanmar, Laos, Indonesia, Cambodia, Singapore, and
Brunei.
India would lead the working group on human resource development
which would include areas of education and information technology while the
working groups on tourism, culture and transport and communications would
be chaired by Thailand, Cambodia and Laos respectively.
"There is a strong demand from ASEAN members that India should
provide expertise and set up major projects," said Devare, head of the Indian
delegation, adding New Delhi would present to them concrete proposals in
the next two to three months.
The meeting, chaired by ASEAN Deputy Secretary General Abdul Kadir
Mohammad from Malaysia, thoroughly reviewed strategic, security,
political, economic, regional and global issues of concern to India and
ASEAN.
As part of India's "look east" policy, Devare disclosed, Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, who was just back home last Sunday from his
week-long visits to Vietnam and Indonesia, will visit Japan and Malaysia
next month.
He said that India, a full ASEAN dialogue partner and member of the key
security group set up ASEAN Regional Forum in 1996, would study the
protocols on Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and Zone of Peace, Friendship and
Neutrality before signing them.
India and the ten-member group held wide-ranging discussions to boost trade
and investment during the meeting, which was opened here on Thursday by
Indian Minister of State for External Affairs Ajit Panja.
Devare said India was keen to cooperate with Malaysia, Vietnam and
other ASEAN countries in the fields of hydrocarbons and natural gas, and
minerals besides engineering goods.
Trade between India and ASEAN countries, which had suffered a serious
set-back after the East Asian financial crisis few years ago, grew by 23
percent last year and now stood at 7.3 billion U.S. dollars.
The DAWN
Myanmar has no 'money to print money' By David I. Steinberg YANGON: Encouraged by mediation from the UN and Malaysia, a quiet dialogue
between the military junta in Myanmar, which calls itself the State Peace and
Development Council, and the opposition National League for Democracy led by Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi has been taking place in a shroud of secrecy since October.
Where the talks will go is unclear, but they are potentially important.
Many foreign analysts remain skeptical that political progress is assured.
There is a widespread recognition for the stalemate to be broken. Myanmar needs
an infusion of foreign investment and aid for a faltered economy. This is
increasingly apparent even to apologists of the military regime.
The currency system is weak, reflecting a lack of economic faith in the
government. One former official quipped that the government does not have the
money to buy the ink to print the money. Politics in Myanmar leads economics,
and thus political progress could be a precursor to economic reforms.
US Myanmar policy under the Clinton administration largely focused on human
rights concerns. These will be low on a Bush administration's list of
priorities. It is timely to consider what changes might be made and under what
conditions.
A ban on new US investment in Myanmar is in place; US visas for high-level
Burmese officials are denied; there is no US ambassador in Rangoon, although the
embassy operates under a charge. US policy has been personalized. It is the
product of a close relationship between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and outgoing
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
Now is an opportune time for a set of mutual actions that could lead to
better relations between the US and the European Union on the one hand and
Rangoon on the other. It is ironic that as the world welcomes the new dialogue
in Myanmar, talks with ranking Burmese officials cannot take place in the US
because visas are refused. The absence of a US ambassador in Rangoon impedes
diplomatic processes.
If the Bush administration is to alter its policies on Myanmar, there needs
to be some convincing change within the country, otherwise the US Congress will
balk.-
Dawn/The International Herald Tribune News Service.
Asia Times - January 20,
2001.
God's Army leaders highlight plight of child soldiers By Johanna Son
BANGKOK - Johnny and Luther Htoo looked more like lost 13-year-olds than
leaders of a band of Myanmese rebels as Thai officials led them by the hand this
week after the youngsters surrendered in Thailand's western border with Myanmar.
Indeed they are but children, despite the grown-up habits they have picked
up as leaders of the armed rebel group God's Army. Johnny sports a tattoo, while
Luther is a chain smoker. Both have been shown in television footage using guns.
The surrender of the ethnic Karen twins on January 16 highlights the plight
of some 50,000 child combatants said to be fighting in Myanmar and the question
of a viable future for youngsters who have seen and known violence all through
their lives.
''Many children of different ethnic nationalities in Myanmar from a young
age witness violent atrocities and so violence has become very normal for
them,'' Debbie Stothard of the Alternative Asean Network on Myanmar (Altsean)
said in an interview.
The use of child soldiers is done by the different ethnic groups fighting
the Myanmese military-led regime, and by the Myanmese army itself which
activists say has forced youngsters into fighting. Child experts here say that
much media coverage of the Myanmese twins as an unusual phenomenon miss the
point that they are, most of all, victims of violence.
''Adults often tend to look at them as they are adults and never thought of
them as victims, but we have to look at them as victims of a conflict created by
adults,'' said Kitiya Phornsadja, child protection project officer at the
Asia-Pacific office of the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) here. The
twins, like the other members who surrendered with them, have a right to grow up
like other children, she said.
Johnny and Luther, whom Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai met on Wednesday
in Ratchaburi province, said the children would be reunited with their parents
in refugee camps at the border and go to school ''like any other normal kids''.
Chuan, who called Johnny and Luther ''just kids'', said they would be treated
like refugees fleeing Myanmar.
But the twins will not be able to do that. They will be brought to a nearby
refugee camp - and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has already
said that the refugee camps at the border have poor living conditions. ''So now
they're going to be reunited with their parents, but they will be in a refugee
camp. What kind of a life is that for a child?'' asked one child development
expert here.
''The fact is that they [the twins] and many other children in our
neighboring country have joined the forces, fighting all of their lives,''
Kitiya added. ''What are they going to do when they become adults?''
At least 18 other rebels, including at least two girls, have surrendered to
the Thai army together with the twins. At least three of those were turned
themselves in were aged 19, 16 and 15.
The use of child soldiers in Myanmar - said to have the largest number of
such fighters - has been an ongoing problem. Many youngsters among the ethnic
groups who have been fighting the Myanmese regime for many years, having grown
up with violence or seen family members die, often have a thirst for revenge and
join various rebel groups as they grow older.
The Myanmese regime, led by the State Peace and Development Council, has
also borne the of brunt of criticism for its large number of child soldiers.
Critics say children are often forced into military service, or feel coerced
because doing so would free families from hard labor. Being part of the military
allows them access to food during hard times. Stothard says they are being used
as ''frontline fodder''.
In a 1999 report, the human rights group Images Asia said army child
soldiers are used for the execution of insurgents, in actual conflict, planting
landmines and as informers.
In recent years, Stothard says, the military has learned to be ''more
discreet'' about such recruitment.
God's Army is linked to the killing of six Thai villagers on December 30,
in an area known to be patrolled by its members. The twins and followers
surrendered after the Thai military worked to cut off food supply routes near
the Huay Sut border village, in Suan Phuang, Ratchaburi province.
God's Army was formed three years ago by members of various ethnic militia
groups, including Karen Christians, animists and Buddhists, local reports say.
Johnny and Luther, nine years old at the time, are believed to wield special
powers after talk went around that God had called them to lead an armed group to
fight Yangon. Their followers, which grew to 200 by 1998, believed they could
resist bullets by the Myanmese army.
Early last year, 10 armed Myanmese students, including what Thai officials
say was one God's Army militia member, seized a Ratchaburi hospital and held 800
patients, doctors and nurses for 22 hours. All 10 guerrillas, who demanded
medical treatment for colleagues hurt in attacks by the Thai and Myanmese
armies, were killed by Thai forces.
The attacks in border areas, along with the seizure of the Myanmese embassy
in Bangkok in October 1999, have cooled the sentiments of many Thais on the
country's continued sheltering of large numbers of Myanmese refugees and
fighters.
Stothard says incidents like the Ratchaburi seizure show the danger that
anti-Yangon groups are becoming tired of non-violent ways of fighting the
Myanmese regime. ''These incidents are a symptom of the hopelessness people
have,'' she added.
The Nation - January 21,
2001.
Arroyo sworn in president as 'people power' topples Erap MANILA - "People power" again emerged victorious in the Philippines, after
three days of massive demonstrations in support of Joseph Estrada's
constitutional successor, Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
As in 1986, when President Ferdinand Marcos was overthrown, it was people
power that rose up and helped install a new government.
Arroyo took her oath of office as the 14th president of the Philippines
yesterday at noon, following the effective resignation of Estrada, before a
cheering crowd of thousands at the Edsa Shrine.
Estrada was swiftly isolated on Friday, with at least 11 cabinet members
and many other government officials resigning their posts, and the military and
police withdrawing their support.
The opposition rejected Estrada's last-ditch offer of a snap presidential
election in May, and gave him a 6am deadline yesterday to resign or face the
full force of protesters.
Estrada ignored the deadline. Tens of thousands of protesters at Edsa
marched to Mendiola Bridge to surround Malacañang Palace and push for his
resignation. As barricades fell due to the sheer number of people, the Supreme
Court justices prepared the legal groundwork for Arroyo's oath.
Estrada left Malacañang Palace at about 2.15pm via a barge passing through
the Pasig River en route to his home in Greenhills, Quezon City.
Friday's and yesterday's events were nearly a replay of the 1986 Edsa
revolt that ousted the strongman Marcos. Defence Secretary Orlando Mercado, whom
many had believed would stick by the president to the end, and Armed Forces
Chief Angelo Reyes at 4pm on Friday emerged to join more than 100,000
demonstrators at the Edsa Shrine calling for Estrada's ouster.
In a country where Catholicism is king, Arroyo alluded to biblical
scriptures and said the Philippines must reform its system of crony politics and
address the nation's top problem: the poverty that overwhelms millions.
"It is now, as the good book says, a time to heal and a time to build," she
told thousands of jubilant supporters crowding highway overpasses around the
monument to the ouster of Marcos.
She clearly faces serious bridge building as she sets out to reunite a
nation left deeply divided by Estrada's sensational downfall in a scandal of
money, mistresses and mansions.
The anti-Estrada movement that sprang up under her leadership comprised
many disparate strands of Philippine society - high-paid executives from
Manila's Makati business district found themselves allied with labour activists
and communist radicals.
A big potential problem for the 53-year-old trained economist is that her
supporters were more united by their distaste for Estrada's mismanagement and
questionable personal morals than any strong backing for her.
Keeping them together and trying to shake up a political culture where
personal ties are often paramount would be a daunting task for anybody, and
Arroyo remains largely untested.
Arroyo went out of her way to avoid coming off as a political vulture as
Estrada met his demise, which may have heightened some perceptions that she is
just that.
Arroyo, the daughter of former President Diosdado Macapagal, has noted that
during her father's era of the early 1960s, the Philippines was second only to
Japan in economic progress in Asia.
Philippine Daily Inquirer,Asia News Network and The Nation
The Nation - January 21, 2001.
THE SUNDAY EDITORIAL: Estrada's downfall is a lesson to all 'PEOPLE'S power", which overwhelmed the "people's choice" in the
Philippines, leading to the forced resignation of Joseph Estrada as the
president yesterday, is another remarkable development of democracy in Southeast
Asia.
The peaceful transition of power that saw Vice President Gloria Arroyo
sworn in as the new Philippine president is the result not only of people's
power but also of the decisiveness of many of the guardians of the system to act
in the interest of their nation.
It could have ended otherwise, with the protesters moving to control of the
presidential palace or a coup by the armed forces or other illegal methods.
But democracy in the Philippines was not undermined. Most Filipinos who
took to the streets played their role with the clear intention of staging a
peaceful public protest. They were guided by church leaders and former
presidents, Cardinal Sin, Fidel Ramos and Corazon Aquino.
Many cabinet members resigned, helping to isolate Estrada. It was no longer
a question of whether or not he was guilty of corruption but of whether or not
he was fit to govern. The final straw came when the heads of the armed forces
and the police did not resort to arms but chose to resign in the public
limelight, which further undermined Estrada's legitimacy.
The former movie star finally agreed to resign after the Philippine Supreme
Court ruled that he was no longer in a position to rule.
These developments put the Philippines on the right track of democratic
development. They will also have a positive impact on the region, especially on
Indonesia and Thailand, which are struggling to move towards a more mature
democracy by trying to eliminate corrupt and incompetent politicians from
positions of power.
If democracy is attained, then the challenge for the Philippines, Thailand
and Indonesia has less to do with the people's choice than with whether elected
leaders adhere to the law, exercise fairness and honesty and have the courage to
eliminate the ills in their societies. In other words, it matters less if you
have the election mandate than if you are able to deliver. Estrada had tried to
cling on his power by arguing that he had support of the voters. But at the end
of the day he did not earn the people's trust during his term in office.
The new Philippine president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, could not have done
better to rebuild confidence among the Filipinos and the international community
than to declare that wiping out corruption and poverty were her two main
priorities.
Her other objectives are to improve "moral standards" in government,
replace the traditional politics of personality and patronage with the politics
of consultation and leadership by example. "We must change the character of our
politics to create true reforms," she said.
We hope that she sticks to her words and uses this opportunity to display
courage to make lives better for the people of the Philippines, who have
suffered from corruption for so long.
Yesterday's historic events in the Philippines present a prime case of how
the leaders of Thailand and Indonesia should retune their thinking. Yes, they
may have won the people's mandate, but trust is something that cannot be bought
and must be earned. The Estrada downfall is a lesson to all of us.
The Japan Times: Jan. 21,
2001
Avoiding generalizations about ASEAN By GEORGE SIORIS
Special to The Japan Times CHIANG MAI, Thailand -- Recent days have seen the emergence of a number of
cliches in the press with reference to policies and trends in Asia and
particularly to ASEAN. Among the most common are the following:
* The new administration in Washington will probably treat China in a more antagonistic manner, given U.S. President George W. Bush's earlier statement about China being a "strategic competitor" and not a "partner" of the United States. Therefore, say pundits, tensions may loom on the horizon. * ASEAN is slipping more and more into irrelevance as the
30-year-old organization persists in clinging to the outdated notion of
noninterference in members' domestic affairs.
The possibility that these views will be proven correct cannot be
dismissed. But a more cautious and balanced look at Asia will reveal the folly
of being tempted by fashionable slogans and easy assumptions.
In his Jan. 8 article, "Tests loom for U.S.-China ties," strategic analyst
Ralph Cossa demonstrated that U.S. policy toward China has remain largely
unchanged under both Republican and Democratic administrations over the years.
Other analysts also believe the U.S.-China relationship will experience gradual
evolution rather than radical change, as long as Beijing does not undertake any
dramatic policy shifts.
It would be wise to wait and see how the Republican Party's election
rhetoric translates into policy now that Bush has taken power. The possibility
also exists that Beijing may ultimately feel more comfortable with a more stern,
but at the same time clearer and more consistent U.S. policy rather than former
President Bill Clinton's China policy, which was warm overall but marked by
perplexing zigzags.
As has been the case, the catalyst will be the delicate balancing act among
Japan, China and the United States. Skillful acrobatics here (and not at the
expense of Japan, as was the case in the Clinton administration) will prove
beneficial to all the big players in East Asia. Later, and from a broader Asian
perspective, the new president will have to adjust his predecessor's
Sino-centric Asian policy. This must be done extremely carefully, however,
taking into account the legitimate concerns of Southeast Asian nations regarding
the sole superpower's handling of its relationship with China as any potential
dislocations will have unavoidable, disturbing repercussions in their back
yards. It is also hoped that India will be included in Bush's foreign affairs
agenda.
Emphasis on ASEAN's abandonment of its famous "consensus" and
"nonintervention" principle cannot be automatically construed as a cure-all
formula capable of resuscitating a "moribund" organization. (After all, the
present image of ASEAN has more to do with the economic crisis of 1997 than with
this principle.) Certainly, conditions change and the 1967 regional recipes
enshrined as mantras in ASEAN's core structure and philosophy cannot necessarily
address the geopolitical landscape of the new millennium. ASEAN, like similar
organizations and institutions in general, has to possess and display the virtue
of adaptability if it is to survive and remain relevant. But ASEAN has to find
its new path through soul-searching rather than a mechanical borrowing of alien
formulas.
In the final analysis, ASEAN cannot but reflect the synthesis of its
components. Considering that Indonesia is the organization's most important
member and accounts for two-fifths of its population, it is natural that its
disarray is causing painful trauma. But far from taking that as a doomsday
signal, we should perhaps consider it akin to a difficult birth that leads to
greater democracy.
From the perspective of individual ASEAN members, the recent election in
Thailand, despite many shortcomings and apprehensions, is a most promising
landmark, proving that the democratic process there is thriving and
irreversible. Even in the Philippines, where the picture is grim in so many
ways, procedural democratic structures appear to be withstanding the impact of
overwhelming events.
Without intending to reopen the endless discussion on "Asian values," I
would stress the necessity of ASEAN finding its own ways to face new challenges.
ASEAN remains at the forefront of the ASEAN Regional Forum strategic mechanism
and it is also playing its part well in the new, experimental "ASEAN plus Three"
framework. More steps are needed and it is hoped that they will be taken
gradually.
The extremely fragile breakthrough of the "Razali initiative" in Myanmar
points again to the need for deep inter-ASEAN effort and engagement. Critics are
voicing strong reservations, but where so many other "sticks" have proven
inefficient, this unfolding development, despite all its limitations, is the
only encouraging sign on the path of reconciliation.
In a most complex geopolitical environment, we should avoid stereotypes.
Living in "very interesting times," as the Chinese _expression_ goes, we should
aim at dispassionate analysis and inclusive judgment. Even then, we may be
overcome by surprising developments, but it is paramount that our lenses be
omnidirectional and unbiased.
George Sioris, a former ambassador of Greece to Japan, is president
emeritus of the Asiatic Society of Japan and president of the Center for
Japanese and Asian Studies in Athens. He is a contributing adviser to The Japan
Times.
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