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-------------------------------------------------------------- HEADLINES -------------------------------------------------------------- JT - EDITORIAL - Myanmar's gestures are not
enough
Asian Tribune - Japanese Prime Minister
reiterates assistance offer to Myanmar
Asian Tribune - Press conference held on
KNU, SURA atrocties by Myanmar Generals
Gulf Daily News - Clamp on Suu Kyi followers
UN Wire - THAILAND: Drug Dealers Eye
Neighboring Countries After Crackdown
GLW - BURMA: West ignores victims of
`world's cruellest regime'
The Statesman - The Invisible
Woman
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The Japan Times: May 11, 2003 EDITORIAL - Myanmar's gestures are not enough Once again, the military government in Myanmar has made a symbolic gesture to placate international critics. The release of political prisoners is always welcome, but the government in Yangon does not question its right to use the opposition as pawns. The game must stop; nothing less than systemic reform can justify Myanmar's international rehabilitation. The Myanmar government last weekend announced that it had freed nearly two dozen political prisoners, including 12 members of the opposition National League of Democracy, led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. The government's press statement called the releases "the latest in a series of efforts by the government to move Myanmar to multiparty democracy and national conciliation." No doubt that is how Myanmar wants the moves to be seen. In fact, little progress has been made since national reconciliation talks with the NLD, brokered by the United Nations, began in 2000. Although hundreds of political prisoners have been freed, some 1,100 to 1,200 others remain in Myanmar's jails. The jail population ebbs and flows depending, apparently, on the government's comfort level. For example, days after the first Amnesty International delegation visited the country earlier this year, another dozen prodemocracy activists were arrested for "antigovernment activities." Last weekend's announcement was the government's first to link prisoner releases to political change. The junta claims that it merely wants to create a "safe, sound and successful" democratic transition: "Democracy cannot be based on appeals to violence; it must be based on constructive dialogue and responsible action." Those are interesting words from a government that overturned the last attempt by the people of Myanmar to determine their fate and has been accused of torture, forced labor and systematic rape against ethnic minorities. When the government is ready to move forward, it has a ready partner in Ms. Suu Kyi. She was released from house arrest a year ago, and has traveled to five of Myanmar's 10 states to rally supporters. Serious dialogue between the government and opposition has been lacking, though. Last month, Ms. Suu Kyi vented her frustrations with the slow pace of talks, complaining that the country's leaders "don't want change, but change is inevitable." That is putting the best face on events. The ruling junta in Yangon appears more confident than ever after consolidating power following an internal struggle last year. It was comfortable enough to bug the office of the U.N. special rapporteur on Myanmar during his last visit. Gen. Than Shwe was greeted warmly during a recent visit to Beijing, where the delegation received firm backing from its Chinese hosts. The recent session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights passed a resolution that called upon Myanmar to fulfill its obligations to restore the independence of the judiciary and due process of law, and to take further steps to reform its justice system -- a relative slap on the wrist given the long list of complaints against the regime. China's backing makes it difficult to pressure the junta. Wary of Beijing's rising influence in the region and hoping to counter it, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is tempted to go easier on Yangon. That, along with a natural disposition toward noninterference in domestic affairs of member states, binds ASEAN's hand. That leaves the real work of encouraging reform to the developed world. The United States has never hesitated to condemn the regime's behavior. The European Union agreed last month to extend and intensify sanctions against the country for another year. Japan's record is more nuanced. Japan has endorsed the political reform process and called for talks with Ms. Suu Kyi. Tokyo suspended all but humanitarian aid after the 1988 coup, but resumed assistance in 1994. Japan is currently the No. 1 provider of economic assistance to Myanmar. Earlier this year, the Japan International Cooperation Agency announced it would spend $20 million in Myanmar in the next fiscal year. That should give Japan some leverage. Clearly, the Yangon government takes Japan seriously. Former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori just wrapped up a three-day visit to the country, where he was given the honors afforded a visiting head of state. He had a one-hour meeting with Mr. Than Shwe and long sessions with other top figures. Mr. Mori likely pressed his hosts to continue on the path of reform. That is good advice, but it is not enough. Myanmar's junta knows how to play the game -- appeasing visitors while taking no steps that might risk loss of its power. The world must make clear that gestures no longer are enough. --------------------------------------------------------------
Asian Tribune
Date : 2003-05-11 Japanese Prime Minister reiterates assistance offer to Myanmar THE Japanese Prime Minister, Mr Junichiro Koizumi, has reiterated Tokyo?s desire to help Myanmar in its process of political and economic development, a Japanese media source said last week. Mr Koizumi made the pledge in a letter to the Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, Senior General Than Shwe, the source told Myanmar Times. The letter was handed over to Senior General Than Shwe by a former Japanese prime minister, Mr Yoshio Mori, during a meeting at the Pyithu Hluttaw (parliament house) on April 30. The 90-minute meeting focused on the political and economic development plans in Myanmar, the source said, quoting a Japanese official who attended the meeting. The meeting between Senior General Than Shwe and Mr Mori was ?very cordial?, the source said. Senior General Than Shwe hosted a dinner in honour of Mr Mori at the Pyithu Hluttaw after the meeting, which was also attended by the SPDC?s Vice Chairman, Vice Senior General Maung Aye, and its Secretary 1, General Khin Nyunt. Mr Mori arrived in Yangon on April 29 for a three-day visit arranged by two Japanese non-government organisations, the Nippon Foundation and the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, which fund a number of health and community development projects in Myanmar. Mr Mori held separate meetings with General Khin Nyunt, and the Foreign Minister, U Win Aung, on April 30, when he also visited the Drugs Elimination Museum in Kamaryut township and a Japanese school in Dagon township. The former Japanese prime minister was accompanied by 11-member delegation, which included officials from the Foreign Ministry in Tokyo. Before leaving Yangon on May 1, Mr Mori visited the Shwedagon Pagoda as well as Japanese war graves at a cemetery at Yayway in Mingaladon Township. Mr Mori was prime minister for a year from April 2000. He is the second former Japanese prime minister to visit Myanmar this year after Mr Tsutomu Hata, who was in Yangon in February. Mr Hata was prime minister in the early 1990s --------------------------------------------------------------
Asian Tribune
Date : 2003-05-11 Press conference held on KNU, SURA atrocties by Myanmar Generals Yangon, May 10: A press conference to clarify terrorist acts killing the innocent people perpetrated by KNU terrorist insurgents and SURA opium trafficking terrorist insurgents was held at the Tatmadaw Guest House here this morning. Present on the occasion were Vice-Chief of Military Intelligence Maj-Gen Kyaw Win, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs U Khin Maung Win, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Brig-Gen Thura Myint Maung, Deputy Minister for Information Brig-Gen Aung Thein, senior military officers of the Ministry of Defence, heads of department, officials of the Ministry of Information, U Sein Win of Kyodo News Agency, Patron of Myanmar Foreign Correspondents Club U Hla Htwe, President U Sao Kai Hpa and member correspondents and guests. Clarifying the terrorist acts killing the innocent people perpetrated by KNU terrorist insurgents and SURA opium trafficking terrorist insurgents, Col San Pwint of the Ministry of Defence said that terrorism perpetrated by KNU insurgents had already explained at the press conference held on 25 April, adding that KNU General Secretary Phado Mahn Sha announced that the terrorist insurgent group blew up the natural gas pipeline and it would intensify its destructive acts. Announced, the KNU beefed up its destructive acts and terrorism killing the innocent people, setting the houses on fire, making off with valuables and money, laying mines near the villages, and mining and opening fire at the passenger vehicles. From 23 April up to date, the KNU insurgents committed acts of entering the villages, opening fire and looting for two times, acts of mining and opening fire at the passenger vehicles for four times, acts of sustaining an injury to villagers due to its mines went off for two times in Kayin State and Taninthayi Division. Those acts led to the death of eight innocent people and injuring 25 others including three members of the Sangha. On 23 April, Saw Meik, 34, of Kawdo Village, Kawkareik Township, stepped on a mine laid by KNU near the village and the mine went off, cutting off lower part of his right leg. On 24 April, a 15-member KNU opened fire at a convoy consisting of nine passenger vehicles which were on their way from Dawei to Yangon between Lawthaing Village and Kywetalin Village in Yebyu Township. Due to the firing, the vehicle No 7 Ka/8770 of Aungyadana Transport Service and the vehicle No 3 Kha/7770 of Shwewe Yadana Transport Service were riddled with bullet holes, killing one passenger, injuring 12 others including two members of the Sangha. On 29 April, Tun Ko, 30, of Thamokh Village, Taninthayi Township, while on the way back home from the farm, stepped on a mine laid by KNU near the village and the mine went off, loosing lower part of his right leg. On 30 April, the KNU insurgents mined and opened fire at a Hilux car carrying passengers and members of the Sangha, which was on its way from Myawady to Hpa-an, between Thingan Nyinaung and Ahlebhote, killing two passengers and injuring five others including one member of the Sangha. On 5 May, a lorry No Gange/5694 which was on its way from Kuseik Village to Papun was mined by KNU insurgents near Winpa Village, causing serious injury to U Aung Sein of Papun who was on the vehicle. On 5 May, a ten-member armed group led by Lawla Pho opf No 4 brigade of KNU entered Thuyetaung Village, Thayetchaung Township, Taninthayi Division and took Village Chairman U Tin Pe with them. The armed group then entered Kyetsabyin Village, setting fire to the house of Village Chairman U Than Swe, slicing the right ear of Maung Tin Tun, son of the village head with knife, asking K 30,000 from U Maung Nyunt and destroying the VCD. They asked K 1.5 million as extortion money, and they took Village Secretary U Han Sein with them when the villagers were unable to fulfil their demand. The armed group entered Kya-in Village at 11 pm the same day, asking K 30,000 from U Myo Aung, K 15,000 from U Kyi Myint and taking Daw Khin Win, wife of the village chairman and villager U Htay Naing with them. The armed group then entered Hinpokchaung Village, robbing K 70,000 and a motorcycle of U Soe Myint, K 200,000 of U Tin Nyunt, K 8,000 and 0.75 tical of gold of U Than Aung, K 50,000 and one tical of gold of Daw Menyee. When arriving near Thuyetaung Village at 1 am on 6 May, the insurgents opened fire at the four who were being taken hostage. U Htay Naing, 40, of Kya-in-Village and U Han Sein, 50, of Kyetsabyin Village sustained serious injuries and the others two managed to escape. The two injured persons were admitted to Dawei General Hospital but U Han Sein died of serious injuries. On 6 May, a group with the strength of about 20 led by Tahmwe of KNU No 101 Battalion opened fire at a Hilux bus carrying passengers, on its way from Myawady to Hpa-an, killing four and injuring four others. On 6 May, a ten-member KNU led by Kawla Pho of KNU No 4 Brigade entered Kyaukhlega Village, Thayetchaung Township, robbing K 10,000 of Village Chairman U Aung Win's wife, K 35,000 of Tin Nyunt, K 85,000 of U Tin Shwe, K 80,000 of U Yan Kyi and K 60,000 of U Kyaw Ngwe. On 8 May, a 17-member KNU arrived at Kyauktalone Village, Taninthayi Township, and set fire to the houses of U Myint Swe, U Sein Thaung, U Gaung Gyi and Daw Ma Tin. In connection with the destructive acts committed by SURA, Col San Pwint went on to explain that regarding Ywet Sit group, clarifications were frequently made at the press conferences. Ywet Sit group is the remnants of MTA led by U Khun Sa. As they are the remnants of MTA, there is no need to explain about them. They are still engaged in drug trafficking up to date. They are not only the drug trafficking group but also the terrorist group. Since 1996 they have been killing the innocent people and committing the destructive acts persistently. They committed acts of killing innocent people for 11 times, mining the innocent people for three times, robbing valuables and money of the villagers for one time. Those acts led to the death of 25 including one member of the Sangha, injuring 17 others including one member of the Sangha, three missing, and one abducted. On 18 January, a five-member SURA opened fire at a train which was on its way from Namhsan to Mongnai, injuring one Government staff. On 18 January, ten SURA insurgents came to the timber extraction site in the forest in Kengtaung/Kengkham region in Monai Township. They arrested eight mahouts and five workers of Tun Myat Aung Co that engaged in timber extraction and tied them with ropes. They were shot dead cruelly. Twelve innocent workers were killed and one wounded seriously. On 27 January, ten SURA insurgents shot at a vehicle with the number plate 3 kha/9060, which left Namhsam for Kengtaung with small arms near Parlit Village. A passenger was killed and driver Win Myint Oo was seriously wounded. On 3 February, U Saw Nu, 50, of Naungpamon Village in Mongpan Township stepped on a mine planted by SURA insurgents. In the blast his left leg was cut off and he was succumbed to death. Sai Phyu, 38, his companion, was wounded in his lower leg. On 24 March, five SURA insurgents led by Saw Sein with the rank of second-lieutenant came to Loikhungu monastery in Kunhein Township and killed three monks with small arms. U Pandita, 66, an abbot of the monastery, was killed and another monk was seriously injured. On 30 March, three SURA insurgents came to Kali Village in Kunhein Township and killed U Htarlu, 28, with small arms. On 31 March, five SURA insurgents came to Hesai Village in Leikha Township and killed Aik Pan Pok, 35, of that village. They arrested Inda, 40 and took him with them. On 5 April, an SURA insurgent group came to Phwehai Village in Leikha Township and killed U Kanna, 43, and beheaded him. On 12 April, near Khilan Village, Namhsam Township, an SURA insurgent group stopped five passenger buses leaving Namhsam for Kunhein and took gold and jewellery from the passengers forcibly. On 13 April, an SURA insurgent group came to Wanton Village in Mongtwan Village-Tract in Monghsat Township and killed Chairman of Village Peace and Development Council U En Phone, 48. Yin Htwe of Macao Kham Ward in Tachilek Township was driving a light truck (Pa/9040) in Tachilek at 9 am on 13 April. When it reached Sansai Ward, a bomb exploded. A pregnant woman was killed and four passengers including a child were seriously wounded. On 14 April, a 10-wheel truck (1kha/2108) driven by Sai Maung left Kengtung for Taunggyi. A mine exploded at four miles from Kala Village in Kunhein Township. Some parts of the vehicles were damaged and U Sai Hla Win on the truck was seriously wounded. On 14 April, two SURA insurgents killed Daw Nan Ngwe, 51, of Loilai Village in Mongkai Township. On 29 April, an SURA insurgent group arrived at Naungpan Village in Kunhein Township. The group found 11 Kayan and Lahu nationals from Phekon and Dimawhso in Kayah State, who were engaged in Taungya work and arrested them. The insurgents made them sit in a place and shot at them with small arms. As a result, four persons, Po Hto, Chipo, Min Thu and Muso, were killed. Joseph of Naungpan Village, Kunhein Township, Moe Kyaw of Phekon Township, Al Phu of Kali Village and Kyasay Naungpan Village escaped from the incident. They are undergoing treatment at the People's Hospital in Kunhein Township. U Fein, Maung Oo and Marku of Dimawhso were missing. On 8 May, an SURA insurgent group shot at 60 workers at the worksite of Kholan/Kengtaung region, three miles north west of Kengtaung with small arms and launchers. Three of them were undergoing treatment at Sao San Tun Hospital in Taunggyi. As stated above, it is obvious that KNU and SURA insurgent groups are committing more terrorist acts. The KNU said that they perpetrated destructive acts and they announced that they would continue to commit such acts. They have admitted that they are terrorist group. Though SURA Ywetsit said they were working for the cause of Shan nationals with the support of the remnant runaway Shan terrorists, it is obvious that the group is a drug trafficking terrorist insurgent one that perpetrated terrorist acts. Next, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs U Khin Maung Win and Brig-Gen Than Tun and Col San Pwint of the Ministry of Defence replied to the queries raised by local and foreign journalists. In replying to the queries of the journalists, Deputy Chief of Military Intelligence Maj-Gen Kyaw Win said rumours to the effect that salaries of service personnel would be enhanced and new K 5,000 notes would be issued were totally untrue. The press conference ended at 9 am. Afterwards, the journalists viewed - The New Light of Myanmar: May 11 - --------------------------------------------------------------
Gulf Daily
News
Vol XXVI NO. 52 Sunday 11 May 2003 Clamp on Suu Kyi followers YANGON: Burma's ruling junta has been ordering democracy supporters not to gather in large numbers to welcome opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on her political trips, a senior general admitted yesterday. While it is widely known local authorities have pressured residents not to come out and greet the pro-democracy campaigner on her forays outside of Yangon, the junta had remained steadfast in its claims that Aung San Suu Kyi's trips have gone ahead unhindered. "For the sake of security and stability, all we have done was ask (supporters) to refrain from coming out in big numbers, shouting and carrying placards to welcome her to the city or town," Brigadier General Than Tun said. "They can gather at their respective party offices all they want," he went on. "We are not preventing them from welcoming her in small groups of a dozen or so on her arrival anywhere." --------------------------------------------------------------
UN Wire - May 9,
2003
THAILAND: Drug Dealers Eye Neighboring Countries After Crackdown Drug traffickers are stepping up narcotics trade in India, Cambodia and Laos after a crackdown in Thailand, U.N. officials said today. Makers of methamphetamines, mainly from Myanmar, have begun targeting Thailand's neighbors following a three-month anti-drug campaign by Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, according to top officials at the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. "Our concern is that we have received reports of new seizures of amphetamines in neighboring countries, which would suggest that organized crime behind the trafficking of amphetamines is actively searching for new markets," said ODC's East Asia director, Sandro Calvani. "The concern is related to India and Cambodia because of seizures there, and to Laos, where some tableting operations may have been moved from Myanmar," Calvani added. Thaksin's controversial drug war, which ended April 30, left more than 2,000 people dead. In recent years, drug makers in Myanmar, Asia's biggest illegal pill producer, traded mainly across the border with Thailand, the world's largest per capita consumer of illegal pills. About 5 percent of Thailand's 63 million people are considered drug users. Calvani linked Thailand's rising drug usage since 1998 to trends in the larger region. "Amphetamine use grew here in 1998, while other countries saw nothing. Five years later, Thailand is heavily affected, and the others are at the beginning," Calvani said (Agence France-Presse, May 9). --------------------------------------------------------------
Green Left Weekly, May 14, 2003.
BURMA: West ignores victims of
`world's cruellest regime'
BY ANITA LUMBUS Earlier this year, before Washington's invasion of Iraq began, US President George Bush addressed US troops in Florida. ?We seek more than the defeat of terror?, he said. ?We seek an advance of freedom and a world at peace. That is the charge that history has given us ? and that is a charge we will keep.? If he were speaking truthfully, Bush's list of terror states would be long and in South East Asia, Burma would be at the top of it. The people of Burma have lived under a military dictatorship since 1962. South African anti-apartheid activist Archbishop Desmond Tutu has described the regime as ?one of the world's cruellest?. The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) terrorises its citizens and has virtually quashed above ground opposition to its rule. According to Amnesty International, torture is an institution in Burma and there are 1200-1300 political prisoners in its jails. The regime has been condemned by the International Labour Organisation and human rights groups for its widespread use of forced labour. Last year, a report was released by a Burmese women's group documenting the use of rape as a weapon against women and girls as young as five in Burma's Shan state. There is no freedom of _expression_ or assembly; universities remain closed throughout most of the year. The government's most infamous act of suppression against its people occurred in August 1988, when it crushed a non-violent, pro-democracy movement, shooting and imprisoning thousands of activists. Although, due to international pressure, elections were held in 1990 and the National League for Democracy party (NLD) won the majority of votes, the SPDC has yet to recognise the NLD as victors and has twice placed its leader, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest. Many Burmese have been forced to flee to neighbouring India, Bangladesh and Thailand. Two to three thousand Burmese cross the border into Thailand every month, many from oppressed ethnic minority groups such as the Karen or Shan. During a recent visit to Thailand, I spoke to several Burmese refugees about the situation in Burma today. Bo Kyi now lives in Mae Sot, a trading town along the Thai-Burma border with a large population of Burmese migrant workers and dissidents. Bo Kyi has experienced the cruelty of the Burmese regime. In March 1990, he was arrested for his involvement in a demonstration demanding the release of all student prisoners and was sentenced to three years' imprisonment with hard labour. Bo Kyi was released after completing his sentence but was imprisoned again in July 1994 for five years. ?I was locked in a tiny cell. I had nothing to do?, said Bo Kyi. ?They didn't allow me to read or write, to do anything. That was a way of killing my brain. I had no hope, but I tried my best. I always tried to do something. I made up my mind to study English without anything. I had no teacher, I had no books and I was alone. Next to me was a professor. He could speak English, Japanese and Chinese. When the prison guard was away he would speak one sentence, two sentences. I noted them on the concrete and then I recited them all day.? Bo Kyi fled to Thailand in 1999 and helped establish the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, based in Mae Sot, which provides support to political prisoners and their families. The AAPP is also campaigning for the release of all political prisoners inside Burma. The organisation has received much recognition internationally and in 2001 Bo Kyi received an award from Amnesty International for his work. He believes one way foreigners can help support the pro-democracy movement is by boycotting visits to his country. ?When you visit Burma, you will see that Burma is very beautiful. Burmese people are very hospitable?, Bo Kyi explained. ?But behind the scenes, Burmese people are suffering a lot. There is forced labour in Burma. All the buildings, the roads underneath your feet, are made at the expense of the lives of Burmese people ? prisoners, women. So we request that everyone not visit at this time.? The AAPP has offered support to Ko Myo, a kind-hearted, politically passionate person whose subversive activities in Burma included running a library for fellow students and distributing pro-democracy literature. He was arrested in 1994 and sentenced to five years in prison. He was only 18 years old. ?When I was in prison I met a lot of prominent student leaders and student activists?, said Ko Myo. ?All of them were arrested because of student activities. They asked for educational reform, economic reform and political reform. They only used non-violent methods but they were put in prison and tortured seriously. Not only physical but also mental torture.? ?We were almost in solitary confinement when we were in our cells. For example, one of my friends was beside me in his cell but I could not talk to him. If I did talk, I would be seriously tortured, beaten at least 200 times with a special stick, and we would be banned from showering or [have access to] a clean toilet. I [told] a prison officer that we would like to shower, eat enough food and that we didn't want to be beaten and tortured. So I was punished: for one month I could not take a shower and I could not have a clean toilet.? ?From September 1995 to April 1996, I was always starving?, Ko Myo added. It was winter, and it was very dangerous for me as I had to sleep on the concrete without a mat. I ate rice and bean curry but it was mostly water. It was not very good for our health and some political prisoners died because of poor nutrition.? Ko Myo arrived in Mae Sot in 2000 and now lives in Chiang Mai, where he is studying English and hopes to receive a scholarship to study overseas. He lives there illegally, as do most of the approximately 2 million Burmese refugees and migrant workers in the country. The lack of a legitimate process for determining refugee status in Thailand means that most Burmese activists are unable to seek political asylum, and are therefore in constant danger of being arrested and forced to return to Burma. In the past, the Thai government allowed Burmese opposition groups to exist ?unofficially? on its territory, at the discretion of Thai intelligence. Since mid-2002, however, the government has taken a much tougher stance and activist groups in smaller towns along the Thai-Burma border have had to scale down their activities and virtually go into hiding. Bo Kyi feels the situation is bleak. ?For the time being, the main problem is security. We could be arrested anytime and transferred to Burma. If we were sent back, our lives would be at risk or we could be put into prison for many years. I don't want to blame the Thai government because it is their law. But they should consider what they are doing on humanitarian grounds?, Bo Kyi said. Aung San Suu Kyi and the SPDC have continued to engage in dialogue since her release from house arrest last year. Her release has sparked renewed hope among millions of Burmese people around the world that the military dictatorship is near its end and a democratic government could soon take its place. However, at a time when the rhetoric of the world's political leaders is dominated by talk of ?liberation? and an end to terror, their plight is ignored. The success of the struggle of the Burmese people does not suit the agenda of the world's most powerful governments. Instead, the people of Burma must continue to live under one of the world's most repressive regimes, while those who have escaped fight an uphill battle, in the hope that they may one day return to a free Burma. [Anita Lumbus is a solidarity activist from Perth.] --------------------------------------------------------------
The ordinary citizen in Myanmar
confesses in hushed tones that he would like Aung San Suu Kyi to take control of
the country as soon as possible, but his dream remains as elusive as
ever The Invisible Woman
By SAJEDA MOMIN The Statesman May 11. 2003 To the outside world Aung San Suu Kyi has symbolised Myanmar?s fight for freedom and democracy, but within her own country she is the invisible woman. Her photograph does not appear anywhere, her name is not uttered even in private conversations, but she remains the sole figure that the Myanmar people look to in hope, for change and for a free future. Scratch any ordinary citizen behind the passive, outward exterior and there is a volcano of expectation waiting to erupt. After looking over their shoulder for the ubiquitous ?intelligence informer? and in hushed tones Myanmarese will tell you that the military government has made a mess of their country, and that the rightful ruler is their beloved Suu Kyi. They would like her to take control as soon as possible. But their dream remains as elusive as ever. In the last elections in 1990, Suu Kyi?s National League for Democracy won a landslide victory. But the military ?junta? was not ready to relinquish power, and immediately banned the NLD and put Suu Kyi under house arrest. After 12 long years and a lot of foreign political pressure on 6 May last year the ?junta? relented and lifted the restrictions placed on her movements, and promised to start a dialogue and reconciliation process with her National League for Democracy. With this sprung hope. But it turned out to be purely a publicity gimmick. A year on the Myanmar political scene is exactly where it was in 2002. Technically Suu Kyi is free to go where she wants and see who she wants, but the reality is different. Her home on University Avenue is still blocked off by barricades on both sides and even driving past is not allowed. A member of the intelligence service checks identity cards at the barricade and politely, but firmly asks to take a detour. Foreign dignitaries are discouraged from visiting her, and local journalists do not meet her for fear of their jobs. Her phones are tapped, and if a conversation takes an ?undesirable?? turn, lines are immediately snapped. Though she is allowed to visit the NLD party offices, she can not hold public meetings in Yangon. She can travel out of the capital which she has done seven times in the last year, but even here her attempts to address the public are thwarted with petty moves. Loudspeakers are put up at the same venue by the government blaring out patriotic songs so as ! to prevent her voice being heard or fire engines are sent in to disperse the crowd. Not one to be cowed down, Suu Kyi carries on relentlessly, even if it means having to climb on to the fire engine to deliver her speech. The spontaneous affection that people have for her is such that she does not need to look for crowds. Her presence is enough for a crowd to gather. The NLD spokesman U Lwin, himself a former military man admits that the reconciliation process has stagnated. Gains made by the NLD in one year, he accepts, are that Suu Kyi is free to travel, and that they have been able to open about a 100 party offices ? but that is all. Public demonstrations are still banned, and any attempts to flout this means imprisonment. On the eve of the 6 May anniversary this year, 21 NLD activists were released from jail in another publicity gimmick, but there are still around 1400 more workers languishing in jail. Even the publicity is not for internal consumption. The news of the release of prisoners on 4 May 2003 appeared immediately in papers around the world, but local papers could not publish a word. However the ?jungle?? press works so efficiently that whispers of the release are heard all over Yangon within hours. If newspapers accidently mention Suu Kyi or her people, it ! is struck out before going to the press by the censors who scrutinise every word. The military junta would like the Myanmarese to think that Suu Kyi doesn?t exist. The chairman of the State Peace and Development Council and prime minister, senior general Than Shwe reportedly dislikes Suu Kyi so much that he will not hear her name mentioned even in private. To them she epitomises change and that is the one word that frightens them. The fact that the junta have no intention of relinquishing power is clear. The government talks of dialogue with the NLD and other ethnic minority groups, but gives no date for it to commence. They promise elections but refuse to give a time-frame for them. The situation is not expected to change while Than Shwe is alive. He has just turned 70 and is fighting fit. The two other leaders Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt who complete the triumvirate are also 67 and 63 respectively, and have no desire to let go of power. The only hope the people have is Suu Kyi. Not ready to allow the democracy movement to turn into a people?s agitation for fear of it turning violent Suu Kyi has boxed herself in. The only way forward for freedom to come to Myanmar is for a spontaneous uprising. With the military so entrenched, change cannot take place without bloodshed. Suu Kyi who is only 57, has surrounded herself with confidents much older than her too. She has not allowed a second rung of young leaders to grow for fear of it encouraging a militant movement. But how long she will be able to ensure this is debatable. The mismanaged economy, rising unemployment, spiralling inflation and wasted resources are all factors for an extremely dissatisfied youth. While the world steps into the 21st century the military junta has kept Myanmar in the early 20th century simply to hold on to power. An average Myanmar home does not have a telephone, television or fridge. As the world grapples with the information revolution, mobile telephones, satellite dishes and internet surfing are only for the reliable few ? and this means army generals in government. Passports are as rare as gold dust, and contact with the outside world is limited to foreigners, mostly Chinese who come for trade. It will not be possible for the junta to keep the iron curtain around Myanmar indefinitely. Trade links with neighbours on all sides have become a necessity for economic growth. They already have strengthened trade with China, India and Thailand. This generates a momentum of it own which bring some external influences into the country irrespective of how much the junta dislikes it. Pirate satellite TV channels beamed out of Thailand are available but at exorbitant prices. As the youth begin to the see the technological revolution and material goods they have been denied, dissatisfaction and resentment can only grow. It is then that Myanmar may see change. It may not come in a form that either Suu Kyi or the junta would like, but by then it will be too late. The author is Assistant Editor, The Statesman --------------------------------------------------------------
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